Lima LLM R.T Edit F

CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1
1.1 Introduction
Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world and its estimated prevalence rate
of violence against women is extremely high which in turn, is an obstacle to the
achievement of equality, development and peace. Due to a lack of reliable base-line
surveys, the exact number of women affected by violence is unknown. However, non-
governmental organization (NGO) reports indicate that Bangladesh has one of the highest
rate globally despite advancements of Women`s Rights and a strong history of women’s
movements. Deeply embedded in cultural and socio-economic practices, violence against
women is sanctioned by both society and the state, in the name of culture, tradition and
religion.1 Recognizing violence against women as a violation of Human Rights is a
significant turning point in the struggle to end violence against women globally. A human
rights perspective broadens the definition of violence against women and focuses
attention on discrimination and inequalities that are maintained or tolerated by the state
and that increase women`s vulnerability to violence. Violence against women has been
recognized as a Human Rights issue since the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights
in Vienna, which established that “human rights of women and of the girl-child are an
inalienable, integral and indivisible part of universal human rights. Violence against
Women (VAW) is the most obvious gender specific violation of Human Rights, and is a
form of discrimination against women. It enforces women`s subordination and patriarchal
structures throughout all levels of society, leading to issues such as the undervaluation of
women`s economic contributions. VAW is not only embedded in gender norms; gender
norms are also constructed through VAW, and the low status of women – economically,
socially, culturally and politically both constitutes and enables the further denial of
human rights in gender-specific ways, often at the hands of family members, male and
female. Thus, VAW both reflects and determines gendered social structures. That is why
framing VAW as a Human Rights violation requiring immediate action is crucial to
challenge the economic, social and cultural marginalization of women in Bangladesh.
Despite the existing legislation prohibiting violence and discrimination against women,
several police and newspaper reports and hospital statistics indicated the widespread
increase in violence against women in Bangladesh, including domestic violence, rape,
acid-throwing, dowry-related violence, fatwa-instigated violence and sexual harassment
in the workplace. These all contribute to the exploitation, deprivation and oppression of
women in Bangladesh, and are violations of the fundamental Human Rights.2 The
2
government of Bangladesh is failing to respect the rights of women as it does not consider
all forms of violence against women, including sexual harassment at the workplace or
religious induced violence sanctioning immoral behavior and fatwas (an arbitrary
religious decree) which remain outside the circumference of the law. The failure to
prosecute perpetrators domestic violence is a failure to implement women`s civil and
political Human Rights, and is also an indicator of the prevalent gender bias present in
legal and judicial systems. The CEDAW committee further notes that there is a
continuing high prevalence of trafficking for the sexual exploitation of women and girls
in Bangladesh.
1. Sr. Lecturer, Department of Law, Prime University, Bangladesh. 1 Bhuyia,A, T, Sharmin and
S.M,A,Hanif,(2003),``Nature of Domestic Violence against Women in a Rural Area of Bangladesh:
Implication for Preventive Interventions,’’ 1st edition, Dhaka:J Health Popul Nutr,ICDDRD, ,10-15.
3
Only a small number of traffickers have been arrested and convicted. Prostitution is
another issue to which the government has provided insufficient attention; it is neither
banned nor recognized in Bangladeshi law, yet there is a high occurrence of it throughout
the country. Little has been done to uphold and protect the rights of commercial sex
workers, according to the comments of the CEDAW committee on the combined sixth
and seventh periodic report of Bangladesh. Violence against women remains a pervasive,
yet under-acknowledged Human Rights violation in all countries of the world, being
especially prevalent in Bangladesh. Violence against women is a deeply entrenched
problem in most societies because attitudes and practices that support violence are
institutionalized in custom and law at all levels of society – marriage and the family,
home, community and state. The Bangladeshi government commits itself to respect,
protect and fulfill the rights of women and to work towards the elimination of violence
against women through international conventions, covenants and treaties. Withdrawing its
reservations to article 2 and article 16.1[c] of CEDAW will allow the full implementation
of the convention and for the promotion of women`s full enjoyment of their rights
including those related to family life. To promote Women´s Human Rights and prevent
any form of violence against women, the Bangladeshi government must commit to
ensuring a number of prerequisites. These include gender equality; improvement of
service delivery (ensuring access to justice and services for victims, e.g. women`s refuges
and shelters); the allocation of adequate resources and funding; ensuring that victims of
violence have access to immediate means of redress, rehabilitation and protection; and
they must hold offenders accountable for their actions, establishing transparency and
accountability in order to enforce positive regulations and legislation.
2 Farouk,S,A, (2005),``Violence Against Women: A Statistical Overview, Challenges and gaps in Data
Collection and Methodology and Approaches for Overcoming Them,’’1st edition, Geneva: Expert Group
Meeting, DAW,ECE and WHO ,20-25.
4
1.2. Background of the Study
There are a number of commitments in the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of
Bangladesh to ensure the rights of women equally with men in all spheres of the State and
public life.1 Therefore, prevention of all forms of violence against women (VAW) is an
aim of the State. The State has promulgated several legislations to materialize this aim.
Along with the general substantive and procedural criminal legislations in force in
Bangladesh, e.g., the Penal Code 1860 and the Code of Criminal Procedure 1898,
different special criminal legislations have been enacted time to time to strictly punish the
offences against women.
The most prominent special criminal legislation now in force in Bangladesh which deals
with the offences concerning violence against women is the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000. This Act was enacted in the context of the loopholes in the Nari-o-
Shishu Nirjatan Daman (Bishesh Bidhan) Ain 1995 which was in force before the
promulgation of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 except for the cases already
filed under the Act of 1995. However, since the enactment of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 it has been facing criticisms for not being able to prevent violence
against women effectively. One of the major concerns has been the abysmally low rate of
conviction in the cases filed under the provisions of the Nari-oShishu Nirjatan Daman
Ain 2000.
In a report of Bangladesh Law Commission, it is found that the conviction rate in the
VAW cases filed under the provisions of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 is
below 10% on an average.2 It can be inferred that there must be some loopholes in the
law because of which the law is failing to address this extreme low rate of conviction in
the VAW cases. The reasons for the low conviction rate in the VAW cases may include
harshness and excessive technicalities of law3, filing of false cases, framing of charge
under inappropriate sections of law, inconsistencies of Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain
2000 with the general criminal legislations, lack of evidence, lack of legal assistance, lack
of preparation in prosecution case and lack of witness.
Whatever the reasons may be, the noticeable rate of low conviction in the VAW cases
may be construed as a signal that this special criminal legislation is failing firstly, to
ensure access to justice for women and secondly, to prevent the misuse of its own
provisions.
3 The Constitution of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh Article 28. 2 The Law Commission of
Bangladesh: A Report on the Amendment of Certain Sections of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain
2000 (25/08/2010) <http://www.lawcommissionbangladesh.org/reports/99.pdf>. 3 Dr. Shahdeen Malik,
„Nari-o-Shishu Ain and Special Tribunals: Looking at Law and its Implementation‟ (Unpublished Draft
Report prepared for Naripokkho (2004) 3.
5
excessive rate of non-conviction implies a loss of substantial resources of the State and
society.4 In this context, this present research takes up this issue for further investigation.
In doing so, this work will at first look into whether the conviction rate is really low in the
VAW cases considering the rate of filing, disposal and conviction rate of the VAW cases
in different Nari-oShishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals constituted under the Act of 2000.
Secondly, if the low conviction rate is established by the relevant statistics, the research
will investigate into the underlying reasons for the low rate.
Apart from an investigation on low conviction rate in the VAW cases, this research will
also examine the issue of legislative inconsistencies in the four specific VAW legislations
namely, the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000, the Dowry Prohibition Act 1980,
the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act 2010 and the Family Courts
Ordinance 1985. Examination of legislative inconsistencies in the VAW legislations is
significant because the ideal VAW legislations are expected to be specific and
consistent.5 Any inconsistency in the form of contradiction or overlapping in the VAW
legislations may ultimately affect access to justice for women and effective delivery of
justice.
A research on legislative inconsistencies and the reasons for the low conviction rate in the
VAW cases will find out inconsistent legal provisions and other loopholes in the VAW
legislations. The findings of this present research, therefore, will ultimately help to
strengthen the administration of justice in the VAW cases and ensure access to justice for
the marginalized women in Bangladesh and to develop a better coordination among the
justice sector agencies. One of the aspects of establishing rule of law in a country is to
make the justice accessible for all, especially for those who represent the marginalized
section of the society, for example, women. Mere recognition of legal rights cannot
effectively ensure women‟s rights unless there is an effective justice delivery system to
make those rights accessible to them.6 The present research therefore, will facilitate the
justice sector, particularly, in the issues concerning violence against women.
Lastly, the present work is supportive to the key objectives of the Justice Sector Facility
Project (JSF) funded by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Bangladesh.
One of the JSF‟s key objectives is to enhance communication, coordination and
cooperation among the justice sector agencies with a view to strengthening the
6
institutional planning capacities in the administration of criminal justice system with the
ultimate objective to protect rights of all citizens, particularly, of the women, children and
other vulnerable groups.7 The same are the objective and goal of the present work.
1.3 Statement of The Problem.

Credit is the lifeblood of modern economic system playing an important role for
accelerating economic growth in any developing country like Bangladesh. Bangladesh is
source and transit city’s for men, Women And Children subjected to trafficking in person,
specifically forced labor and forced prostitution. A significant share of Bangladesh.
Trafficking victims are men recruited for work overseas with fraudulent employment
offers who are subsequently exploited under conditions of forced labor or debt bondage.
Children both boys and girls are trafficked within Bangladesh for commercial sexual
exploitation bonded labor and forced labor some Children are sold into bondage by their
parents while others are induced into labor or commercial sexual exploitation through
fraud and physical coercion. Women are Children from Bangladesh are also trafficked. to
for commercial sexual exploitation.
1.4 Rational of the study

The reasons for selecting violence against women as an issue to investigate in the study
were manifold. Social practice in our country undermines women’s basic human right to a
life or dignity, worth and equality. It promotes inequality between men and women, by
creating a dominant and subordinate order between the sexes and it thus breaches the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW). In the face of actual or threatened violence, women cannot develop to their
full human potential or participate in the economic, social, cultural, civil and political
arenas on equal terms with men.
1.5 Scope of the Study

This research is conducted to support the Justice Sector Facility (JSF) Project undertaken
by the Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs of Bangladesh in collaboration
with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Bangladesh. The aim of the
whole project is to facilitate the judiciary to reduce case backlog, ensuring effective
access to justice and to promote better administration of justice. Accordingly, this study
7
focuses on two broad aspects of the cases on violence against women, i.e. firstly, reasons
for the low conviction rate in the VAW cases and secondly, the legislative inconsistencies
in the VAW legislations.
To address the first issue, this work investigates into the reasons for the low conviction
rate in the cases filed under the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000. The second
issue concerns the legislative inconsistencies in the four specific VAW legislations
namely, the Dowry Prohibition Act 1980, Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000,
Family Courts Ordinance 1985 and the Domestic Violence (Protection and Prevention)
Act 2010. These two broad issues necessarily imply a number of sub-issues having
significant implications on the main research issues.
In connection with the first issue, this research aims to address whether the rate of
conviction in the VAW cases is truly low or not. If it is found that the conviction rate is
low after initial investigation, then the present work will further investigate into the
reasons for such low conviction rate. To deal with the second issue, this project aims to
figure out whether there is any inconsistency at all in the selected legislations. If any
inconsistency is found, the work will identify the related legislative provisions. Findings
of both the abovementioned research issues may at the end propose necessary legislative
and judicial reforms.
The research questions set above meet two fundamental criteria of being good research
questions namely, interest and researchable nature.8 The research questions addressed by
this work are neither too specific about a specific individual nor even too grand and
therefore meet the requirement of having researchable nature.9 At the same time, the
research questions are socially important encompassing a puzzle and idea (issue and
corresponding new twist of investigation) and thereby are interesting.10 Accordingly, the
identified research issues within the set scope are capable of bringing out a reliable report
to be acted upon by the justice sector agencies and law reformers in the future.
8
1.6 Objectives of the Study
The specific and concrete results expected to be achieved through the present research are
as follows:
Ensuring accountability among the related justice sector agencies; Creating
awareness among the justice sector agencies as per their duties under the Nari-O
Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000; Enlightening one particular sector from the
shared experiences of other justice sector agencies; Finding out a holistic,
coordinated and national level solution through intensive study on three districts,
e.g., Dhaka, Pabna and Comilla.
Based on these objectives, the current research indentifies two sectoral target
beneficiaries who will be directly or indirectly benefited from the study outcome,
e.g.,
(i) Primary or direct beneficiaries: a) agencies involved in law making and policy
formulation, e.g., Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, Ministry of
Social Welfare, Ministry of Women and Children Affairs and the related
parliamentary committees and b) agencies involved in implementing laws and
policies, i.e., Judges of the adjudicating Tribunals, public prosecutors, lawyers and
police officers, women‟s rights organisation and the national human rights
organisations.
(ii) Ultimate beneficiaries: vulnerable, marginalised and poor women litigants.
As to the quantitative indication of the above identified beneficiaries, the research
stipulates that it is difficult to predict the exact number of beneficiaries to be
benefited by this work at the initial stage. However, based on the expectations and
the implication of the overall study, the present work expects that it will embrace
all the justice sector agencies, law reformers and victims of the VAW cases
generally.
As the first group of beneficiaries are involved in law and policy formulation or
implementation, therefore, the study expects a two-way result. Firstly, the
potential solutions to the problem of low conviction rate under the Nari-o-Sishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 will definitely help these particular agencies in
combating this challenge more proactively. Besides, the identification of the
underlying reasons for the low rate of conviction may help them to come forward
with innovative ways of solution in redressing this problem. This may happen by
9
bringing changes in the particular legislation and its proper implementation. The
second group of beneficiaries are then expected to be comparatively free from
harassment or loss of time, resources and energy. At the same time, identifying
legislative inconsistencies in the VAW legislations will help the target
beneficiaries to ensure and experience better administration of justice and access
to justice.
1.7 Limitation of The Study

The present research admits a number of limitations which could not be avoided with a reasonable
effort in the course of undertaking the works. The quantitative data and statistics relied on are not
comprehensive. The survey and field works were undertaken in Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna only.
Due to time and resource constraints, data from all the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals
all over the country could not be brought under investigation. Also, the study of the reported
Supreme Courts judgments referred in this work is not comprehensive. The present work did not
study all the reported judgments of the Supreme Court available in all the law reports of
Bangladesh. Instead, all the cases reported in some of the reputed law reports, e.g., Bangladesh
Law Reports (BLC), Bangladesh Legal Decisions (BLD), Bangladesh Law Times (BLT), Dhaka
Law Reports (DLR), and Mainstream Law Reports (MLR) from 2000-2013 are analysed. The
present research could not study the unreported judgments of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman
Tribunals of Dhaka and Pabna due to unavailability. Only six unreported judgments of the Nari-o-
Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal of Comilla, however, could be studied by this research as the
Comilla Court had kindly made those available for this work. The whole work is undertaken and
completed in a six month time. Therefore, all the relevant issues may not have been addressed
comprehensively by this research.
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CHAPTER- 2
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
11
2.1. Methodology
This chapter of the study gives a brief overview of the methodology applied for the
present research along with the suitability and appropriateness11 of such methodology to
the current work. The methodology to be applied for this work is selected considering the
nature of the research problem and the related issues12, the researcher’s knowledge
developed by relevant literature review and the ultimate purposes of the study. The two
broad issues addressed by this study are, investigation into the low conviction rate in the
VAW cases filed under the Nari-oSishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 and the legislative
inconsistencies in the four specific VAW legislations.
The research on the reasons for the low conviction rate begins with a hypothesis that the
conviction rate is low in the VAW cases. This hypothesis is initially adopted on the basis
of a literature review. The acceptance or rejection of this hypothesis requires numerical
survey for which Quantitative Method of study is found to be the most appropriate.
Quantitative Method in this context is understood as explaining phenomena by collecting
numerical data that are analyzed using mathematically based methods (particularly
statistics).13 Upon an initial finding on this hypothesis (if the hypothesis is confirmed),
the work will aim to figure out the reasons for such low conviction rate. At this point, the
work requires addressing the „why‟ questions, side by side of the „what‟ questions. To
answer the „why‟ questions, inductive data analysis and the researcher making
interpretations of the meaning of the data are obvious. These processes are the attributes
of the Qualitative Method.14 Therefore, for this section, Qualitative method will be
applied side by side of the Quantitative method.
By contrast, the research on inconsistencies in the selected legislations on the VAW starts
with a hypothesis that there may be inconsistencies in these legislations that ultimately
lead to case backlog. This hypothesis draws its origin from the VAW Roadmap
Conference organized by the 11 Research methods are ideally chosen on the basis of its
most appropriateness to the research question. For details, refer to: Md. Zabir Hasan,
MBBS, MPH, Research Associate, James P. Grant School of Public Health, BRAC
University, Steps of Research‟, slides developed for the Training on Research Method
and SPSS by ICDDRB, (Undated Study Material).
4. John W. Cresswell, Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Method Approaches (3rd
Ed.) (Sage Publications, 2009).
5. A definition of Qualitative Method by Aliaga and Gunderson (2000), referred by Mark Balnaves and
Peter Caputi, Introduction to Quantitative Research Method (Sage Publications Limited, 2001).
6. Ibid.
12
JSF Project in 2014. The confirmation or rejection of this again calls for a Quantitative
survey. If the finding is positive, the inconsistent provisions of law are required to be
found out. Collection of numerical data on the basis of a set questionnaire is found to be
the most appropriate strategy for this work. A qualitative study of the provisions of the
VAW legislations, however, is to be applied then to verify and confirm the result of the
Quantitative survey.
For comprehensiveness, the study, therefore, applies a mixture of both Quantitative and
Qualitative research method which is usually known as Mixed Method Approach.15 This
approach involves a merger of primary and secondary data and is believed to be capable
to best serve a transformative purpose to advocate for the marginalized groups, such as
women or other minorities.16 The following methods are adopted to address the issue of
low conviction rate and related bottlenecks:
This research believes that any initiative to justice sector reform must address bottlenecks
in the entire system in order to motivate people to report incidents and to promote case
prosecution. Various studies have identified that the systematic or structural bottlenecks
among the justice sector institutions in the VAW cases filed under the Nari-o-Sishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 exists from the pre-trial stage to the implementation of the
Tribunal‟s Judgment. The current research will particularly focus on this issue from the
context of low conviction rate in the VAW cases. Specifically, the bottlenecks affect the
right to access to justice which has been acting as a major disincentive for the women
litigants to come before the court.
7. Ibid.
8. Cresswell, above n 12.
13
Therefore, a research on this Methods to indentify the bottlenecks among justice sector
agencies In Practice In Law Itself
1. Qualitative Method: i. Research on the provisions of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 (as amended in 2003). ii. Research on the provisions of the
Dowry Prohibition Act, 1980, the Domestic Violence Act 2010 and the Family
Courts Ordinance 1985.
2. Quantitative Method: i. Interviewing the experts who will be from academics,

judges, practitioners, victims and other related justice sector agencies. ii.
Empirical survey through the collection of data and reports on the VAW cases
under the 2000 Act. issue while finding out a potential solution to this problem
will address all the related bottlenecks to ensure and establish an effective justice
delivery mechanism.
2.2. Data collection and sampling

Before identifying the participants (representative sample) for the Quantitative interview,
the work identifies the target population carefully and precisely17. Since the whole
undertaking is to facilitate the justice sector, this study considers the justice sector
stakeholders as the representative samples for data collection. The most closely related
stakeholders in this context, are the persons concerned with this aspect of the justice
sector. This group includes the Judges, the public prosecutors, court clerks, file and
record keepers of the court, and the defense lawyers. At the proposal stage, the work
selected two districts of Bangladesh namely, Comilla and Pabna as the fields of study
keeping in mind that the UNDP, Bangladesh is running pilot projects there to facilitate
the justice sector by helping to reduce case backlog. As there is one tribunal in Comilla
and another in Pabna dealing with the VAW cases, the number of sample stakeholders
would be really small if this research would keep its scope limited in these two districts.
However, considering that a moderate size of sample gives more generality to the current
work, the research subsequently added Dhaka as an additional field for data collection as
there are five Nari-o-Shishu Tribunals in this field. Lastly, the work takes a conscious
determination that the sample is representative and not a non-representative or biased
sample. It relies on the principle that how cases are selected for a sample is more
important than how many cases are selected.
14
2.3. Model Questionnaire
As the Research is following the mixed method approach, both Quantitative and
Qualitative data analysis method are used. To the extent, the work is concerned with
Qualitative data analysis, it takes the way of comparison of relevant literature and data.
For the part of Quantitative data collection, the work selects „Focus Group Interview‟ as
its strategy.18 The interview is based on two sets of questionnaire. The first set consists
of close ended questions. Previously formulated assumptions are placed as questions
giving options of „yes‟ or „no‟ answers for the participants in the interview.19 This
approach helps the work to gather numerical figures making the findings scientific. As it
is a socio-legal research, a complete reliance on the Quantitative method may not reveal
all the related information. Keeping this limitation in consideration, the second set of
questionnaire is prepared for open ended interview. In this part, the participant
stakeholders can go beyond the yes/ no answers and can add information that the
researchers might have been ignored. Thus, the data collection method followed by the
present work is compact and is able to secure maximum authenticity of the research
finding.
9. Firebaugh, above n 8.
10.Ranjit Kumar, Research Methodology: A Step-By-Step Guide for Beginners (Pearson Education
Australia, Sydney, 2009) 117.
11. Data does not always remain in quantitative form. Many data that do not naturally appear in quantitative
form can be collected in quantitative way. Yes/No questionnaire helps social scientists to get numerical
figures which are otherwise unavailable. For details see: A definition of Qualitative Method by Aliaga and
Gunderson (2000), referred by Mark Balnaves and Peter Caputi, Introduction to Quantitative Research
Method (Sage Publications Limited, 2001).
15
2.4. Ethical Consideration Guidelines
The present work follows the guidelines for researching violence against women
developed by Mary Elsberg and Lori Heise.20 This guideline is recommended by the JSF
Project funded by the UNDP Bangladesh office for this study. According to these
guidelines, the current work relies on the principles of respect for all persons at all stages
of the research process, minimizing harm to the respondents and research staffs,
maximizing benefits to the participants and community, and balancing risks and benefits
of research on violence against women.
12. Ellsberg M, and Heise L. Researching Violence Against Women: A Practical Guide for Researchers and
Activists (Washington DC, United States: World Health Organization, 2005).
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CHAPTER 3
CONCEPT OF REPRESSION AGAINST
WOMEN AND CHILEDREN
17
3.1. Literature Review On Low Conviction Rate In Violence Against Women Cases
Under The Nari-O-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000:
A wide range of literature deals with the aspects of violence against women and criminal
justice response in combating this offence. This research, however, focuses on the reasons
for low conviction rate in the VAW cases in Bangladesh under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000. The purpose of the literature review, therefore, is to explore and assess
firstly, the prevalence and dynamics of the VAW in Bangladesh, and secondly, the
criminal justice response as well as the challenge of low conviction rate in this particular
offense. From a review of the relevant literature on this issue, it is found that most of the
literature generally investigate the problem of non-implementation of laws relating to the
VAW, very few of them deal with the reasons for low conviction rate in the VAW cases
and except one or two, none of them exclusively focuses on the VAW with regard to this
particular Act.
3.2 Repression Against Women.

Being one of the world’s most compelling social problems, gender-violence, particularly,
violence against women requires a broad definition to encompass a wide variety of
oppressions suffered by women. The underlying reasons is, „narrow definitions not only
exacerbate the problem of underreporting, but also trivialize women’s real life abuses by
ultimately preventing them to seek social and legal support. Therefore, it is suggested that
in addition to focusing on the perspective of the victim, the definition of violence against
women should cover a wide spectrum of abuses that include both the use of force and the
threat to compel or constrain women to behave or not to behave in given ways. The
definition should also include the intention of perpetuating hierarchical gender-relations
in all social structures behind the use of force. Thus, any violation of a woman‟s basic
rights on the ground of gender can be termed as an act of violence. In respect of its scope,
violence against women is defined as an act of aggression that occurs in both personal
and social contexts and thus, it includes women’s experience of violence both inside and
outside of the home. Besides, so far the forms of violence against women are concerned,
attempts to broaden the definition demonstrate that as psychological abuse can just be as
injurious as physical violence, this should be included within the scope of violence
against women.
18
In line with these observations, the Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of
Violence against Women adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1993
identifies violence against women as a violation of the rights and fundamental freedoms
of women. The Deceleration defines violence against women as “....any act of gender-
based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual and psychological
harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary
deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life” . This definition
seems to be comprehensive as it embraces but is not limited to physical, sexual and
psychological violence occurring in the family, within the general community or the
violence perpetrated or condoned by the state. Types of Violence: Following this
definition, the forms of violence as specifically mentioned in the Declaration include
battery, sexual abuse of female children in the household, dowry
13. Kathleen Barry, Female Sexual Slaver (New York University Press, 1984), BRAC cited in An
Assessment of Male Attitude Towards Violence Against Women (2003)
<http://research.brac.net/others/an_assessment_of_male_attitude_towards_violence_against_women_pdf.pd
f.>.
14. Raquel Kennedy Bergen, „Marital Rape: New Research and Directions‟ (2006) VAW Net 1. 66 Asia
Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development, Kuala Lampur: Asia-Pacific women‟s Issues, Law and
the Development Process, „My Rights, Who Control?‟ (1990), cited by Barry in above n 64.
15. RA Baron, Human Aggression (Plenum Press, 1984) cited in above n 66.
16. Zaman, above n 31, 37.
17. AE Adams et al, „Development of the Scale of Economic Abuse‟ (2008) 15 Violence against Women
563.
18. The Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women 1998, A/RES/48/104, Preamble.
19. Ibid, Article 1.
19
related violence, marital rape, female genital mutilation and other traditional practices
harmful to women, non-spousal violence, violence related to exploitation, sexual abuse,
sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in educational institutions and elsewhere,
trafficking of women and forced prostitution. This definition, however, does not claim to
be all-inclusive and recognizes that various other forms of violence exist around the
globe. The declaration is, therefore, somewhat arbitrary in that it does not provide
sufficient guidance regarding controversial issues such as, whether control over a
woman's reproductive rights constitutes violence against women. Nevertheless, despite its
backdrop, the Declaration offers the first internationally accepted definition of violence
against women and a strong basis for the struggle to eliminate gender violence around the
world. Besides, violence against women has been classified in terms of six recognized
forms of abuse, e. g., physical, social, verbal, social, financial and spiritual.
Like other South Asian countries, violence against women is a complex and common
social phenomenon in Bangladesh due to deeply rooted patriarchy and unequal gender
norms. Although the rate of reported data on violence against women has been
consistently increasing, especially since the early 1990s but a set of comprehensive
statistics is still unavailable as many cases remain unreported. Following the major trends
in violence, domestic violence, dowry related violence, rape, trafficking, acid throwing,
forced prostitution, victimization by fatwa have been identified as the common forms of
violence against women in Bangladesh.
3.3 Definition Of Child.

A child is defined in section 2 (f) of the act as a person under the age of 16 years. Section 2(n)
defines “Youthful off ender” as a child who has been found to have committed an off once. We
shall see later that many international instruments and laws of some other countries define a child
to be a person under the age of 18 years. It may be noted that in neighboring India the juvenile as
under 16 years in case of a female. Uniformity was brought to prevail of children act 2000 where
juvenile is defined as any person under 18 years of age.
20
3.4 Type of repression against women.
Following two types of Repression against women:-
i. Rape and sexual harassment.
ii. Prostitution and trafficking.
iii. Domestic violence.
iv. Sexual assault within marriage.
v. Psychological violence.
vi. Torture by husband.
vii. High risk pregnancy.
viii. Acid assaults.
ix. Dowry related violence early marriage.
x. Murder and suicide.
xi. Harassment at work place.
xii. Eve- teasing.
3.5 Type of Repression Against Children.

Following to types of Repression against children:-
i. Trafficking of child.
ii. Kidnapping of child.
iii. Children for the purpose of begging.
iv. Physical and mental violence.
v. Exploitation child marriage.
vi. Gender based discrimination.
vii. Sexual abuse and exploitation.
viii. Armed violence.
ix. Child labor.
x. Too often in silence 2010
xi. Gang violence.
xii. Child marriage.
21
CHAPTER-4
PREVENTION OF REPRESSION AGAINST
WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN
BANGLADESH.
22
4.1 Punishment for offences committed by corrosive or any other
substances:
i. Whoever causes death or attempts to cause death of any woman or a child by

burner, corrosive poisonous substance, he shall be punished with death or
transportation for life and also with fine not exceeding one lac taka. ii. Whoever
causes hurt to a child or a woman in consequence of which the sight or ear is
permanently damaged or any organ, joint or limb thereof is disfigured any part of
the body of the woman or the child is as such that-
a) The sight or ear is damaged or face or breast or sexual organ is disfigured, the
person shall be punished with death or transportation for life and also with fine not
exceeding one lac taka. b) In case where, any limb, joint or part of the body is
disfigured or any part of the body is damaged, he shall be punished with
imprisonment of either description which may extend to fourteen years but not
less than seven years of rigorous punishment and also with fine not exceeding
fifty thousand taka.
iii. Whoever throws or attempts to throw any substance burner, caustic or poisonous
over a child or a woman, he shall be punished , if the child or woman is injured
physically, mentally or otherwise in consequence of such act, with rigorous
imprisonment of either description which may extend to seven years but not less
than three years and also with fine not exceeding fifty thousand taka.
iv. The fine amount imposed under this section, shall be realized from, the person
convicted or his existing property or if he is dead from the property left at the time
of his death, under the provision of the law in force, and shall be given to the
successors of the person died in consequences of the offence or in place, to the
person who is injured physically, mentally or to the successors of that person if he
dead.
23
4.2 Punishment for trafficking of woman:
i. Whoever fetches from abroad or dispatches or sends abroad for prostitution or, to
engage a woman in illicit immoral act or sale or buy or, for the purpose of
torturing her in rent or otherwise or, keeps a woman in his possession, custody or
security for such purpose, he shall be punished with death or transportation for life
or with rigorous imprisonment of either description which may extend to twenty
years but not less than ten years and also with fine. ii. If a woman is transferred
through sale rent or otherwise to a prostitute or the caretaker of a brothel or the
manager of it, the man transferring such, if not proved otherwise, shall be deemed
to have sold or transferred the woman for the purpose of prostitution and shall also
be punished under sub-section (і). iii. If the caretaker of a brothel or any person
engaged in the management of the brothel, keeps in his possession or custody of
any woman through sale, rent or Nari oShishu - 3
otherwise, he shall be deemed, if not proved otherwise, to have bought or rented
or taken in possession or custody of that woman to use that woman as a prostitute
and shall be punished under sub-section (і).
4.3 Punishment for trafficking of child:

i. Whoever fetches from abroad or dispatches or smuggles abroad a child for any
illegal or immoral purpose, or sells or purchases or keeps a child in his possession,
custody or security for such purpose, he shall be punished with death or rigorous
transportation for life and also with fine.
ii. If any person steals a newborn baby from a hospital, child or mother care home,
nursing home etc. or from the custody of the guardian of the child, he shall be
punished under sub-section (і).
4.4. Punishment for kidnapping a child or a woman:
Whoever kidnaps a child or a woman for the purpose other than of which to commit an
offence under section 5, he shall be punished with transportation for life or with rigorous
imprisonment for either description, which may extend to fourteen years and also with
fine.
20. Nari o Shishu - 1

21. Nari o Shishu – 2
24
4.5 Punishment for taking ransom:
Whoever detains a child or a woman to levy a ransom; he shall be punished with death or
with rigorous imprisonment for life and also with fine.
4.6 Punishment for rape or death in consequence of rape:

i. Whoever commits rape with a woman or a child, shall be punished with rigorous
imprisonment for life and with fine.
Explanation: Whoever has sexual intercourse without lawful marriage with a woman not
being under fourteen years of age, against her will or with her consent obtained, by
putting her in fear or by fraud, or with a woman not being above fourteen years of age
with or without her consent, he shall be said to commit rape.
ii. If in consequence of rape or any act by him after rape, the woman or the child so raped,
died later, the man shall be punished with death or with transportation for life and also
with fine not exceeding one lac taka. iii. If more than one man rape a woman or a child
and that woman or child dies or is injured in consequences of that rape, each of the gang
shall be punished with death or rigorous imprisonment for life and also with fine not
exceeding one lac taka. iv. Whoever attempts on a woman or a child-
a) To cause death or hurt after rape, he shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment
for life and also with fine.
b) To commit rape, he shall be punished with imprisonment for either description,
which may extend to ten years but not less than five years rigorous imprisonment
and also with fine.
v. If a woman is raped in the police custody, each and every person, under whose
custody the rape was committed and they all were directly responsible for safety
of that woman, shall be punished for failure to provide safety, unless otherwise
proved, with imprisonment for either description which may extend to ten years
but not less than five years of rigorous imprisonment and also with fine.
25
4.7 Punishment for sexual oppression:
i. Whoever, to satisfy his sexual urge illegally, touches the sexual organ or other
organ of a woman or a child with any organ of his body or with any substance, his
act shall be said to be sexual oppression and he shall be punished with
imprisonment for either description which may extend to ten years but not less
than two years of rigorous imprisonment and also with fine. ii. Whoever , to
satisfy his sexual urge illegally, assaults a woman sexually or makes any indecent
gesture, his act shall be deemed to be sexual oppression and he shall be punished
with imprisonment for either description which may extend to seven years but not
less than two years of rigorous imprisonment and also with fine.
4.8 Punishment for causing death for dowry:

If the husband of a woman or his father, mother, guardian or any other person on behalf
of the husband, causes death or attempts to cause death, cause hurt or attempts to cause
hurt to the woman, the husband, the father, mother guardian, relative or any other person
on his behalf, shall;
i. for causing death or attempt for causing death, be punished with transportation for
life and also with fine, in both case; ii. be punished with transportation for life for
causing hurt and with imprisonment for either description which may extend to
fourteen years but not less than five years of rigorous punishment in case of
attempt to hurt and also with fine in both the case.
4.9 Punishment for impairing any limb of a child for the purpose of begging:
Whoever damages hands, feet, eyes or any other limb of a child, or makes
disabled or disfigured by any means, for the purpose of making him a beggar or to
sale any part thereof, he shall be punished with death or rigorous imprisonment for
life and also with fine.
4.10 Provision regarding the child born in consequence of rape:
Notwithstanding anything contained under any other law for the time being in force, any
child born in consequence of a rape:-
i. The maintenance of that child shall be borne by the person who commits rape;
26
ii. The Tribunal may determine after the birth of the child, in whose custody the
child shall be and how much money shall be provided to the legal guardian, by the
person who commits rape, as expense for the maintenance of the child; iii. this
expense shall be provided for upto the period, the child attains twenty-one years if
male and, marriage of the female child, if not disabled, and until the date he/she
obtains the capability to earn his/her living, if disabled.
4.11 Prohibition on publishing acquaintance of a woman or a child oppressed, in

new media:
i. Any news, information or name &address or any other information regarding any
offence, under this Act, committed or any legal proceeding thereof, of which a
woman or a child is the victim, shall be published or presented as such that the
acquaintance of the woman or the child shall be undisclosed. ii. In case, where the
provision under sub-section (і) is infringed, the person or persons liable for such
infringement, each shall be punished with imprisonment for either description,
which may extend to two years or with fine not exceeding one lac taka or both.
4.12 Realization of fine from inheritable property in future:

The Tribunal may consider the fine if thinks necessary, which is imposed for the offences
under section 4to 14 of this Act, as damages for the victim of the offence and in case,
where the fine cannot be realized from the convict or from his existing property, it can be
realized from the property of which he will be the owner or in possession in future and
the claim of such fine or damage shall prevail over any other claim on that property.
4.13 Procedure for realizing fine or damage:

When any fine is imposed under this Act, the Tribunal shall direct the Collector to deposit
the fine amount in the Tribunal collected by attaching the property and selling it on
auction or sale on auction without attachment, after making the list of the properties of the
offender, movable or immovable or both, under the procedure provided by the law or
under the procedure determined by the Tribunal in absence of the former and the Tribunal
shall take measure to give it to the victim.
27
4.14 Punishment for filing any false case, complaint etc.:
i. If any person files or causes to be filed any case or complaint against a person under
this Act for the purpose of causing injury to that person, although he knows that he
had not any proper or; legal ground to do so, the person filing or causing to be filed
that case or complain shall be punished with rigorous imprisonment for either
description which may extend to seven years and also with fine.
ii. The Tribunal can take cognizance and adjudicate any offence under subsection (і), on
a written application by any person.
28
CHAPTER 5
DATA ANALYSIS AND FINDINGS ON LOW CONVICTION
RATE IN THE VAW CASES
29
This part critically examines the level of low conviction rate in the VAW cases under the
Nari-oSishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 and the underlying reasons behind with reference
to the quantitative and qualitative data. During the initial literature review it has been
found that conviction rate in the VAW cases is abysmally low. Following this, section-1
of this chapter tests the level of this rate by illustrating firstly, the quantitative survey
result from the justice sector agencies of Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna and secondly, by
analyzing the statistics on the VAW cases filed at the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman
Tribunals of the abovementioned three districts. If section-1 finds that the conviction rate
is really low, then section-2 will look for the underlying reasons for low conviction.
Current research has gone through several literatures and found no single study on this
particular topic. Rather, they either have focus on the reasons for low conviction rate in
criminal cases, in general or in the VAW cases, in particular. However, based on those
literatures, this research hypothesizes some reasons behind the low conviction rate in the
VAW cases under the 2000 Act. To testify those hypotheses, this research primarily relies
on the quantitative and qualitative questionnaire based survey result. Besides, judgments
of the Supreme Court and the Trial Court in the VAW cases are examined for specifically
determining the reasons behind the low rate of conviction.
5.1 Section-1: Is The Conviction Rate Low In The VAW Cases?

Hypothesis: Conviction rate is extremely low in the VAW cases under the Nari-o-Sishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000.
Question asked: Is the conviction rate in the VAW cases under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 generally low?
Quantitative data: The 24 justice sector agencies, e.g., judges, public prosecutors and
defense lawyers of all the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunals in Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna who have
been interviewed during the field visit of this research unanimously have opined that the
cases filed at the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal generally have an extreme low rate of conviction.
However, the magnitude varies as per the nature of the offence. According to majority of
the participants, the offence of causing death or attempting to cause death for dowry
[Section 11(a)], causing grievous hurt for dowry [Section 11(b)], causing simple hurt for
dowry [section 11(c)] have the lowest rate of conviction. By contrast, kidnapping (section
7), rape [section 9(a)], causing death after rape [section 9(b)], causing death or hurt by
gang rape [section 9(c)] have the highest rate of conviction. The finding, however,
contradicts with the statement that the offence of rape has the lowest rate of conviction.
30
Besides, being a very much gender-sensitive issue in a patriarchal society it is the least
reported crime and has the highest number of pending cases.106
This finding is confirmed by the statistics collected from the said tribunals. This
confirmation is significant to show the actual level of „extreme low rate of conviction‟. It
is to be mentioned that due to unavailability of data, among all the tribunals, data of
Tribunal-1 on the total number of case, pending case and disposed case, number of
acquittal and conviction is not included in the following tables and graphs.
The above table shows the total number of cases filed at the Nari-o-Shisu Nirjatan Daman
Tribunals operating in Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna from 2009 to 2014. Over the span of 6
years, total number of pending cases has increased from 8727 to 14474 and number of
cases disposed has also increased from 2608 to 4542 but no such trend was evident in the
number of conviction. In 2009, the total number of conviction was 54 which declined to
19 in 2014.
Overall, this table shows that over the 6-year period from 2009 to 2014, there was a
fluctuant trend in the percentage of case disposal. By contrast, the percentage of
conviction starting from 2.07% in 2009 showed a decreasing trend up to 2013. Looking at
the detail, among all the years, 2013 had the highest rate of disposal which was 25.56%
with the lowest rate of conviction of 0.30%. Likewise, 2012 although had the second
highest rate of disposal, the conviction rate in that year scored the second lowest. By
contrast, the lowest rate of disposal was in the year of 2010 which was 19.56%. But,
during that year, the conviction rate of 1.82% was the second highest among all the
mentioned years. Significantly, a slight increase in the conviction rate was evident in
2014 which was 0.42% with the disposal rate of 22.28%.
This graph clearly shows that there was a positive trend in the total number of cases and
the number of cases disposed. In 2009, in a number of 11967 total cases, the number of
disposed case was 2608. In the following years, the number of total cases increased
gradually and in 2014, it was 20384. The number of disposed case from 2009 to 2014 also
followed an upward trend with a slight fluctuation in 2014. Therefore, the number of
disposed case of 2608 in 2009 increased to 4907 but subsequently decreased in 2014 with
a number of 4542. In comparison to all these numbers, the number of cases that ordered
conviction was so low that this graph could not include within its limit. For example, in
31
2009, the number of conviction was 54 which over the years although had a fluctuating
trend with a very small number, remarkably decreased in 2014, it was only 19. This was,
however, a slight increase from 2013 which had a number of 15 convictions.
This another way of showing the statistics of Table 1 graphically indicates that the line
showing the number of conviction, in comparison to the number of acquittal and others
(e.g., withdrawal) is so low that it is visually merged to the x axis. To elaborate further,
while the numbers of acquittal and others were respectively 2103 and 652 in 2009, the
number of conviction was only 54. As has been shown in the earlier graph, that the
number of conviction, except decreased over the years and in 2014 it was 19. By contrast,
the numbers of acquittal and others saw an upward trend and in 2014 they were 2032 and
2707. The summarized data can be shown in the following table.
Following Table 3, the above bar chart clearly shows the low rate of conviction rate in the
Nario-Shisu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals of Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna in comparison to the
total number of filed cases, disposed cases and others (e.g., withdrawn). Statistics show
that, from 2009 to 2014, from 37915 filed cases, the number of disposed cases was 22073
with a percentage of 58.22% and the numbers of acquittal and others were 21492, the
percentage of which was 99.14%. The conviction rate, however, was only 0.86% with a
number of 186 convictions.
25. From 2009 to 2014, the overall conviction rate of all the Nari-o-Shisu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals of
Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna was only 0.86% in comparison to the percentage of non-conviction which was
99.14%.
32
5.2 Section 2: Reasons For Low Conviction Rate:
To find out the underlying reasons behind the low conviction rate in the VAW cases
under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 this research hypothesizes the
following factors.
Hypothesis on the reasons for low conviction rate in the VAW cases (For quantitative
and qualitative data collection)
5.3 Analysis of the qualitative and quantitative data from the nari-o-sishu
nirjatan daman tribunals:
The following discussion attempts firstly, to test these hypotheses by analyzing the
quantitative and qualitative data collected from the justice sector agencies of the Nari-o-
Shisu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals of Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna. In its concluding part, this
analysis looks for identifying the most significant reason behind the low conviction rate
in the VAW cases. Secondly, judgments of the Supreme Court and the brief cases studies
from the tribunals are examined to verify the reasons as stated by the justice sector
agencies.
Hypothesis on reasons for low conviction rate
Lack of proper and adequate evidence Weak presentation of case by the prosecution
Harshness of punishment
Filing of false cases
Technicalities of the 2000 Act and other legislations on the VAW
Out of court settlement
Case backlog
Insufficient police investigation
(i) Analysis of the Quantitative and Qualitative Data of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Tribunals of Dhaka, Comilla and Pabna:
Hypothesis 1
Lack of proper and adequate evidence is a reason for low conviction rate in the VAW
cases under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000.
Question asked:
(i) Do you find that lack of evidence as a reason for low conviction rate in the VAW
cases?
33
Quantitative Data Table on Hypothesis No. 1
Total No. of participants interviewed: 24 Total No. of affirmative answer: 19 Total No. of
negative answer: 5 Total No. of qualitative answer: 0
Qualitative Data Table on Hypothesis No. 1
Categories of Participants Summary of qualitative answers on Hypothesis No. 1 Judges,
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. In general, medical officers and doctors cannot be
found and they do not cooperate 2. Doctors often provide false and fabricated report by
taking money from the victim or the accused person in their favor 3. Sometimes, victims
(women) get harassed while collecting medical evidence, especially victim of rape 4.
Consent by the victim at the time of rape because of promise of marriage, a bar to
collecting medical evidence 5. Medical examinations are not executed in a timely manner
6. Sometimes forensic evidence is
Categories of participants interviewed
Affirmative answers
Negative answers
Other
MA NA
Judges 6 2 0 0 Public Prosecutors 7 2 0 0 Defense Lawyers 6 1 0 0 MA = Mixed Answer /
NA = Not Answered unavailable which then leads to „No Conviction‟ 7. Absence of
medical officers at the time of case hearing 8. Standard of medical examination is below
reasonable 9. Even if doctors, medical officers or investigating officers come to the
Court, they come in late which leads to delay in trial 10. Sometimes the medical officers
provide evidence completely unofficially and without any proper authority 11. Lack of
awareness of the victim is just another crucial reason for poor medical evidence 12.
Unavailability of female doctors to provide medical evidence sometimes impose a doubt
in the victims‟ confidence 13. Medical evidence provided by both the accused person
and the victim do not match often which then leads to confusion and delay in proceedings
14. False witnesses hamper the proceedings mostly, even more than filing of false cases
The quantitative data reveals that 19 among 24 participants have found lack of evidence
as a reason for low conviction rate in the VAW cases. And the qualitative data points out
that among all types of evidence, medical evidence is mostly unavailable or if available,
appear as false and fabricated in many cases. The unavailability of medical evidence
occurs either because the doctor or medical officer cannot be found or they do not
cooperate. Medical examinations are also not executed in a timely manner. This lead to
34
delay in the examination of witness and trial. The offence that is mostly affected by
inadequate medical evidence is rape. Another interesting point that has been found is that
the evidence of false witnesses hampers the VAW proceeding, even more than filing of
false cases.
Weak presentation of the prosecution case negatively affects the conviction order of the
trial court.
Question asked:
(i) Do you find the prosecution lawyers playing satisfactory role?
Qualitative Data Table on Hypothesis
No. 2
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Public prosecutors are negligent and insincere 2.
There should be more senior and experienced people appointed as PP 3. They provide
moderate cooperation towards the victims 4. There is minimal coordination between the
PPs and justice sector agencies 5. Insufficient effort by PPs 6. They tend to treat all the
case with equal weight unless there is some political backing or the case is filed by any
NGO 7. Cooperation of PP mostly depends on the person s/he is, if supportive or
corruptive 8. There should be legal accountability measures implemented for the PPs 9.
Sometimes the cases suddenly come to PPs
Categories of participants interviewed
Affirmat ive answers
Negativ e answers
Other
MA
NA
Judges 2 6 0 0 Public Prosecutors 4 3 1 1 Defense Lawyers 1 3 1 2
MA = Mixed Answer / NA = Not Answered
for which they do not get enough time for preparation hence weak presentation might
occur once or twice 10. PPs seem reluctant of the outcome of the case unless money is
there 11. Sometimes not sufficiently educated people are appointed as PP hence they can
35
neither help the Judges nor the victims on the cases 12. PPs tend to file application for
time petition which is a dilatory tactic but in the presence of CJM they tend to give their
all to the cases otherwise it‟s the same story all over again
Finding on Hypothesis 2
The quantitative data shows that majority of the participants have responded with a
negative answer. However, the qualitative data indicates four main reasons behind the
weak presentation of the VAW cases by the PPs. While the first two relate to the
negligence, insincerity and lack of proper legal knowledge of the PPs, the other two
indicate the time constraint in preparing the prosecution case and lack of cooperation
from the victim, witness or the justice sector agencies. To improve the current situation,
qualitative data suggests for the appointment of more skilled and senior PPs and
establishment of mechanism that will ensure accountability.
Hypothesis 3
Harshness of punishment leads to no conviction.
Question asked:
(i) Do you find harshness of punishment under the 2000 Act is a reason for low
conviction rate?

Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Non-bailable nature of laws regarding VAW cases is
good 2. It only hampers justice when false cases are filed to harass the husband 3.
Mandatory death sentence under the 2000 Act leaves no alternative before the judges 4.
Provision containing strict penalty can be amended with lesser punishment
Categorie s of participa nts interview ed
Negativ e answers
Other
MA
36
NA
Judges 2 6 0 0 Public Prosecuto rs 2 6 0 1 Defense Lawyers 2 5 0 0
Only one-fourth of the total participants have positively answered that harshness of
punishment under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 is a reason for low
conviction rate. The qualitative data, however, identifies two aspects of punishment to
prove the harshness of the Act, e.g., non-bailability of offence and mandatory death
penalty. According to the participants, harshness of law inspires the filing of false case
when there is an intention to harass any party. Therefore, to prevent the abuse of justice
harshness is recommended to be mitigated by legislative amendment.
False case is a reason behind the low conviction rate in the VAW cases.
Question asked:
(ii) Do you think filing of false cases is one of the reasons for low conviction rate in the
VAW cases?

Negativ e answers
Other
MA
NA
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Filing of false cases is one of the most crucial reasons
for low conviction of VAW cases 2. Often the victim files cases to harass husband for
petty reasons which could have been solved between them in a domestic environment 3.
37
It is a medium for the victims to extract money from the husband 4. The MO/IO often
takes money to provide false evidence so that false case may be filed 5. False witnesses
cause much problem as well 6. Some lawyers even tend their victim to this path to secure
more money 7. Trial court should be cautious in taking cognizance of an offence.
Majority of the participants believe that filing of false case under the Nari-o-Sishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 is a reason for low conviction rate. The medical officer,
investigation officer and even lawyers may have a part in preparing and presenting false
cases. In this regard, the interviewees‟ have recommended that while taking cognizance
of an offence, the trial court should be more cautious and should recourse to section 17 of
the Act to punish anyone who files a false case.
Hypothesis 5
Technicalities of the 2000 Act and other legislations influence the court not to issue a
conviction order.
Question asked:
(i) Do you think that technicalities of laws are one of the reasons for low conviction rate
in the VAW cases?

Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Not that much technicalities, people now understand
the laws or at least their lawyers explain the provisions to them 2. However, some people
still do not understand and often their lawyers take the undue advantage to make more
money by prolonging the proceeding unnecessarily 3. Not that much incidence of
transfer of cases from one Court to another 4. The problem can be overcome if the
Negativ e answers
Other
MA
38
NA
judges apply their judicial mind in interpreting and applying the Act.
Finding on Hypothesis 5 The quantitative data informs that among 24 participants, only 9
believe that technicalities of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 and other
legislation are one of the reasons behind low conviction rate. From the qualitative data it
is found that such technicalities of law have very minor contribution to blame as the
potential reasons for the low conviction rate. Taking this into account, while finding out a
solution to this problem, the qualitative part of the interview advocates for the application
of judicial mind by the trial court in interpreting and applying the 2000 Act.
Hypothesis 6
Insufficient police investigation is a reason behind the low conviction rate in the VAW
cases.
Question asked:
(i) In your opinion, do the police investigate the VAW cases satisfactorily?
Negativ e answers
Qualitati ve answers M A NA Judges 5 3 0 0 Public Prosecuto rs 7 2 0 0 Defense
Lawyers 4 3 0 0
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Police do the most damage to VAW cases 2. They do
not cooperate with the PP or with the victim at all 3. They file reports on a whim without
even properly investigating the crime scene 4. They tend to file reports in favor of those
who pay them good money 5. However, it always depends on the person he is; if he is
good then corruption does not occur 6. PPs do not get any coordination from the Police
7. Sometimes even the victims get harassed by the Police 8. Investigating Officer (IO)
often does not appear before the Court 9. They cannot be found in a timely manner and
39
even if they show up, they show up late 10. Often they provide false and fabricated
reports
According to the quantitative data, majority (16 out of 24) of the participants have
considered inadequate police investigation as a reason that leads to negatively affect the
conviction order of the court. During the qualitative interview, some of the participants
have stated that in the VAW cases police does the most damages. This occurs because of
their non-cooperation with the PPs and the victims, filing of false charge without proper
investigation and non-appearance of the Investigation Officer at the court during trial.
Corruption and bribery have been identified as the contributing factors behind.
Hypothesis 7
Out of court settlement is a reason for low conviction rate.
Question asked:
(i) Are there incidents of „out of court settlement‟ in the VAW cases?
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. No provision for out of court settlement. 2. If the
victim (girl) belongs to a reputed family, often they hesitate to come forward with a case
due to social prestige hence out of Court settlement occurs 3. Threat might play a factor
but not always 4. Monetary compensation is a factor. 5. Social barrier play a major role
in out of Court settlement 6. Sometimes the victims file false cases to harass the husband
in which case out of Court settlement occurs quite often 7. In case of lengthy
proceedings, the victim
Negativ e answers
Qualitati ve answers M A NA Judges 6 0 1 1 Public Prosecuto rs 8 1 0 0 Defense
Lawyers 5 2 0 0
40
gets reluctant to proceed with her case so she agrees to out of Court settlement
The quantitative data reveals that out of court settlement is a crucial reason for low
conviction rate in the VAW cases. 19 out of 24 participants have supported this
proposition. The quantitative data points out as to why the parties to the VAW cases opt
for out of court settlement. Out of court settlement occurs mainly due to threat, social
barrier and sometimes the victim is not willing to continue the lengthy procedure of trial.
Besides, as most of the victims before the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal are poor, monetary
gratifications from the accused act as a reason for out of court settlement. Most of the
interviewees have stated that although there is no provision for out of court settlement in
the 2000 Act, judges allow it as the least worst option when in a case the victim herself is
unwilling to continue the case.
Hypothesis 8
Backlog of cases is a reason for low conviction rate.
Question asked:
(i) Do you think case backlog is responsible for low conviction rate in VAW cases?
Negativ e answers
Other
MA
NA
Public Prosecutors and Lawyers 1. Heavy workload of the judge. 2. Non-appearance of
the witness. 3. Backlog of cases is a reason for delay in trial. 4. Coordination among the
justice sector agencies should be enhanced. 5. More Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal can be
established. Judges should be appointed at the tribunal where there is no judge.
41
As to the identification of case backlog as a reason for low conviction rate, 12 out of 24
participants have answered affirmatively while 11 participants have mentioned it as not a
reason behind low conviction rate. The qualitative data shows that case backlog may
occur due to huge workload of the judge and non-appearance of witnesses. As the
solution to this problem, the interviewees‟ contended for better coordination among the
justice sector agencies, establishment of more Nari-o-Sishu Tribunals and appointment of
judge at the tribunal where there is no judge.
Identifying the most significant reasons behind low conviction rate in the VAW cases:
Table: Reasons behind low conviction rate in the VAW cases
Reasons Judges Public Prosecutors
Defense Lawyers
Sub-total
Filing of false cases
8 6 7 21
Lack of evidence
6 7 6 19
Out of court settlement 6 8 5 19 Weak Police Investigation 5746 Case backlog 444 12
Technicalities of Law 2439 Dissatisfactory role of Prosecution lawyers 2417 Harshness
of punishment under the 2000 Act 2226
The table and the bar chart above clearly show the reasons and their contribution behind
low conviction rate in the VAW cases under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000
as mentioned by the justice sector agencies and elaborately discussed in the above part of
discussion. It is evident that the most significant reason behind low conviction rate is
filing of false cases as 21 participants have given affirmative answer. Lack of evidence
and out of court settlement are two other reasons which each with 19 participants‟
support have become the 2nd reason behind low conviction. The 3rd reason that is
responsible for low conviction rate is weak police investigation. 16 out of 24 participants
have pointed out this. They next reasons are, case backlog, technicalities of law,
dissatisfactory role of prosecution lawyers and harshness of punishment under the 2000
Act as have been stated respectively by 12, 9, 7 and 6 participants.
42
5.4 Analysis Of The Judgments Of The Supreme Court And The Case Studies
From The Trial Court:
From an exploration of all the Supreme Court’s judgments in Nari-o-Sishu cases as
reported in the BLC, BLD, BLT, DLR and MLR from 2000 to 2013, it is found that
except a very few instances, the Appellate Division and the High Court Division set aside
the conviction order of the trial court. By analyzing the judgments several reasons have
been identified that are responsible for low conviction rate. They are, lack of proper and
adequate evidence, filing of false cases, harshness of law and non-application of judicial
mind by the trial court which is exhibited though impropriety, legal infirmity, and lack of
sound reasoning in the trial court‟s decision, excessive use of jurisdiction by the trail
court, framing of wrong charge by the Tribunal and inappropriate procedure of trial.
LACK OF PROPOER AND ADEQAUTE EVIDENCE:

During the field visits at the Tribunals, lack of proper and adequate evidence has been
identified as the 2nd obvious reason for low conviction rate in the VAW cases. In many
instances also, the Appellate Division or the High Court Division has set aside the
conviction order for lack of evidence. A mention to these cases are significant to show the
gross error of the trial court in making the conviction order at one hand and dismissal of
that conviction order by the Higher Court for lack of evidence at the other. In Md
Morshed@Morshed@Md Morshed Alam v The State107, the Appellate Division
dismissed the conviction order and granted bail to the appellant-petitioner due to lack of
proper evidence. In that case it was found that the trial court while convicting the
appellant-petitioner solely relied on the statement of the victim who was raped. But,
Appellate Division observed that reliance on the evidences of a deaf and dumb victim is
dangerous and as such conviction should not be based on the evidence of such witness.
In Zitu Ahsan vs. State108, the HCD allowed an appeal setting aside the conviction and
sentence given by the Narayanganj Nari-o-Shishu Trigunal on 10/08/2006 u/s 9(1) of the
Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000. The conviction was set aside by the HCD on
the ground that no sign of violence was found in the medical report.
In Anwar Hossain vs State109, the conviction and sentence imposed on the accused
appellant by the trial court was also set aside by the HCD because there was no sufficient
evidence of the woman being taken away forcibly for the purpose of intercourse. The
43
statements of the prosecutrix could not be corroborated by other witnesses in material
points.
In Kamal Hossain vs. State110, the conviction and sentence were passed by the Nari-o-
Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal Natore u/s 9(1) of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman
Ain 2000. The fact was that, the accused used to have intercourse with the victim giving
assurance of her marriage. The victim became pregnant and on the denial of the accused
to marry her, filed the instant case. The medical report stated that there was no mark of
violence and sign of recent rape on the victim. Based on the medical report, the HCD
presumed implied consent on the part of the victim and set aside the conviction.
In State vs. Sadequl Islam111, lack of evidence contributed in setting aside of the
conviction. The Appellate Division observed that the charge was initially framed against
the accused u/s 11(ka) and 11(ka)/30 of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain, 2000.
The Prosecution case was about killing of the victim in the demand of dowry. Defense
case was that, the victim committed suicide out of frustration. Conviction and sentence
passed by the Trial Court were kept intact by the HCD. The AD, however, set aside the
conviction and sentence with the observation that, “it appears that the prosecution failed
to prove the demand of dowry and could not prove the presence of Sadequl, the accused
in the house during occurrence.”
Rehana Begum vs. State112 is an interesting case where the accused persons although
were not convicted for lack of evidence at the trial court but subsequently they met with
the order of conviction in the High Court Division. In this case, the victim committed
suicide after a gang rape. The accused persons were sentenced with life imprisonment u/s
9(3)/30 of the Nari-oShishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000. Witness statements were
consistent. In the trial court, the medical evidence was insufficient as medical
examination was conducted after the victim took bath. The HCD held that the accused
persons were guilty and confirmed the conviction.
In Mehedi Hasan v State113 the appeal was filed against the judgement passed by the
Nari-oSishu Tribunal of Kustia that convicted the accused with rigorous imprisonment for
14 years and a fine of Tk. 1,000/- and in default 2 (two) months imprisonment more. The
High Court Division questioned the authenticity of the doctor‟s report and opinion as to
the age of the victim. The Court observed that the way the victim should be examined
was not done duly. Age is always dependent on the growth and development of human
body and therefore a male or female of 18 years can be found as 15 or 16 due to lack of
growth or else can be found as 19 or 20 due to puberty occurring earlier than usual. As a
44
result, the appeal was allowed and the impugned judgement convicting the accused
appellant was set aside. The case of Kazi Nurun Nabi Parag v State114 is important to
demonstrate how lack of adequate and proper evidence is related to the weak effort of the
public prosecutors. In this case the appeal was preferred against the judgement passed
under ss. 7 & 9(1) by the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal of Satkhira. The High Court Division
contended that no FIR that named the eye witnesses was brought to prove the allegation
of kidnapping and no police personnel who recovered the victim was placed before the
Court to prove the said recovery and there was no evidence about the commission of rape
of the victim. Therefore, the HCD was observed that the prosecution had miserably failed
to prove the charge levelled against the appellants in any way and the Trial Court
convicted the appellants on mere surmises and conjectures and thus the impugned
judgement and order of conviction was liable to be set aside.
All the justice sector agencies have pointed out that such lack of proper and adequate
evidence mainly relates to the unavailability of medical report, especially in rape cases
and delay in examination of witness. Delay in examination of witness takes the case
against the prosecution as it potentially declines the pros and cons of the incident from the
memory of the witness.115 The reasons behind the inordinate delay to examine witnesses
that have been come out during the judges, PPs and DLs of the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunals are
mainly three. Firstly, delay has been caused during the time of statement of the
investigation officer and medical officer. In many instances, because of transferring from
one place to another it becomes difficult for them to appear before the tribunal. Secondly,
particularly the judges, PPs and DLs of the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunals at Dhaka have stated
that as constantly people who do not have a permanent place to live at Dhaka shift from
one place to another, it becomes difficult to trace the whereabouts of the witness. Thirdly,
adjournment of court proceeding which is another reason for delay. In most of the cases it
occurs due to the heavy workload of the judges or the absence of witness. In this regard,
case backlog that contributes to heavy workload may negatively affect the prosecution
case.
NON-APPLICATION OF JUDICIAL MIND BY THE TRIAL COURT:

The Supreme Court in several instances has set aside the conviction order of the trial
court due to non-application of judicial mind which is expressed through impropriety,
legal infirmity, and lack sound reasoning in the trial court‟s decision, excessive use of
jurisdiction by the trail court, framing of wrong charge by the Tribunal and inappropriate
45
procedure of trial. For example, the HCD in Alam (Md) and another v State116 observed
that the trial court committed gross mistake in passing sentence under several penal
provisions with which the convicted persons were not even charged with. The HCD
observed that in the case, elements of offence as contemplated under section 9(ka) and 9
(Ga) of the 2000 Act was totally absent in the charge, which was only directed against the
offence of compelling the victim girl to give her consent in the marriage by abduction.
So, the offence charged with was not the offence under the abovementioned sections and
as such defect appeared to be substantial. The HCD also observed that the trial court had
illegally relied on the statement of the victim under section 164 of the CRPC in inflicting
punishment on the accused. But such a statement of witness is not legally acceptable to
prove or disprove any accusation, particularly when the witness herself was available in
the court.
In State v Bahar Mia117 , the Tribunal took cognizance of an offence of causing death for
dowry on the basis of police report. As the prosecution failed to prove that the death was
caused for dowry, therefore, the trial court being satisfied that the death was caused by
the accused, convicted the condemned prisoner for causing death under section 302 of the
Penal Code. The HCD observed that although section 25 (1) of the 2000 Act provides that
a Tribunal may exercise all the powers of a Sessions Judge but it was not a court of
session while trying an offence under the 2000 Act. The Tribunal was constituted for trial
of special offences. No power has been given to it to try any offence of the Penal Code
including an offence under section 302 of the Penal Code. The High Court Division
rejected the death reference and the judgment and conviction order of the trial court was
aside. The HCD observed that jurisdiction over the subject matter is a condition precedent
to the acquisition authority over parties and a judgement without jurisdiction is absolutely
null and void. Interestingly, the HCD observed that “ …[W]e have been noticing huge
number of cases where the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunals have been convicting
accused persons under the 2000 Act, but on appeal by the convicts, this Court finds that
the offences do not attract the said Act and the trials have been without
jurisdiction...[T]his defects are detected at the appellate stage. This could have been
avoided if the Tribunals apply their judicial mind at the time of taking cognizance of an
offence…”. On similar note, the case of State v Md. Akinur Rahman118 made a
significant observation. The HCD stated that the overnight establishment of NOSNDTs
all over the country and empowerment of the Judges who did not have any practical
46
experience in holding trial involving capital sentence and the vesting of power of dealing
with those types of cases had made an imbalance and as a result, the number of
conviction and imposition of death sentences has increased. The Courts must be careful in
dealing with the cases under the NOSNDA. This Court also feels cautious in passing the
judgement in view that, justice should not only be done but it should also appear to have
been done.
In Abul Kalam Azad vs. State119, conviction could not sustain for being based on
inappropriate section of law. The provisions of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain
should be consistent with the Penal Code. Technicalities of law and lack of evidence was
involved. The Appellate Division set aside the HCD‟s Judgment accepting the Death
Reference arising out of the conviction given by the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman
Adalat, Narayanganj u/s 10 of the Nario-Shishu Nirjatan Daman (Bishesh Bidhan) Ain
1995 for death in demand of dowry. The AD held that the case should have been tried by
the Sessions Court u/s 302 of the Penal Code. The problem with the conviction was
insufficient evidence to prove the demand of dowry. Prosecution case in short was that,
while the victim was staying with her husband, at one morning she was found dead with
signs of injury on her body. Except the maid, all witnesses stated that they did not know
anything about how the death was occurred. The maid of that house stated that the victim
used to be physically abused by the inmates in the demand of dowry. Likewise, in Roni
Ahmed Liton v State120 the HCD held that the trial court was ex-facie wrong in
convicting and sentencing the convict appellant and by setting aside the conviction order
acquitted the convict appellant. In this case, the criminal appeal was filed by the accused
appellant against the judgement of the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal, Sylhet. In an allegation of
rape under section 9(1) of the 2000 Act, the Tribunal sentenced him with to suffer
rigorous imprisonment for life and fine of Tk. 50,000 Tk. and in default to suffer rigorous
imprisonment for 2 (two) more years. The High Court Division observed that almost all
the prosecution witnesses stated that the convict-appellant and the victim who is a major
voluntarily married each other and they were living together as husband and wife and a
baby had been born out of their wedlock. Moreover, the victim had not been examined in
this case which rendered the prosecution case doubtful. Therefore, in the facts and
circumstances, the allegations do not constitute offence punishable under s. 9(1) of the
Act. The appeal accordingly succeeded.
47
In Harabilash Mitra v Sanjoy Biswas and another121, gross error of law at the Tribunal
was the ground to set aside the conviction order. The HCD allowed the appeal of the
accused appellant and set aside the conviction order of the trial court. The Court found
that the Tribunal had exceeded its jurisdiction in allowing the investigating officer to
initiate the proceedings against the informant for making false allegation against the
respondent under section 17 of the Nari-oSishu Nirjatan Daman Ain, 2000. The HCD
stated that “in our little experience, we see that a large number of judges of the Nari-o-
Sishu Tribunal have been committing the gross error of law. They have been allowing the
investigating officers to initiate the proceedings against the informant/complaint under the
provision of section 17 of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Ain, 2000. Tribunal must be stopped
from committing the gross mistake again and again.” [para, 22]
Hossain Md. Rajib v State122 places another example that shows how the trial court did
gross error of law by stepping beyond its jurisdiction. In this case, the appeal was
preferred by the convict appellant challenging the judgement of the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal
of Brahmanbaria that had sentenced him under ss. 11(3) & 30 of the Nari-o-Sishu
Norjatan Daman Ain 2000. The HCD contended that the learned Judge had forgotten that
she was bound to dispense justice in accordance with law and a Judge cannot be an
Arbitrator while dispensing justice. The Judge had no duty to compromise any dispute
between the litigant public, but the act done by the learned Judge comes under the
definition of a Salishder, not under the definition of a Judge, and the same is beyond the
law. As a result, the appeal was allowed and the impugned judgement was set aside.
In M. Moinul Khan vs. State123, the trial Court, Sylhet Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman
Tribunal rejected the complaint about causing forcible abortion of the victim. The HCD
found that the trial Court misconstrued the provisions of section 27 of the Nari-o-Shishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 as the Tribunal rejected the inquiry report submitted by the
Magistrate, 1st Class and directing the Additional District Magistrate Sylhet to hold
another “local inquiry” for the 2nd time. The HCD held that the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 does not keep provision for any such 2nd time inquiry and the 1st
inquiry report in which important witness statements were recorded should have been
taken into consideration.
48
In Sarder Lutfur Rahman v State124, a rule was issued calling upon the opposite party to
show cause as to why the impugned judgement should not be set aside and/or pass such
other or further order or orders as to this Court may deem fit and proper. The contention
of the High Court Division was that the victim girl could not be more than 16 years of age
and the Court‟s opinion had been corroborated by the registration card and birth
certificate. It is also a well settled principle of law that birth certificate and school
certificate will prevail over the medical certificate. On the issue of custody of the victim
girl, the HCD felt sorry to observe that the learned Tribunal acted illegally in giving the
girl in jimma of her lawyer when the matter was pending before the HCD. The Court also
found that there was an unseen influential hand that played a vital role in doing all the
misdeeds, e.g. even before the acceptance of police report, certified copies of police
report had been supplied to the accused party. As a result, the appeal was allowed and the
impugned judgement was set aside.
In Amin Uddin (Md) vs. State, the conviction could not sustain as it was based on
inappropriate procedure of trial. In this case, the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal
of Brahmanbaria directly took cognizance of an offence on the basis of a complaint and
convicted the accused. The HCD observed that the provision for the Police report under
section 27(1) of the Nari-oShishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 required the Tribunals not to
take direct cognizance against any accused. Section 173 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure should have been applied. The Police report must be submitted by one Police
Officer not below the rank of sub-inspector of Police. Therefore, the HCD quashed the
conviction given by the trial Court u/s 9(1) of the Nario-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000
directing to send the matter to the concerned Magistrate to take cognizance. The
Brahmanbaria Tribunal was directed to send the complaint of the CR Case to Thana to be
treated as first information report as the Police report is to be submitted u/s 173 of the
Code of Criminal Procedure.
In MM Ishak v State and another125, the High Court Division quashed the pending case
of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal-4, Dhaka due to technicalities of law to stop
the abuse of justice. The Court observed vague and unspecific allegation of offence as
torture does not mean causing hurt. Thus the allegation of torture in the FIR did not
attract an offence under section 11(Kha) of the 2000 Act. There was no allegation for
causing hurt for dowry. So, the allegation made in the FIR, even was taken as true, did
not constitute an offence punishable under section 11 (Kha) or 11 (Kha)/30 of the Act. In
Golam Ahmed v State126, the HCD allowed the Appeal of the accused-appellant against
49
the order of the trial court for the offence of rape and he was discharged. The Court
observed that the manner of occurrence as alleged in the FIR was preposterous and
suffered from infirmity and improbability. It was admitted that they lived together as
husband and wife for six years. Sexual intercourse was not an act of the day, but for six
years. Such act did not constitute an offence of rape under section 9(1) of the Act. The
Tribunal wrongly framed the charge under section 9(1) of the 2000 Act against the
accused appellant, who ought to have been discharged. The appeal in Sirajul Islam v
State127 was filed by the complainant-appellant against the judgment passed by the Nari-
o-Sishu Tribunal of Habiganj rejecting the Naraji petition and discharging the accused-
respondent. The High Court Division contended that the expression „any person‟ in s.
27(1ka)(ka) does not include any „police officer‟ but it includes any public officer or any
private individual or any other responsible person of the society upon whom the Tribunal
may have confidence to get the enquiry conducted in respect of the complaint lodged
before the Tribunal and submit report within seven working days. But these proceedings
were not properly maintained during trial and hence the appeal was allowed and the
impugned judgment was set aside.
The High Court Division in Uzzal alias Elias Hossain vs. State128, set aside the
conviction order due to misconstruction of law and error made by the trial court in taking
evidence. In this case, the HCD rejected a death reference out of the conviction and
sentence passed by the Rajshahi Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal u/s 9(2) of the
Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Bishesh Ain 1995 for death of victim after rape. Though
the evidence was enough to prove rape, there was lack of evidence to prove the death of
victim due to rape. The HCD held that, the conviction should have been under section
9(1) of the Act. The HCD also held that doctor‟s report and post mortem report was not
substantive evidence but corroborative evidence only. In another case129 the HCD
rejected the death reference given under section 12 of the Nari-o-Shishu Bishesh Bidhan
Ain 1995 with an observation that the sentence was wrongly given under section 12
while the appropriate section would be section 8 which does not allow death sentence for
the designated offence. In Sree Pintoo Pal v State130 the conviction order passed by the
trial court was also held by the Appellate Court, to be based on misreading and non-
reading of evidence which had materially affected the merit of the case and as such the
impugned judgement and order was liable to be set aside. Md. Abdul Hashem v State131
is another case where a rule was issued the Appellate Court by calling upon the opposite
50
party to show cause as to why the conviction order passed by the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal-1
of Dhaka should not be set aside. The Court held that the Tribunal did not at all consider
the attending circumstances, as revealed in the cross-examination by the defence,
inasmuch as belated disclosure of fact of rape and belated examination of witnesses by
the IO resulting the prosecution case unbelievable. By convicting the accused, therefore,
the Tribunal caused miscarriage of justice. The Court further observed that judgement of
conviction or acquittal cannot be passed or recorded on hypothesis rather it must be based
on evidence of unimpeachable character, which were very much absent in this case. The
Court then made the rule absolute and set aside the order of conviction.
Excessive use of jurisdiction by the trail court is another important factor which has been
taken by the higher judiciary to set aside the conviction order of the trial court. In Nurul
Haq (Md) v State132 the HCD allowed an appeal against the order that directed the
Magistrate, Habigonj to file a case under section 17(1) of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 against the appellant, informant of the case. The HCD observed the
limit of jurisdiction of the trial court and stated that the said Act does not empower the
tribunal to take cognizance against any person who has filed a false case or a complaint or
got such a case or complaint filed by any other person. Also the tribunal has no authority
to direct the Magistrate or any other person to file such complaint to enable it to take
cognizance. In Mozam vs. State133, the HCD ordered for the retrial of case as the Nari-o-
Shishu Nirjatan Daman Adalat of Jessore passed conviction u/s 4(c)/ 9 of the Cruelty to
Woman Ordinance 1983 of which the Tribunal did not have jurisdiction. This case is also
significant to show legislative inconsistencies affect the jurisdictional dilemma before the
trial court. Similarly, in the death reference case, State v Md. Atiqur Rahman134, the
High Court Division contended that the offence of culpable homicide punishable under
the Penal Code is cognizable by the Magistrate but he did not take cognizance of such
case. The offence allegedly committed was not triable by the Tribunal. Jurisdiction of a
Court goes to the very root of a matter brought before it and if the Court has no
jurisdiction then everything shall fall through. Therefore, this entire proceeding was
vitiated due to lack of jurisdiction and the evidence recorded by the Tribunal was without
jurisdiction. Hence, this death reference was rejected and the appeal was allowed.
51
HARSHNESS OF LAW:
By referring the Indian context, it is noted that harsher laws have created negative
reaction among the judiciary because these provisions stand in the way of legal reform
and liberal interpretation of fundamental rights. Judiciary to uphold the fundamental
rights at its core may not go for similar trends can be noticed in the judiciary of
Bangladesh as well.135 It was commented with evidence that much less than 10% of the
cases that ends up with conviction under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan (Bishesh Bidhan) Ain
1995 is a telling indication of the approach of the judiciary.
Under the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000, 12 offences are punishable with death
sentence of which 2 are only for attempting to commit the offence.137 However, under
this Act section 11(a) provides provision for mandatory death penalty for causing death
for dowry. Although the compared to the earlier Nari-o-Sishu Ain 1995, the harshness is
lower but, it is argued that the provision of mandatory death sentence leads to gross
injustice. To avoid this, a conscious court being overly sensitive to its duty to protect the
constitutional rights, opts for finding out alternative legislation that provides a lesser
punishment. Very naturally, it affects the conviction order of the court. State vs. Anjali
Debi139 is worth mentioning here where the conviction order could not sustain due to
harshness of law. The judgment and order dated 15/06/2005 passed by the learned Judge
of Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal Pabna convicting the condemned prisoner
under section 6 (1) of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain, 2000 and sentencing her to
death was set aside by the HCD in this case. The accused was caught by the public when
she was trying to commit the offence of trafficking of the victim. The HCD held that
under section 6(1), the accused should be put on trial when the victim was found to be
under the custody and control of the offender from some period of time. As the accused
was caught on the spot, this condition was not satisfied and the conviction was set aside
by the HCD. The HCD held that the accused should get the benefit of the principles of
natural justice that is, “if there are two parallel laws, harsh law should not be applied to an
accused as the accused has a right for fair trial which cannot be possible under harsh
law”. It seems that if the 2000 Act was less harsh, conviction would be able to sustain.
In BLAST v Bangladesh140, the petitioners argued against Section 6(2) of the Nari-o-
Shishu Nirjatan (Bidesh Bidhan) Ain, 1995 on the ground that it provides mandatory
death penalty with no alternative. It was also pointed out that death penalty was the only
punishment available under section 6(1) of the said law as well. The petitioners also
argued that Article 5 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 is also reflected in
Article 35(5) of the Constitution of Bangladesh and Article 6 of International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), 1996, which was ratified by Bangladesh, prohibits
52
arbitrary deprivation of life. Article 6.5 of ICCPR provides that sentence of death shall
not be imposed for crimes committed by persons below 18 years of age. By referring to
due process of law of the fourteenth amendment of the American Constitution, it was
submitted that the due process implies the exercise of the discretion of judge in deciding a
case. Therefore, when the legislature prescribes a mandatory penalty due process is
minimized. It is expected that sentencing authorities must have the discretion to consider
every possible mitigating factor, rather than being limited to a specific list of factors for
consideration.141 Considering inding merits in these arguments, the High Court held that
Section 6(2) of the Nari-o-Shishu Nirjatan (Bishesh Bidhan) Ain 1995, now repealed, was
unconstitutional.
This judgment of the HCD has been affirmed by the Appellate Division of the Supreme
Court on 5 May 2015. Delivering a verdict on 12 separate appeals a four-member bench
of the Appellate Division headed by Chief Justice Surendra Kumar Sinha pronounced
sections 6(2), 6(3) and 6(4) of the Nari-O-Shishu Nirjatan (Bishesh Bidhan) Ain 1995
unconstitutional which provide provisions for mandatory death penalty. Section 34(2) of
the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 also has been declared unconstitutional which
allows the continuation of the 1995 Act in cases which are pending under the 1995 Act.
As a result, death penalty or life imprisonment for killing after rape can be awarded
because by amending the 1995 Act, the Act of 2000 in section 9(2) provides these two
punishments. However, the grounds on which the SC delivered the verdict and its
observations could not be known, as it did not release the full judgment.142
FILING OF FALSE CASES:

Although section 17 of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain provides punishment for
filling of false cases, the findings of the tribunal visits reveal that most of the cases filed
under this Act are false and fabricated. These cases are filed to take revenge out of
personal enmity or to satisfy proprietary interest or to get redress for other grievance
against the accused. Sometimes, law enforcing agency, particularly the investigating
officer is also involved in such instances.
For example, in an appeal against the judgment of the Nari-o-Sishu Tribunal of Bagerhat,
the High Court Division observed that the wife was not assaulted by the accused for
dowry and as
26. Writ Petition No. 8283 of 2005. 141 Locket vs. Ohio (1978) 438 US 586. 142 Information retrieved
from <http://www.thedailystar.net/backpage/death-penalty-95-law-scrapped-80686>, last visited on
07.05.2015. 143 Tania, above n 49, 234.
53
such the allegations made in the FIR did not constitute offence punishable under s. 11(3)
read with s. 30 of the Act. The charge sheet filed by the police and the facts of the case
did not match, nor did the statements provided by the witnesses. As such, this appeal was
partly allowed for the accused No. 1 and was partly dismissed for accused appellant No.
2.144 State v Osena Begum@Babuler Ma and another is an interesting case which,
however, raises alarm on one hand in respect of filing of false cases and over-sympathy of
the human rights activists, low enforcing agency and court towards the victim, on the
other.145 In this case, the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Tribunal convicted the accused
(mother-in-law and husband of the victim) with death sentence solely on the basis a
newspaper report. The prosecution case, initiated by a human rights organization made up
a case of murdering the wife with acid by the husband and motherin-law whereas the
victim died due to catching of fire while she was cooking. Even the mother and sister of
the victim denied the allegation of the murder during examination at the tribunal and were
declared hostile witness. When the matter went to the High Court Division, the Court
while setting aside the conviction order observed that,
“ …[W]hen a new law is made to prevent heinous crimes of new dimension, the Court is
expected to be fully abreast of such law and more circumspect in its application. This
does not mean that the Court should not take the pains of the victim intimately and
seriously. It would definitely be sensitive but within the limits of law. Once such an
offence is proved, it would not hesitate to strike like a thunder. It would be able to do so
only when it can guard himself from being swayed away by any unfounded emotion and
sensitivity.”
This case clearly shows that how filling of false case leads to no-conviction and
ultimately hampers the purpose of justice. Acknowledging that innocent persons are
trapped with ulterior motive, in State v Abdur Rashid and others, it was observed that the
court has an arduous duty to separate innocent persons from the offenders and for this
court is to deal with such cases with circumspection, scrutinize evidence and materials on
record with utmost care.
54
5.5 Case-Studies Form The Nari-O-Sishu Tribunal Comilla:
The following brief case studies of the Trial Court’s judgments show how, some of these
reasons, e.g., lack of evidence, out of court settlement, filing of false case results into the
order of no-conviction.
1. Nari-o-Shishu Mamla No. 84/2011: Comilla.

This case on sexual harassment had been logged before the court due to non-taking of the
case by police. Based upon the investigation of female vice chairman of Comilla Sador
(South) the
case had been formally appeared before court under the section 10/30 of the Nari-o-Sishu
Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000. But during trial, the plaintiff didn’t present the required
testimony and other documentary evidences in support of their complaint. They presented
only one witness who was considered insufficient by the court as the witness could not
confirm the involvement of the accused persons. Moreover, the plaintiff subsequently
informed the court that they were not willing to continue the case. Finally, the case was
dismissed.

Due to the rejection from police, the case was filed at the court. The case was on the
demand of dowry and consequent physical torture by the victim‟s husband and in-laws.
On direction of the court, after police investigation the case had been appeared before
court under section 11(c)/ 30 of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000. During trail,
the plaintiff didn‟t present sufficient witness and other essential evidences to support her
complain. Moreover, at one stage of the trail, the victim formally informed the court that
the complaint against husband was not rather the case was due to misunderstanding with
her husband. The case was dismissed.
27. Nakib Ashraf Ali v State (2009) 14 MLR (HCD) 286 145 Ibid. 146 (2003) 23 BLD (HCD) 336, at 339,
para 46. 147 (1998) 19 BLD 307.
55
3. Nari-o-Shishu mamla no. 199/2013: Comilla.
Under section 9(4) (b) of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 the case was logged
at the tribunal. The case was on sexual harassment and attempt to rape. During trail, only
two witnesses were present but evidence provided by them was regard insufficient and
irrelevant by the tribunal. Moreover, the victim as PW-1 and her husband as PW-2,
formally informed the court that issue of the case was not true, rather, they had been
persuaded by other family members to file the case. Finally, the case was dismissed.
Date of judgment: April 06, 2015.

As a result of the rejection from police, plaintiff filed the case at the tribunal under
11(c)/30 of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 on accusing her husband Md.
Manik Miah for dowry and torture. In support of their complaint, the plaintiff presented
only two witnesses but the court did not find anything truthful to go against the accused.
Moreover, the plaintiff, Aklima as P.W-1 and her father as P.W.-2 formally informed the
court there had nothing had happened, it was only family quarrel between husband &
wife. Finally, the case was dismissed.
The plaintiff filed the case before court under 11(c)/30 of the Nari-o-Sishu Nirjatan
Daman Ain 2000 against her husband and his accomplices, for demanding dowry of BDT
200000 and torturing. In the trail the court found that the allegation against the accused
was not true. The tribunal, then, acquitted the accused.

The case was filed by the victim‟s elder brother at the police station by accusing victim‟s
husband and two other family members of victim‟s husband for demanding dowry BDT
200000 and torture. Police investigated and provided charge sheet under 11(c)/30 of Nari-
o-Sishu Nirjatan Daman Ain 2000 against the accused. During trial, the tribunal found
that the evidence that presented by the victim was too weak to prove the case. In addition,
at one of the trial, the plaintiff party lost interest to continue the case and informed the
tribunal that victim had negotiated with her husband and agreed to resume their congenial
life. The tribunal then released the accused persons.
56
5.6 Jurisdiction of the Tribunal:
No Tribunal shall take cognizance of any offence without any report in writing, by any
police officer not below the rank of sub-inspector, or any person empowered by the
Government for this purpose:
Provided that, if the Tribunal is satisfied that the complaint has requested to take
complain of an offence to the police officer or any person empowered, but failed, the
Tribunal may take cognizance of that offence directly with out such report.
Also provided that if the Tribunal thinks necessary for the exactness and justice, it can
take cognizance of an offence notifying the reasons behind, though there is no complain
or recommendation for any proceeding regarding the offence, in the report.
i. When any offence or part there of, ifs committed in the jurisdiction of a
Tribunal or the place where the offender or where more than one offender, one
of them is found, is under the jurisdiction of that Tribunal, the report on the
complaint shall be taken for cognizance in that Tribunal and the Tribunal shall
try the offence. iii. If any offence under this Act is related with another, as
such that the offences are needed to be tried together or in a single trial for the
ends of justice, the other offence shall be tried with the offence under this Act,
together or in the same Tribunal, following the provision of this Act.
5.7 Appeal:
The party aggrieved by the order, judgment or punishment imposed by the Tribunal, can appeal to
the High Court Division within the period of sixty days against such order, judgment or
punishment.
57
CHAPTER- 6
EXTENT AND TRENDS IN INCIDENCES OF
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN.
58
6.1 General Evidence
Increased research, reporting and activism in the area of violence against women have
created an awareness of the problem both nationally and globally. Nonetheless
disaggregated data for violence is largely unavailable, except in cases of acid assaults,
murders/suicides and custodial violence. The following table shows trends in violence
since 2008.
Source: Ministry of Home Affairs, Department of Women Affairs (DWA), 2013.
6.2 Family Violence -

The family violence is more frequent in rural areas than in urban areas and similarly it is
more of a phenomenon in poor households.
6.3 Rape and Sexual Violence-
Rape is the second most common form of violence among police First Information
Reports of violence against women as well as the form of violence for which women are
admitted to hospital for treatment. The majority of rape victims were young. i.e., 1345
(66%) of total victims are below 25 years of age. Out of total 2045 victims, 39% are
below 15 years of age indicates extreme vulnerable position of girl children in
Bangladesh. In case of 28% (567) cases age is not mentioned. Out of these total 2045
incidents, only 37% of cases are filed. Although most institutional records show that
younger women are more susceptible to rape. A detailed look at institutional case records
reveal that the age of women is not recorded in most court dockets. The following table
shows the year wise incidents of rape: Year wise incidents of Rape Year
Age Total Case Filed
Source: Inspector General of Police (IGP) Office, 2013.
29. Schuler,S,R, S,M, Hashemi and S,H,Badal , (2000)``Man`s Violence against Women in Bangladesh:
Undermined or Exacerbated by microcredit Programmes’’ 1st edition, Geneva: Development in Practice,
UNICEF,10-14.
30. World Vision Research Journal Vol. 8, No. 1, 2014
59
6.4 Murder/Suicide-
The total number of suicides, from 2010-2013March, was 450 of which a considerable
number of victims (64%) were below 25 years of age and 38% were below 20 years of
age. Out of 450 incidents 28% cases were filed with law enforcing authorities. In case of
murders, the victims were comparatively older than victims of other forms of violence,
such as rape. Out of 379 incidents, 34% victims were more than 30 years of age and 18%
were between 21-25 years of age. Age was not mentioned in 22% cases. The low social
and economic status of women can be both a cause and a consequence of violence against
women. Gender violence represents an expression of human behaviors and attitudes and
is deep rooted in the society. The immediate causes of violence vary with the type of
violence or in other words, there are different causes for different types of violence.
However, causes can be categorized as immediate, intermediary and underlying. The
immediate causes are the “trigger” factors e.g. alcoholism but the underlying factors are
generally the subordinated position of the women and her powerlessness.
6.5 Community Violence

During 2008-2009, there were 92 incidents of community violence of which 52 (56%)
were lashes and 13 (14%) was social boycott/isolation and 12 (13%) was “hilla”
marriage. Of these 92 cases only 22 cases were filed with law enforcing authorities. In the
period Oct-Nov 2008, 4 cases of community violence occurred. Out of these four cases,
in one case after lashing and cutting hair both husband and wife committed suicide. Two
of the other punishments were lashings. All the “Fatwas” were given due to pre-marital
love affairs.
60
Year wise incidents of community violence (2008-2013)
Year Hilla Lashes Stoning Social beaten whipping cutting burnt abandon suicide total
boycott with hair alive ment
shoes
2008 1 2 3 2 1 3 2 3 17
2009 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 14
2010 3 2 1 2 1 1 1 3 2 16
2011 1 2 1 2 2 2 1 3 3 17
2012 2 1 2 3 2 2 3 1 2 4 22
2013 1 2 1 2 3 2 3 1 2 5 22
Source: Ain-O-Shalis Kendra Documentation, 2013.
6.6 Custodial violence-
Though sex disaggregated data is not available but out of total 90,000 cases in the last 25
years, women were targets of 5867 cases which also included rape. Apart from these,
during 1996-97, 85 persons including Seema Chowdhury died in police custody among
which 41 died in 1997 and the rest 37 died in 1998. It is worth mentioning here that
among the 37 who died in 1998, 3 were convicted and rest 34 died due to police torture
i.e., their accusation was not proved or they were innocent in most cases perpetrators are
either unknown persons or miscreants. The second most important perpetrators are
husbands or lovers. When girl children are victims of violence, most cases the
perpetrators are known persons (63) followed by neighbors (38) and lovers (29) as found
from secondary sources. It important to note here that though violence may occur at any
time of the day but night and early morning are two important time of occurrence of girl
child abuse. Violence in Police Custody in last 25 years Compliant of violence 90,000
Investigation done 11,923 Judicial trial is done 212 Convicted 223 Died (due to torture by
police) 321 Judicial trial is done(out of 321) 3 Charge sheet was not submitted - Violence
against women including rape 5867 Source: Daily Dinkal, 31July 1998 cited in
Naripokkho, 2014.
31. Zaman,H,(1999)``Violence against Women in Bangladesh: Issues and Responses,’’ 1st edition, Dhaka:
Women`s Studies International Forum,44-50.
Violence against women in Bangladesh- law and reality
61
CHAPTER- 7
STATE INTERVENTIONS RELATED TO VIOLENCE
AGAINST WOMEN
62
7.1 Obligations under CEDAW:
The State has generally regarded violence against women as a women’s issue or at best as
a crime against an individual. However, the women’s movement in Bangladesh has
emphasized that incidences of violence against women should be considered as crimes
against the state since state laws are violated and it is the States responsibility to ensure
that justice is served. Bangladesh has ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination against Women with reservations Articles 2 and 16.1 c. These
reservations are in process of being reviewed. It has also ratified the Optional Protocol
but has declared that it would not undertake the obligations arising out of Articles 8 and 9
of the Optional Protocol.
7.2 Beijing Follow-up:

Bangladesh has endorsed the Platform for Action (PFA) of the Fourth World Conference
of Women held in Beijing in 1995 without any reservations and it committed to ensuring
its implementation at national level. Accordingly a National Action Plan (NAP) was
drafted (February 1997) for the advancement of women through reviewing twelve
ministries. Apart from other issues, the NAP envisaged a specific national policy on
violence against women adopting the definitions of Beijing Platform of Action.5
Following the NAP, the government declared a National Policy on Women on 8 March
1997. The National Policy identified actions against violence against women as a priority
area for government intervention. It suggested the following specific actions for the
eradication of all kinds of oppression against women:
 Eradication of physical, mental and sexual harassment at the family and social level,
rape, prostitution of women, dowry, and violence against women.
 Amendment of the existing laws, which are repressive to women in order to update
these laws and formulation of new laws and giving special assistance to the oppressed
women.
 Stop trafficking of women and rehabilitate women who have been trafficked.
 Eradicate oppression of women, ensure participation of women in judicial system, and
at all levels of police force in order to implement the laws properly.
 Make judicial procedures easy so that all legal procedures to prevent the torture of
women and the girl child and trafficking are complete within six months. Similarly,
63
the Fifth Five-Year Plan has identified elimination of all sorts of violence against
women, including trafficking of women and girl child as one of the goals. More
specifically, the Plan suggested adoption of appropriate measures towards
 The reduction of insecurity faced by women and girls;
 The elimination of all sorts of violence against women, and for the treatment and
rehabilitation of violence survivors; and
The elimination of trafficking of women and girl children (The Fifth Five Year plan,
1997-2002). From the eighties, due to the increasing pressure put forward by women’s
movement for combating violence against women, the Government of Bangladesh has
undertaken series of steps and measures designed to reduce violence against women
which will be discussed as follows:
 Laws
 Law enforcement
 Criminal Justice System
7.3 Law
a) The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 (Amended up to date). This ordinance
extends to the whole of Bangladesh and applies to all Muslim citizens of
Bangladesh wherever they may be. This ordinance describes terms like
“Arbitration Council”, 124 World Vision Research Journal Vol. 8, No. 1, 2014
‘Chairman’, Municipal Corporation Paurashava, Union Parishad, Polygamy,
Succession, Divorce in Islam, Modes of Talaq, Dissolution of Marriage otherwise
than by Talaq, Maintenance and Dower. The provisions of this ordinance shall
have the effect notwithstanding any law, customs and usage.
b) The enactment of Dowry Prohibition Act of 1980 (Act No. XXXV of 1980), later
amended by the Dowry Prohibition (Amendment) Ordinance, 1982 (Ordinance
No. XLIV of 1982). This act had been enacted to prohibit the taking or giving of
dowry in marriage. If any person after the commencement of this act gives or
takes dowry, his punishment will be five years’ imprisonment or not less than one
year or will be fined.
c) The Cruelty to Women (Deterrent Punishment) Ordinance 1983. This ordinance is
a special law providing for deterrent punishment to the offences of cruelty to
64
women. This ordinance includes offences like kidnapping, trafficking, dowry
death and torture, rape etc. The offences under this ordinance shall be tried by
criminal courts.
All provisions under this ordinance shall have effect over other general laws.
d) Child Marriage Restraint Act 1929 (as Amendment in 1984). The Act defines the
terms, ‘child and minors’, meaning a person under twenty one years of age in case
of male and under eighteen years of age in case of female. The Act also describes
the punishment for male adult above twenty one years of age or female adult
above eighteen years of age contracting a child marriage shall be punishable with
simple imprisonment which may extend to one month, or with fine which may
extend to one thousand taka or with both.
e) The Family Court Ordinance, 1985 (Ordinance No. xviii of 1985). It was an
ordinance to provide for the establishment of Family Courts at the district and
thana level. It extends to the whole of Bangladesh except the districts of
Rangamati Hill Tract, Bandarban Hill Tract and Khagrachari Hill Tract. The
Family Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction to entertain, try and dispose of any
suit relating to, or arising out of, all or any of the following matters, namely;
i) Dissolution of marriage
ii) Restitution of conjugal rights
iii) Dower
iv) Maintenance
v) Guardianship and custody of children.
f) Promulgation of (Amendment) Ordinance inserting the new section 326-A in the
Penal Code providing capital punishment for acid throwing.
g) Prevention of Repression of Women and Children Act 2000 replaced the
Repression of Women and Children (Special Enactment) Act 1995: The Act
defines, court, rape, Dowry, Women, Children, Code of Criminal Procedure,
1898, High Court Division and importance of such laws. This law also describes
punishment of various offences.
It provides for Special Courts for the cases coming under the Act. The offences are
considered to be non-bail able (with certain exceptions). There is a time limit set for the
investigation and the completion of the case (although in most cases it is not respected).
The 2000 Act compared to the 1995 Special Enactment has included three new forms of
65
violence to be considered as offences: sexual harassment, media coverage of the victim
and filing of false cases under the Act. It also stipulates that the maintenance for a child
born out or rape has to be provided by the rapist.
7.4 Law Enforcement –

The Government of Bangladesh in 1993 has set up a cell, called “Nari Nirjaton Protirodh
Cell”, within the Police Headquarter, to take specific cases and complaints involving
violence against women. This cell is administered by an Inspector and collects monthly
data from all districts (Naripokkho, 1998).
7.5 Detective Branch (DB)-

These branches of the police may get involved with cases to do with violence against
women, but their work is not solely related to VAW. Police from the DB on their 8 hours
shifts are supposed to be responsible for checking hospital registers for cases of violence.
It seems they usually only check the registers when they are following up specific cases.
(Naripokkho, 1998).
32. Hossain,K,T,(2007)``Violence against Women in Bangladesh,’’ 2nd edition, ,Hong Kong: Keung
Publishing house ,40-45.
66
CHAPTER – 8
CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION
67
8.1 Conclusion & Recommendations:
In spite of all these initiatives, progress in the achievement of women’s rights has been
slow world-wide. When the assessment of the implementation of the Forward Looking
Strategies was carried out for the Fourth World Conference on Women, it was
acknowledged that a decade after Nairobi, equality between women and men has not been
achieved. State should take a fresh commitment to the realization of women’s equal
rights. State should take actions at national level in fulfilling their obligations to women
to be systematically monitored and used as a base by women for advocacy.
To combat violence against women:
(1) Removal of remaining reservation on CEDAW Article 2 and 16.1(c) is needed.

(2) The family court governed by Family Law Ordinance 1985 should be lead by a 1st
class magistrate or Judge whose authority must be same.
(3) Assault and battery within marriage and marital rape should be recognizes in the
Women and Children Repression Act, 2000.
(4) Training and orientation to Law enforcement personnel on VAW human rights
and gender to remove negative and disrespectful attitude of police towards
women.
68
Bibliography
BOOKS:
1. Declaration n the Elimination of violence against Women, United Nations
General Assembly 1993.
2. Dr.Faiz-ud-din, Human Rights: atonal and International Perspective," ed. Dhaka:
Shams Publications, 2008),.107. Rape in custody
3. Sharminjahan Tania, criminal justice system: special criminal legislation for
violence, Bangladesh journal of, special issue, November2007),.2001..
4. Family courts ordinance Act,1986
5. Dr. Taslima Monsoor - Its affect on the empowerment of Muslim women,
Bangladesh bar council, second edition.
6. Nari O Shishu Nirjatan Daman Ain. Mahammad Mahabubur Rahaman supreme
court of Bangladesh.
Web References:
1. [http/www.un.orgrightsdpU 772e.htnu, last visited 2 March 2011]
2. violence-sexualviolencedefinitionof-violence, last visited 24 April 2011],
3. ptttp://ww.en.wikpedia.orgwildviolence against women, last visited 9 March
2011]
4. [http.v'Aww.rights-in-laivand-in-practice-the-case-of-Bangladesh.htnil, last
visited 2 April 2011]
5. [http://www.iwrawaporgaboutuspdfFPvaw.pdf, last visited 31 March 2011]
[http://www.adherents.com/miscviolence.html, last visited 31 March 2
6. http://en.wikipedia.orgwiki/Dhaka
7. Staff Correspondent, bdnews24.com
Statute
1. The Constitution of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh.
2. The Children's Act, 1974.
3. The Dowry Prohibition Act, 1980.
4. Muslim Marriages and Divorce (Registration) Act
5. Muslim Marriages and Divorce (Registration) Rules, 1975.
Newspapers
 The Daily Star
 The New Age.
 The Daily Prothom Alo.
69

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CHAPTER ONE

1.3 Statement of The Problem.

1.4 Rational of the study

1.5 Scope of the Study

1.7 Limitation of The Study

2. Quantitative Method: i. Interviewing the experts who will be from academics,

2.2. Data collection and sampling

3.2 Repression Against Women.

3.3 Definition Of Child.

3.5 Type of Repression Against Children.

i. Whoever causes death or attempts to cause death of any woman or a child by

4.3 Punishment for trafficking of child:

20. Nari o Shishu - 1

4.6 Punishment for rape or death in consequence of rape:

23. Nari o Shishu - 4

4.8 Punishment for causing death for dowry:

24. Nari o Shishu - 5

4.11 Prohibition on publishing acquaintance of a woman or a child oppressed, in

4.12 Realization of fine from inheritable property in future:

4.13 Procedure for realizing fine or damage:

5.1 Section-1: Is The Conviction Rate Low In The VAW Cases?

Qualitative Data Table on Hypothesis No. 3

Quantitative Data Table on Hypothesis No. 4

Qualitative Data Table on Hypothesis No. 5

LACK OF PROPOER AND ADEQAUTE EVIDENCE:

NON-APPLICATION OF JUDICIAL MIND BY THE TRIAL COURT:

FILING OF FALSE CASES:

1. Nari-o-Shishu Mamla No. 84/2011: Comilla.

2. Nari-o-Shishu Mamla No. 124/2010: Comilla.

4. Nari-o-Shishu Mamla No. 460/2012: Comilla.

6. Nari-o-Shishu Mamla No. 620/2013: Comilla.

28. Nari o Shishu - 10

6.2 Family Violence -

6.5 Community Violence

7.2 Beijing Follow-up:

7.4 Law Enforcement –

7.5 Detective Branch (DB)-

(1) Removal of remaining reservation on CEDAW Article 2 and 16.1(c) is needed.

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