Mirasi System in Pre-Colonial South India

MIZUSlDMA, Tsukasa
Tokyo University of Foreign Studies

I. Mirasi System
In the pre-colonial South Indian society land had been located and incorporated in the nexus
of social relationship. Any rights viewed to be landed had been just one of the expressions in
it. It has been elsewhere presented by the author a view to understand pre-colonial south Indian so-
ciety from the aspect of 'share distribution system' (Mizushima 1986). The village produce in
pre-colonial period was divided into many shares in the shapes of dues, state tax, or cultivators'
share. Lives of those engaged in production activities were maintained by these shares in the produce,
which had been customarily established and linked to the assigned roles in maintaining the
pre-coloniallocal society. Such customary right like inheritance or inherited right was called kliTJi
and the person with such right was called kliTJiyatchikkliran in Tamil. In the British revenue ad-
ministration the right was generally designated as mirasi, an Arabic term, and the holder was called
mirasidlir. Their right had been so fIrmly established that it was transferable either by sale, mortgage,
or inheritance. The system constituted the core of the local society. Economic structure, class struc-
ture, and other features of the society were expressed in it in the pre-colonial period. The author
named such system as mirasi system.
One of the most salient features of the mirasi system was its high flexibility and
adjustability to an emerging new situation. The right to the share was linked not necessarily with the
recipient but with the role performed by him. Even if the players of roles were changed or replaced,
the shares were still reserved. Vacancy caused by the recipient's movement could be easily fIlIed by
any newcomer wishing to undertake the role. It could, therefore, accommodate the people's high mo-
bility, which has been commonly observed in Indian rural area due to the precarious nature of Indian

22
agriculture, to the nomadic herding, and other reasons. In the same way newly created roles could be
absorbed in the system by allocating a new share from the produce. Here the activities concerned not
only the economic aspect but also the religious and other aspects, which was indicated by the
fact that the temples and Brahmins were also included among the recipients of various dues. In ad-
dition any change in class relation among the members of the local society could be covered
by the adjustment of internal mechanisms (shares, tax-free land, and their recipients) , so that the sys-
tem itself would never break down. Though it is not yet ascertained when the mirasi system as a sys-
tem was established in South India, l this flexibility surely allowed the mirasi system to survive as the
core system for a very long period. Mirasi system was a very indigenous and highly effective
institution in the history of South India.

n. Community and State

From a study about the amount of various types of dues, the extent of tax-free land,
the number of villages where dues or tax-free lands were granted, or the composition of the recipients,
we can observe in the mirasi system a highly competitive relationship between the state and local so-
ciety, from which two competitive forces can be discerned. If we term 'the wielding of power as well
as movement to maximize one's own interest' as 'formation', the force to protect and maximize the
interests of the local society may be called as 'community formation' and the counter-force to enlarge
the state's interests as 'state formation'. Each of them seeks dominance over another to reach a
maximum of autonomy. By discerning these two formations in operation, we can clearly understand
the nature of different type of shares or the mirasi system itself. The state and the communal
formations operated competitively in enlarging own shares in the produce. That is, the state tried ac-
commodating the local interests by allowing dues to the core members of the local society while seek-
ing more shares for its own. On the other hand the local society tried hard to increase their share in the
shape of dues, tax-free land, or cultivators' share. There must have been serious conflict between the
state and the members of local society to fmalize the share proportion, as was often observed
at the initial period of colonial rule. The mirasi system was thus formed and maintained in the course
of conflicts and compromises between the two formations.

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m. N~ in Colonial Administration

If we assume the two formations in operation, our next task is to discern the bearers of the
formation. In Chola period we know narrars as the representatives of the local society called M4u.
According to Subbarayalu, M4u was the groupings of agricultural settlements formed by natural fac-
tors conducive to agriculture, and each nallu was basically a cohesive group of agricultural people
tied together by marriage and blood relationships. The people who occupied the dominant position in
each M4u were narrars. Among the group members in the M4u assembly, narrars, being the rep-
resentatives of the villages of agricultural landholders and being the prime landholders in the re-
spective n04u, presented themselves as the chief spokesmen of the people in the region. Matters con-
cerned with the naq,u were settled by the narrars in the local assembly called by the same name or
nallu. These narrars must have had some communal tie like caste or kinship relation among them-
selves in the respective M4us (Subbarayalu 1973: 33-34,39-40). Though it is beyond the scope of
the present study to verify his argument, narfQrs may be presumed to be the bearers of communal for-
mation in the original form.
Later historical development, however, naturally brought changes into the local societies,
which caused significant changes to the role and status of the narrars. In this regard it is interesting to
note that some records in the early colonial period suggest the existence of very influential nar!ars in
some parts of South India. For instance, Warren Hastings wrote in 1771 that 'the Nattwars, or chief
inhabitants of each district, are by the established custom of the country the agents or representatives
of the people, and negotiate all transactions between their constituents and the circar [state]. Their in-
fluence is commonly very great with the people... .' (Letter of Warren Hastings, 2 December
1771, Fort St. George Public Consultations, 3 December 1771: 873). The point to be clarified is to
what extent this remark was applicable in the period. As the author has done the study on narrar in a
few districts in South India elsewhere by utilizing contemporary records, we will briefly follow it
below (Mizushima 1986: Chapter IT).
Chingleput or the Jagir had some very influential narrars. As cited before, Warren Hastings
stated in 1771 that they acted in the locality as the representatives of the inhabitants and negotiated all
the transactions with the government. When Place, who took the collectorship in 1794, met the strong
resistance from the inhabitants against his attempt to enforce village lease system, he tried utilizing
the nanars' influence. He requested the Board of Revenue strenuously the appointment of na!!ar
as the revenue officer acting between the Collector and the inhabitants. They were accordingly
appointed in the respective paraganas in 1797. What were expected from them were to extend

24
cultivation, to improve the revenue, to gather information, and to assist in making jummahbundy
(revenue assessment). For these duties, they were confIrmed or newly granted the privileges of
shrotrium (lowly assessed land) ,ma~iyam (tax-free land) , and higher varam (share in the produce) .
These narrars thus appointed by Place were, however, destined to be abolished in 1799 when
the permanent zamindari settlement was ordered to be introduced. The region was to be divided into
sixty zamindari units and was to be auctioned out in 1802. Narrars' role in the revenue administration
became totally unnecessary as the assessments of the zamindaris were to be permanently fIxed.
Though the zamindari settlement was not successful and the village lease system or raiyatwari
settlement was reintroduced into the area, na!!ars never became the subject for discussion any
more. Of the three privileges granted to the narrars in Place's time, only the shrotrium was allowed to
be possessed. Shrotriums continued to be held by them till the 1860s, when the Inam Commission
reconfrrmed them in most of the cases.
When Tiruvendipuram near Pondichery was occupied by the English East India Company
in 1750, six narrars took the lease. They claimed to be the descendants of the narrars who originally
opened the area. The narrars enjoyed the privileges of ten percent landlord rent from the lands cul-
tivated by others, higher share in the produce, twenty-five percent deduction of their rent, the
right of mortgage, the fees on the goods, and the ma~yam land. The area was then auctioned
in 1756, which the narrars failed to bid. The outsiders became the renter. The narrars' privileges were
officially abolished by the Company in 1768, though most of them continued to be held by the na!!ars
even after that. The narrars requested the restoration (actually reconfrrmation) of their previous priv-
ileges in 1775 and all except their landlord rent were restored in the same year. Their privileges,
however, were again abolished in 1779 by some unknown reason. The narrars were once again re-
instated in their post in 1786. Na!{ars were expected to improve the cultivation. At the same time they
were granted five percent allowance upon the net annual revenue from the farm instead of regaining
their old privileges. The six na!{ars were to receive the allowance according to the respective
shares before their office was abolished in 1779. In 1801 Tiruvendipuram was placed under the south-
ern division of Arcot which came under the Company's rule in the same year. The fIve percent al-
lowance was withheld in 1802 by Garrow, who was keen to introduce the raiyatwari settlement in the
district. The same policy was followed by Macleod appointed as the Collector in 1804. Another five
percent allowance for the na!{ars to maintain the pagodas (temples) and chatrums (resting place)
for Brahmins was also stopped in the same year. In 1804 the Board ordered Macleod to prepare for
the permanent zamindari settlement in Tiruvendipuram. Tiruvendipuram was proposed to be divided
into seven zamindari estates (including one for the poligar) and be auctioned out. The allowance for

25
pagodas and chatrum was decided to be collected by the zamindars and be paid to the persons in
charge of the chatrum and pagodas. As to their own five percent allowance, the nauars requested its
continuance. The na!f{zrs. then, offered to become the zamindars on condition the estates would not be
put up for sale and their allowance should be enjoyed by them. The government fmally decided to
give the estates to the nauars on condition that the lattar should relinquish all their future claims to
any privileges except the five percent allowance amounting to 490 pagodas. The amount was to be di-
vided in proportion to the respective nauar's shares and was to be granted as pension for life.
The estates were then transferred to the nauars in the permanent zamindari settlement introduced in
1807. Soon after the zamindari settlement there often occurred division of the estates either by sale,
inheritance, or by resumption by the Government due to revenue arrears. The nauars gradually dis-
appeared from the region and it is now hard to fmd their descendants in the area.
In the case of the main part of South Arcot Graham, the first Collector, introduced the vil-
lage lease system in 1801. Among the renters in the lease many nauars seemed to be included to-
gether with other head inhabitants. Garrow, who took the collectorship in 1802, changed the policy
and tried hard to introduce the raiyatwari settlement to eradicate the influence of the head inhabitants.
Many head inhabitants agitated against it by absconding to somewhere or by petitioning directly to
the Board in Madras. Garrow's stand, however, did not change. His objective to deprive the head in-
habitants' power was also directed towards the nauars. Some of the nauars' privileges such as fees,
higher share in the produce, and the tax-free lands held without authentic sanads (certificates)
were all resumed. Macleod, who succeeded Garrow in 1804, followed his predecessor's policy
and met the same opposition movement by the head inhabitants. His firm stand did not change and he
proposed stopping the allowances customarily enjoyed by the head inhabitants. Ravenshow, who suc-
ceeded Macleod in 1805, was also a vehement supporter of the raiyatwari settlement. He tried
to discover and recover the concealed revenue, and to fmd out the 'frauds' or unauthorized collection
by the head inhabitants. In its course he faced once again the strong resists from the nauars.
karnams (village writers), gramattans (village headmen) and other head inhabitants. He punished
them severely by fmes, confmement, etc. Ravenshaw was, however, ordered to introduce the village
lease system by the Board of Revenue in 1808. The raiyatwari settlement was duly abolished
and the village lease system was enforced from the same year. Narrars never became the topic in rev-
enue administration since then.
Trichinopoly was acquired by the Company in 1801. Wallace, the first Collector, in-
troduced the village lease system. In its course he found the nauars acting as renters of the maganams
in the northern parts of the district. Wallace judged the influence of the nauars to be injurious to the

26
administration, so that he positively decided to enforce the village lease system to eradicate the
rUz!{ars' power over wider region in 1801-2. At the same time Wallace abolished the rUz!{ars'
privilege of being taxed only half. Na!{ars' privileges were restored by Garrow in 1808, when
the rUz!{ars proposed to contribute to increase the revenue if the previous privileges were restored.
The request was granted and they continued to enjoy the privileges for a long time, notwithstanding
the several proposal to abolish them by the successive Collectors. Even in the raiyatwari settlement in-
troduced in the 1820s, the rates of assessment of each plot varied according to the castes and
the residence of the raiyats. Under this situation nauars continued to enjoy the special treatment of be-
ing assessed only half. In the new raiyatwari settlement enforced in the 1860s such privileged
tenures as had been erijoyed by the rUzuars and others were ordered to be abolished. By the Inam
Commission in the 1860s their privileges were confirmed as irUzm lands for which they paid lowly
fixed assessment.
Nauars were thus treated variously in the different regions in the early revenue ad-
ministration by the Company. Because of the rUzuars power and influence in the local society
Place tried strenuously to appoint them as revenue officers in Chingleput. By the same reason
Garrow, Macleod, Ravenshaw, and Wallace tried hard to eradicate them by introducing raiyatwari sys-
tem or village lease system. Under such circumstances the degree of changes experienced by rUzuars
had differed from system to system and from region to region. Where the permanent zamindari sys-
tem was enforced like Tiruvendipuram, they were given the opportunity to become zamindars.
Where the village lease system was enforced like in Trichinopoly, or in South Arcot under Graham,
they became the village renters. Where the raiyatwari settlement was enforced like in South Arcot,
their various rights in the locality were either confiscated or confmed into the respective land
plots.

IV. NaifQrs to Mirasidars

The investigation above has clarified that nauars were fairly influential in some parts of
South India in the early colonial period. It is to be noted, however, that these evidences clearly in-
dicate the decline of nauars in general. There were many regions where no nauars were found to ex-
ist. For instance out of the fifty-three rUzuars appointed by Place, twenty-two had not previously been
the rUzuars. In other words Place had to create the rUzuars' post where there were none of them.
In Tiruvendipuram six nauars were found very influential, having the privileges of collecting land-
lord rent and others, but the distribution of rUz!{ars in other parts of South Arcot was scarce and very

27
uneven? While some villages had a few number of na!{ars, some bigger territories had none of them.
Instead there were many influential head inhabitants called Gramattans other than the na!{ars.
Na!{ars were very powerful in Valiconda (near Turaiyur) and Udaiyarpalaiyam of Trichinopoly
when the area came under the British rule in 1801. But they were found mostly in the dry area only.
Many of the villages in the wet area did not have them but had many influential mirasidars. Besides
we do not find information about naffars other than the areas summarized above. These evidences
indicate that na!{ars had been gradually losing their previous position.
Originally na!{ars were just the representatives of their community, from which position
they must have emerged as the leaders of the locality in the long run. As local societies had
incorporated more and more communities with different interests, the mirasi system had taken
the shape as observed in the eighteenth-century record. What we found there instead of nauars were
mirasidars. For instance mirasidars and their shares were recorded in the Barnard Report in all the vil-
lages in Chingleput. They were also found to receive some dues from the village produce from almost
all the villages in the area. There must have been a gradual process for the na!{ars to give away their
position in the local society to mirasidars, and the latter somehow or other had inherited the status of
the former. The following remark in the early nineteenth century clearly proves the position of the
mirasidars who represented the village in the negotiation with the state while being co-opted by the
state to represent its interests:
'The Mirasudar [sic] looks on himself as entitled to direct the affairs of the village,
to stand forward on all occasions when the affairs of the Sircar [state] are in discussion, and
to receive any Tasrif [original note: honorary presents at the time of forming the annual settlements]
given by it, and the pre-eminence thus claimed is allowed him by others.' (Translation of Answers to
the Questions enclosed in Mr. Secretary Hill's Letter to the Board of Revenue, 2 August 1814,
by B. Sancaraya, late Sheristadar to the Collector of Madras, Papers on Mirasi Rights: 227)

V. Mirasidizrs and Village Leaders

An investigation into the spatial aspect of poligars' jurisdiction, landholding castes, or the
service area, indicates the collapse of local society, too. It seems neither the caste unity which
had provided the base for local society called naqu in the Chola Period, nor the nakaya rule which
once demarcated the boundary of nakaya territory called nayakattanam in the Vijayanagar Period,
could enforce their unifying role any more by the concerned period. Though the features of the share
distribution system, which maintained the production activities at an area above village level, were

28
surely obselVable in the eighteenth century, they were just the remnants. The classical type of local
society was not obselVable any more. There had proceeded steady historical process destroying
the integration and entirety of the local society. The main forces to cause the change was none but the
new emergence of village leaders from among the mirasidars. This is indicated in the Bamard
Report as the comparatively recent acquisition of tax-free land by the 'chiefs of the village' and the ex-
ceptional treatment of dues separated from tax-free land.
Mirasidars, following narrars of the Chola period, maintained some communal tie among
themselves even if they held ownership shares individually.3 Such communal tie among the
mirasidars had, however, been fairly weakened in the concerned period. A study about the dis-
tribution of village ownership share held by the respective landholding castes gives spatially mixed
feature. It shows little cohesive communal unity in any locality. Actually the ownership share
had been very often transacted with those outside the local society including merchant communities.
Village leaders, who were termed as 'chief of the village' in the Barnard Report, had
emeged out of such mirasidars as had lost the communal tie and identity with the local society to
which they once belonged. Instead of being dependent upon the communal tie or unity based
on wider area as their power base, the leaders utilized village/s to support their independent power.
The role and power of the emerging village leaders and their relation with the mirasi system can be
known by the lists of collections and disbursements by thirty-one gramattans (village headmen)
in a Collector's letter from South Arcot 4 We can obselVe in the lists that the expense for festivals,
rituals, pagodas, road repair, tank repair, the fees to Brahmins, Muslim priests, village writers,
watchmen, pilgrims, sUlVeyors, carpenters, ironsmiths, dancing girls, actors, and the bribes to revenue
collectors, etc., were all defrayed through the hands of the gramattans. The village leaders had be-
come the sponsors of those engaged in various activities in the village.
As the emergence of villages leaders was heterogeneous to the mirasi system, it had
gradually invaded the mirasi system. Villages under the respective village leaders acquired autonomy
from the rest of the society. The local society accordingly began to lose its entirety. By increasing
their dues and tax-free land and by usurping other shares, the newly emerging village leaders
destroyed the mirasi system and broke down the local society into smaller sphere of their own,
usually village/so Their behavioral pattern differed completely from that of the narrars, the bearer of
the community formation in the Chola period, who endeavoured to protect the local society from the
intelVention of the state formation. Local society was actually in the process of collapse in the eigh-
teenth century.
To sum up, the mirasi system, which had functioned as the core system in reproducing the

29
local society and had been established for a long period in the competitive relation between the state
and the community formations, was being deformed from within by the emerging village leaders.
In this historical process the local society, which had been identical with the spatial base of the com-
munity formation in its original form, came on the verge of break down into the villages controlled un-
der the respective village leaders. Local society in eighteenth-century South India was thus the
renmant of the lost integration and entirety and was alive only in notion as symbolized by the col-
lection of fees in the customs office by nli{!ar and others who had once represented the local
society.

30
 Notes

1. See Heitzman 1987 for the frequent use of the tenn 'kani' or 'awny' after 1070 A. D. (Heitzman
1987: 54-57)
2. Letter from Garrow on the settlement of the Southern Division of Arcot for Fusly 1212, Madras
Board of Revenue Proceedings, 18 July 1803.
3. It is to be noted that an individual type of landholding can be even included in the category of com-
munal landholding if the individual landholders had some communally exclusive tie with other
landholders.
4. Letter from the principal collector in the Southern Division of Arcot, 15 December 1805, Madras
Board of Revenue Proceedings, 2 January 1806.

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