Does Job Loss Cause Ill Health?: IZA DP No. 4147
Does Job Loss Cause Ill Health?: IZA DP No. 4147
Does Job Loss Cause Ill Health?: IZA DP No. 4147
Martin Salm
April 2009
Forschungsinstitut
zur Zukunft der Arbeit
Institute for the Study
of Labor
Does Job Loss Cause Ill Health?
Martin Salm
Tilburg University
and IZA
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IZA Discussion Paper No. 4147
April 2009
ABSTRACT
This study estimates the effect of job loss on health for near elderly employees based on
longitudinal data from the Health and Retirement Study. Previous studies find a strong
negative correlation between unemployment and health. To control for possible reverse
causality, this study focuses on people who were laid off for an exogenous reason – the
closure of their previous employers’ business. I find that the unemployed are in worse health
than employees, and that health reasons are a common cause of job termination. In contrast,
I find no causal effect of exogenous job loss on various measures of physical and mental
health. This suggests that the inferior health of the unemployed compared to the employed
could be explained by reverse causality.
Corresponding author:
Martin Salm
Department of Econometrics and OR
Tilburg University
Warandelaan 2
5000 LE Tilburg
The Netherlands
E-mail: [email protected]
*
I thank Padmaja Ayyagari, Han Hong, Ahmed Khwaja, Jan Osterman, Frank Sloan, Alessandro
Tarozzi, Curtis Taylor, Nicolas Ziebarth and seminar participants at Duke University, University of
Mannheim. The iHEA conference in Barcelona, and the EU Workshop on econometrics and health
economics in Coimbra for valuable suggestions.
1. Introduction
Americans. Loss of employment is often linked with a loss of income and employer
provided health insurance, as well as the loss of valued relationships, status, and identity.
discussion in Catalano et al. 2000). However, as will be discussed below, the direction of
causality has proved difficult to establish. In this study I look at business closures as a
natural experiment that can be used to test for a causal relationship from job loss on
health.
I use data from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS), a nationally
representative survey of near elderly Americans. For the purpose of examining the causal
effects of job loss on health the HRS offers several advantages: 1) The HRS includes
paper, I only consider individuals who lost their job because of business closure, which is
arguably exogenous to employees’ health. This definition of job loss sets this study apart
from most previous studies that don’t control for the cause of unemployment. 2) The
HRS is a panel data set. 3) The HRS includes detailed information on demographics,
health, income, education, health behaviors, job characteristics, and the ex-ante
subjective probability of involuntary job loss. This information can be used to control for
differences between the characteristics of people who are affected by job loss and those
cohort of initially employed individuals and compares the subsequent changes in health
3
of those who lose their job due to business closure with a control group of those who
don’t lose their jobs. I test the robustness of my results by performing estimations for
various measures of physical and mental health, various sets of covariates, and by
including other reasons of job termination that might not be exogenous to health, such as
being laid off for any reason, quitting a job, or explicitly leaving for health reasons.
Further, I test if there is a difference in the effect of job loss for people who anticipated a
lay-off compared to those who are dismissed unexpectedly, and I examine how the health
effects of job loss vary by gender, race, marital status, income, and education level, as
well as previous working conditions. I also examine the effect of job loss on health over
different time periods, and finally, I look at a possible effect of a spousal job loss on
health.
definitions of job loss, I find no significant effect of exogenous job loss on health for any
of my specifications. This finding is robust for different definitions of health and for
various subgroups of the population. In contrast, I find that causes of unemployment that
are endogenous to health, such as leaving a job for bad health, are common and
significant results does not prove that job loss has no effect on ill health, my results
suggest that the negative correlation between health and unemployment could be
The paper proceeds as follows: Section 2 discusses the previous literature with a
focus on the problem of causal inference. Section 3 outlines the identification strategy,
4
and discusses the estimation methods. Section 4 describes the data. Section 5 presents
2. Previous literature
This study is part of a literature that examines the effects of job loss and
unemployment on health. Some previous studies in the economics literature examine this
relationship (Bjorklund 1985, Mayer et al. 1991, Gerdtham and Johannesson 2003,
Browning et al. 2006, Boeckerman and Imakunnas 2006, and Sullivan and von Waechter
2008), and there is also a large literature on this topic in the epidemiology, psychology,
public policy, and sociology literatures. Most of these studies compare various measures
of physical and mental health between the employed and unemployed, often with a focus
on how the effects of unemployment differ for specific racial and ethnic groups
(Rodriguez et al. 1999, Catalano et al. 2000), gender, family role, and social class
(Artazcoz et al. 2004, Price, Choi and Vinokur 2002, Dew et al. 1992), unemployment
benefit type (Rodriguez 2001), and community characteristics (Turner 1995). These
studies mostly find that the unemployed are in worse physical and mental health than the
employed. However, such an association does not necessarily imply a causal relationship
from unemployment to ill health if people in ill health are more likely to become or
remain unemployed. There is some empirical evidence that people in ill health are more
likely to lose their jobs and become unemployed (Arrow 1996), and that unemployment
spells are longer for people with health problems (Stewart 2001). In order to study the
causal relationship from unemployment to health it is necessary to control for the cause
5
of entry into unemployment, and also to account for the fact that unemployment spells
One strategy to address reverse causality is to account for the cause of the loss of
employment. For example, Catalano et al. (2000) look only at people who had been fired
or laid off. However, the estimation results could still be biased, if lay-offs are related to
health, if for example some people are laid off because of sickness related work absences.
This bias can be avoided by studying the health effects of job loss for a cause that is
exogenous to employees’ health. Several studies have examined the effect of mass
layoffs on health (Dew et al. 1992, Browning et al. 2006 and Sullivan and von Wachter
2008), with contradictory findings: Dew et al. (1992) compare the mental health of a
group of 141 women before and after layoffs at a plant in semi-rural Pennsylvania.
During the twelve months following the first interviews, 73 of these women had been
laid-off. They find a significant effect of lay-offs on mental health. Sullivan and von
Wachter (2008) also find a large effect of mass lay-offs in Pennsylvania on subsequent
mortality. In contrast, Browning et al. (2006) examine the effect of mass layoffs in
Denmark on hospitalization for diseases of the cardiovascular and digestive system, and
reverse causality by looking including only individuals who lost their job, because their
previous employer’s business closed. My study adds to the previous literature on the
effect of lay-offs on health by considering a broad range of physical and mental health
outcomes that have not been examined before. One advantage of this study compared to
previous studies is that I control for a more detailed list of individual characteristics,
including the ex-ante subjective probability of job loss. Without controlling for detailed
6
individual characteristics, differences in the subsequent health of workers affected by lay-
offs and workers who are not laid off might reflect not the effect of lay-offs on health, but
explain differences in the findings of my study and the study by Sullivan and von
Wachter (2008).
Another cause of reverse causality is that not only the reason of entry into
unemployment, but also the length of stay in unemployment could be related to health.
My study includes people who have been laid-off because of business closure at any
point of time within a two-year period, independent of their unemployment status at the
time of the second interview. This approach allows the consistent estimation of the causal
Job loss can have potentially lasting effects on the socio-economic situation and
the health of workers even if laid-off workers face no or only brief periods of
unemployment. Job loss can cause a substantial reduction of income and consumption
(Chan and Stevens 2002, Stephens 2004). This is true not only for the unemployed, but
also for many laid-off workers who start a new job. Chan and Stevens (2002) find that
job loss reduces earning for near elderly employees one year after job loss by between
20% and 33%, and lower income might be a cause of deteriorating health (Adams et al.
2003). Also, job loss can cause a loss of health insurance, at least for those laid-off
employees who were covered by employment based health insurance. Although health
insurance is usually also available in the individual health insurance market, it tends to be
more expensive. Loss of health insurance could also cause worsening health (Haudley
7
3. Identification strategy
The main parameter of interest in this study is the average effect of job loss on the
health of those who lost their job. A formal definition of this effect, similar to Heckman
individual i has been affected by job loss between periods t = 0 and t = 1, and D(i, 1) = 0
otherwise.
The parameter α represents the difference between the health change of people
affected by job loss and their hypothetical (counterfactual) health change if they had not
been affected by job loss. Unfortunately, the counterfactual is never observed. Therefore,
I need to assume that without job loss the health of people who in fact have been laid off
would have evolved in the same way as it did for people with the same observed
characteristics who have not been laid off. If i' is an individual in the control group (not
laid off) with the same observed characteristics as i, an individual in the treatment group
necessary to control for a sufficiently detailed set of relevant characteristics X (i), because
on average people affected by job loss do not have the same characteristics as people who
are not laid off. Not controlling for differences between these groups would lead to
8
biased estimation results. If for example the average laid-off employee is poorer or less
educated than the average employee who is not laid-off, one might expect their health to
evolve unfavorably compared to the health of the control group even in the absence of
(age, gender, race), social situation (marital status, education, income, wealth), health
behaviors (smoking, obesity, and health insurance), and job characteristics (part-time
employment, firm size, and industry). I also control for the ex-ante subjective probability
involuntary lay-off includes information about the likelihood of subsequent job loss even
after controlling for other characteristics, and that it is a good predictor of subsequent
actual job loss. Including the subjective probability of involuntary lay-off controls for
unobserved heterogeneity between people affected by job loss and others, which other
observed characteristics could not detect. The average treatment effect can be estimated
where the dependent variable is the change in health between period 0 (before the
treatment) and period 1 (after the treatment), and X(i) are assumed to be exogenous to the
random error term ε(i). The equation above can be estimated by standard regression
methods such as least squares or ordered probit. I estimate the effects of job loss on
several measures of health, and for alternative causes of job termination. These variables
9
4. Data and descriptive statistics
I use data from wave two to six of the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) which
cover the time period from 1994 to 20021. The HRS includes a sample of initially 7600
households (12654 individuals), with at least one household member born between 1931
and 1941, and their spouses, who could be any age. The survey was subsequently
repeated every two years. In 1998, a new sample was added to the survey which consists
of `war babies’ born between 1942 and 1947, and the data also include new spouses of
previous wave respondents. The baseline estimation sample in this study consists of all
persons who were working for pay at the time of the interviews for waves 2 to 5 and who
were age 63 or below at this time. This sample excludes persons who are self employed
and can include multiple observations for the same person. This leaves a sample of
no information on household wealth. The final sample for the baseline regression (table
For each observation, I use information from two waves, before and after
treatment. Before treatment, all respondents work for pay. At the following interview two
years later, some respondents do not work any more for their previous-wave employer.
These individuals might be retired, unemployed, or work for a different employer. All
respondents who did not work for their previous-wave employers were asked why they
1
For a detailed description of the HRS see Juster and Suzman (1995) and the HRS homepage
(www.hrsonline.isr.umich.edu).
10
had left that employer. Possible answers included ‘business closed’, ‘laid off / let go’,
‘poor health / disabled’, and ‘other reasons’. Respondents could give multiple reasons.
My definition of exogenous job loss includes 369 observations (2.4% of the baseline
sample) who answered that their previous employers’ business closed. This definition
excludes 17 observations who also stated that they quit by themselves or left for health
reasons. 720 respondents stated that they were laid off / let go, 544 quit, and 507 left for
health reasons. One concern with respect to the timing of job transitions is that
respondents stopped working for their previous employers at different point of time
during the two year period between interviews, and it could make a difference whether
for example the previous employers’ business closed just after the first interview or just
various subjective and self-reported objective measures of health. One measure for
change of health is the answer to a question how self-assessed health has changed since
the last interview two years ago. Possible answers include ‘much better’, ‘somewhat
better’, ‘about the same’, ‘somewhat worse’, and ‘much worse’. The answer ‘much
better’ is coded as 1 and ‘much worse’ is coded as 5. Another measure of health change is
the change in limitations in activities of daily living (ADL’s) since the previous
interview. Activities of daily living include the ability to walk across a room, dress, eat,
bath, use a toilet, and get in and out of bed without help. Another measure of health
the subjective probability to live to age 75 or longer, and changes in answers between
waves are measured relative to life-table averages. I also use two measures of change in
11
mental health, the first of which is the change in CESD scores (Center for Epidemiologic
Studies Depression Scale). Respondents are asked whether they agree or disagree with
eight statements about their emotions during the past week, such as whether they felt
depressed much of the time. The CESD score is based on the answers to these questions
and ranges from 0 (good mental heath) to 8 (bad mental health). The second measure of
mental health change is a binary variable that indicates whether there was a first
dependent variable. Possible answers range from ‘excellent’ (codes as 1) to ‘very good’
One concern with respect to self-reported change of health is that the differences
between categories might not be equal. For example the difference between ‘much better’
health and ‘somewhat better’ health might not be the same as the difference between
‘somewhat better’ health and ‘about the same health’. One solution to this potential
problem is to use ordered probit estimation, which allows for different distances between
categories.
studies that self-reported health measures are strongly correlated with mortality. Bath
(2003) and Remle (2004) also find that self reported changes in health predict future
mortality both for British data and the HRS. Another concern about self-reported health
measures that has received a lot of attention in the literature is that self-reports of health
might be biased depending on labor force status, if people out of work are more likely to
12
report ill health in order to justify economic inactivity. Several previous studies found
evidence for such a justification bias, while others found no evidence (see review by
Currie and Madrian 1999, and discussion in McGarry 2004). This study uses several
measures of health change. Some of those, such as subjective longevity expectations and
bias. For other measures such as self-reported health change, it is possible that the
estimates of the negative effect of job loss on health change are upward biased.
respondents who are female, black, married, have a high school degree, and for
respondents who have a college degree. Further explanatory variables are total
household net wealth, and the logarithm of the total household income. Income and
wealth are adjusted for consumer price inflation (CPI) and represent real 1982-1984
prices. Also included are binary variables about health behaviors, whether the respondent
is currently smoking, is obese, which is defined as a body mass index (BMI) in excess of
job characteristics such as a binary indicator for part time work, and five binary
indicators for firm size, which is measured by the total number of employees at all
locations (5-14 employees, 15-24 employees, 25-99 employees, 100-499 employees, and
500+ employees, less than five employees is omitted category), as well as twelve binary
indicators for industry sector (agricultural sector including forestry and fishery is omitted
category). The subjective probability of job loss is based on the following question:
‘Sometimes people are permanently laid off from jobs that they want to keep. On the
scale from 0 to 100 where 0 equals absolutely no chance and 100 equals absolutely
13
certain, what are the chances that you will lose your job during the next year?’ One
limitations of this study is that this question refers to the probability of involuntary job
loss during a one year period after the interview, while this study examines lay-offs
Table 1 shows sample statistics for both the overall population and those affected
by job loss. Table 1 is based on the sample included in the baseline regression (Table 3,
column 4). To some degree, people anticipate being laid off. For job losers, the average
subjective probability of being laid off was 31% compared with 15.4% for the total
population. However, a substantial fraction of laid-off persons did not previously expect
to lose their employment. The fraction of laid-off respondents, who had previously stated
that their probability of involuntary job loss was zero, amount to 37.1%, as compared to
54% for the full sample. Compared to the full sample people who are affected by job loss
due to business closing are more likely to be female, married, and have a high-school
degree, but much less likely to have a college degree. On average, people, who will lose
their job, live in households with somewhat lower incomes, and substantially lower
wealth, and they are more likely to work part time. They are more likely to smoke and be
obese, and somewhat less likely to be covered by health insurance. Compared to the full
sample, the sample of laid-off employees differs little in terms how stressful jobs are and
how much physical effort they require. However, laid-off employees are more likely to
receive low pay, which is defined as an hourly wage below $4.72 in 1982-1984 prices.
Laid-off employees also tend to work at smaller firms, and are more likely to work in
14
manufacturing and retail sales and less likely to work in public administration and
professional services.
second interview, while this probability is only 1.6% for the entire sample. The
probability that laid-off respondents will not be working at the time of the second
interview is 39.2%, as compared to 19.5% for the full sample. Thus, many of the laid-off
respondents in the sample leave the labor force. People who lose their job suffer a
substantial drop in household income, on average –12.9% between waves, while average
income stays constant in real terms for the entire sample. For respondents who don’t
work again after being laid off, the average drop in household income is -17.8%, while
for people who work for pay in the interview after the job loss, the average reduction in
household income is -9.7%. Thus, laid-off workers face on average a substantial drop in
5. Results
The regression results in Table 2 show the association between being unemployed
and self-reported overall health. Unemployment status and self- reported overall health
are both measured at the same time. The sample differs from the samples used in the
following regressions by including not only respondents who work for pay at the time of
the first interview, but also those who are unemployed. The regression presented in table
unemployment on health (for example Turner 1995, Rodriguez 2001, Artazcoz et al.
15
2004). In line with previous studies, I find a significant negative association between
unemployment status and self-reported health. However, this does not establish a causal
link from unemployment to ill health, if people who are ill in the first place are also more
probability of higher health categories, which represent worse health. The signs of the
other dependent variables are as one might expect. Higher education, higher income,
being female and having health insurance coverage are associated with better health,
while higher age, being black, working part-time, smoking and obesity correlate with
worse health.
Table 3 shows the estimated average effect of job loss on health for laid-off
persons. Column 1 to column 4 show estimation results for different sets of covariates.
None of the specifications shows a significant effect of job loss on health change. The
negative estimation coefficient for the business-closed indicator actually points toward a
positive, but insignificant effect of job loss on health. The estimation coefficient of
business-closed becomes even more negative if additional covariates are added to the
regression. The signs of the coefficients for the other covariates are mostly as expected.
Higher education, income, and wealth are associated with improving health, while age,
smoking and obesity are associated with worsening health. Black race is associated with
improving health. This result could reflect different standards of black respondents in
2
The values of coefficients from ordered probit estimations do not have a straightforward intuitive
interpretation, because the size of the marginal effect of unemployment on health varies with the values of
the other explanatory variables.
16
answering questions about self-reported change of health. The subjective probability of
job loss is associated with a significant subsequent deterioration in health. This can be
explained either if the risk of being laid off itself is harmful to health, or if the subjective
probability of job loss is correlated with other characteristics that cause ill health.
One concern with respect to interpreting the results in Table 3 is that respondents
might use different scales for answering questions about self-reported change of health.
Such scales could also vary systematically between subgroups of the population. One
approach to account for different scales across subgroups (index sifting) is to include
In summary, the results in Table 3 show no significant causal effect of job loss on
ill health. One concern is that the sample size (369 individuals lose their job due to
business closure) is insufficient to determine a significant effect. In order to test for the
robustness of the result that job loss does not cause ill health I estimate additional
specifications for various measures of physical and mental health. I also estimate the
effect of job loss on health separately for subgroups based on demographics, job
characteristics, and on previous expectations about the probability of involuntary job loss.
Further, I examine whether there is any effect of job loss on health for a longer time
period, and I also estimate the effect of spousal job loss on the health of respondents.
3
One approach to control for different distances between cutoff points across subgroups of the population
(cutoff-point shifting) is to use a generalized ordered probit model. In analysis not shown I estimate a
generalized ordered probit for the baseline specification in column 4 of Table 3, and I find that. business-
closed is not significantly different from zero at any of the cutoff points.
17
In addition to testing for the robustness of the result that job loss does not cause ill
health, I also examine whether the observed correlation between unemployment and
health can be explained by reverse causality. Table 4 compares how subsequent health
changes vary by different reasons of job termination. Previous studies differ in what
reasons for unemployment they include in their analysis. For example, Bjorklund (1985)
and Rodriguez et al. (1999) include all reasons for unemployment, while Catalano et al.
(2000) include only those who were involuntarily laid off. A simple test on how the
definition of job loss influences the estimated effects of job loss on health is to estimate
the effect of job loss on health for various reasons of job termination and compare the
results. As discussed above, I assume that business closure is exogenous to health change,
while being laid off, quitting, and leaving for health reasons might be endogenous. I find
that being laid off, which could be for any reason, has no significant effect on health
change. People who quit their job subsequently experience improving health. This
finding could be explained if these respondents qut for example because they started a
better job with a new employer. However, people who leave their job for health reasons
experience a very strong negative change in their health. As shown in table 1, leaving a
job for health reasons is also quite common in this age group. In summary, these results
suggest that the subsequent change of health varies substantially for different reasons of
job termination. This implies that reverse causality can bias estimation results if the
Table 5 presents the effect of job loss for several measures of health change.
daily living, the change in longevity expectations, the change in the CESD score for
18
mental health, and first incidence of doctor diagnosed mental health conditions. For all of
these measures, I find no significant effect of job loss on health change. This adds
credibility to the hypothesis that job loss does not cause ill health.
Columns 1 and 2 of Table 6 show how the effect of job loss on health varies with
prior expectations about job loss. Column 1 includes a binary indicator for respondents
who stated that their risk of involuntary job loss was zero. The table shows the effect of
this variable both for laid-off respondents, and for the entire sample. Respondents who
did not expect to lose their job faced improving health. The interaction term of zero job
loss expectations and business-closed is also associated with improving health, but is not
involuntary job loss and business closed. The coefficient for this interaction term is zero,
indicating that the effect of job loss on health does not depend on previous job loss
expectations.
between job loss and ill health. As shown in Table 1, most respondents affected by job
loss are not unemployed at the time of the second interview. Many laid-off employees
find new employment, although typically at substantially lower wages (see discussion in
section 4). Column 3 includes a binary indicator for respondents who are unemployed at
the time of the second interview and an interaction term between unemployment at the
time of the second interview and business-closed. Unemployment at the time of the
19
second interview is not exogenous to health change if persons with deteriorating health
are more likely to become or stay unemployed. The estimation results indicate that
unemployment is associated with strongly declining health. However, the interaction term
different from zero. Column 4 includes a binary indicator for respondents who did not
work at the time of the second interview and an interaction term between this variable
and business-closed. As for unemployment, work status at the time of the second
interview is not exogenous to health change if respondents with deteriorating health are
more likely to stop working. The estimation results show that persons who do not work at
the time of the second interview face strongly deteriorating health. However, the
interaction term of not working at the second interview and business closed is close to
zero and not statistically significant. Columns 3 and 4 of Table 6 imply that persons with
deteriorating health are more likely to become unemployed or leave the labor force, but
business-closed with gender and marital status, black race, education level, and previous
job characteristics. The omitted reference group would be unmarried white females
without high school degree. The results suggest that married, black, and more educated
respondents might be less affected by the negative health consequences of job loss, while
respondents with low wages and with jobs that involve a high degree of stress or physical
20
effort are more affected by job loss. However, these interaction terms are not statistically
significant.
Column 2 of table 7 shows the effect of lagged job loss on self-reported health
change. It includes a binary indicator which is set to one for respondents who lost their
job due to business closure in the two year period prior to the first interview. This
specification examines effect of job loss on health for a period of two to four years after
the layoff. The estimation results show no evidence for a longer lasting effect of business
spousal job loss on health. The estimation results provide no evidence for an effect of
6. Conclusion
within a period of up to four years after job loss. This result is robust across
specifications. It holds for various measures of physical and mental health, for the
average effect of job loss on health for all laid off persons, as well as for the effect of job
loss on specific groups defined by previous job loss expectations as well as by gender,
marital status, race, education, and previous working conditions. There is also no effect
These results contradict much of the previous literature that finds strong negative
for the cause of unemployment which might be related to ill health, and studies which do
account for this possible source of endogeneity – for example by examining the effect of
21
mass-layoffs on health - might not sufficiently account for differences in the
characteristics of individuals who are laid-off and individuals who are not laid off. This
raises the possibility that results of previous studies might not reflect the causal effect of
unemployment on health.
In contrast to many previous studies, this study focuses on people who have lost
their job for an exogenous reason – the closure of their previous employer’s business.
This study also accounts for a detailed list of individual characteristics including the ex-
ante subjective probability of involuntary job loss in order to control for differences
between laid-off employees and employees who are not laid-off. Thus, the identification
strategy of this study is well suited to identify the causal effect of job loss on health.
The results of my study also make it plausible that the inferior health of the
Specifically, I find that leaving a job for health reasons is both quite common in this age
group, and associated with a rapid deterioration in health (Table 5), and that persons with
deteriorating health are more likely to become unemployed or leave the labor force
(Table 6). This leads me to the cautious conclusion that the absence of any significant
effect of job loss on health in this study might indeed unveil that job loss does not cause
ill health.
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26
Table 1: Sample Statistics
Number Affected
Reasons for Job termination
Business Closed 369
Laid Off 720
Quit 544
Left for Health 507
Spouse Business Closed 209
27
Entire Sample Business Closed
Mean Std. Dev. Mean Std. Dev.
Endogenous Variables
nd
Unemployed at 2 interview 0.016 0.1281 0.108 0.311
nd
Not working at 2 interview 0.195 0.396 0.392 0.489
Income change 0.003 0.7229 -0.129 0.808
nd
Health Insurance at 2 Interview 0.924 0.2644 0.810 0.392
Job Characteristics
Job stressful 2.204 0.806 2.296 0.799
Job physical effort 2.801 1.110 2.736 1.100
Low Wage 0.186 0.389 0 .272 0.446
Firm size 5-14 employees 0.025 0.156 0.040 0.197
Firm size 15-24 employees 0.017 0.129 0.037 0.191
Firm size 25-99 employees 0.064 0.244 0.081 0.273
Firm size 100-499 employees 0.120 0.325 0.100 0.300
Firm size > 500 employees 0.461 0.498 0.368 0.483
Industry: mining and construction 0.038 0.191 0.054 0.226
Industry: manufacturing nondurables 0.077 0.267 0.127 0.333
Industry: manufacturing durables 0.112 0.316 0.195 0.396
Industry: transportation 0.067 0.250 0.070 0.256
Industry: wholesale 0.036 0.188 0.056 0.231
Industry: retail 0.100 0.300 0.184 0.388
Industry: finance / insurance 0.063 0.244 0.043 0.203
Industry: business services 0.049 0.216 0.054 0.226
Industry: personal services 0.031 0.175 0.040 0.197
Industry: entertainment 0.012 0.111 0.010 0.103
Industry: professional services 0.333 0.471 0.130 0.336
Industry: Public administration 0.061 0.240 0.010 0.103
Number of observations in baseline 15218 369
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Table 2: Cross- Section Regression of Health on Unemployment
Health
Unemployed 0.212***
(0.050)
Age 0.016***
(0.002)
Female -0.054**
(0.022)
Black 0.192***
(0.030)
Married -0.01
(0.025)
High School -0.318***
(0.027)
College -0.556***
(0.034)
Income -0.165***
(0.011)
Wealth (in $100,000) -0.001
(0.003)
Part time work 0.068***
(0.026)
Smoking 0.214***
(0.024)
High BMI 0.381***
(0.022)
Health Insurance -0.054*
(0.033)
Observations 20,776
Pseudo R-Squared 0.05
Robust standard errors clustered for individuals in brackets
* significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%
Coefficients for binary wave variables not shown
Ordered probit estimation
Higher values for health represent worse health
29
Table 3: The causal Effect of Job Loss on Health
30
Table 4: Endogenous Causes of Job Termination
31
Table 5: Alternative Measures of Health
32
Table 6: Interactions of job loss with job loss expectations and with employment
status at 2nd interview
33
Table 7: Effects of Job Loss interacted with socioeconomic and job characteristics,
longer term effects of job loss, and spousal Job Loss
Health Health Health
Change Change Change
Business Closed -0.29
(0.196)
Married Male -0.116
× Business Closed (0.153)
Married Female -0.155
× Business Closed (0.278)
Not Married Male 0.061
× Business Closed (0.184)
Black × Business Closed -0.151
(0.195)
High School -0.112
× Business Closed (0.147)
College -0.205
× Business Closed (0.224)
Job Stressful 0.054
× Business Closed (0.069)
Job Physical Effort 0.066
× Business Closed (0.056)
Low Wage 0.231
× Business Closed (0.140)
Business closed in 0.098
previous wave (0.069)
Spouse Business Closed 0.118
(0.077)
Spouse Prob. of Job Loss -0.001
(0.001)
Observations 14,174 18,233 7,915
Pseudo R- Squared 0.01 0.008 0.005
Robust standard errors clustered for individuals in brackets
* significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; *** significant at 1%
Estimation in column 1 includes all variables in Column 4 of
Table 3 and additional variables for stressful job, job requires
physical effort and low wage; columns 2 and 3 include
variables for demographics, socioeconomic characteristics and
health behaviors
All columns are Ordered Probit estimations
34