http://www.ejhs.org/Volume12/Swinging2.

htm
The Swinging Paradigm
Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, Volume 12, January 23,
2009
www.ejhs.org
by
Edward M. Fernandes
Chapter I: Introduction
Development of Personal Interest in the Topic

My personal interest in swinging began in 1998 with an article I read about

swinging and swingers in the Canadian magazine Saturday Night. In the article
the author, Terry Gould, posed the question “Can family values survive sexual
adventure?” Gould was referring to what he reported as the steady rise of
swinging among the North American population. The article posited that the
swinging lifestyle, a context in which married individuals engage in consensual
sexual interactions with other individuals, was fast becoming part of the
socio/sexual schema of marital relationships (Gould, 1998). Gould argued that
swinging was perceived by a large part of the general population as a morally
depraved behavior, a threat to the institution of marriage and the fabric of the
family unit (Gould, 1998). However, Gould's investigation revealed that couples
that participated in swinging activities reported having strong, loving, and
committed relationships, and lived otherwise traditional family lives. In other
words, swingers were extraordinarily ordinary in all aspects of their lives except
in the co-marital, non-monogamous, sexual aspect. Thus, Gould posited,
perhaps swingers had found a happy alternative to adultery and sexual boredom
(Gould, 1998).

However, the assertions made by Gould were anecdotal at best and relied on his
interviews with a small number of swingers at a swinger's resort in the west
coast. Gould's assertions were by no means the product of a studious and
rigorous process of scientific inquiry. Nevertheless, Gould's findings were, to say
the least, provocative and suggestive.
I decided to explore the research literature in an effort to find out what were the
findings of prior studies on swinging. I was curious as to the relationship
between swinging, marital satisfaction, and sexual satisfaction. I was interested
in evaluating some of the claims made by Gould in his article that swingers were
indeed happy with their relationships. Moreover, I wanted to explore whether
there was a relationship between swinging and the stability of the couple's
emotional relationship. I wanted to know if negative consequences of swinging
on the family unit had been identified, and if swinging had indeed brought a new
dimension to the marital relationship. Did swingers have, overall, stronger and

1
happier relationships than non-swingers? Was swinging the new marital
paradigm of the future?

Further investigation revealed that although there had been some research on
swinging, there was very little continuity to this research. Moreover, consistent,
longitudinal data were lacking. Some of the reasons given to explain the lack of
research with this population included the illusive, and secretive, demeanor of
the swinging population, which made it extremely difficult to identify. Because
of careful anonymity cultivated by individuals in the swinging lifestyle, it was
difficult collect a randomized sample from this population; as well, it had proven
extremely difficult to follow individual swingers over a sustained period of time
(Jenks, 1985).

Nevertheless, I questioned why, despite the problems suggested by Jenks,

researchers had neglected researching the swinging lifestyle since other
alternative lifestyles, such as homosexuality which also carried an element of
anonymity and secrecy, had received much stronger attention from the research
community. If swinging had indeed increased in popularity, as suggested by
Gould, why was not there more research on the topic? Since my initial interest
on this topic in 1998, several media investigative reports on swinging have come
to light.

In an episode of Real Life Desperate Housewives, aired on ABC News 20/20 on

March 18, 2007, the swinging couples interviewed by the reporter John Stossl
reported that what they were doing was consensual co-marital sex and that their
marital relationships had become stronger, and happier. They attributed the
increase in happiness to their ability to have their sexual fantasies fulfilled in a
context that involved themselves and their spouses without having to resort to
lying or engaging in affairs outside the relationship.

Additionally, in an article in the English newspaper The Independent, Saturday,

July 22 nd, 2006, titled Behind closed doors: The swinging Noughties, it was
reported that the continuing rise of swinging was due, for the most part, to the
ease of communication among people provided by the Internet. Moreover, the
article suggested that swinging is multidimensional and appeals to a diverse
group of individuals, allowing some to fulfill their sexual fantasies within the
context of the marital relationship. Moreover, the article posited that swingers
engage in extra-dyadic sexual activities free of guilt and with the involvement of
the other partner, which contributes, according to the author, to the strength
and happiness of the primary relationship. Interesting to note that relationship
happiness was mentioned in both articles by the swinging individuals
interviewed.

When considering the available academic literature, it appears that the bulk of
the research on swinging is restricted to journal articles and other publications

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dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. Most recently, R. J. Jenks, a sociologist, has
shown some interest in the topic and has published a handful of articles starting
in the late 1980s and continuing until the 1990s. However, in the last ten years,
only two academic studies on swinging have been published. Thus, I concluded
that further research on swinging was needed and would add to the existing
literature.

I was also intrigued by the motivation behind swinging beyond the happiness
assertions made by individuals interviewed in the popular media. In a recent
article on the sexual arousal and motivation of men, Goetz, Shackelford, Platek,
Starrat, and McKibbin (2007) posited that some married males encourage their
partners to copulate with other males. The authors proposed that swinging is an
example of a context in which males encourage their mates to engage in sex with
males. Encouraging one's partner to copulate with other men appears to be a
maladaptive strategy that increases the risk of cuckoldry; however, in some
contemporary societies some men do just this – such men often report sexual
arousal to the sight of their partner interacting sexually with other men (Goetz
et al., 2007, p. 11).

Since sexuality is such a central element of long-term relationships, sexual

compatibility, sexual satisfaction, and commitment are all indicators of the
longevity of the relationship (Lawrence & Byers, 1992). Moreover, sex and
intimacy are usually associated with a passionate relationship (Love, 1999).
Brown and Amatea (2000) define commitment as: The commitment component
refers to the short-term decision to label our attitude towards another as love
and also the long-term decision to try to maintain that love into the foreseeable
future. Thus the commitment involves cognitive acts, rather than emotions,
and may include conscious intention and will-power (p.40).

It follows that it would be of interest, from a socio-psychological perspective, to

evaluate a couple's motivation, and rationale, for engaging in sex with other
individuals. When the sexual needs of an individual are not been met within the
primary relationship individuals are more likely to look elsewhere for sexual
satisfaction (Hoff, 2006). Are swingers dissatisfied with their sexual
relationships? Are swingers lacking passion and intimacy in their marriage? Or
are they consciously deciding that the swinging experience benefits both
partners? And how does swinging affect the emotional bond between the
married partners? Moreover, how do swingers justify their swinging activity
since it challenges societal norms? After all, swinging is considered a deviant,
maladaptive, adulterous behavior by society's standards. Thus, if society's
norms condemn extra-dyadic sexual behavior, how do swingers deal with
possible cognitive dissonance resulting from such behavior? Is swinging a male-
dominated activity in which women are pressured to participate by their male
counterpart, or do both partners willingly consent to participation? These are
relevant questions when considering the swinging lifestyle.

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Background to the Study

Sexuality and sexual behavior are central to the understanding of the human
experience. Extra-marital sex is usually an indication of marital problems and
can, most often, bring about the dissolution of the relationship. Thus, it is
important to understand how swingers adjust to their swinging activities, and
justify their behavior. As suggested before, there is not an extensive body of
literature concerning the swinging lifestyle.

Rubin (2001) posits that although the study of alternative lifestyles received
some attention from the science community during the social changes of the
1960s and 1970s, it declined thereafter. In the 1970s, investigations of
alternative lifestyles, such as that conducted by the Groves Conference on
Marriage and the Family, which examined non-traditional family forms and
personal living arrangements and lifestyles such as cohabitation and
stepfamilies, became mainstream topics of scholarly research for a short period.
However, since then, social groups considered to be on the fringes of acceptable
sexual behaviors (swinging, open marriages, group marriages, polyamory, and
communes) have been largely ignored by the research community. The
justification given for the lack of research is the difficulty in getting research
funding for these topics, little academic reward or recognition for researchers,
and the assumption that a fear of AIDS has restricted, or eliminated, these
behaviors (Rubin, 2001). According to Rubin, the neglect in research on
alternative socio/sexual lifestyles, and mostly swinging, continues in spite of the
evidence that swinging may be as prominent now as in the past four decades.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the present study is to explore the level of marital and sexual
satisfaction of male and female swingers. In addition, the study proposes to
identify the current demographic of swingers; to evaluate swinger's attitudes
towards swinging, and to explore specific sexual behavioral characteristics of
swingers.

A comprehensive understanding of swinging is necessary to determine how the

behavior affects the personal relationship of the couples involved in this
lifestyle. Problems associated with sexuality often affect relationships. Sexual
desire of one partner may not coincide with that of the other partner. Sexual
dysfunction by either partner may affect the sexual enjoyment of the other
(Kaplan, 1987). Moreover, the sexual self is paramount to an understanding of
the self and it is central to the development and maintenance of relationships
(Hoff, 2006). In this study, the sexual satisfaction of the individual participants
in the confines of the marital relationship is explored.

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Most of the available data refers to swingers as a group. Since there is little
information regarding how individual male and female swingers evaluate their
swinging experience, this study considers individual men and women swingers
and not couples. Moreover, it is important to develop an understanding of the
individual characteristics of swingers to determine if there are differences
between males and females in their evaluation of their swinging experience, and
to explore if marital and sexual satisfaction plays a role in an individual's
decision to engage in swinging.

The following are some of the questions addressed in this study:

 What are the current demographics of swingers?

 What are the levels of marital satisfaction of men and women swingers?
 What are the levels of sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers
with their primary relationship?
 What are the attitudes of men and women swingers towards their
swinging experience?
 What sexual activities are common in the swinging population?

Significance of the Study

The contribution of this study to the current literature is of great significance.

The results will allow for a more complete understanding of swingers in the
context of today' society and provide a better understanding of the rationale
used by swingers to justify their swinging activities. As previously stated herein,
research on swinging has lagged behind the rising incidence of swinging
(Roberts, 2003). Past research has not empirically evaluated the marital and
sexual satisfaction of swingers using well-established research instruments.
Most of the information has been, at best, anecdotal. Thus, this study will
provide much needed and valuable information by analyzing, and comparing,
the marital and sexual satisfaction of male and female respondents.

Limitations of the Study

This study does not address the psychopathology of swingers. There is no

attempt to evaluate the mental health of the participants or to identify whether
swinging can be considered maladaptive or dysfunctional behavior, or to
evaluate the possible cognitive dissonance experienced by swingers. Moreover,
the study does not address the topics of romantic love, emotional attachment,
or factors related to the dynamics of individual relationships. The unit of
measure in this study is individual swingers and not couples. In addition, this
study does not identify and evaluate a particular cohort. It is beyond the scope
of this study to identify, and evaluate, individuals who may have desisted from
swinging activities.

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This project is divided into five chapters. In Chapter I the main topic of interest
is stated as well as the rationale for the study.

Chapter II consists of the literature review and provides a summary of the

literature regarding swinging and other related topics. Empirical and theoretical
topics related to swinging are examined: the historical role of sexual morality
and social expectations on the relationships; the connections between sex, love,
and monogamy; the history of swinging in North America; the rationale for
swinging and the characteristics of swingers vis-à-vis demographics and
swinging experience; and an evaluation of marital and sexual satisfaction within
the confines of the marital relationship.

Chapter III delineates the research methodology used in this study. The
research design explains the selection of the sample, the process of data
collection, and data analysis procedures. It explains the theoretical foundations
for the study, details the methodological approach to hypothesis testing, and
explains the development of the research instrument.

Chapter IV presents the results of the data analysis and their statistical
significance.

Chapter V evaluates the theoretical implications of the results, discusses the

relevance of the results concerning the sample population, and suggests future
research possibilities.

Chapter II: Review of the Literature

Introduction to the Review of Literature

This chapter will review the literature on marital and sexual satisfaction, present
an overview of marital expectations, sex, love, and morality, explore the
conditions of marital infidelity, and present an overview of the historical
evolution of swinging in North America including demographics and swinging
experiences.

In a marital relationship, the sexual satisfaction and sexual compatibility of the

partners play an important role on the longevity of the relationship (Lawrence
& Byers, 1992). Sex and intimacy are often thought of as relevant components
of a passionate relationship (Love, 1999). However, there are relationships in
which sex is not the central focus. In many long-term relationships sex, becomes
less and less frequent to the point that the relationship becomes a companionate
partnership although often one of the partners may feel that something is
missing (Hoff, 2006). Moreover, problems dealing with sexual desire, or sexual
dysfunction, often arise within relationships. Sometimes a partner's sexual
desire, or fantasy, may not match the other's, such as when one partner wants
to engage in specific a sexual activity while the other partner feels

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uncomfortable, threatened, or disturbed by the proposed activity (Newman,
1997). One could ask, do swingers engage in sex with other individuals to
compensate for something that is missing in their marital relationship? Does
one of the partners pressure the other to participate in swinging?

Sexual behavior that does not conform to a model of procreative sex has been
stigmatized throughout history (Hoff, 2006). Moreover, sexual commitment to
the relationship is suggested as another important factor in determining
whether or not a couple may stay together. Commitment, as defined by Brown
and Amatea (2000) is described as:

The commitment component refers to the short-term decision to label our

attitude towards another as love and also the long-term decision to try to
maintain that love into the foreseeable future. Thus commitment involves
cognitive acts, rather than emotions, and may include conscious intention and
will-power. So commitment is a cognitive component of love” (p.40).

Thus, commitment seems to be based on an individual's cognitive evaluation of

the love relationship. One could ask, does the expected couple's exclusivity of
the sexual interaction play a role in the experience of commitment and
satisfaction of individuals in the relationship? Or does extra-marital sexual
activity indicate that the commitment of individuals in their relationship is
waning?

The chapter starts with an overview of literature on marriage, infidelity, and the
social repercussions encountered by individuals that deviate from accepted
social norms. Further, the history of the development of sexual morality in the
United States is also explored. As well, the connection between sex, love, and
monogamy is explored. With regards to the literature review considers the
background and genesis of the swinging paradigm in today's society, as well as
the history of the development of swinging in the United States. Moreover, an
evaluation of the incidence of swinging in the general population, an exploration
of the rationale for swinging, and an evaluation of the demographic
characteristics of swingers as presented in past research is considered. Finally,
the research literature on marital and sexual satisfaction is explored. The
chapter finishes with a literature review integration that summarizes the
material reviewed, highlights the past research contributions to the literature on
swinging, and delineates the areas that require further research, including the
research questions addressed by this study.

Overview of Marriage, Infidelity, and Morality

Marriage has been traditionally regarded as the only context in which sexual
behavior and sexual expression receive societal approval. In the United States,
legal marriage is the prerequisite to an adult sexual lifestyle and is the context

7
in which most sexual experiences are expected to occur (Mosher, 1923/1980). It
is widely believed that effective sexual functioning in a marriage is related to
marital satisfaction and critical to the longevity of the relationship (Frank,
Anderson, & Rubinstein, 1979). Any behavior that deviates from this accepted
paradigm is considered socially unacceptable and hence discouraged.

There are several operational definitions of infidelity found in the literature

(Blow & Hartnett, 2005; McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). Concepts of infidelity
include such expressions as "cheating," "having an affair," "being unfaithful,"
stepping out," and "extra-dyadic sexual involvement," which have ambiguous
meanings (McAnulty & Brineman). Some of the early research relied on a
narrow definition of infidelity as it applied to a person engaging in sexual
intercourse with a person other than the primary partner (Lieberman, 1988;
McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). However, for the purposes of this study infidelity
will refer to romantic emotional involvement or sexual activity with a person
other than the primary partner.

In 1953, Kinsey and his research team brought about a great deal of controversy
when they reported that about one-third of married men and over a quarter of
married women admitted having been unfaithful at least once by age 45 (Kinsey,
Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953). Kinsey
posited that 36% of the husbands and 25% of the wives surveyed for his study
on the sexual behavior of females reported having been unfaithful (Kinsey et al.,
1953). To the society of the 1950s, which disapproved strongly of extra-marital
sexual activity, the reported rates of infidelity suggested by the Kinsey reports
were far higher than anyone had suspected and caused great consternation,
culminating in accusations, some from the scientific community, of biased or
faulty research. Research that is more recent has revealed that the great majority
of people in the United States still disapprove of marital infidelity (Davis, Smith,
& Mardsen, 2003; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994).

However, although research on marital sexuality has been scarce, infidelity

remains a topic of great interest in popular culture that is often featured in the
popular media in situation comedies and talk shows (Greenberg & Busselle,
1996; Greenberg, Sherry, Busselle, Rampoldi-Hnilo, & Smith, 1997; Greenberg
& Woods, 1999). Smith (2006) posited, "There are probably more scientifically
worthless facts on extra-marital relations than any other facet of human
behavior" (p. 108). Strong and DeVault (1994) reported that only nine of 553
articles on sexuality in scholarly journals between 1987 and 1992 concerned
marital sexuality. Most of the research on marital sexuality has focused on
couples in sex therapy (Reinisch & Harter, 1994).

Is sex therapy the context in which we are to understand marital sexuality? If

so, what does the research tell us about the dynamics of sex within the marital
relationship? Does sexual frequency predict marital and sexual satisfaction? In

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1923, Clelia Duel Mosher conducted one of the first sex surveys in the United
States, albeit her findings were not published until 1980. Mosher interviewed
45 married women about their sexuality and found that most women reported
that they found sex to be pleasurable and necessary for both men and women
(Mosher, 1980). Thirty years later Kinsey et al. (1953) found that sexual activity
was an important indicator of the marital relationship satisfaction and that, for
the most part, the frequency of sexual activity remained constant for the first
years of marriage. The rates of sexual intercourse reported by Kinsey averaged
at least twice weekly. He found that these rates declined only after about ten
years of marriage, to an average of once a week, and that marital satisfaction
decreased at the same rate (Kinsey et al., 1953).

More recently, marital sexual frequency research has yielded more conflicting
results, depending on whether the information was collected from small
samples or larger national samples (Bell, 1971; Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983;
Hite, 1976; Trussell & Westoff, 1980). Although married women reported lower
levels of marital sexual frequency than men did, about one third of the women
reported that they would like to have sex at least daily, while another third
reported wanting to engage in sex two to five times a week (Hite, 1976).
Moreover, Hite (1976) posited that most women found closeness, orgasm,
coitus, and foreplay to be best indicators of marital sexual satisfaction.

Does sexual satisfaction predict marital satisfaction? It seems that there is a

connection between marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction. Although these
two themes will be addressed in more detail later in this chapter, it is important
to the present discussion on infidelity to consider the relationship between the
two factors.

A majority of Americans report satisfaction with their marital sex life (Laumann
et al., 1994). Research suggests that the ideal sexual frequency and the actual
frequency of sexual relations in a relationship may indeed affect marital
satisfaction (Frank et al., 1979). Dickinson and Beam (1933) reported that in
their study of over 1,000 men and women, sexual dissatisfaction was a stronger
predictor of marital satisfaction than money and children. Hite (1976)
concluded from a study of married men and women that an unsatisfactory sex
life was the principal cause of marital discord and dysfunction. Moreover,
Kinsey et al. (1953) found that the likelihood of divorce was directly related to a
decrease in the wife's orgasm frequency, which does suggest that sexual
satisfaction is correlated to marital satisfaction. Hunt (1974) reported a strong
positive relationship between a couple's level of sexual frequency and sexual
satisfaction. However, other research findings suggest that a higher frequency
of intercourse is not always related to either marital or sexual satisfaction
(Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983). Longitudinal studies of married couples have
yielded evidence that sexual frequency decreases over time and length of
relationship (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Edwards & Booth, 1976; Hunt, 1974;

9
Trussell & Westoff, 1980). Retrospective studies of couples considering their
sexual frequency over the course of marriage have produced similar results
(Greenblat, 1985).

Although the rules for marital infidelity are generally well understood by the
marriage partners, presently it appears that adulterous behavior occurs more
frequently among younger individuals (McAnulty & Brineman, 2007). It
appears that younger individuals are finding that the transition between having
several sexual partners during their single days to becoming involved in an
expected monogamous relationship is a difficult one (Smith, 2006). This may
reflect a behavior pattern left over from their dating days that included a
plurality of sexual partners, suggesting that dating patterns may be predictive
of marital adjustment concerning monogamy (Drigotas, Safstrom, & Gentilia,
1999; McAnulty & Brineman, 2007).

Conditions for Marital Infidelity

A concern with the marital infidelity of spouses has traditionally been part of
the history of human existence (Harvey, 1995). Civil codes in the ancient world
have long prohibited adultery: the Code of Hammurabi, in Babylonia, (circa 900
B.C.E.): Draco, in ancient Greece (circa 620 B.C.E.); and Solon, in Rome (circa
590 B.C.E.). Moreover, some religious writings have not only condemned but
prohibited adultery. The religious tradition of the Jewish Torah, which has
served as a model for current Western civil law, provides its clear condemnation
of infidelity (Exodus 20:17; Deuteronomy 5:21; 22:22-29; Leviticus 20:10).
However, for the most part, only women were expected to restrict their sexual
activity to one man, their husband. Since a woman was considered a possession,
the laws were meant to protect the property rights of the husbands and fathers.
The same prohibitions generally did not apply to single or married men, who
were expected to limit their extra-marital sexual activities to unmarried women,
widows, concubines, servants, or slaves (Francoeur, 2006).

The societal views of women and marriage have changed over the years, and so
has the concept of adultery. The idea of marriage as a social, economic, or
strategic arrangement between families has given way to a more accepted view
of marriage as reflective of romantic love. Family historians suggest that, in the
1880s, the Victorian period in America, the idea of extramarital sex became part
of the fabric of American social culture. Popular literature glorifying romantic
and marital love had become popular and encouraged men and women to satisfy
their partner's sexual needs (Francoeur, 2006).

However, the pervasive religious dogma that controlled social morality while
tolerating the idea of divorce had strong prohibitions towards adultery and
extramarital liaisons (Francoeur, 2006). The negative social values held towards
extramarital sex rest with the idea that infidelity is a strong threat to the marital

10
relationship (Bell, Turner, & Rosen, 1975). Moreover, infidelity in the context of
a marital relationship is considered a violation of the norms that regulate the
level of a couple’s emotional and physical intimacy and often leads to divorce,
spousal battery, and homicide (Daly & Wilson, 1988; Drigotas & Barta, 2001).
Societal rules proscribe infidelity as part of other unaccepted and deviant sexual
behaviors. Some descriptive studies have suggested that in the past, research
merely identified the unfaithful partner and the prevalence of the behavior
within particular cultures or contexts (Drigotas & Barta, 2001). With the
growing proliferation of non-traditional behaviors (such as cohabitation, pre-
marital sex, and extra-marital sex), there has been a resurgence of interest on
the phenomenon of extra-marital sex (Drigotas & Barta, 2001; Glass & Wright,
1977).

In a National Health and Social Life Survey, Laumann et al. (1994) reported that
25% of married men and 15% of married women admitted to engaging in sexual
intercourse at least once with someone other than their marital partner. From
the findings of the NHSLS study, one could conclude that the incidence of
extramarital sex applies to about one quarter of males and one sixth of females.
Tafoya and Spitzberg (2004) found that one out of every five wives and one out
of three husbands have been unfaithful. Additional findings suggest that
between 50% and 70% of married women, with five or more years of marriage,
have engaged in extra-dyadic sexual liaisons (Hite, 1988). Furthermore,
Blumstein and Schwartz (1983) found that extra-marital sexual activity in
younger females had increased and was becoming more comparable to that of
males. In contrast, Choi, Catania, Dolcini (1994), and Forste and Tanfer (1996),
found that less than 4% of all married people in their sample had engaged in
extra-marital sex. Their findings seem to be skewed in relation to prior research,
which suggests possible methodology flaws such as sample bias.

Despite the evidence that Americans engage in extra-marital liaisons, there is

still a widespread disapproval of extra-marital sexual relationships, which tend
to be viewed as a threat to the marital relationship (Davis & Smith, 1991; Glenn
& Weaver, 1979; Laumann et al., 1994; Thompson, 1984; Weis & Slosnerick,
1981).

In conclusion, the evaluation of sexual behaviors is subjective and susceptible

to the particular narrative of expected social norms (Hostetler & Herdt, 1998).
The sexual culture binds communities in a social and psychological process that
regulates sexual conduct and behavior, thereby establishing accepted guidelines
for the rules of sexual conduct (Parker, Carballo, & Herdt, 1991). Cultural rules,
beliefs, and norms provide an individual with membership in the community by
serving as the measure by which individual behaviors are sanctioned. Deviance
from the rules will provide for an individual's exclusion from participation in
the society (Herdt, 1999). Thus, the acceptance or rejection of sexual fidelity is

11
part of the larger understanding of the norms that make acceptance, or
rejection, of the behavior a part of the societal paradigm.

Overview of the History of Sexual Morality in the United States

In order to understand the progression of the moral code regarding co-marital

sexuality, we can start by examining the behavior of the early American
colonialists. Talese (1980) reports that cases of extra-marital sex and pre-
marital fornication in Colonial New England were numerous enough to have
been officially recorded. Even prostitution never completely disappeared during
those early days of sexual prohibitions in the colonies of New England. In the
1660s, the Puritans of the Colony of Massachusetts enforced a strict sexual
moral code, and any literary work that described sexual themes, or promoted
sexual behavior, was deemed obscene and banned. These early interpretations
of obscenity included not only sexual terminology, but also any form of speech
considered offensive to the established religion, such as blasphemy (Talese,
1980).

By the second half of the nineteenth century sexual morality and prostitution
had became national concerns (Denfeld & Gordon, 1970). The Social Purity
Movement, created in the latter part of the nineteenth century in the United
States, had as its main goal the elimination of prostitution, considered one of
the most prevalent and damaging of all social evils (Pivar, 1965). Moreover, at
the time North American society regarded prostitution as emblematic of the
moral decay that permeated America. Religionists and moralists maintained
that moral decay was present in all sexual relationships between men and
women, as well as in any writing containing allusions to sexual behavior (Talese,
1980).

This moral revival brought on by the Victorian era in the United States in the
1870s culminated with the rise to prominence of Anthony Comstock, considered
then the purveyor and defender of social morality (Talese, 1980). Anthony
Comstock, together with his associates such as J. P. Morgan and Samuel
Colgate, convinced the American Congress to pass a federal bill banning the
distribution of obscene or lewd materials through the mail. Congress appointed
Comstock as a special anti-obscenity agent for the Federal Post Office
Department, a position that endowed him with police powers such as the right
to arrest any individual, or individuals, attempting to distribute obscene
material using the United States mail. Later, in 1875, Comstock went on to form
the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, which became the backbone
of the institutions that supported, and enforced, the moral code at time (Talese,
1980).

A commonly held attitude towards marital sex in the nineteenth century

presumed that sexual intercourse between a man and his wife was, at best, an

12
unhappy event, and required only for the purpose of procreation (Gordon, 1971).
Moreover, indulgence in intercourse among married couples could result in the
development of nervous or other physical disorders.

Not surprisingly, the beginning of the twentieth century witnessed a movement

by some social scientists equating social disease or deviance with physical
malaise or disease of the body. These social scientists advocated finding
remedies or cures to minimize, or eliminate, any form of social pathology
(Denfeld & Gordon, 1970; Smith, 1911). Social deviance was equated with social
disorganization and was considered a form of social pathology, one that had to
be dealt with and remedied at all costs (Smith, 1911).

In 1948, Kinsey argued that most of the social organization in our society was
based on a code of morals dictated by religion that influenced the development
and implementation of marriage customs and expectations (Kinsey et al., 1948).
According to Kinsey the development and enacting of the legal code as applied
to sexual behaviors was based on this morality. Hence, the legal code provided
for the legal prescriptions and proscriptions of specific sexual behaviors as a
reflection of the societal zeitgeist (code of morality). Deviance from this
expected code had both punitive legal consequences and social repercussions
(Kinsey et al., 1948).

In 1959, Cohen proposed that the role of social deviance could be positive by
bringing about social change. Moreover, Becker (1963) argued that deviance was
part of the social process and supported social order. Erikson (1966) argued that
controlled deviant behavior may be one of the prerequisites for preserving the
stability of social life by marking the outer edges of group social life and helping
individuals within the group reshape the framework for the development of
novel cultural identities.

Sex, Love, and Monogamy

For most individuals sex appears to be inextricably connected to love and

commitment, while for some sex does not require love (Brehm, Miller, Perlman,
& Campbell, 2002). Research suggests that these connections emerged because
of our socio-sexual orientations, which consist of a collection of beliefs and
behaviors that describe our feelings about sex (Simpson, Wilson, & Winterheld,
2004). Widmer, Treas, and Newcomb (1998) posited that most societies around
the world have a negative view of extra-dyadic sex. Most extra-marital sexual
relationships are considered adulterous behavior and are discouraged by laws
or customs.

In Western society, monogamy is often considered as the socially accepted

zeitgeist, the preferred behavior pattern designed for human pair bonding
(Buss, 1994; 1998b). However, the type of monogamy practiced by humans is

13
often more of a serial monogamous process rather than a life-long pair bond
(Buss, 1994; 1998b). A cross-cultural survey conducted with several societies
across the world, industrialized and aboriginal, found that only 16% of those
societies were strictly monogamous, while 84% were polygamous; however, in
those cultures that that practiced polygamy only about 10% of men had more
than one wife (Schmitt, 2005).

In societies that adopted a monogamous, pair-bonding approach, about 73% of

both men and women surveyed admitted having had extramarital affairs
(Schmitt, 2005). Despite this overwhelming evidence that humans are not
naturally monogamous, most societies continue to expect their members to be
monogamous, perhaps as a strategy to reduce social tension and conflict
brought about by licentious sexuality (Schmitt, 2005).

Because the serial monogamy practiced by humans today is not representative

of the polygamous “state of nature” that humans seem to prefer over time, it has
been suggested that our ancestors, perhaps as early as two million years ago,
lived in small groups made up of unrelated females and related males (Buss,
1994; 1998a). There is also some evidence that our ancestors may have practiced
polygyny, a form of serial monogamy that is common to some primates such as
pygmy chimpanzees (bonobos) (Buss, 1994; 1998b).

According to this mating strategy, males and females form consort pair bonds
for as long as it is necessary to raise a child, and remain with one another,
although not necessarily exclusively, throughout the duration of this period
(Buss, 1994; 1998b). Ghiglieri,(1987) suggested that this fits well with the
popular four-year itch concept (in some societies the seven year itch) as
representative of a four-year term that is usually necessary for a human male
and a female to remain together to raise a child.

In this explanation of monogamy, a pair is monogamous only for the sake of

child rearing and then each individual is free to move on to the next mate. The
necessary time for child rearing in human society has lengthened, especially in
industrialized societies. This may serve to extend but not strengthen the pair
bonding shared by humans in monogamous relationships (Buss, 1994; 1998a).

The idea that sexual non-monogamy can co-exist within a strong emotional/love
monogamous relationship seems at the outset to be deviant from the
westernized version of romantic love and marriage that promotes sexual and
emotional monogamy as indivisible entities (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000;
Boekhout, Hendrick, & Hendrick, 1999). Moreover, the suggestion that
consensual, extra-dyadic sex should become part of an accepted sexual
paradigm challenges the accepted societal norms that attempt to either
marginalize or banish altogether perceived deviant sexual behaviors.

14
At a recent sexology conference in Montreal, Canada, sociologist Pepper
Schwartz suggested that non-monogamy would at some point become part of
the American sexual cycle (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005). She posited that
some individuals already either live a polyamorous lifestyle (defined as an
intentional multi-partnered open relationship) or agree to open relationships.
In addition, Schwartz suggested that, even if individuals profess a desire for
monogamy, as a society we are becoming much more tolerant of non-
monogamous behaviors (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005; Alexander, 2005).
Further, Schwartz argued that women have traditionally been the moral
gatekeepers of society. However, women have now taken the lead in exploring
open, non-emotional sexual activities, perhaps reflecting a more permissive
attitude towards open sexuality (Schwartz, Frazer, & Clement, 2005; Alexander,
2005).

Malcolm Potts, an expert on the biology of sex at the University of California,

Berkeley, suggests that although monogamy is relatively recent in our civilized
human history and often a struggle, most people aspire to it. Potts suggests that
even if individuals have to work at being monogamous, monogamy will remain
the ideal form of socially accepted pair-bonding relationships (Alexander,
2005).

There is a common view in our society that the sexual involvement of one’s
partner in an extra-dyadic sexual relationship, and the jealous feelings that most
often follows such behavior , is a serious threat to the intimacy and exclusivity
of the relationship and brings about negative emotional reactions (Buunk, 1995;
Buunk & Baker, 1997). Evolutionary theory argues that the strong emotional
response to infidelity is an evolutionary mechanism designed to ensure male
paternity in species where female oestrous is hidden. Thus, hidden ovulation
suggests the evolution of a strategy by which a male is sure to be the father of
any of the offspring of his mate; that strategy is jealousy (Buss, Larsen, Westen,
& Semmelroth, 1992). Women would have an advantage of keeping their mates
close by to provide resources and protection, since men would not be aware
when their partners were ready to conceive, and hence the chance for cuckoldry.
This is often referred to as "mate-guarding". Moreover, cross-cultural research
suggests that the strength of male sexual jealousy provides evidence for an
evolutionary history of female infidelity (Buss, Larsen, Westen, Semmeelroth,
1992; Daly, Wilson, & Weghorst, 1982; Symons, 1979). Current estimates of
worldwide rates of cuckoldry range from about 1% to more than 30%, with a
mean of about 4% (Anderson, 2006; Bellis, Hughes, Hughes, & Ashton, 2005).
Current estimates only provide an estimate of female infidelity. Any change for
cuckoldry would provide a plausible explanation why ancestral males would
benefit from development jealousy. Conversely, a woman would be deprived of
resources and protection if her mate left her for another woman.

15
However, compared to women, men seem to hold more favorable attitudes
towards extramarital sex (Seal, Agostinelli, & Hannet, 1994) and are much more
likely to engage in extramarital sex themselves (Tafoya & Spitzberg, 2004).
Further, men who commit adultery tend to have a greater number of “casual”
sexual partners than adulterous women do (Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983).
Perhaps, this may be because a man that mates with several women has an
evolutionary advantage of passing on his genes to future generations (Buss,
Larsen, Westen, & Semmelroth, 1992).

Research in the rationale for adulterous behavior suggests that predictive

patterns of extra-marital sexual activity are related to an individual's perceived
quality of the relationship (Treas & Giesen, 2000). Individuals who report
unhappiness with their relationships also report less commitment to the
relationship and are more likely to procure alternate sexual partners (Treas &
Giesen). Conversely, those with high commitment and higher levels of
satisfaction are less likely to engage in extra-dyadic sex (Drigotas et al., 1999).
Moreover, the proponents of equity theory suggest that there are relationship
factors associated with sexual infidelity (Waltster, Trauspam, & Walster, 1978).
According to the theory, a lack of perceived equity in a relationship may lead
individual partners to seek sex outside the relationship (Prins , Buunk, &
VanYperen, 1993; Waltster et al., 1978).

When relationships are not stable or satisfying to the individual, the

proportionality of the effort invested to maintain the partnership is
compromised (Prins et al., 1993). That is, a perception of “over-benefit” by one
partner and “under-benefit” by the other precipitates unbalance in the
relationship. Walster et al. (1978) found that under-benefited partners were
more likely to report having engaged in extra-marital sexual liaisons than those
who considered themselves “over-benefited” or equitable (Prins et al.).

Swinging: Concepts and Background

If any extra-dyadic sex is considered adulterous in our society, then swingers

must be part of the adulterous population. Swinging is a behavior that involves
consensual extra-marital sexual relationships; however, it falls within the realm
of marital non-monogamy, if not marital infidelity. But swingers do not perceive
their extra-dyadic sexual behavior as adulterous. Only an extended and
comprehensive study of swingers offers an opportunity to understand the
rationale for swinging (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998).
Both Bergstrand and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998) suggest that swinging
activities have been on the rise in the past decade. However there is still a lack
research on the topic especially as it relates to determining the incidence of
swinging in the general population. Studies on the incidence of swinging, the
demographics of swingers, and the social impact of swinging on the family unit
have lagged well behind the perceived expansion of the behavior. Bergstrand

16
and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998) also recommend that more information
on swingers, and the swinging lifestyle, should be collected in order to
understand the motivation for the behavior and its implications on society.

In order to understand the role of swinging in today's Western society, it is

important to understand the social context in which the behavior occurs.
Moreover, it is imperative to evaluate the impact that swinging may have on the
social paradigm that it challenges (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998).
To evaluate the impact of swinging it is important to have a defined definition
of what swinging is. As it stands, there is no standard definition of swinging.
Swinging can be described as a context in which married couples, or couples in
committed relationships, consensually exchange partners solely for sexual
purposes (Bartell, 1970; Bergstrand & Williams; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970;
McGinley, 1995). In swinging, emotional monogamy and the love relationship
remain the primary focus of the relationship. The extra-dyadic sexual activity is
considered as recreational sex only and ideally does not affect the primary
relationship of the couple (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).

Several articles in the popular media suggest the possible beneficial effects of a
swinging lifestyle (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000): GQ, (Newman, 1992); New
York (Gross, 1992); Los Angeles Times, (Maher, 1998); and Saturday Night
(Gould, 1999). In his book The Lifestyle, Gould suggests that swingers tend to
have a stronger sense of family values than non-swingers do (Gould, 1999).
Family values in this case are understood as the commitment of an individual to
the emotional well-being and social and material welfare of the family unit.
Swingers have been shown to put the care of the members of their families above
all other concerns. This assumption has been supported by previous academic
research on the influence of swinging on marital satisfaction and family values
(Bartell, 1970; Bergstrand, & Williams, 2000; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970;
Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1998; O’Neill & O’Neill, 1972). Moreover, Bergstrand
and Williams and Jenks argue that amidst the rise of divorce rates and the
incidence of extra-marital affairs, swinging provides a context that may
sometimes strengthen the bond between the members of a couple and stabilize
the relationship. If this is the case, it is of interest to social scientists to explore
a possible shift from the current zeitgeist of sexual monogamy to a more
permissive paradigm that includes extra-dyadic sexual involvement.

Cross-culturally, social sexual behavior suggests that humans have a propensity

towards a diversity of sexual customs and mores (Gould, 1999). Several studies
show that public sexual activity as well as group sex was popular in certain South
Sea Island societies albeit the influence of Western culture has changed some of
these customs. This type of sexual behavior may have involved public displays
of sexual interaction with individuals other than spouses (Murdock, 1949;
Sumner, 1906). In some societies displays of friendship amongst society

17
members included openly exchanging spouses; while in other societies, group
sex was an integral part of their religious hospitality (Butler, 1979).

Perhaps swinging in America reflects behaviors that were accepted and

encouraged in other societies. However, as discussed in this study, there is
strong social opposition towards sexual behaviors that are deemed to be deviant
and threaten the status quo, that is, marital monogamy. In the following section
the history of swinging in North America will be examined.

History of Swinging in North America

There is no seminal event that can be identified as the marker for the onset of
swinging in North America (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Butler, 1979).
Rather, it appears that swinging was the natural progression of a movement that
started in the 19th century that produced free love as a practical concept. This
movement, the Bohemian free love movement, took root especially in the
popular Greenwich Village district of New York City between 1915 and 1925
(Pedersen, 1991). These bohemians were referred to as love radicals. This
movement continued to take shape well into the late twenties, producing,
among other events, the onset of petting parties where individuals engaged in
open sexual activity (Pedersen).

Gay Talese (1980) in his book Thy Neighbor's Wife explored the emergence of
"key clubs" during the period following World War II. According to Talese, key
clubs were created during World War II by Air Force fighter pilots who had
moved their families to live with them near bases where they were stationed.
Key clubs got their name after house keys were put in a hat at the end of social
parties at the base; husbands would retrieve the keys by chance to determine
who among the wives would be their sexual partner for the night. It was in these
pilot communities that the concept of sharing began to include spouse sharing.
It was common to find couples engaged in non-monogamous, casual sex
interactions, and wife swapping became common and acceptable (Gould, 1999;
McGinley, 1995).

The 1950s witnessed the emergence of more organized mate swapping clubs in
suburban America. The popular media started to explore the rumors of
suburban sex clubs, dubbed wife-swapping clubs, where group sex took place.
Several investigative articles were written on the subject and swingers were
portrayed as immoral, deviant individuals showing a psychopathological
behavior (Butler, 1979).

However, the term swingers came about in the early 1970s and superseded the
previous terminology of wife swapping, used by the media. Wife swappers was

18
a term considered by the adherents of co-marital sex to imply sexual inequality
since it presumed that husbands swapped their wives as merchandise or
possessions, and that the wives were unwilling participants and merely obeyed
the wishes of their husbands who swapped them as they saw fit (Denfeld &
Gordon, 1970).

In the 1960s, the modern swinging movement took shape and started in earnest
(Gould, 1999). The first organization to acknowledge the swinging movement
was the Sexual Freedom League in Berkeley, California. At that time, the only
means of communication for swingers looking for other same-minded
individuals was through the placement of ads in local magazines and
newspapers (Gould, 1999; McGinley, 1995).

In the early 1970s, the evolution of open marriages based on the concept of non-
possessiveness was taking root. In some marriages spouses accepted each
other’s infidelity and extra-marital adventures. The concept seems to have been
a natural progression of the free love theory of the late sixties (O’Neill & O’Neill,
1972). The concept of having more than one loving relationship at a time also
made its debut in the sixties and may be responsible for the sexual philosophy
active in many hippie communities of the time (Wesp, 1992).

In the 1970s, the North American Swing Clubs Association in the United States
was established to serve as an umbrella organization representing swingers and
swinging clubs throughout the country. The Association's official definition of
swinging states that swinging is the popular and internationally accepted term
for recreational, social sex between consenting adults (McGinley, 1995; NASCA
International, 2000, p. 9). In 1972, George and Nena O’Neill (1972) conducted
an anthropological study of the emerging swinging community in Manhattan
and referred to swingers as

…an emerging sub-cultural group characterized by 'amorphous' cliques. These

groups were composed of members of diverse clans and unrelated kinship
groups who gathered on specific occasions to partake in a communal rite
involving displays of togetherness and group relatedness consisting primarily
of sexual interaction” (p. 101).

The O’Neills were interested in exploring the psychodynamic aspects of open

marriages, their psychological motivation, fantasy development and realization,
and the effects of such behavior on self-esteem and self-perception.

In the 1980s, the swinging community participants started to refer to their

engagement in extra-dyadic sexual behavior as the lifestyle in order to shed the
stereotypical term swingers commonly used by the popular media (Gould,
1999). The name-shift expressed the feeling shared by most swingers that their
behavior was not an aberration or deviance, but rather part of a larger event in

19
which extra-dyadic sex was an integral part of the couple’s lifestyle. Some of the
social clubs organized by the swinging community adopted the term
playcouples to describe the involvement of both partners in extra-dyadic,
playful, sexual experience (Gould, 1999).

When asked about the concept of swinging, many people in mainstream society
disapprove of the behavior because they equate it with infidelity or “cheating”
(Jenks, 1998). Moreover, there is still a widely accepted perception in the
general population that swingers are unhappy individuals looking to fix or
remedy unhappy marriages, or that swingers are deviant, socio-pathological
individuals in need of marriage counseling (Jenks, 1998). Gilmartin (1975)
asked non-swingers how they would feel if a swinger moved into their
neighborhood. A large portion of the people sampled voiced strong objections.
Likewise, Jenks (1985) asked non-swingers how they perceived swingers
concerning their overall behaviors and attitudes. He found that non-swingers,
for the most part, perceived swingers as non-whites who were habitual drug and
alcohol users (Jenks, 1998).

Incidence of Swinging

Although there are suggestions as to what percentage of the general population

engage in swinging activities, there are no definite statistics (Bergstrand &
Williams, 2000: Jenks, 1998). In 1964, William and Jerrye Breedlove published
the results of their research with swingers. They concluded that about eight
million couples in the United States had exchanged partners for sexual purposes
(Breedlove & Breedlove, 1964; Denfeld & Gordon, 1970). Their findings were
based on a sample of 407 couples. Moreover, their analysis of swinging
publications indicated that over seventy thousand couples had placed ads in
national swinging magazines and newspapers in the previous year; they
estimated that about two and half million couples had engaged in swinging
activities at least once. However, it could be argued that their conclusions were
based on a small sample sizes and that their estimates were unrealistic. Since
the Breedlove's estimation relied mostly on anecdotal evidence, there is the
possibility that the proposed number of estimated swingers and those that had
actually engaged in swinging activities at least once, were quite different.

Other estimates suggest that swinging couples could comprise about 4% of the
general population (Hunt, 1974; Weis, 1983). Bartell (1970), and Cole and
Spaniard (1974) put the figure at 2%. Some estimates go as far as to suggest that
at least 25% of all married couples have engaged in swinging at least once (Weis,
1983). However, most studies have relied on small sample sizes and have been
restricted to samples from specific geographical areas.

Nevertheless, the last ten years have witnessed an increase in the number of
swingers' clubs. A perusal of the Internet sites dedicated to swinging reveals

20
hundreds of clubs, which seem to increase in number every day (Jenks, 1998).
These websites include swinging dating sites or bona fide organized social clubs
with a physical location where weekly or monthly meetings for swingers are held
(Jenks, 1998). The organizations have become forums for the advocacy of
swinging and have established national lobbies (Jenks, 1998). Swingers' clubs
exist in almost every state in the United States, Canada, England, France,
Germany, and Japan, and other countries (Jenks, 1998).

Rationale for Swinging

People contemplating marriage at this juncture in our society are faced with a
rising divorce rate in the United States that is expected to increase to 64% in the
near future (Fowers, Lyons, Montel, & Shaked, 2001). In fact, more than half of
all marriages end in divorce, even though unmarried individuals estimate their
chances of divorce to be below 10% (Baron & Byrne, 2003).

Some of the causes for divorce are dissimilarity between the spouses, desire for
independence, attachment styles, neglect of on-going relationship problems,
lack of willingness to compromise, as well as other extraneous factors (Baron &
Byrne, 2003; Baxter, 2004). One could assume that swingers are individuals
attempting to deal with dysfunctional relationships or find a quick fix for their
marital problems. However, that is often not the case (Bergstrand & Williams,
2000; Jenks, 1985, 1998).

Jenks (1985) suggests that 26% of swingers engage in the behavior as a way to
explore different sexual partners and engage in different sexual experiences or
behaviors. In his study of swingers, Jenks also found that a common reason
given for engaging in swinging was the willingness of the participants to
challenge moral and societal codes. Another reason given in the Jenks study was
the opportunity for individuals to interact socially with new people in a novel
social context.

Demographic Characteristics of Swingers

Who are swingers? According to current available data, swingers are mostly
middle-class white married individuals (couples) holding, for the most part,
conservative views. In Jenks's research, 32% of swingers consider themselves
politically conservative, 41% politically moderate, and only a small minority,
27%, considered themselves liberal (Jenks, 1985). Swingers also show a more
permissive attitude towards topics such as sexuality, divorce, pornography,
homosexuality, pre-marital sex, and abortion (Jenks, 1985).

In a recent study, Bergstrand and Williams (2000) found in their sample of

swingers that 85% of the respondents were married or in committed
relationships. The average age of their respondents was 39 years. The majority

21
had at least two years of college education. Most were presently married and
had been involved in swinging for an average of five years. In their sample,
90.4% were white, 4.9% were black, and 3% were Latino (1.5 % indicated “other”
in the selection of race).

The racial background of a sample of swingers in studies by Bartell (1971) and

Jenks (1985) was mostly white (90%). The mean age of swingers from a sample
of attendees at a national swingers’ conference was 30, with a range between 28
and 45 (Jenks, 1985). Bartell (1971) and Levitt (1988) found comparable results
(mean age of 40.7 years) in their samples of swingers.

An evaluation of the religious background of swingers found that 68% attended

church on a regular basis while a growing number backed away from organized
religion altogether (Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1985, 1998). About one third of
swingers are moderately religious but do not attend church on a regular basis
(Bartell, 1971; Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gilmartin, 1975; Gilmartin &
Kusisto, 1973; Hunt, 1974; Jenks, 1985, 1998; Paulson & Paulson, 1972).
However, Bergstrand and Williams found that swingers were more likely than
non-swingers to belong to religious organizations.

Most swingers have above average education (Gilmartin, 1975; Jenks, 1985,
1998; Levitt, 1988) and were employed mostly in professional or managerial
positions. Denfeld and Gordon (1970) suggested that swingers did not conform
to the stereotypical deviant profile and were indeed like anyone else in the
general population. In their sample, 80% were college educated graduates and
worked mostly in white-collar professional occupations. Bartell (1970) found
similar results in his sample: about 25% of the male respondents were college
graduates, while 50% reported being in the marketing or selling professions.

Jenks (1998) profiles swingers as white, middle to upper middle class

individuals in their late 30s, conventional in a social sense, community-oriented
and responsible civic citizens who do not identify with specific religious
organizations. His findings are in line with those of Bergstrand and Williams
(2000).

Bergstrand and Williams (2000) explored for the presence of abuse or

dysfunctional family backgrounds in the histories of their sample. When
compared with data obtained from the general population (General Social
Survey Data, 1983-1991), the results showed that there were no statistically
significant differences between the groups. Bergstrand and Williams concluded
that the results contradicted an assumption that there is a higher incidence of
mental pathology among swingers than the general population.

Jenks (1998) has also proposed that further research was necessary to identify
wider demographics, perhaps longitudinal studies that could identify the factors

22
that influence the rationale for swinging and evaluate the longevity of swinging
behavior within a specific cohort.

Given the fast rise of swinging in the past decade, as suggested by Robert
McGinley, director and founder of NASCA International (an association of
clubs, events, and services, related to the swinging lifestyle community), it is
important to determine if there has been a change in the demographic
characteristics of swingers and to explore additional demographic of the
swinging population (McGinley, 1995). New research must address the
following questions:

Who are the new swingers? What are their current demographics?
What are the sexual behaviors of swingers?
Are there differences in attitudes towards swinging between male and female
swingers?
Are swingers satisfied with their marital relationships?
Are swingers sexually satisfied with their primary relationship?

Marital Satisfaction and Sexual Satisfaction .

Marital satisfaction is expected by most married individuals and is often

associated with their overall happiness (Young, Denny, Luquis, & Young, 1998).
Often, individuals expect to base their choice of a mate on sexual attraction. In
addition, sexual satisfaction is used as a barometer for the quality of the marital
relationship and is an indicator of marital satisfaction (Farley & Davis, 1980;
Gebhard, 1966; Hurlbert, Apt & Rabehl, 1993; Przybyla & Byrne, 1981).
Research suggests that the level of sexual satisfaction in the relationship is
related to how individuals feel about the whole relationship (Henderson-King &
Veroff, 1994).

Considering the high rate of divorce and the marital and sexual dissatisfaction
experienced by many couples who decide to remain in the marital relationship,
there has been much research designed to identify the factors that positively or
negatively affect the sexual satisfaction of married individuals (Frank et al.,
1979; Young et al., 1998).

Social Exchange Theory provides a rationale for the association of sexual

satisfaction with the general relationship quality (Spreecher, 1998). Sexual
satisfaction represents an equitable balance concerning the sexual aspects of the
relationship. The difference between rewards and costs compares favorably;
that is, there is equality between the partners in their exchange of rewards and
costs. Sexual satisfaction in a relationship can lead to an overall increase, and
equity, in the quality of the relationship (Lawrence & Byers, 1995). Other
research has demonstrated that couples who are satisfied with their sex lives
tend to be satisfied with their relationship (Sprecher & Cate, 2004). Moreover,

23
sexual satisfaction may contribute to a more rewarding relationship and
increase the level of compatibility of the couple (Sprecher & Cate, 2004).
Couples who report higher levels of sexual satisfaction report spending time
together in more leisure pursuits (Birchler & Webb, 1977).

Some researchers have investigated the relationship between sexual satisfaction

and the physical aspects of the sexual experience such as orgasm consistency
and the frequency and timing of orgasms (Darling, Davidson, & Cox, 1991;
Darling, Davison, & Jennings, 1991; Young et al., 1998). However, an
individual’s sexual satisfaction may depend on many other variables (Derogatis
& Melisaratos, 1979).

There seem to be many variables involved in determining sexual satisfaction,

and some aspects of the sexual experience may be more satisfying than others
(Young et al., 1998). One of the greatest difficulties for researchers is to
operationalize sexual satisfaction in marriage or relationships (Renaud, Byers,
& Pan, 1997; Young et al., 1998). Some researchers have looked at sexual
satisfaction as a measure of an affective response, derived from a subjective
evaluation of the positive and negative aspects of the sexual relationship. Others
have restricted their evaluation of sexual satisfaction to coital satisfaction or
other aspects of the physiological experience of sexual activity (Ah Song, Bergen,
& Schumm, 1995; Farley & Davis, 1980; Young et al., 1998).

Renaud et al. (1997) noted that some researchers use orgasmic consistency to
evaluate sexual satisfaction, yet there is a conceptual difference between the two
constructs. Darling, Davidson, and Jennings (1991) found that multi-orgasmic
women were more likely to be physiologically satisfied with sexual intercourse
than single- orgasmic women were, but their overall sexual satisfaction was not
affected. Other researchers suggested that the consistency with which partners
reach orgasm is a determining factor in sexual satisfaction (Young et al., 1998).
Lief (1980) and Hurlbert et al. (1993) found that female orgasmic consistency
was positively related to greater marital satisfaction. Waterman and Chiauzzi
(1982) found that, for women, the sexual dissatisfaction increased as
consistency of orgasms decreased. They defined sexual dissatisfaction as a
measure of lack of interest with the repertoire of the sexual behaviors that the
respondents engaged in during their sexual activities. However, sexual pleasure
was not correlated with the consistency of orgasm for either partner (Waterman
& Chiauzzi, 1982; Young et al., 1998).

Motivation for extra-marital sexual behavior tends to be predicated on marital

dissatisfaction for both males and females (Glass & Wright, 1985). Most
intimate relationships are characterized by emotional involvement and close
attachment between the members of the dyad (Young & Acitelli, 1998).
Moreover, individuals with intimacy goals experience greater relationship
satisfaction (Young & Acitelli). A person's satisfaction with his/her marriage or

24
primary relationship tends to be a pivotal factor in his/her overall happiness.
Thus, sexual satisfaction is an important aspect of marital satisfaction as stated
herein (Farley & Davis, 1980; Gebhard, 1966; Hurlbert et al., 1993; Przybyla &
Byrne, 1981). Huston and Vangelisti (1991) found in their longitudinal study on
the relationships between affection, sexual interest, negativity, and marital
satisfaction, that a wife’s sexual interest was positively related to the husband’s
satisfaction; in other words, a married woman would look forward to have sex
with her satisfied husband.

Donnelly (1993) researched the frequency of sex within the marital context. She
found that sexually inactive marriages were less happy and satisfying that those
where there was a higher level of sexual frequency.

In a recent study Litzinger and Gordon (2005) explored the relationship of

communication, sexual satisfaction, and marital satisfaction. The results of their
study suggest that communication and sexual satisfaction are independent
predictors of marital satisfaction. However, they found a strong interaction
between communication and sexual satisfaction. Couples who have difficulty
communicating, but are sexually satisfied, will experience greater marital
satisfaction than couples that have a less satisfying sexual relationship
(Litzinger & Gordon, 2005). In addition, religiosity (Davidson, Darling, &
Norton, 1995; Paxton & Turner, 1976), gender-role perception or adaptation
(Jobes, 1986; Rosenzweig & Dailey, 1989), cultural variables (Ah Song et al.,
1995) and a host of other factors have been studied to determine their
correlation, if any, to sexual satisfaction (Hatfield, Greenberger, Traupmann, &
Lambert, 1982; Hurlbert et al., 1993; Schiavi, Mandell, & Schreiner-Engel,
1994).

As suggested in prior research, there are several predictors of stability and

satisfaction in a marriage. Research points to the influence of past and present
satisfaction with a spouse's personality, living conditions, premarital relations,
autonomy and relatedness (Fowers & Olson, 1992). Studies in the general
population have shown that relationship satisfaction declines in the first two to
three years of marriage and that marital dissatisfaction does not necessarily
result from marital instability (Fowers & Olson).

A study by Fowers and Olson (1992) identified the strengths and weaknesses
related to relationship issues, such as expectations, communication,
personality, and conflict resolution tactics. Couples with the highest degree of
overall marital satisfaction showed effective communication abilities, higher
satisfaction concerning affection, sexuality, shared time, finances and a strong
belief in religious importance. Communication and relationship satisfaction did
result in greater marital satisfaction (Fowers & Olsen).

25
Overall, couples that relate to each other but still retain a sense of personal
independence are more likely to feel closer and report higher levels of marital
satisfaction (Rankin-Esquer, Burnett, Baucom, & Epstein, 1997). In addition,
research involving middle-aged, and older couples, revealed that marital
interaction is more positive in older couples perhaps due to a feeling of closeness
that has shaped their relationship (Levenson, Cartensen, & Gottman, 1994).
However, the marital interaction seems to be less physiologically (sexually)
arousing for older couples than for middle-age couples. These findings were
consistent with other research that showed marital satisfaction increases with
age (Guilford & Bengston, 1979). If there is a relationship between marital
interaction and satisfaction in marriages, then older couples may interact more
positively, but less sexually due to low physiological arousal.

If sexual satisfaction and marital satisfaction are highly correlated as it appears

from the current literature, it seems that if one or both were to decrease, the
relationship would be in jeopardy. Indeed, several studies support the notion
that individuals engage in extra-marital sex because there is a breakdown in the
primary relationship, including marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction.
Thus, as satisfaction decreases, the incidence of infidelity increases (Atkins,
Baucon, & Jacobson, 2001). Dissatisfaction with the marital relationship
increases the desire for engaging in extra-dyadic sexual relationships (Prins et
al., 1993).

Research has shown that, for the most part, swingers place a great importance
on their family life, are committed to emotional monogamy in marriage, and
value the companionship aspect of their relationships (Bergstrand & Williams,
2000). Bergstrand and Williams found that over 60% of swingers stated that
swinging improved their marriage/relationship and only 1.7% suggested that
their relationship became unhappy because of swinging activities. Furthermore,
49% of the individuals who were satisfied with their relationship prior to
swinging found an improvement afterwards. These results suggest that about
half of swingers may perceive their swinging activities as improving the quality
of their relationships and marital satisfaction. In addition, swingers rated
themselves as happier regarding life satisfaction as compared to the general
population, and they appeared to lead happier and more exciting lives than non-
swingers (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).
In this study, two variables, marital satisfaction and sexual satisfaction of
swingers, are explored. The levels of marital satisfaction and of sexual
satisfaction of swingers with their primary relationship are evaluated.

Literature Review Integration

Swingers are an under-researched phenomenon. The latest research on

swinging Bergstrand and Williams (2000) and Jenks (1998, 2001) suggested
that little empirical documentation exists to evaluate the psychological or

26
behavioral impacts of swinging on the familial relationships. Prior research on
swinging has been sporadic at best and it has demonstrated serious gaps not
only in the information regarding swingers. Additionally, there is no research
regarding the possible differences between men and women swingers with
respect to their marital and sexual satisfaction.

Marital relationships have traditionally been accepted as including an

expectation of sexual monogamy (Boekhout et al., 1999). Swinging challenges
this assumption. Thus, swinging suggests that perhaps a new paradigm for
marital satisfaction that includes extra-dyadic, consensual, sexual interactions
may be taking shape in today's society (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks,
1985, 1998, 2001). Research on the consequences of infidelity on the marital
relationship has led some researchers to conclude that the behavior is damaging
and has long-term negative consequences (Boekhout et al., 1999). In contrast,
research on swinging has suggested that consensual sexual behaviors outside of
the primary relationship may be beneficial to relationship satisfaction and
maintenance (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1985, 1998, 2001).

A comprehensive understanding of swinging and swingers is necessary to

understanding the long-term effects of the behavior. It is evident that infidelity,
a behavior that does not involve the consent of both partners to extra- dyadic
sexual involvement, can cause negative changes in the dynamics of the
relationship and family structure (Baxter, 2004; Boekhout et al., 1999; Brehm
et al., 2002; Fowers et al., 2001; Schwartz, 1994; Simpson & Gangestad, 2001).
Further, some studies suggest that individuals engage in extra-marital sexual
liaisons because something is wrong with the primary relationship such as
dissatisfaction with the marital or sexual relationship (Atkins et al., 2001; Glass
& Wright, 1985; Prins et al., 1993). Glass and Wright (1985) argue that primary
relationship dissatisfaction is due to infidelity. They found a negative
correlation between marital satisfaction and infidelity in all types of extra-
dyadic activities involving either sexual or emotional relationships, or a
combination of both.

In conclusion, this study proposes to explore the levels of relationship

satisfaction and sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers in order to
determine if indeed there is a negative relationship between marital and sexual
satisfaction. Also, the study proposes to explore the attitudes of men and women
towards swinging and determine if there is a difference in their responses. As
suggested by prior research, men that procure extra-marital activities are
usually not satisfied with their marital relationships and are not happy sexually
with their partners (Glass & Wright, 1985; Rankin-Esquer, Burnett, Baucom, &
Epstein, 1997; Sprecher, 2002). Logically, it could be expected that men that
engage in swinging activities would be dissatisfied with their marriage and
would show low levels of sexual satisfaction as well.

27
Moreover, it is important to identify behavioral and psychological
characteristics of swingers and ascertain their sexual and marital satisfaction.
Most of the literature reviewed herein is dated and in need of reassessment and
evaluation. The demographics of swingers seem to be in a state of flux.
Demographic characteristics identified by Denfeld and Gordon (1970), Bartell
(1971), O'Neill and O’Neill, (1972), Cole and Spaniard (1974), Gilmartin (1975),
Hunt (1974), and Weis (1983) seem to have changed considerably, according to
the latest research by Jenks (1985, 1998, 2001) and Bergstrand and Williams
(2000).

Thus, the purpose of this study is to gather information about male and female
swingers, to determine the level of marital and sexual satisfaction, to evaluate
attitudes towards swinging activities, and to explore the relationship between
attitudes and behaviors. The hypotheses are derived from the assumption, as
suggested by prior research evaluated herein, that men and women will differ in
their experience of marital and sexual satisfaction. Most research suggests that
men's willingness to engage in extra-marital sexual relationships is motivated
by a lack of sexual and marital satisfaction. If this is the case, men swingers
would be more likely to suggest swinging to their spouses as a way to
compensate for their lack of satisfaction in either context. Although in past
research swingers report high levels of satisfaction with their marital
relationship, that fact has not yet been scientifically researched. Moreover, there
is no data on the sexual satisfaction of swingers in their primary relationships;
all of the present evidence relies on anecdotal evidence.

Research Questions

There are five research questions considered in this study:

 What are the current demographics of swingers?

 What are the levels of marital satisfaction of men and women swingers?
 What are the levels of sexual satisfaction of men and women swingers
with their primary relationship?
 What are the attitudes of men and women swingers towards their
swinging experience?
 What sexual activities are common in the swinging population?

Research Hypotheses

Based on prior research, the following hypotheses are proposed for this study.

 Men swingers will score lower on the Marital Satisfaction Scale than
women.
 Men swingers will score lower on the Sexual Satisfaction Scale than
women.

28
Chapter III: Method

The purpose of this study is to add to the existing literature by exploring current
demographics and gathering information on men and women swingers
regarding their marital and sexual satisfaction, and their attitudes towards the
swinging experience. Moreover, this study also proposes to establish a research
instrument that can be of use in future research with a swinging population.

Procedure

An initial proposal for this study was submitted to Union Institute and
University Internal Review Board for approval in November 2007. IRB
Approval was received in February 2008 and data collection started
immediately.

The data for this study was collected using a self-report survey instrument
designed by the researcher andposted on swingers' dating websites and
swingers' on-line social clubs. The survey method was chosen in order to gather
exploratory and descriptive information from a selected sample of swingers. The
survey method traditionally allows for the collection of large quantities of data
from specialized populations (Babbie, 1990). Past research using a Web-based
methodology has proven practical and expedient (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000;
Jenks, 1998; Vietor & Fernandes, 2005).

In this case, the on-line survey method was chosen because of its ability to access
a large sample of swingers in a short period. As well, the use of an on-line survey
would facilitate the researcher's ability to gather responses from a large,
anonymous, sample of a population that would otherwise not be available
through face-to-face interviews or direct mailing. For the most part, swingers
resist face-to-face interviews and are not willing to be identified (Jenks, 1998).
Prior research on swinging has successfully utilized an on-line format to collect
data (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000).

The following are some of the advantages of on-line survey methodology:

 Response and sample size can be maximized within a limited time span
 Surveys dealing with sensitive subjects are more likely to get more
responses from potential respondents if identities remain anonymous
 Individuals are more likely to respond truthfully to personal and private
questions
 Time required for completion of an on-line survey is usually far less than
with any other method.
 The costs incurred in setting up an on-line survey are often minimal.

29
Considering the sensitive nature of some of the questions in this study and the
need for anonymity, the researcher assumed that participants would be more
willing to answer the questions openly and honestly in on-line format rather
than in a traditional, face-to-face, laboratory setting. However, the on-line
format is susceptible to self-selection bias.

The researcher created an on-line survey using Surveymonkey.com. The service

provider utilized software designed to minimize tampering; responses and
identification marks were encrypted. The researcher opted to utilize options
available on Surveymonkey rendering the respondent's e-mail or Intern
protocol addresses (ISP) unavailable to the researcher.

Fifteen swingers’ dating sites (through their webmasters), and one hundred and
seventy two on-line swingers' social clubs were contacted via e-mail and asked
to participate in the study by posting a link to the survey on their websites. To
maintain a consistent protocol, a template was used to contact the webmasters
of the dating sites and social clubs when requesting their participation (see
Appendix A). Of those contacted, three dating sites, one of theman international
swingers' site, and twelve social clubs agreed to post the link to the survey on
their Web pages or electronic newsletter. The names and Web addresses of the
participating sites will remain anonymous as part of an agreement between the
researcher and those sites for confidentiality. Only paying members of the
dating sites or clubs had access to the survey link. Temporary members or free
members did not have access to the link. Social club newsletters were
distributed only to the club members. To maintain consistency, an additional
template was posted with the link to the survey on the participating websites
inviting members to participate in the study (see Appendix B).

Data were collected for a period of five weeks starting on February 26, 2008,
and ending on March 30, 2008. At the completion of the collection period the
data were downloaded from the hosting site and analyzed.

Participants

Participants for this study are a self-selected convenience sample recruited

through advertisements on swingers’ dating websites. The unit of analysis for
this sample population was individual men and women swingers. No attempt
was made to acquire data from couples. In addition, the sample does not
represent a true probability sample since it was not obtained through
randomization but rather self-selected.

Upon recruitment, the participants were asked to logon to the web site
containing the survey and complete it. Upon login to the study’s web site, the
participants were presented with an informed consent form (Appendix E).
Participants were not required to sign the consent form since this was a web-

30
based survey. Participating in the survey assumed consent. After reading the
consent form, the participants were directed to continue and complete the
survey. Participants were informed that they could stop participation at any
time, and none of their responses would be submitted

The subjects were not financially rewarded for their participation. Participants
were not asked for any personally identifiable information, and the researcher
did not possess the technical capability to trace individual surveys to particular
participants. The options allowing for tracing of IPS and e-mail addresses were
deactivated on the Surveymonkey website.

Participant Confidentiality

Data were collected and maintained in an on-line data bank at Surveymonkey

until the end of data collection. The responses were encrypted for security.
Considering the sensitive nature of some of the questions in this study, and the
stigma attached to this special population, it is believed that participants were
probably more willing to answer questions openly and honestly than in a
traditional laboratory, face-to-face, setting.

The results and subsequent analysis were conducted by the primary researcher
and consulting faculty (committee).

Instrument

The testing instrument was a survey developed by the researcher. The

Demographic and Behavioral Inventory of Swingers (see Appendix F) is a 59-
item questionnaire designed by the researcher that divided into four sections.
The first section included demographic questions. The second section included
questions designed to ascertain the swinging attitudes, experiences, and
behaviors of the participants. Marital satisfaction, and sexual satisfaction were
measured using The Index of Marital Satisfaction [IMS] (Hudson, 1997), a
modified version of the Derogatis Sexual Satisfaction Scale (Young et al., 1998).
To minimize outside tampering the link was available only to actual members of
the sites.

Upon completion of the survey, the participants were directed to click a submit
button at the end of the last page of the survey. The raw data were downloaded
into an Excel document later, converted to SPSS format, and analyzed. As per
APA requirements, the data will be kept by the researcher for the next five years.

The demographic questions in this survey reflected questions asked in previous

research studies with swingers and included new questions regarding education
levels, occupation, household income, size and type of community, and
geographical location of the respondents.

31
Marital Satisfaction Scale

The IMS (Hudson, 1997) (see Appendix C) was used to measure the marital
satisfaction of the participants and was included in the survey instrument. The
IMS is a 25-item scale designed to measure the degree, severity, or magnitude
of problems that one spouse or partner has in the marital relationship. The IMS
has two cutting scores. The first is a score of 70 (±- 5); scores above this point
indicate absence of a clinically significant problem in this area. The second
cutting score is 30. Scores below this point indicate severe stress in the
relationship. The IMS is part of the WALMYR Assessment Scales, and it is
scored on a seven–point Likert scale with the following options : 1 – none of the
time, 2 – very rarely, 3 – a little of the time, 4 – some of the time, 5 – a good
part of the time, 6 – most of the time, 7 – all of the time.

Scores above 70 are considered indicative of satisfaction with the relationship.

The IMS has an internal consistency Cronbach's alpha of .96, indicating
excellent internal consistency, and an excellent (low) Standard of Error
Measurement of 4.00. The IMS has very good known-groups validity,
discriminating significantly between couples known to have marital problems
and those that do not. The IMS also has good construct validity, correlating
significantly with sexual satisfaction and marital problems (Hudson, 1997).

The Sexual Satisfaction Scale

The Sexual Satisfaction Scale (SSS) (see Appendix D) was adapted from the
Sexual Satisfaction Scale of the Derogatis Sexual Functioning Inventory
(Derogatis & Melisaratos, 1979), and included in the survey. The SSS was used
to measure relationship sexual satisfaction of the participants. The SSS is a 10-
item scale score on a five-point Likert scale with the following options: 1 -
strongly agree, 2 – agree, 3 – undecided, 4 - disagree, 5 - strongly disagree.
Responses were recoded so that higher scores reflected higher sexual
satisfaction. The possible overall score range was 11-55. The overall score was
converted to an average item score (possible range 1-5), with 5 indicating high
sexual satisfaction. The scale has excellent internal consistency with a
Cronbach's alpha of .93 (Derogatis & Melisaratos; Young et al., 1998).

Swinging Experience

The swinging experience was defined for the purposes of this study as the
behaviors of swingers in the swinging context and how swingers feel towards
those swinging activities. This section of the survey contained questions
regarding the following topics: who first introduced the idea of swinging, length
of time engaged in swinging, frequency of attendance at swingers' clubs,
strategies used to find other swingers, main reason (rationale) for swinging,

32
attitude towards swinging, frequency of orgasm during swinging sexual
activities, sexual behaviors during swinging sexual activities, swinging
frequency (how often). These variables were assessed using multiple-choice
questions. Questions regarding how respondents found other swingers to
interact with and sexual behaviors during swinging sexual activities, albeit
multiple-choice, allowed the respondents to choose all the answers that applied
to them.

Demographic Variables

The demographic variables were assessed by questions in the following

categories: sex, sexual orientation, age group, ethnic/racial background,
relationship status, and length of time in the relationship, number of previous
marriages, education level, income, occupation, and size of living community,
type of community, geographical location, political views, and religiosity.

Data Analysis

The researcher utilized SPSS 15.0 program to complete the data analyses. Data
were analyzed using descriptive analyses. T-tests were used to evaluate the
responses of men and women in IMS and SSS scales. A level of significance for
these tests was set at p < .05. Further data analysis included correlations,
contingency tables, and chi-squares. Effect size in the Marital Satisfaction Scale
and Sexual Satisfaction Scale scores of men and women was measured by using
Cohen's d. The Cohen's d statistic measures the difference between the mean of
two populations to determine levels of homogeneity.

Chapter IV: Results

The purpose of this study was to contribute to the existing literature by

collecting new information concerning the gender differences of male and
female swingers regarding marital and sexual satisfaction. In this chapter, the
demographic characteristics of the participants are presented. As well, the
attitudes and behaviors of the sample within the swinging context are examined.
Some of the variables are considered group variables and no attempt was made
to distinguish between the responses of males and females. For instance,
variables dealing with household income and geographical location are
considered group variables since the responses represent the characteristics of
the "couple" and not just of the individual respondents.

The demographic and swinging experience data were analyzed using descriptive
statistics.

33
The results of the marital and sexual satisfaction scales were computed
according to the protocol outlined in the scales; t-tests were used to compare the
mean scores for men and women.

Demographic Characteristics of the Sample

Among the 1,376 respondents, 24% of the respondents were women and 76%
were men. Eight in ten of the men identified themselves as exclusively
heterosexual; only one-third of the women did so. About one-fifth of the men
and about two-thirds of the women identified themselves as bisexual. Less than
1% of both men and women reported being homosexual (see Figure 1 and Figure
2).
In Figure 3 and Figure 4 respectively the results for the racial profile and age of
the respondents are reported. The average range of ages of both men and women
was between thirty-six and forty-five years of age, and the sample was
predominantly white. Less than 1% of the respondents were under twenty-five
years of age; and about .3% of the sample was over the age of sixty-five.

Approximately two-thirds of the respondents were married or cohabiting, while

the remainders were single, widowed, divorced, or other. About half the
respondents were in their first marriage, one -fourth was in their second
marriage, and the remainder of the respondents reported being married for the
third time (see Figure 5). One-third of the men and women had been in their
present relationship between ten to twenty years, while about 5% reported
having been in the relationship for less than one year. One-third of the sample
had been married for over twenty years (see Table G3).

The typical respondent had a college education; about two-thirds of the

respondents had at least an associate's degree, bachelor's degree, or some post-
graduate education (see Table G4). A majority of the respondents were upper
middle class with a reported household income between $70,000 and $200,000
(see Table G5).

With regards to the occupation of individuals in this sample, white-collar

workers and office personnel accounted for about one-fifth of the sample for
both men and women, while business owners, professionals such as doctors,
lawyers, CPAs, engineers accounted for about one-third. In the category of
healthcare (nursing and support staff), women were over-represented three-to-
one (see Table G6).

34
Figure 1. Sexual orientation of the men respondents in the sample.

35
Figure 2. Sexual orientation of the women respondents in the sample.

Figure 3. Comparison of the racial profile of the men and women in the sample.

36
Figure 4. Comparison of the ages of men and women in the sample.

37
Figure 5. Comparison of how many times men and women respondents had
been married.
In previous research on swinging, the geographical location, size, and type of
the community of residence of particular samples were not identified.
Geographical variables were explored in this study. About two-thirds of the
respondents reported living in either urban or suburban communities with a
population density between 100,000 or over 1 million people (see Table G7).
About one-fourth reported living in a rural setting with a population density of
less than 50,000 people (see Table G8). The sample in this study was derived
from an international population of swingers. Respondents were asked to
identify their country of residence. Individuals residing outside of North
America were asked to identify their continent of residency. Moreover, residents
of North America were asked to give regional information. About two-thirds of
the respondents were from the United States, less than one-fifth from Canada
and Mexico, one-sixth from Europe and the remaining from Australia, the
Caribbean, Asia, and Africa. Most of North American respondents reported
living in either the northeast or southeast of the continent (see Table G9).

The swingers in this study embraced a variety of political affiliations and views,
and no particular political position dominated. Considering that this was an
international sample (albeit the concentration of respondents was from the
United States), the traditional standard political divisions common to
Americans would not have applied here. About half the respondents considered
themselves social moderates, liberals, or Democrats; about two-fifths
considered themselves moderately conservative or Republicans; the remaining
of the sample political views were represented by libertarians, communists,
socialists and anarchists. Social conservatives accounted for about 9% of the
sample. Surprisingly, about 14% of the respondents reported having no interest
in politics (see Table G10).

The religiosity and religious beliefs of the respondents were also explored in this
study.

Table G11 shows the results for the religious views of the participants. Most of
the respondents professed having some form of religious beliefs, while one
fourth declared not being religious at all.

Swinging Experience

The variables in this section were divided into group variables and individual
variables. Group variables considered the responses as representative of the
experiences of a couple's activities (responses to these variables are not reported
to reflect the differences between men and women respondents). Individual
variables reflected the respondents' own individual experience within the
swinging context.

38
The results for the swinging experience questions suggest that most of the
respondents in this sample held a favorable view of swinging, and that the great
majority had been swinging for some time. Nearly one-third of the respondents
had been participating in swinging anywhere from four to seven years while one-
fourth had been swinging for over twelve years (see Figure 6). Most of the
respondents in this study held a favorable attitude towards their swinging
experiences. Swinging satisfaction for both men and women was closely
matched in this sample of swingers. More than half the men and women
reported being highly satisfied with their swinging experience albeit close to
45% of the men and women reported enjoying swinging only occasionally. Less
than .5% of the respondents said they did not enjoy swinging (see Figure 7).

The responses to the question of who first introduced the idea of swinging to the
relationship show that more than two-thirds of the men reported having
introduced the idea of swinging to their spouses; in contrast, less than one-third
of the women admitted to having done so (see Table G13). Regarding the
rationale for swinging, most of the respondents cited sexual fantasies or sexual
variety as the reason why they engage in swinging. Of these, about half the men
and women reported pure sexual variety as a reason for swinging while a quarter
of the men and the women offered sexual fantasy as a rationale for engaging in
swinging (see Figure 8). Less than 1% of the respondents reported engaging in
swinging to satisfy their partners.

Most of the respondents reported swinging a few times a year with fewer than
12% engaging in swinging activities more than once a month. It seems that, for
the majority of this sample, swinging is not a regular occurrence (see Table G14).
About half of the respondents in this study frequent swingers' social clubs.
Private parties accounted for the remaining context in which swingers interact
(see Table G18).

The sexual activities of the respondents had engaged in at least once during
swinging sexual activities were explored. About two-thirds of the men and
women reported swapping partners at least some of the time. One-third of the
men and women had engaged in-group sex activities at least once. Fewer than
7% of both men and women reported never swapping partners. About one-
quarter of both men and women engaged in soft swing at least some of the time
(Soft-swinging is a term used in swinging circles to denote couples or
individuals that engage in sexual contact with others either manually or orally
only, and watch or are watched by others while having sex with their partners).

39
Figure 6. A comparison of how long men and women in the sample had been
swinging.
The term denotes no-penetration sex while swapping partners. About half of the
women engaged in woman-to-woman play only (homosexual contact), while
about 8% of the men reported engaging in man-to-man contact only
(homosexual contact). About half the men and women had participated in
threesomes. In this sample, half of the men and women had participated in
either man-woman-man threesomes (MFM), or woman-man-woman
threesomes (FMF) (see Table G15).

Orgasm frequency was considered to denote sexual satisfaction during swinging

activities. Over two-thirds of both the men and the women in this sample of
swingers reported reaching orgasm while engaging in swinging, either always or
most often. The results on this variable were evenly distributed between men
and women. Less than one-tenth of the men and one-fourth of the women
reported seldom reaching orgasm, or never reaching orgasm at all (see Figure 9,
Table G16).

How swingers find other swingers to interact with was also of interest to the
researcher. The literature suggests that swingers utilize several means of
communicating and interacting with other swingers. In this sample, the
participants identified several strategies for finding other swingers. Internet
websites were identified as a means to find other swingers by about two-thirds

40
of the respondents. Other ways of hooking-up were swingers clubs, private
parties, or other swingers. Print media as a means of contact was mentioned by
less than 5% of the responses. It appears that swingers mostly use the Internet
as a means of communication with other swingers (see Table G17, Table G18).

Figure 7. Comparison of the responses of men and women respondents

regarding their attitude towards their swinging experiences.

41
Figure 8. Comparison of the responses of men and women in the sample
regarding their rationale for engaging in swinging activities.

42
Figure 9. Orgasm frequency of men and women in the sample during their
swinging sexual activities.

Marital Satisfaction

One of the main areas of interest in this study was the marital satisfaction of
swingers. The IMS was used to evaluate the level of marital satisfaction in this
sample. It was hypothesized that there would be a statistically significant
difference between the marital satisfaction scores of men and women with men
reporting lower levels of marital satisfaction than women. The summary item
results in Appendix AD show that the sample scored high on marital satisfaction
(M = 85.596, SD = 14. 9307). Reported values above 70 show high levels of
marital satisfaction. A t-test was conducted to compare the scores of men and
women. As hypothesized, men scored lower on marital satisfaction than women.
The mean satisfaction level of the men was 84.35 (SD = 15.12). The mean
satisfaction level of the women was 86.84 (SD = 14.73). From the value of t and
the degrees of freedom an estimate of Cohen’s d was computed (Cohen’s d is the
standardized difference between means in standard deviation units and reflects
the strength of effect size). The results are as follows: t(1223) = 2.517, p =.012,

, CI .95 = .036, .295. Cohen’s conventions for d are: .2 is small, .5 is

medium, and .8 is large. Although a statistically significant difference was found
between the scores of men and women, t = 2.1517, p <.05, Cohen's d score

43
suggests at the 95% confidence level that the difference between the means is
trivial or small. The results of the t-test are shown in Table 1.

Sexual Satisfaction

The second question in this study was the level of sexual satisfaction of the
respondents with their primary relationship. It was hypothesized that there
would be a statistically significant difference between the sexual satisfaction
scores of men and women, men would report lower levels of sexual satisfaction
than women. The sexual satisfaction of the participants with their primary
relationship was measured using the SSS. The summary item results indicate
that in this sample the respondents showed high levels of sexual satisfaction
with their relationship (M = 4.261, SD = .823). The closer the score was to five,
the higher the level of sexual satisfaction. A t-test was conducted to compare the
responses of men and women. The mean sexual satisfaction level for men was
4.17 (SD = .832). The mean sexual satisfaction level for women was 4.38, (SD =
.72265). From the value of t and the degrees of freedom an estimate of Cohen’s
d (effect size, difference between means in standard deviation units) was

computed. The results are as follows: t(1199) = 4.079, p < .001, , CI

.95 = .140, .401. Cohen’s conventions for d are: .2 is small, .5 is medium, and .8
is large. Although difference was found between the scores of men and women
in this sample (t = -4.079, p > .05), the Cohen's d score suggests at the 95%
confidence level that the difference between the means is trivial or small. The
results of the t-test are shown in Table 2.

Table 1
Martial Satisfaction Scale Scores (T-Tests)
N M SD Std. Error Mean
Male 917 84.3514 15.12369 .49943
Female 308 86.8424 14.73773 .83976
Independent Samples Test
Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means

F Sig. t df Sig. Mean Std. Error

(2- Difference Difference
tailed)
Equal 1.743 .178 - 1223 .012 -2.49096 .98970
variances 2.517
assumed
Equal - 539.940 .011 -2.49096 .97705
variances not 2.549
assumed
Independent Samples Test
t-test for Equality of Means 95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

44
 Lower Upper
Equal variances assumed -4.43265 -.54927
Equal variances not assumed -4.41024 -.57167
Table 2
Sexual Satisfaction Scale Scores (T-Tests)

N M SD Std. Error
Mean
Male 896 4.17132 .832089 .02780
Female 305 4.38918 .722647 .04138
Independent Samples Test
Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means

F Sig. t df Sig. Mean Std. Error

(2- Difference Difference
tailed)
Equal 6.959 .008 - 1199 .000 -2.17863 .05342
variances 4.079
assumed
Equal - 598.886 .000 -2.17863 .04985
variances not 4.370
assumed
Independent Samples Test
t-test for Equality of Means 95% Confidence Interval of the Difference

Lower Upper
Equal variances assumed -3.2266 -.11307
Equal variances not assumed -3.1576 -.11996

Chapter V: Discussion

Introduction

In this chapter, the findings of this study will be discussed starting with a brief
synopsis of swinging, an evaluation of the sample, and a discussion of the
demographic data and swinging experience. Finally, the results of the marital
and sexual satisfaction scales will be evaluated.

The central purpose of this study was to explore the marital relationship and
sexual satisfaction of swingers and to determine the current demographics of

45
the participants. The results indicate that both men and women swingers scored
at the high end of the marital and sexual satisfaction scales. However, there as
a significant difference found between the scores of men and women on both
scales. Men score lower than women on measures of marital and sexual
satisfaction, confirming the hypotheses put forth in this study.

Sample

The sample of swingers in this study was derived from a self-selected

convenience sample and therefore may not be representative of swingers
everywhere. The individuals in this sample chose to voluntarily participate by
completing the on-line survey. Personal motivation to participate may have
created a bias the sample. Individuals who held positive views of swinging may
have wished to convey those views to the researcher. Similarly, those individuals
whose swinging experiences were negative may be under-represented in this
study since they are no longer engaging in swinging and less likely to be found
in the swingers' web sites.

Past research on swinging has relied on similar samples of convenience.

Moreover, the data in this study bear a striking similarity to previous studies.
Those similarities include demographic variables, attitudes towards swinging,
and relationship satisfaction. Taken together, these studies have provided for a
comprehensive understanding of the swinging population at large.

About seven out of every ten respondents in this study were men. The reasons
for the gender imbalance are difficult to determine. However, it must be noted
that samples in prior research have shown similar gender bias (Bergstrand &
Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998). While the unit of analysis in this study was
individual swingers, it is possible that the gender bias in responses could be
explained by the maintenance dynamics of "couple" sites. Men may be more
likely to maintain the couple's profile and consult the dating sites daily, more so
than women. In addition, men may be more willing to participate in an on-line
survey. Moreover, as suggested by Bergstrand and Williams, men may have
completed the questionnaire as the representative of the couple, hence
expressing the views and attitudes of both partners. Further research in this area
is necessary to evaluate this discrepancy and offer possible explanations.

Finally, the sample was not randomized and therefore does not allow for
inferences to the larger swinging population. However, given the size of the
sample and its geographical diversity – this sample includes for the first time
respondents from other geographical areas other than the United States – the
researcher feels confident that the results of this study represent some of the
current trends found in the larger swinging population.

Marital and Sexual Satisfaction

46
In this study, a relationship marital satisfaction scale and a sexual satisfaction
scale were used to measure swingers' levels of satisfaction on both variables. The
respondents reported high levels of marital and sexual satisfaction in their
relationship with their partners. Prior research had yielded evidence that
swingers reported being happy with their marital relationship and that swinging
had strengthened their marital relationship (Bergrstand & Williams, 2000).
Swingers who were satisfied with their marriages before swinging had increased
their level of satisfaction after starting swinging (Bergstrand & Williams; Gould,
1999; Jenks, 1998).

In this study, men were slightly less likely to be satisfied with their marriages
than women were, but the difference was well within the satisfaction parameters
of the scale and can be considered as minimal. Both men and women reported
high levels of sexual satisfaction with their relationships. However, men
reported lower levels of sexual satisfaction then women. Once again, the
differences between men and women scores can be considered as very small.
There seems to be no indication as to why men were more likely then women to
recommend swinging to their spouses as reflected by the answers to the
question of who introduced swinging to the relationship. Perhaps, the husband's
willingness to witness the wife's bisexual behavior may serve as sexual
motivation for him.

If both men and women seem satisfied with their marital relationship, as
suggested by the results of this study, why would they engage in swinging? A
possible explanation for the desire to engage in swinging could rest with a lack
of sexual satisfaction with the primary partner or habituation to the sexual
activity with the primary partner which could lead to routine sex. Routine sex
traditionally leads to a sense of boredom. However, as the results of this study
indicate, both men and women reported high levels of sexual satisfaction with
their primary relationship. Since both men and women were sexually satisfied
in their marriage or relationship, perhaps lack of sexual satisfaction is not the
motivator for engaging in swinging. Prior research suggests that although some
men report that their sexual satisfaction with their mate declines with the length
of the relationship, they still find their mate sexually attractive (Chien, 2003;
Klusmann, 2002; 2006). Logically, one could then pose the question; can sexual
attraction and sexual satisfaction be mutually exclusive in a relationship? Can
one be sexually attracted to one's mate but be dissatisfied with the sexual
experience? More research is necessary on this topic. The question still then
remains, why would people go outside the primary relationship to procure
additional sex?

The answer given by the respondents in this study asserts that the motivation,
or rationale, given for swinging is based on either a desire for sexual variety or
sexual fantasy fulfilment. Traditionally, people seeking added sexual

47
stimulation that cannot be satisfied by their marital partner often engage in
affairs outside the primary relationship. In the swinging context, neither
individual has to resort to an adulterous affair to fulfil his or her sexual desires
or fantasies; they do it together as a couple. Hence, swingers often defined
themselves as play-couples (Gould, 1999; McGinley, 1995).

But, is fantasy fulfilment that important in a relationship? Ellis and Symons

(1990) argued that men's sexual fantasies often involve multiple and
anonymous partners and may be more likely to involve sexual variety. Goetz et
al. (2007) have suggested that the sight of two women engaging in sexual
interaction also arouses men. The possible availability of additional women in
swinging may serve as a motivational factor for men to engage in swinging.

Another possible explanation could be found in an evolutionary hypothesis

suggested by the work of Baker & Bellis. Baker & Bellis (1995) proposed an
empirical evolutionary biological thesis they named sperm competition, which
may indeed be relevant to understanding why at least some men may engage in
swinging. Baker and Bellis suggested that sperm competition is an evolved
mechanism designed to ensure paternity assuring the promulgation of a man's
genes. According to Baker and Bellis the results of their research provides
evidence that human male sexual psychology has evolved to address the
possibility cuckoldry. According to Baker and Bellis, sperm competition is
process that allows the sperm production in a man to be enhanced by the
separation from his partner for some time. According to the researchers, the
separation maximizes the woman's opportunity to engage in adulterous
behavior, hence the possibility that her partner is now competing with another
man's sperm to impregnate her. Further, the theory proposes that men adjust
the number of sperm in each ejaculate according to the length of time they have
they been separated from their mate, anticipating the possibility their partner
unfaithfulness while absent. Thus, for men, this strategy may be responsible for
higher levels of motivation to engage in sex with one's partner when there is
present knowledge of extra-dyadic sexual activity. Knowing that your partner
has had sex with other men may serve as sexual motivation, or turn-on, for some
men in the swinging context. Although this is a speculative hypothesis, Pound
(2002) posited that sperm competition could be the cue for sexually arousal in
males by providing increased copulation with one's partner. Pond (2002)
hypothesized that, in some males, watching pornography may increase the cues
for sperm competition. Thus, some of the men in swinging contexts derive
pleasure from watching their wives having sex with other men may be
experiencing a displaced sense of sperm competition, hence maximizing their
motivation for engaging in sex with their spouses after the fact.

If men in a swinging context do indeed experience increased sexual arousal

when confronted with the possibility of sperm competition, that could explain
why men in this study suggested fantasy and variety as rationale for engaging in

48
swinging. Baker and Bellis (1995) further suggested that humans may indeed be
pre-disposed towards non-monogamy; hence, the increased sperm production
is one of the mechanisms used by males to counteract the possibility of
cuckoldry. Interesting to note that male swingers report a higher level of sexual
arousal towards their spouses after a swinging episode (Gould, 1999), which
could be explained by the increased sexual motivation towards one's own spouse
as suggested by the theory of sperm competition Moreover, in some cultures,
men experience higher sexual arousal when witnessing their partner interacting
sexually with other men (Talese, 1980).

If indeed men are aroused by sharing their spouses with other men, then male-
female-male sexual interaction, which was chosen by a large part of the
respondents in this study, could be understood in terms of the sperm
competition scenario. Although sperm competition as an explanation to why
some men in swinging may derive sexual motivation, it is still a speculative
hypothesis albeit it is worth exploring in more detail at some point. However, it
is plausible at this time to suggest that swinging may provide a context in which
some men may experience a higher degree of desirability for their spouses by
activating mechanisms associated with sperm competition.

If sperm competition provides a possible explanation for why men may engage
in swinging behavior, what would be the motivation for women? It is understood
how bisexuality among women may serve as a motivator for their engagement
in swinging. However, other options must also be considered. Klusmann (2006)
has documented that woman's sexual desire for her partner declines with the
length of the relationship. Perhaps in swinging sexual desire towards a new
partner fuels the psychological sexual motivation and activity for both men and
women by providing short-term variety of partners and enhancing sexual
fantasies.
Also, it must be noted that some women engage enthusiastically in sex with
several males, a fact that could be explained by Baker and Bellis (1995) sperm
competition theory; the theory does suggest that women may retain the
ejaculate of a preferred partner when engaging in sex with several men. Perhaps
it is the enhancing opportunity to be impregnated by the winner's more fit
sperm that motivates this serial coital activity. However, more research in the
motivation of women to engage in swinging is necessary.

Since not all sexual decisions stem from a rational point of view, erotic feelings
and sexual motivation may be part of an irrational mechanism that promotes
individuals to procure sexual satisfaction with willing partners (Abramson &
Pinkerton, 1995). When discussing swinging, one must consider the pleasurable
aspect of sexuality. Abramson and Pinkerton suggested that there is a duality to
human sexuality, in what they posited is the long-standing tension between the
procreative and pleasurable aspect of sexuality. Abramson and Pinkerton
argued that although the pleasurable aspect of sexuality is overlooked, the

49
procreative aspect is often overlooked as well in the heat of passion sometimes
resulting in remorse and concern about unintended pregnancy. However,
research on sexual behavior suggests that sexual enjoyment is most often
pathologized if it occurs outside the accepted boundaries of social norms
(Abramson & Pinkerton, 1995).

Although sex has been thought of as a mechanism necessary for pair-bond

formation, the prevalence of extra-monogamous and extra-marital sexual
activity suggests there may be other motivational forces behind sexual
intercourse (Abramson & Pinkerton, 1995). The function of sex also includes the
attainment of sexual pleasure within the confines of one's erotic paradigms or
lovemaps as suggested by Money (1986).

Since the matter of marital sexual fidelity is dependent on societal norms, the
role of culture in shaping sexual attitudes is paramount. While some cultures
promote the idea that love and sex can be independent of each other, in other
cultures the two are completely intermeshed (Abramson & Pinkerton, 1995). In
North American culture, for the most part, people hold the attitude that sex and
love are intermingled and cannot coexist separately, especially for women. As
swingers are part of the larger culture and subjected to the same folklore,
customs, and expectations as part of the larger social conditioning process, it is
interesting that swingers seem to have separated the two concepts into distinct
behaviors. The sample of swingers in the current study managed to experience
marital satisfaction, which suggests a strong commitment to their partners. The
swingers appear to be willing to explore the realm of sexual possibilities outside
their immediate relationship. As a result swinging might then be understood as
a context in which the fulfilment of the individual erotic paradigm is associated
with sexual pleasure, separate from the emotional bond between the couple.

Abramson and Pinkerton (1995) also posited that sex is often considered in our
society the domain of men, controlled by men, and enjoyed mostly by the men.
The idea that men force sex on women reduces women to a passive or
submissive sexual role, a view that is still widespread in today's society
(Abramson & Pinkerton). This erroneous perception may extend to the swinging
context as viewed from the perspective of the general population. Many people
in the society still view swinging as being a male-dominated activity in which
women are forced to participate in sexual activities that may be degrading to
them (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gould, 1999; Jenks, 1998).

In our society women often seem to be assigned the role of moral and sexual
gatekeepers. Women who participate as willing partners in any sexual conduct
or context not sanctioned by societal rules run the risk of either being considered
of low moral standards or being perceived as victims of men's sexual whims or
pressure (Abramson & Pinkerton, 1995). Thus, women's sexual pleasure, as well
as their willingness to engage in sexual behavior outside of the accepted social

50
norms, is often marginalized, pathologized, ridiculed, or thought of as a product
of childhood sexual abuse (Abramson & Pinkerton). Bergstrand and Williams
(2000) in their research found no evidence that women in swinging are the
victims of prior sexual abuse or are forced into swinging by their husbands. In
this study, childhood sexual abuse was not explored.

Thus, according to prior research, swinging provides the opportunity for both
men and women to experience added sexual pleasure and stimulation in a
context that is safe and secure Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gould, 1999;
Jenks, ,1985, 1998; Butler, 1979). The motivation is the pleasure goal for both
individuals. Swinging allows the couple to experience sexual variety to realize
particular sexual fantasies. This goal is achieved consensually, and the sexual
adventure of the couple becomes rewarding to both individuals.

Moreover, swingers show a lack of cognitive dissonance, which would be

reflected by a discrepancy between beliefs and actions. As with most individuals,
one would expect that if there is a disconnect between traditional social values
and expectations, and what would be construed as deviant sexual behavior, that
disparity could prove to be emotionally disconcerting to the individuals involved
bringing about a state of cognitive dissonance (Jenks, 1998). Surprisingly,
swingers seem to be cognitively consistent in their sexual behavior and sexual
attitudes. Somehow, it seems that they have separated recreational sex from
love, and retain emotional monogamy (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gould,
1999). The results of this study suggest that in this sample of swingers there
seems to be no conflict between sexual attitudes, sexual behaviors, and marital
and sexual satisfaction.

Demographics

The demographic profile of the swingers in the study revealed that they were
mostly white, between thirty-six and fifty-five years of age, mostly college
educated, currently married between eleven and twenty years, and with an
average household income between $40,000 and $200,000. Individuals in the
sample held varied occupations. Most professions were represented, from blue-
collar and white-collar jobs to advanced-degree professionals. Some individuals
were self-employed; others worked in public organizations such as health
facilities and educational institutions. The demographic findings of this study
parallel, for the most part, those of previous studies. As swinging becomes more
mainstream it is not surprising to find a cross-section of the general population
represented in this sample. The numbers of articles and documentaries that
have shown up in the popular media dealing with the topic can attest to the
present popularity of swinging. Shows such as Swingtown ( CBS) are a prime
example of how the topic has become accepted by the mainstream media.
In this study, specific demographic variables were introduced. These included
sexual orientation, length of time in present relationship, educational level and

51
occupation, political and religious attitudes and affiliations, size and type of
communities where individuals in this sample resided as well as geographical
location. Some of these variables had not been considered in prior research.

The sexual orientation in this sample was for the most part heterosexual.
Although most of the men reported being heterosexual a small minority
considered themselves bisexual. The majority of the women considered
themselves bisexual and only a small minority reported being exclusively
heterosexual. For the most part, female bisexuality is well accepted within the
swinging lifestyle; however, male bisexuality is discouraged and not welcomed
(Gould, 1999; McGinley, 1995). Perhaps one of the reasons why women are
attracted to swinging is the opportunity to express their bisexuality in a safe and
accepting environment. More research in the area of sexual orientation is
necessary with this population to determine the incidence of bisexual behavior
among men and women and to explore the possible relationship between sexual
orientation and swinging.

As expected, most swingers in this sample were married or cohabiting, which

suggests an emotional attachment between the partners and a willingness to
engage in a long-term relationship. The great majority had been in a
relationship for an extended period, well over ten years, and for most, this was
their first marriage. A small number of the respondents had been married more
than once. There were no apparent differences between men and women in the
length of and frequency of marriage. For a large part of the respondents
swinging had been a part of the marital relationship for some time as indicated
by the results show. Since the majority of the respondents indicated that they
had been swinging anywhere between three years and twelve years, it could
concluded that swinging has not been detrimental to the longevity of the marital
relationship, at least for the individuals in this sample. A longitudinal study
would be able to determine with more precision the impact of swinging on the
marital relationship.

Past research has shown a strong positive relationship between swinging and
education level (Bartell, 1971; Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gould, 1999;
Jenks, 1985, 1998). In this study, varied levels of education and professions were
represented. It appears that swingers come from a variety of socio-economic
strata and that education may not be a strong factor in the willingness to engage
in swinging. Often, permissive and liberal attitudes have been associated with
higher education (Bergstrand & Williams; Gould, 1999; Jenks, 1998). Thus, the
findings of this study are well in line with the findings of prior research
regarding education levels. Perhaps education level is not the only variable
affecting a permissive view of swinging.

Since swinging is often characterized by a more permissive attitude towards

sexuality, a characteristic often associated with individuals who hold liberal

52
social views, one would expect the swingers in this sample to hold a more
"liberal" bias regarding their social and political affiliations. However, the
findings of this study were in line with those of past research that suggest that
swingers hold political views that run the gamut of the political spectrum. Past
research found that the views of swingers are not predominantly liberal overall
(Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998). The political views and affiliations
of the respondents in this study were evenly split between conservative and
liberal points of view. The results suggest that swingers are not a politically
homogenous group. Rather, swingers hold disparate political ideology, from
social conservatism to liberalism and socialism with a certain percentage
holding no political views at all. Thus, one could conclude that the social and
political views of swingers may not influence their swinging lifestyle.

These findings may appear counter-intuitive since there seems to be a disparity

between the social and sexual views usually associated with conservatism.
Conservative individuals espouse strict sexual morality and monogamy, which
contrasts the non- monogamous sexual behavior of swingers. It would be of
interest to research the level of cognitive dissonance of the more conservative
elements of the swinging population.

As well, since swinging is often considered as adultery, the idea of extra-marital

sex, albeit consensual, runs contrary to the teachings of most religious groups.
The religiosity of swingers regarding religious beliefs and attitudes was explored
in previous studies (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Jenks, 1998). The swingers
in this study reported being somewhat religious, about a quarter of the
respondents claiming to have no religious affiliation at all. Bergstrand and
Williams found that religiosity in their sample of swingers was no different from
that of a sample of the general population. Moreover, some swingers seem to be
rather religious while others show indifference to religion altogether
(Bergstrand & Williams; Jenks). It appears that swingers' religious affiliation do
not interfere with their willingness to engage in the swinging lifestyle.
Religiosity may not be positively associated with monogamy when it comes to
this population.

Most of the participants in this study lived in urban and metropolitan

communities with a population between 50,000 and 500,000. Swingers are no
longer restricted to suburban communities a finding that is consistent with past
research. Swinging, it appears, has made in-roads in rural communities as well.
About one-fourth of the respondents reported living either in a rural setting or
in a community with less then 50,000 people. In this sample, most of the
respondents reported living in the northeast and southeast of the country.

It seems that swingers are part of mainstream society and are indistinguishable
from other individuals in the general population. As Gilmartin (1975) and Jenks
(1998) suggest, the next door neighbors or a co-worker could be swingers and

53
no one would know it or suspect it. The profile of swingers in this study is
representative of the general population regarding education, occupation, age,
marital status, religiosity and political views. If swingers are indeed represented
in the larger society, then why is it so difficult to identify them? It is likely that
one of the main reasons may be that most swingers keep their activities hidden
from friends and family for fear of social repercussions as previously suggested
by Jenks (1998).

The answers of men and women regarding demographics revealed no significant

differences except for sexual orientation and bisexuality.

Swinging Experience

This study also explored the behaviors and attitudes of the respondents
regarding their swinging experience. How swingers felt towards their swinging
activities, what rationale was given for engaging in swinging, and what types of
sexual behaviors were common to the swinging sexual context.

The decision-making process that encourages individuals to enter the swinging

lifestyle has not been appropriately explored in prior research. It has been
suggested that couples begin swinging because of dull social lives and a lack of
sexual self-confidence and desperation Roberts (2003). Moreover, Roberts
(2003) suggests that swinging has been considered the domain of the middle-
aged, married person.

In this study, the researcher explored the rationale for swinging. Several
variables dealing with the dynamics of swinging were termed by the researcher
as the swinging experience.

As suggested in prior studies, swinging allows couples to engage in consensual

non-monogamous sex within the confines of an otherwise monogamous
emotional relationship. As well, swingers are open and honest about their sexual
relationships (Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gould, 1999; Jenks, 1985, 1998).
Prior research posits that the behavior of both partners is consensual and
reflects honesty in the relationship albeit most researchers have relied on the
responses of single individuals instead of couples (Bergstrand & Williams,
2000; Gould, 1999). However, swinging could be construed as a crucible that
forces the partners to come to terms with their feelings, their sexual desires, and
each other through a process of differentiation and compromise. But what
prompts an individual or couple to enter the swinging lifestyle in the first place?
In addition, what happens once individuals start swinging? How do they go
about finding other swingers and how do they feel about their swinging
activities? What types of sexual activities are common to the swinging context?

54
As reported in Chapter IV, the majority of the respondents in this sample
reported entering into the swinging lifestyle at the suggestion of the couple's
male partner. About two-thirds of the men reported having suggested swinging
to their female partner. Less than one-forth of the women admitted to having
done so. Knowing the rationale for an individual's involvement in the swinging
lifestyle contributes to an overall understanding of the swinging experience. The
respondents in this study cited pure sexual variety and personal fantasy as the
main reason they engage in swinging. It would be of interest to explore swingers'
sexual fantasies in order to understand how swinging is able to provide for
sexual experiences that transcend a couple's sexual repertoire.

The results of this study suggest that the great majority of the women classified
themselves bisexual, which could account for their interest in swinging since
swinging could present them with a context in which they could explore their
bisexual tendencies, and offer an opportunity to engage in sexual interaction
with other women. It would of be of interest to find out if the husbands (and, in
fact, the wives themselves) knew about the wives' bisexual interests before
suggesting swinging, or if the wives only discovered their bisexual tendencies
after engaging in swinging activities. It is possible that the husbands' perception
of their wives bisexual orientation served as an opportunity for suggesting
swinging. Anecdotal evidence suggests that most often men who introduce
swinging to the couple sometimes find initial reluctance from their spouses;
however, a large number of the wives will be more likely to continue the couple's
involvement with swinging activities even when the husbands later try to get out
of it (Jenks, 1998; Gould, 199).

Regarding common swinging sexual activities, most individuals engaged in

partner swapping and group sex activities. However, a small number of the
respondents reported never swapping partners. It is possible that this group
restricted their involvement to voyeurism, touching, or engaged in sexual
intercourse with their marital partner only. This suggests that some swingers
may use the swinging context as a catalyst to enhance their personal sexual
activities with their partner, and are not interested in having sex with anyone
else.

The next category explored homosexual behavior among the respondents.

About one-third of the women reported engaging in woman-on-woman sexual
activity at least some of the time. Perhaps the swinging context provides women
with the opportunity to explore their homosexual desires within a safe context.
Regarding male homosexual activities in the swinging context, men reported
engaging in man-on-man sexual activity activities less than eight percent of the
time. In the swinging community, men engaging in homosexual behaviors are
not accepted. However, similar activities by women are often encouraged
(Bergstrand & Williams, 2000; Gold, 1999). Perhaps, women's sexual fantasies,
which may include bisexual fantasies, contribute to an overt display of

55
bisexuality that has become part of the mainstream of the swinging community.
Of course, woman-on-woman sexual activity interaction may happen within the
context of other sexual modalities outside of the swinging context. More
research is needed to define which other patterns of sexual behavior in the
swinging population, for example sadomasochism and bondage and
domination, are deemed acceptable or unacceptable, and why.

As reported in this study, the majority of the respondents in the sample enjoyed
their swinging experience. There was no difference between the levels of
swinging satisfaction of men and women. However, the fact that three times
more men than women completed the survey is still troublesome and may
distort the actuality of the swinging experience for women.

Overall, a large number of the respondents reported having been involved in

swinging activities for over ten years, which suggests that swinging might not be
an incidental event in their marital relationships. However, some individuals
had been swinging for less than one year, which suggests that individuals are
continuing to be attracted to the swinging lifestyle and adding to its population.
A small number of the respondents reported swinging alone without their
spouses, a choice that could reflect the involvement of single individuals (not
partnered) in swinging activities with couples or groups. Some of these
individuals may be part of a couple where only one individual engages in
swinging without the knowledge or consent of the other partner. In the swinging
community, married individuals that swing without the knowledge or consent
of their partners are usually ostracized and are not considered part of the
swinging lifestyle(Gould, 1999). As the literature on swinging suggests, there are
also single individuals that participate in swinging activities with couples or
groups. These individuals tend to be accepted as swingers and allowed to
participate in swinging activities (Gould, 1999). Although this study obtained
data from individual swingers as representative of the couples' perspective, it is
of interest, nevertheless, to understand the involvement of singles in a swinging
context since unattached singles, especially bisexual women, are part of the
swinging community. Moreover, it was important to report the percentage of
individuals from the sample that fit in the singles category.

Most swingers found other swingers through Internet swinging dating sites.
Now, this is a new finding that contributes to the understanding of how the
swinging lifestyle is propagating so rapidly. The Internet affords individuals the
opportunity for varied, and quite often, instant communication. The availability
of on-line swingers' dating sites may serve as a ready-made vehicle for those
individuals interested in exploring swinging activities. In prior research, the
traditional method for procuring other swingers had been newspapers or
specialized swingers' magazines. Research in the seventies showed that
swingers in those days had to rely mostly on underground newspapers and
magazines to find other swingers, a slow and lengthy process of communication.

56
It appears that the ease of access afforded by the Web allows for quick contact
and communication and this may be the reason why the great majority of
swingers choose it. Research on the role, and impact, of the Internet on the
development of social interactions amongst gay men reveals that gay individuals
use this medium to find other gay individuals to interact with socially and
sexually (Ciesielski & Flynn, 2002; Kalnins, 2000; Keen, Westacott, Duffin,
Gilmour, Ryan, Murphy, & et al., 2002). Moreover, the Internet has become an
international medium with its own social culture, values, and rules where
anonymity motivates individuals to initiate new sexual connections (Toomey &
Rothenberg, 2000). It seems that swingers are using similar strategies to
procure novel sexual partners.

For the most part, the swingers in this sample reported that they did not
frequent swingers' clubs on a regular basis. Most swingers engaged in swinging
about six to eight times a year. This suggests that swinging is not an everyday
event and that perhaps the concept of swinging as recreational sex may indeed
reflect the rationale for the behavior. The results of this study further suggest
that both men and women swingers have, for the most part, a positive attitude
towards swinging and are happy with their swinging sexual experiences.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the findings of this study are consistent with those of previous
research on swinging that suggest that swingers have high marital and sexual
satisfaction. Although there is still a strong societal disapproval of swinging and
a belief that swingers have unsatisfactory marriages and are unhappy with their
primary relationships, there is no evidence to support such a claim (Jenks,
1998). Swingers seem to be no different from other individuals in the general
population regarding their basic demographic characteristics.
Swingers in this study have been engaging in swinging for an extended period
and reported being satisfied with their swinging activities. Moreover, swinging
may have far- reaching implications in its ability to add a new dimension to
marital satisfaction.

This study provides insight into a possible new social paradigm regarding the
dynamics of marriage and consensual extra-marital sex. It is possible that
swinging is bringing about a re-definition of marriage and a change in the
traditional expectation of marital monogamy. Future research on this topic is
warranted and necessary to understand the changing dynamics of marital
relationships.
Limitations of the Study

In this study the sample was derived from on-line swingers' clubs and
participation was voluntary. While on-line research allows researchers to gather
large quantities of data from many respondents, there are some drawbacks such

57
 as lack of control over the sample integrity. In this study it is possible that the
sample may not be representative of the larger swinger population. Moreover,
the sample may prove biased by including only those individuals that have
positive attitudes towards swinging. The sample unit was individual swingers
and not couples. It is possible that although one member of the couple may be
satisfied with swinging, the other may not. Three times more men than women
participated in this study suggesting that perhaps men are more involved, or
have more to gain from swinging. Also, this study does not allow for a
longitudinal evaluation of swinging over time.

Suggestions for Future Research

There is a need for further research with the swinging population in order to
determine the viability of this lifestyle and its ability to strengthen, weaken, or
have no discernable effect on the marital relationship. Particularly,
comprehensive longitudinal research would yield useful information on the
long-term effects of swinging on the marital relationship. Also, research with
former swingers (those that have dropped out of swinging) would be of interest.
An examination of their rationale for engaging in swinging and then dropping
out would be of interest to evaluate the swinging lifestyle.

Currently, it is very difficult to establish a viable estimate of how common is

swinging in the general population, Future research should consider developing
a model to determine with more accuracy the incidence of swinging and
delineate trends and demographics. Noonan (1998) suggested that a complex-
systems approach to sex research using chaos theory could provide a modelling
methodology to more accurately predict a range of possible and probable
outcomes of any particular variant of the biopsychosocial sphere of sexual
activity. The utilization of such a model may prove beneficial when applied to
swinging.

Moreover, there is also a need for more in-depth research, including case
studies, and face-to-face interviews with focus groups to determine with more
accuracy the parameters of the swinging population. Future research should
also consider the motivational factors that drive individuals towards swinging.
Simpson et al. (2004) suggest that an individual's sociosexual orientation, a
trait-like collection of beliefs and behaviors about sex, guide their sexual
decisions and interactions. People high on sociosexual orientation (unrestricted
sociosexual orientation) are more likely to procure, and engage in, sex without
love and commitment. It would be important to determine if the level of
sociosexual orientation of swingers is a factor on their decision to engage in the
swinging lifestyle.

APPENDIX

58
http://www.ejhs.org/Volume12/SwingingAppendix.htm

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