The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India: Patterns and Mitigating Influences
The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India: Patterns and Mitigating Influences
The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India: Patterns and Mitigating Influences
Amit Thorat
Associate Fellow
National Council of Applied Economic Research
[email protected]
Omkar Joshi
Doctoral Student
University of Maryland College Park
[email protected]
April 2015
India Human Development Survey fieldwork, data entry and analyses have
been funded through a variety of sources including the US National Institutes
of Health (grant numbers R01HD041455 and R01HD061048), UK
Department of International Development, and the Ford Foundation.
The Continuing Practice of Untouchability in India:
Patterns and Mitigating Influences
Amit Thorat and Omkar Joshi
Abstract
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Acknowledgement
We are grateful to our colleagues at the National Council of Applied Economic Research
(NCAER), New Delhi, and especially the IHDS team there, for helpful comments throughout
the preparation of this paper. An earlier version of the paper was presented at the University
of Brandeis, Massachusetts, Amherst; Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Delhi; and the
several useful suggestions. Our data have been obtained from the India Human Development
Surveys, 2012. This survey was jointly organized by researchers at the University of
Maryland, Washington D.C., and NCAER. The data collection was funded by grants
and by a supplementary grant from the Ford Foundation. Data management was funded by
the UK Government as part of its Knowledge Partnership Program (KPP), while the analysis
was carried out with the aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre
1. INTRODUCTION
India, the largest democracy and the second most populated nation (comprising 17.5
per cent of the world’s population)1 is also home to the largest concentration of Hindus in
the world. The 2011 Census of India is yet to release its data on religious shares but the
One of the defining features of the Hindu religion is the division of the Hindus into
numerous ‘jatis’ or castes. The Encyclopedia Britannica gives the following definition of
1
Census of India 2011, http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011-prov-results
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“‘Jati’, also spelled ‘jat’, refers to caste in Hindu society. The term is derived from
the Sanskrit jāta, “born” or “brought into existence,” and indicates a form of
existence determined by birth. In Indian philosophy, jati (genus) describes any group
of things that have generic characteristics in common. Sociologically, jati has come
The word ‘caste’, on the other hand, derives from the Spanish/Portuguese word
‘casta’ meaning race, lineage or breed. It was used formally for the first time in India by
the British to identify and enumerate the various groups in India as part of their Census
exercises. One should remember that using the word ‘caste’ to describe the many groups or
‘jatis’ in India does not connote a racial differentiation between them, as the original
meaning of the word ‘caste’ might imply. Caste is not the same as race.2
According to Hindu theology, all are born in a particular jati or caste. Currently,
around 3000 castes are in existence in India. Caste is hierarchical, hereditary and
endogamous in nature, and has historically been linked to specific occupations. However,
some occupations like agriculture have traditionally been caste-neutral. Over time, the strict
one-to-one correspondence between a person’s caste and her occupation has diluted to
some extent, and with the spread of education and the advent of urban migration, people
can more or less choose their occupations. A study of occupational concentration by caste
groups (Singh and Thorat 2014)3 indicates that marginalized groups such as the Dalits and
the informal sector of the economy. In the light of studies on labor market discrimination
(Thorat and Newman 2012),4 this indicates the existence of job discrimination in hiring in
the private sector labor market. Specific type of jobs are, therefore, still largely linked to
caste identities, particularly in the case of the lowest of the castes, the ex-untouchables,
2
For similarities and differences between the two terms, see Béteille (1971).
3
See Singh and Thorat (2014), Himalayan Journal of Contemporary Research, Vol. 3, No. 2, ISS: 2319-3174.
4
Thorat and Newman (2010), Economic Discrimination in India (ed.), OUP.
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who are now known as ‘Dalits’, a new empowering term used to signify defiance and
change.
These numerous ‘jatis’ or castes constitute the real structure of the caste system,
which varies in its form and nature regionally. The entire system of castes or the ‘super
structure’ ideologically derives from the ‘Chaturvarnaya’ system or the four-fold division
of society. This religious theory of the origin of society (cosmogony) derives from the 19th
hymn of the tenth Mandala of the Rig Veda,5 the Purusha Shukta. This divides the society
into four ‘varnas’ or classes that are hierarchical in nature. On the top of this ranking are
the priests (Brahmins), followed by the warriors and erstwhile rulers (Kshatriyas). The next
to come are the farmers and merchants (Vaishyas) while the last in the hierarchy are the
workers and craftsmen, among others (Shudras). These four castes thus form the four-fold
classification of varnas.
However, as Ambedkar (1990) points out in his path-breaking work, “Who Were the
Shudras”, this is not the only cosmogony in the Rig Veda but there are others,6 which are
more secular and talk about the origin of man rather than social groups. He believes that the
cosmogony for the origin of society was added later in the sacred text, to seek religious
sanction for the division of the society into occupation groups for control and hegemony.
A fifth group existed outside this four-fold classification, that of the non-classified
(avarnas) who did work that was and is still considered physically and ritually polluting
such as cremation and the handling of dead bodies, removal and skinning of dead animals,
removal and cleaning of human bodily fluids and excreta (manual scavenging), and basket
weaving. These are similar to groups like the ‘burakumin’ in Japan, the ‘baekjeong’ in
5
The Rig Veda is one of the four Vedas considered to be among the most sacred books of the Hindus.
6
Ambedkar points to the following locations in the Rig Veda, which propound various different yet more
secular cosmogonies of the origin of man as opposed to a stratified society. These are mentioned in the Rig
Veda at the following locations: a) 72ns Hymn of the 10th Mandala; b) Rig Veda, i.96.2; c) i.80.16; d)
i.114.2; e) ii.33.13; f) viii.52.1; g) ii.36; h) iv.37.1; and i) vi.14.2.
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Korea, the ‘ragyppa’ of Tibet in Asia,7 and the ‘cagots’ in France.
classification is hierarchical in that social and economic rights vary across varnas. The
Brahmins, who are at the top of the caste ladder, enjoy all social and economic rights, and
as one moves down the ladder, these socio-economic rights diminish progressively. It is
mostly the social rights that decrease up to the third varna, the Vaishyas, as most of the
other rights such as the right to education, right to ownership of land, and the right to do
business are open to them all. However, the outcastes traditionally had no rights at all. They
did not have right to be educated, to own land, to conduct business, or to borrow and sell in
Further, since the system was hereditary in nature, it meant that both a person’s caste
as well as the caste-dictated occupations were passed on from generation to generation. The
unique feature of the outcastes is that they constitute the only group considered as
‘untouchables’ and who were born ‘impure’ due to the jobs that have been relegated to them
constitutional classification of the Indian population is, however, somewhat different. Under
Article 341 of the Indian Constitution, the ex-untouchables are now part of an official list or
‘schedule’, and benefit from the reservation of seats in State-run post-schooling educational
institutions as well as in public sector jobs. These castes are now called the Scheduled
Castes (henceforth SCs). While all the ex-untouchables who follow Hinduism are part of
this list, those who have converted to Buddhism and Sikhism in order to escape
discrimination are also included. However, those who have converted to Christianity and
Islam are not part of the schedule. In recent times, these two communities too have been
7
See “Untouchability in the Far East”, 1995.
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demanding the benefits of reservation, as they perceive that conversion has not helped them
to shed their earlier caste identities. They allegedly continue to face exclusion and
discrimination at the hands of both Hindus as well as the high-caste converts within their
Similarly, under the Article 342 of the Indian Constitution, all tribes in the country
(adivasis or aborigines),8 now called Scheduled Tribes (henceforth STs), are also part of a
Schedule and can avail of the same benefits as the SCs. The tribals who either follow their
own indigenous religion or have, over time, converted to other religions like Hinduism,
leanings.
Under the reservation policy, seats are also reserved in the national and state
legislative assemblies and panchayats for the SCs and STs. In addition, 15 and 8 per cent of
all job vacancies in the public sector and government-aided educational institutions,
respectively, are reserved for the SCs and the STs. Meanwhile, the Other Backward Castes
(OBCs) have recently been recognized constitutionally as being historically excluded and
discriminated against and have also secured reservation similar to the SCs and STs, to the
tune of 27 per cent. Although there are varied estimates for the OBC population, the
Supreme Court of India has ruled that the overall reservation should not exceed 50 per cent.
Given that reservation for the SCs and STs together amounts to 23 per cent, this puts an
Recent studies have shown that reservation does help the marginalized groups to rise
economically while also leading to efficiency gains. Studies have shown that the reservation
of jobs has led to an at least 5 per cent point gain in regular salaried and wage employment
8
The term ‘adivasis’ refers to the ‘original inhabitants’, akin to the aboriginal communities.
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for the SCs and STs (Borooah et al. 2007). Similarly, a study of the Indian railways, the
largest federal employer in the world, shows that reservation for the SCs and STs does not
reduce efficiency, but in some cases, is seen to actually improve it (Deshpande and
Weisskopf 2014).
action policies, such as reservation, many of the ex-untouchable sub-castes (jatis) no longer
pursue the traditional occupations. However, many untouchables (Dalits)9 still perform
menial jobs that are traditionally considered ‘polluting’ or defiling. Although the practice of
untouchability has been constitutionally banned since the passage of the Anti-untouchability
Act of 1955, it continues in certain forms not only in private social interactions but also in
In private social life, a majority of those who are involved in garbage collection and
disposal as well as the cleaning of public places belong to these communities. They are also
The Indian railways, with 8,000 railway stations and 172,000 toilets, employs more
than 3,00,000 manual scavengers on a contract basis10 to clean the railway tracks and the
toilets, a practice which has been termed illegal under the Indian law. Notwithstanding the
order from the Indian Supreme Court11 directing the railways to stop this practice, the latter
are yet to implement their decision to install modern toilets at stations. A sample survey
states of India found the existence of 32,874 dry latrines. This survey also profiled 6709
manual scavengers.12
9
The word ‘Dalits’ in Hindi means the ‘oppressed’, and has thus become a politically and socially
empowering term used by the ex-untouchables to address themselves.
10
http://southasia.oneworld.net
11
http://supremecourtofindia.nic.in/outtoday/wc583.pdf
12
http://safaikarmchariandolan.org/survey.html
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Although the methodology of the survey might be basic and not rigorous, the results
Over time, with access to education and the hope of occupational diversification for
some, if not all, the untouchable sub-castes, the situation has improved and caste mobility
has become possible. Reservation has also helped these groups to gain access to education
However, the economic reforms in the country, which were introduced in the 1990s,
have significantly shrunk the breadth and scope of public sector employment, though not as
much of educational institutes. Many of the low level public sector jobs (held by Class III
and IV employees), which saw very high participation under the reservation policy, are
Industries (CII) and the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India
(ASSOCHAM) brought out a report on the measures that industry could take to augment
the representation of weaker sections, primarily the SCs and STs, in Indian industry.13
However, the acceptance of and adherence to the code of conduct for affirmative action is
2. STUDIES ON CASTE
Being the quintessential social and individual identifier in India, caste has received a
lot of attention not only from sociologists but also from anthropologists and economists the
world over. Most of the sociological literature on caste has revolved around a few dominant
themes. The chief amongst these have been: 1) an examination of the origins of the system
13
http://www.ciiaffirmativeaction.in/about_us.aspx?tid=6
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from the Vedic ages around 2000 BC (Ambedkar 1990; Ketkar 1909/2002; Dumont 1980);
(2) the various changes and manifestations that the system underwent over the subsequent
centuries (Srinivas 1962; Beteille 1996); and (3) the modern-day manifestations of caste.
This has included an analysis of the ideas of ritual and physical notions of purity and
pollution, and the changing nature of the social practice of caste in pre- and post-
Independence India. We mention only a few studies from a vast pool of research.
and discrimination examines the effect of this social practice on the low castes and out-
castes, in particular, and the society and its economic implications, in general. Neo-classical
economics has also attempted to theorize the presence and persistence of caste (Arrow
There are almost no known studies that shift the focus on those who practice
untouchability and identify them socially and economically. This is probably due to the fact
that not many surveys have asked respondents about their conduct and perceptions with
respect to untouchability.
3. DATA
in 2011-12, which, for the first time asked direct questions on caste and the practice of
untouchability. This data is part of the IHDS-II,14 a panel survey conducted in 2004-05 and
2011-12, which is a joint undertaking of NCAER and the University of Maryland. This is
the only panel that collects data on household incomes and consumption expenditure
amongst data on many socio-economic welfare indicators. We use the data from the second
14
India human Development Survey http://www.ihds.umd.edu/
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The mindset prevalent amongst the upper castes is that people belonging to the lower
castes are physically and/or ritually unclean, and therefore, they should not be allowed to
enter the kitchen (a sacred and clean place) or use the utensils that the household members
use for consuming food. The low-caste domestic workers employed in homes are usually
allowed to mop or swipe the floor or clean the bathrooms but not allowed to cook food or
wash the kitchen utensils. It has also been found that many, if not all, the workers
performing such tasks, belong to the lower castes. This practice is an example of the notion
The IHDS data also provides information on the strength of a household’s social
network, both within and outside its own ‘community’ (read ‘caste’). The households were
asked to quantify the number of people following certain professions, such as doctors,
teachers, public servants, and police officials, who were well known to any member of the
household and the numbers of these people belonging to their own community and to other
communities. The term ‘well known’ implies that these families are close enough to the
respondents’ families for them to visit each other’s homes and share food.
4. MOTIVATION
Using this unique data set and questions on untouchability, the study hopes to create
specifically seek an answer to the following question, “Can a family having a wider social
hypothesize that the wider a particular household’s social network outside of its own
community, the larger is the likelihood of the household not practicing untouchability as
opposed to a household that has a smaller out-community spread and a larger network
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5. METHODOLOGY
The paper uses a logistic regression model that will take the question of whether the
household practices untouchability or not as the dependent variable. The primary variable of
interest will be the question of whether a household practices untouchability, and if so, the
strength of the effect of this practice within and outside the community networks on the
household concerned.
Et = Error term
The household schedule of the 2011-12 IHDS posed the following question to the
primary respondent of each of the enumerated survey households, “Do some members
‘Yes’/‘No’ response. In case the response was a ‘No’, it was followed by the second
question: “Would there be a problem if someone who is a Scheduled Caste were to enter
your kitchen or share utensils?”, again seeking a ‘Yes’/’No’ response. Any household that
responded in the affirmative to both or either of the two questions was regarded as
practicing untouchability.
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Source: Authors’ calculation based on IHDS-II data.
One must bear in mind that these responses are given by the primary respondent in
the household. Untouchability is a sensitive issue and one must realize that it may be
difficult to obtain honest responses on it. The prejudices and biases nurtured by people are
highly likely to shape their responses. Figure 1 depicts the share of households across India
that gave positive responses to the questions on untouchability by rural and urban areas. In
rural areas, 30 per cent of the households reported practicing untouchability, while in urban
areas, the corresponding figure was lower at 20 per cent. These findings highlight that
either the practice of untouchability is truly more prevalent in rural areas as opposed to
urban areas or that the rural respondents are comfortable about sharing their behavioral
information with the interviewers, both of which point towards the existence of a more
traditional and conservative mindset among the rural population as compared to their urban
counterparts.
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5.2 Social Groups
it would be appropriate to analyze the breakup of the households practicing it by their social
groups or caste identities. Figure 2 illustrates the share of households that practice
In Figure 2, the social categories include the SCs (Dalits), the STs (Adivasis), the
OBCs, the forward castes (Kshatriyas and Vaishyas), the Brahmins (priests) and others,
who did not identify themselves as falling into any of the four previously mentioned
categories. Strictly speaking, the Brahmins and members of the forward and other castes
and groups are clubbed under ‘Others’ both constitutionally and in the literature. The IHDS,
however, also asked the households to provide a breakup of the constituents of the ‘Others’
category, which we report here. We find that the largest share of those practicing
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untouchability from amongst these groups belongs to Brahmins, with 52 per cent of them
accepting that they follow this practice. Interestingly, we find that it is the OBCs and not the
forward castes (24 per cent), who account for the second largest share of those adhering to
this practice. Traditionally, since the forward castes (Kshatriyas and Vaishyas) are next in
the hierarchy, below the Brahmins but above the remaining groups that are constitutionally
protected, one would expect them to indulge more in the practice than the OBCs, who have
recently been awarded reservation in educational institutes and public sector employment.
wherein the low or middle caste groups emulated the rituals and practices of the upper caste
in order to be accepted by the latter and to be able rise up in the social hierarchy. This could
also be reflective of the increasing competition between the OBCs and the SCs for gaining
access to land and other resources, which is being observed in the increasing incidence of
Interestingly, we also find that 22 per cent of the SCs and 15 per cent of the STs too
admit to following this practice. As mentioned earlier, there are numerous jatis within each
broad varna category, and amongst the SCs, who constitute the fifth varna or more precisely
the avarnas (that is, those falling outside the four-fold classification), there are a number of
sub-castes, which are also placed hierarchically with respect to each other. These could be the
higher sub-castes practicing untouchability against the lower sub-castes, particularly those
An alternate and more credible explanation could be that the SCs, who have been
treated as untouchables for probably more than 10,000 years have internalized the idea to
such an extent that when asked if any member of their family practices untouchability, their
15
Khairlanji incidence, Maharashtra, India.
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natural response is to agree as they are bound by religious law, which stipulates that they
must adhere to certain social norms of behavior. For example, they are clearly told not to
draw water from certain wells or ponds, not to walk on certain streets, and not to enter
temples and certain public places, among other such tenets. Thus, they do practice
untouchability!
One way to test this hypothesis is to examine the responses to the two questions on
untouchability separately. Table 1 provides the breakup of households that responded in the
affirmative to the first question pertaining to discrimination for all India and by broad social
groups. It can be seen from the table that 11 per cent of the SCs agree to practicing
untouchability!
No Yes Total
Brahmins 56 44 100
Forward Castes 82 18 100
OBCs 74 26 100
SCs 89 11 100
STs 83 17 100
Total 79 21 100
Source: Authors’ calculation based on IHDS-II data.
We can determine the extent to which this is indicative of the respondent admitting
of the SC households to the second question listed in Table 2. We find that only 5 per cent
households belong to the somewhat higher sub-castes within the SCs, which discriminate
against their counterparts from the lower sub-castes, possibly in an attempt to emulate high-
caste behavior.
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Table 2: Is It a Problem if an SC Enters the Kitchen or Uses Utensils?
No Yes Total
Brahmins 85 15 100
Forward Castes 93 7 100
OBCs 89 11 100
SCs 95 5 100
STs 93 7 100
Others 95 5 100
Total 91.47 8.53 100
Source: Authors’ calculation based on IHDS-II data.
The Adivasis, on the other hand, have always been outside the Hindu varna system
and thus do not fall into any caste (jati) hierarchies. The tribes have always owned land and
themselves as being superior to the lowest of the castes, who have no rights whatsoever.
The level of education amongst the tribals is the lowest across any group. The only
exception is the group of tribes in the north-eastern regions of India, who have converted to
Christianity and received convent education from Christian missions during the British
Across religious groups, we surprisingly find that the Jains account for the largest
share of discriminators (Figure 3). However, they comprise an extremely small community
and a closed one, whose members marry within their religion, and it is hard for outsiders to
join their religious fold (N= 107 in IHDS-II). Although Jainism is a breakaway religion
from the Hindu religion, it has survived and Jains have prospered enough to become
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economically and educationally the most progressive group in India, having seemingly
settled into an understanding with the Hindu ideology. Under the Hindu rubric, Lord
Mahavir, the founder of the Jain religion, is seen as one of the incarnations (avatars) of the
Hindu god Vishnu, just as Buddha is also considered by the Hindus as an incarnation.
However, the difference between the Jains and Buddhists is that the former have accepted
this version and thus found favor with the Hindus, whereas the Buddhists have opposed this
and consequently been marginalized in India. This assimilation of Hindu tenets within the
Jain religion is apparent from the fact that the religious days and festivals celebrated by
Jains and Hindus often coincide and are quite similar to each other. An additional reason for
the high incidence of the practice of untouchability among the Jains could also be that they
are strictly vegetarians and would not be comfortable entertaining non-vegetarians in their
homes and kitchens. In fact, Jains even avoid using onion and garlic in their food and might
not like even vegetarians who consume these two items entering their kitchen.
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Next to the Jains are the Hindus, with one-third of their population practicing
untouchability. Sikhism, on the other hand, is a monotheistic religion and a relatively new
one,16 which broke out of the Hindu fold precisely because of the unequal inherent structure
of Hinduism. However, Sikhs seem to still carry on the practice of untouchability, with 23
per cent of them responding positively to the question of whether they follow this practice.
Many of the ex-untouchables are also known to have converted to Sikhism, but they are
known and identified as mazahabi Sikhs and even have separate gurdwaras (Sikh houses of
worship) in Punjab. The state of Punjab, in fact, has the highest share of the SC population
across all states in India. Punjab is also the only state in India that had a law till recently,
prohibiting the SCs from owning land. This law, which was enacted by the British in India
The lowest share of the practice is seen amongst the tribals, Christians and
Buddhists. The Buddhists predominantly comprise three groups, including the tribals in the
North-east of India, the Tibetan refugees in the north, and the neo-Buddhists,17 largely
October 14, 1956, at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur, in the state of Maharashtra after heeding to a
We began with the hypothesis that households that know more people well,
especially outside of their own community, are less likely to practice untouchability. Figure
4 compares the share of households that practice untouchability by the number of their
16
Sikhism was founded in the fifteenth century by Guru Nanak.
17
According to the 2001 Census, there are currently 7.95 million Buddhists in India, at least 5.83
million of whom are based in Maharashtra.
18
Dr B.R. Ambedkar himself was an ex-untouchable, and the principal architect of India’s Constitution and a
leader of the Dalits.
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contacts within and outside the community. We find that the incidence of untouchability
falls with a rise in the number of contacts. However, the practice of untouchability is seen to
be higher in the case of households that have a large number of contacts outside the
community. This finding is contrary to our supposition. One would have expected lesser
adherence to social norms in households with more outside contact and relations.
In the following section, we will explore these associations in detail and see if this
5.5 Education
Figure 5 shows the incidence of the practice by the highest level of adult education in
with a rise in the level of adult education. We observe a 6 percentage point drop in the
those with an adult who has acquired education up to the graduation level or above.
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Source: Authors’ calculation based on IHDS-II data.
practice of untouchability for the Brahmins and the OBCs, the two communities that
sharp fall in the percentage of households indulging in the practice with a rise in the
level of education of adults in the household. Thus, we see a fall of 15 per cent and 16
per cent in the practice, among Brahmins and OBCs, respectively, between the illiterates
However, we also find that across all social groups, the incidence of untouchability
seems to rise among households with graduation or higher level of adult education. This is
similar to the findings of studies examining the effect of education on racial attitudes with
respect to Whites, Asians, Hispanics and Blacks. Wodtke (2012) found that neither the
perspectives on racial enlightenment (for details, see Hyman and Sheatsley 1956, pg. 39;
McClelland and Linnander 2006), nor those on ideological refinement (Jackman and Muha
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1984; Schuman et al. 1997) are able to clearly explain the different group conceptualizations
of racial hierarchy and group interests. Groups lying in between the dominant groups (like
the Whites) and the lowest subordinate groups (like the Blacks) become acutely aware of
their position and the accruing advantages and disadvantages, after acquiring a certain level
of education. This may lead groups higher up the social ladder, say the Hispanics and Asians
(the Kshatriyas or Vaishyas in the Indian context, for instance) to ideologically align with the
dominant groups, in terms of individualism and meritocracy (say the Brahmins) and mimic
their practices. We find a similar pattern in the Indian context. Figure 6, Appendix I, clearly
highlights the idea of superiority (that is, the concept of a particular caste being purer than a
lower caste group), as is inherent in caste hierarchies. At the same time, we find that beyond
the graduate and higher level of education, the incidence of untouchability rises across all
5.6 Income
Among the poorest households, 33 per cent admitted to following the practice. On the other
hand, among the richest percentile of respondents, only 23 per cent of the total respondents
reported the practice. Therefore, there is a 10 per cent drop in the incidence of
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Source: Authors’ calculation based on IHDS-II data.
Since the practice of untouchability is a part of the religious and traditional mindset
of the society at large, it also varies with the strength and level of entrenchment of these
mindsets, which too vary across different regions of the country. Figure 8 denotes the level
of untouchability practiced across broad regions of the country. The practice seems to be the
most prevalent in the central plains of India, where nearly half of all the households
interviewed (49 per cent) admitted to the practice. Table 3 in the Appendix indicates the
break-up of the states which fall in each of these regions. The central plains are followed by
the northern (40 per cent) and hilly regions (38 per cent) of the country. The lowest
incidences of untouchability are seen in the southern, eastern and western regions. Clearly,
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Figure-8: Practice of Untouchability by Regions
60
49
38 40
40
21 17
20 16
13
10
0
Hills North Central West South
Central Plains
6. SUMMING UP
Our preliminary analysis throws some light on the nature of the practice of
untouchability in India. The first and foremost differentiation that is evident from the study
is the rural–urban divide. It is obvious that the urban space is more homogenizing, and since
structurally it packs migrants into tighter work and residential spaces, it forces them to relax
their customary behaviors and accept modern notions of inclusive sharing of both public
and personal spaces. Also as strangers to a new urban area, people can choose to hide their
caste identities or take up new ones. The rural areas, on the other hand, are still carrying
forward age-old traditions and customs. Age-old norms are passed on for generations, till
they seem to be the natural state of being. However, with the villages getting more
connected to the small and large towns, and witnessing a greater degree of out-migration, it
seems that rural areas too will eventually experience a social transformation, albeit at much
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Across both rural and urban regions, the practice is seen to be more prevalent
amongst the Brahmins, who, more than any other social group, probably feel that it is
imperative to adhere to the notions of ritual and physical purity as these perceptions are also
profoundly linked to their identity, which imbues them with both a sense of pride and social
dominance. The next two social groups to exhibit an adherence to this practice are the
OBCs and the forward castes. The practice is also seen to exist amongst the STs and SCs,
though to a much lesser extent than among the other social groups.
household’s network and the incidence of untouchability. This is true for households that
have established connections both within as well as outside their community. The incidence
of the practice is, however, seen to be lower among households with a larger number of
the practice of untouchability between households with no educated adults and those with
stronger negative effect on the pursuit of the practice among Brahmins and OBCs, the two
income is also seen to be inversely related to the practice. While 33 per cent of the poorest
confess to following the practice, only 23 per cent of the richest accepted to it, signifying a
The fact that a significant segment of the population accepts following the practice
of untouchability leads us to ask the question, “What kinds of households are more likely to
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practice untouchability?” Here, we use a logit regression specification to measure the
strength and direction of the coefficients for various household characteristics in their
contribution to this practice. We proceed stepwise, first calculating a reduced form model to
investigate variations across caste and religion, and between urban and rural areas. Then we
The following results can be witnessed. First, urban residents are 24 per cent less
likely to practice untouchability than their rural counterparts. The compulsions of a modern
urban life clearly compel households to rethink about social customs and to cohabit freely
with members of the other castes. In the urban areas, there are hardly any social costs of
non-compliance with the notions of untouchability, unlike in the rural regions, where the
households flouting social norms may face ostracism and penalties from both members of
Akin to the rural–urban differences, the variations across caste groups are also
significant and telling. With reference to the SCs, the Brahmins are six-and-a-half times
more likely to practice untouchability, recording the highest incidence of the practice for
any group. They are followed by the forward castes and the OBCs, who are, respectively,
Although caste is typically a phenomenon associated with the Hindu religion, it also
seems to carry on in more muted and varied forms in other religions, which were introduced
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into the Indian sub-continent, such as Islam and Christianity, as well as among those that
emerged at home such as Jainism and Sikhism. The coefficients for Muslims and Christians
are nearly equal and significant, and these two groups are less likely to practice
untouchability by 58 per cent and 56 per cent, respectively, as compared to the Hindus. The
odds of the Sikhs practicing untouchability are 14 per cent lower than those of the Hindus
but not significant. Some of the lowest and most significant coefficients are seen among the
STs and other groups who record 78 per cent and 98 per cent lower odds, respectively, of
practicing untouchability. However, since the samples for these groups are small, the results
acquired education up to the tenth or eleventh standard has 14 per cent lesser odds of
and graduation/diploma levels, the odds of practicing fall by 23 per cent and 24 per cent,
respectively. Education is thus clearly one of the critical factors that lead to a change in
It is evident that social networks play an important role in determining the level of
interaction that a particular community shares with members of another community. This
would, in turn, dictate if any member of the household practices untouchability or not. One
is likely to find many households wherein the younger members do not indulge in the
practice though the older family members or grandparents may still continue to harbor
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traditional mindsets. One would also expect households with larger social networks outside
their communities to practice lower levels of untouchability. On the other hand, one could
say that households which practice untouchability are likely to have fewer contacts outside
the community and more contacts within the community. Our earlier findings (delineated
in Figure 4) suggested that households with more community networks outside the
community indulged more in the practice. However, our regression coefficient suggests that
households with outside networks are 4 per cent less likely to practice untouchability. On
the other hand, households with contacts within the community are 1.6 per cent more likely
significant. Thus, cultivators are 32 per cent more likely to practice untouchability as
6.8 Income
Figure 4 showed that the practice of untouchability fell by 10 percentage points from
the poorest to the richest quintile. The regression results indicate that the coefficient is
positive for all quintiles except for the middle quintile, which shows a marginal negative
relationship. However, the results are significant for the fourth quintile, indicating a 15 per
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7. DISCUSSION
Our results show that the reported incidences of untouchability are trivial. In fact, the
under-reporting of the practice is more likely to be the norm. Overall 27 per cent of the
in the rural areas at 30 per cent, as compared to a corresponding figure of 20 per cent in the
urban areas. A breakup of the households that practice untouchability by their social
affiliations reveals that within the particular groups, the incidence of the practice is highest
amongst the Brahmins with half of the households in this group reportedly practicing
untouchability. The next two groups comprising the second and third largest shares of the
households practicing untouchability are the OBCs and the forward castes. The lowest shares
of the incidence are seen among the STs and SCs. Thus, group differences vary across broad
Across religious groups, the Jains record the highest share of households indulging in this
practice, though these results are not conclusive as they are based on a small sample of the
respondents. They are followed by Hindu, Sikh and Muslim households, recording
behavior. The larger the size of a household’s network outside its own community, the
higher are the chances of the household refraining from the practice. Conversely, the higher
the spread of their in-community network, the higher are the chances of households
practicing untouchability.
the household members to follow the practice. Households with adults having acquired
education up to the tenth standard or higher are less likely to follow the practice, and the
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strength of this negative association increases with the rise in the level of education. In
addition, the negative effect of education seems to be more pronounced among the
Brahmins and the OBCs, two groups recording the highest shares of households practicing
untouchability.
The economic standing of households in terms of their income levels seems to have
a marginal effect on their inclination, or as Becker would call it, the ‘taste’ for following
untouchability. Higher income levels, in fact, seem to encourage the practice somewhat,
though the effect is more or less similar across all quintiles except the poorest.
Lastly, the regional spread of the practice indicates that the incidences are lower in
the southern, eastern and western parts of the country whereas they are higher in the central,
northern and hill regions. This finding is also reiterated by a map (Appendix 3), which
indicates the level of the practice in the districts wherein the survey was conducted.
probably begin with the identification of those practicing untouchability by posing the
question as to who among them are actually practicing untouchability and who are likely to
practice it. Further research would involve a closer exploration of the sub-castes within each
caste in the households. Since the SCs and STs are themselves seen to be practicing
untouchability, it would be interesting to test the assertion that it is the higher sub-castes
among the SCs and certain tribes that consider themselves to be high up in the social
hierarchy and above the lowest ranked categories among the SCs.
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7.2 Conclusion
The notions of ‘purity and pollution’ are ideas which, despite the spread of
education and the advent of modern lifestyles, tend to stick and prey on our religious and
social insecurities. Social change is invariably slow and necessitates a change in the
political, economic, social and cultural environment. This, in turn, requires the social
psychology of the masses to transform over time. The economic, social and cultural
evolution of the Indian landscape has seen many of its traditions withering away or facing
under-reporting of the practice of untouchability, 70 per cent of the population reported not
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APPENDIX 1
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Table 3: Breakup of Broad Regions by Their Constituent States
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APPENDIX 2
contacts_out -0.0420***
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APPENDIX 3
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