Al-Ghazali As A Reformer PDF

AL-GHAZL AS AN ISLAMIC REFORMER
(MUSLIH):
An Evaluative Study of the Attempts of the Imam Ab Hmid
al-Ghazl at Islamic Reform (Islh)
by
MOHAMED ABUBAKR A AL-MUSLEH
A thesis submitted to
The University of Birmingham
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Theology & Religion

School of Historical Studies
The University of Birmingham
July 2007
University of Birmingham Research Archive
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ABSTRACT
Notwithstanding the enduring and rich legacy of islh (Islamic reform), the study of
it is relatively scarce and remarkably limited to the modern times. The present study
attempts to shed some light on this legacy by evaluating the contribution of an
outstanding pre-modern Muslim scholar, al-Ghazl. Surprisingly, some studies create
an absolutely positive picture of him, while others portray him in an extremely
negative light. Thus, this study raises the question of whether it is justifiable to
classify him as a muslih (Islamic reformer). In light of the analysis of the concept
islh and the complexity of al-Ghazls time, the study demonstrates his life-
experience and verifies that he devoted himself to general islh at a late period of his
life, after succeeding in his self-islh. Further, the study assesses his islh teachings
in general, namely those formulated in the Ihy, and evaluates the claimed effects of
his attempts at islh. The study also highlights a number of strengths and weaknesses
of al-Ghazls efforts and critically discusses some of the criticism directed at him.
By weighing up the points for and against al-Ghazl, this study concludes by
asserting that classifying him as a muslih appears to be fairly justified.

DEDICATION
To the one who has sacrificed much for me; to the

one who has added a sweet taste to my unsettled
life; to my wonderful and supportive wife,
Aisha Al-Emadi.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Praise belongs to Allh, the One who has blessed me in my entire affair. Without His
help, nothing can be accomplished. Next, I must thank my supervisor, Dr. Bustami
Khir, for his valuable feedback throughout the four years of my PhD programme, and
for treating me as his younger brother and not just as a student. Thanks to Ab
Fatimah, Shihab al-Mahdawi, for introducing me to Dr. Khir. I would like also to
express my grateful thanks for all those who have helped or encouraged me, in any
way, during my work on this study. To start with I sincerely thank my respected
teacher at the University of Qatar, Dr. Abd al-Azm al-Db, who suggested that I
should base my thesis on al-Ghazl. I must also thank Mr. Muhammad Hozien, the
webmaster of al-Ghazali website, whom I owe a great deal because he has made my
search for sources on al-Ghazali much more easy by providing many of them online
and in PDF, in fact discovering his website through Google was a great treasure for
me. My friend Mokhtar Ben Fredj deserves warm thanks for always being
forthcoming. I want also to thank Dr. Abdulla al-Shamahi for lending me some useful
sources. I should not forget to thank Dr. Eve Richard and Mr. David Oakey, from the
English for International Students Unit at the University of Birmingham, for reading
parts of my thesis and for their useful feedback on my English. Mr. Elfatih Ibrahim,
who has proofread the entire thesis, deserves special thanks. My deepest gratitude is
to all my family and relatives, namely my respected blood parents and my parents in
law, for their continuous praying and sincere wish for my success. Finally, it is
beyond the ability of my words to express my heartfelt thanks to my darling wife for
her continuous support and great patience throughout my exhausting higher education
life.
CONTENTS
Contents
List of Transliteration i
Introduction 1
I.1 A Thematic Background 1
I.2 The Literature on al-Ghazl 3
I.3 The Problem 7
I.4 The Hypothesis 8
I.5 The Methodology and the Structure 8
I.6 The Scope 11
Chapter 1: Analytical Definition of Islh 12

1.1 Introduction 12
1.2 Islh in the Arabic Language 15
1.3 The Islamic Perspective of Islh 20
1.4 Phrasing the Definition of Islh 30
1.5 Islh and Reform: Degree of Equivalence 31
1.6 The Relationship between Islh and Other Concepts 32
Chapter 2: Setting the Historical Context 41

2.1 Introduction 41
2.2 The Overall Condition of Islamdom 42
2.3 The Political Setting 43
2.4 The First Crusade and the Muslim Response 70
2.5 The Religio-Intellectual life 71
Chapter 3: The Life-Experience of al-Ghazl 88

3.1 Introduction 88
3.2 Dependent Learning and Premature Authorship 90
3.3 Highly Distinguished Scholarly Career 96
3.4 Epistemological Crisis 98
3.5 Independent Examination of the Seekers After Truth 104
3.6 Serious Inspection of the Inner State 113
3.7 Seclusion and Self-Islh 120
3.8 Striving for General Islh 127
Chapter 4: Survey of al-Ghazls Islh Efforts 134

4.1 Introduction 134
4.2 Al-Ghazls Diagnosis of Fasd 135
4.3 Al-Ghazls Islh Attempts to Eradicate the Roots of Fasd 155
4.4 Al-Ghazls Islh Treatments of the Phenomena of Fasd 173
CONTENTS
Chapter 5: Assessment of al-Ghazls Islh Teachings 201

5.2 Originality 201
5.3 Clarity 208
5.4 Deepness 215
5.5 Balance between Individualism and Collectivism 216
5.6 Realism and Practicality 221
5.7 Islamic-Justification 228
Chapter 6: The effects of al-Ghazls Attempts at Islh 244

6.2 The Impact of al-Ghazls Islh Teachings on his Pupils 245
6.3 The Claimed Studentship of Ibn Tmart under al-Ghazl 249
6.4 The Influence of the Ihy 252
6.5 Al-Ghazls Effect on Sufism 260
6.6 The Effect on the Movement of Philosophy 264
6.7 The Effect of al-Ghazls Quarrel with the Btins 268
6.8 The Influence of al-Ghazl on the Successive Islh Movement 268
Conclusion 270
Appendix: The Chronological Sequence of the First

Crusade and the Muslim Response: 277
Bibliography 292
Transliteration List
The transliteration system follows the Transliteration Scheme for Arabic

Scripts, approved by the Library of Congress and the American Library
Association, available online:
http://www.loc.gov/catdir/cpso/romanization/arabic.pdf
Terms which have become very common in English usagesuch as names of
dynasties and others widely used un-technical termsparticularly those which
appear in most of the extended English dictionaries are written as they appear
in the dictionaries.
Romanization of Constants Romanization of Short Vowels
=
=b = a
=t = u
= th = i
=j
= h Romanization of Long Vowels
= kh
=d
= dh =
=r =
=z =
=s
= sh
= s
= d
= t
= z
=
= gh
=f
=q
=k
=l
=m
=n
= h
=w
=y
i
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
****************
I.1 A Thematic Background:
Yet thy Lord would never destroy communities for doing wrong while as its
members were muslihn (Q.11:117). This translated Qurnic yah (verse)1 reveals
one of the Divine norms relating to the life of communities; the efforts of the
muslihn,2 i.e., those who fulfil islh which may be translated roughly as reform,3 are
safeguards for the whole of their communities from general destruction.4 This
signifies, from a Qurnic point view, the necessity of ongoing islh in any
community. This necessity increases when ifsd (spreading or causing corruption), the
opposite of islh, increases, because the spread of fasd5 (corruption) in a community
is a real threat to all its members, as the Qurn warns.6
Furthermore, the mission of the prophets, according to the Qurn, is to fulfil the
duty of islh, as Prophet Shuayb clearly stated: I desire only al-islh, as far as I
am able (Q.11:88). Thus, islh is an essential duty in the Islamic doctrine.
By attempting to correct the aspects of fasd, the muslihn undertake a prophetic
mission and fulfil a vital Islamic duty. Therefore, it is not surprising to see that in
1
For translating this and other Qurnc quotations, I have consulted the following translations of the
Qurn: (1) Arberry J. Arberry, The Koran: Interpreted, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982; (2)
A. Yusuf Ali, The Holy Qurn: Text, Translation and Commentary, Bierut: Dr al-Qurn, n.d.; (3)
M. A. S. Abdel Haleem, The Quran: A new translation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004; and
(4) N. J. Dawood, The Koran: Translated with Notes, London: Penguin Books Ltd, 1999. My
translation, however, largely follows Arberrys most poetic translation, but with frequent
amendments to his, especially when I think there is misunderstanding of the original text.
2
Sing. muslih.
3
More about the meaning of islh, and its English equivalent, will be discussed in Chapter One.
4
This is based on the Tafsr (Exegesis) of the Prophets renowned companion, Ibn Abbs (d. 68/687f),
see Ibn Abbs, Tafsr, Q.11:117, online version:
http://altafsir.com/Tafasir.asp?tMadhNo=0&tTafsirNo=10&tSoraNo=11&tAyahNo=117&tDisplay=
yes&UserProfile=0, visited on 11/07/2007.
5
More about this term will be discussed below.
6
Read, for example, Q.17:16.
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INTRODUCTION
every generation along the history of the Islamic Ummah, there were a number of
devoted Muslims working towards the fulfilment of the duty of islh, though every
one in his own way.7 These continuous efforts of the muslihn throughout Islamic
history resulted in what can be called the legacy of the muslihn, which includes
their islh teachings, as well as their islh actions.
Although there have been continuous attempts at islh along the Islamic history8
and the legacy of the muslihn is so rich, the study of islh as a separate topic is
somewhat new and the knowledge gap in the literature of islh is noticeably wide.
The available studies that deal with islh as a separate topic are relatively few, and are
mainly limited within the views and the achievements of a number of distinguished
muslihn of the eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, who are
considered the main contributors to the early modern movement of islh.9
The study of islh, I believe, should not be limited to the contribution of these
muslihn, and should not ignore the earlier efforts of distinguished persons, who
richly contributed to the legacy of the muslihn. This is particularly because islh,
as Merad justifiably puts it, is deeply rooted in the basic soil of Islam, and cannot
therefore be viewed solely in relation to the intellectual trends that appeared in the
Muslim world at the beginning of the modern period.10
New scholarship studies on the muslihn in a wider scope are needed in order to
discover their rich legacy in depth, and shed more light on the topic of islh, as a
distinctive Islamic duty. This is very important, particularly in the contemporary age
7
For a brief useful discussion of the historical continuity of islh in the Islamic history, see: A. Merad,
Islh, EI2, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978, Vol. 4, pp. 141f.
8
Cf. al-sayyid Ab al-Hasan Al al-Nadw, Rijl al-Fikr wa-al-Dawah f al-Islm, Damascus: Dr al-
Qalam, 2002, Vol. 1, p. 93.
9
For an informative outline of the contributers to this movement, though within the Arab nationalist
dimension, see: Basheer M. Nafi, The Rise and Decline of the Arab-Islamic Reform Movement,
London: The Institute of Contemporary of Islamic Thought, 2000.
10
Merad, Islh, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 141.
2
INTRODUCTION
in which the calls for islh have become very popular in the Islamdom,11 and led to an
ongoing debate over various aspects of the projects of islh. By such new studies, it is
hoped that much of these controversial issues would be treated systematically.
The present thesis is one step towards discovering part of the rich legacy of the
muslihn and is a conscious effort to shed some fresh light on the topic of islh as a
distinctive Islamic duty by introducing the Imam Ab Hmid Muhammad al-Ghazl
(450/1059-505/1111) as a muslih (Islamic reformer), whose name springs to mind
among the long and honourable chain of the muslihn,12 and by studying his main
efforts and teachings, from an islh perspective.
This study may very likely meet some immediate objections, and in fact I have
already experienced this. For those who may raise such abrupt objections at the
outset, I would like to say right at the beginning that a fair judgment should be based
on evaluating the methodology and the findings of the study rather than simply
judging by the title.
I.2 The Literature on al-Ghazl:
Numerous studies have been done on al-Ghazl, in almost all the major languages
of the world.13 This is partially because he has been regarded as a highly respected
thinker, and his thoughts have been fully appreciated by countless Muslims and non-
Muslims alike. Masses of Muslims over the centuries since his time have regarded
11
I have borrowed this practical term from Hodgson who defines it as the society in which Muslims
and their faith are recognized as prevalent and socially dominant in one sense or anothera society
in which, of course, non-Muslims have always formed an integral, if subordinate, element,
Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1974,
Vol. 1, p. 58. The term Islamdom, as Hodgson has practically noticed, has the following three
advantages over the other alternative term, i.e., Islamic world: (1) More efficient in compound
phrases; (2) Islamic is too broad; and (3) the world is one, see ibid.
12
Merad, Islh, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 142.
13
To gain a rough idea about this interesting phenomenon, visit the following website, which contains
hundreds of books and articles about al-Ghazl in various languages: http://www.ghazali.org.
3
INTRODUCTION
him as the mujaddid14 (revivalist) of the 5th century A.H. as well as hujjat al-Islm15
(the Proof of Islam) and thus for them he is a leading authoritative figure and a unique
Imm. At the same time, a number of well-known non-Muslim scholars have paid
tribute to al-Ghazl, and have heaped lavish words of praise on him, such as the
following: one of the greatest intellectuals of the Islamic society,16 a great
writer,17 one of the most renowned and influential writers in the history of Muslim
religious thought,18 the greatest of all Muslims since the day of the Prophet,19 and
one of the greatest thinkers Islam [has] ever produced.20
The vast number of studies on this highly distinguished man is also due to the fact
that he has contributed richly to various fields of thought, to the extent that he has
been considered a composite of great personalities [and] a master of various
disciplines.21 This explains why he has been introduced in a number of studies as a
Sufi (Muslim mystic),22 as a faqh (jurist),23 as a mutakallim (theologian),24 as a critic
14
See, for example, Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Husayn al-Zabd, known as Murtad al-Zabd (d.
1205/1791), Ithf al-Sdah al-Mutaqn bi-Sharh Ihy Ulm al-Dn, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmyah, 2005, Vol. 1, pp. 35-7.
15
See, for instance, Tj al-Dn al-Subk (d. 771/1370), Tabaqt al-Shfiyah al-Kubr, Cairo: al-
Matbaah al-Husaynyah, 1906, p. 101.
16
W. Montgomery Watt, Muslim Intellectual: A Study of al-Ghazl, Edinburgh: The University Press,
1963, p. 1.
17
Margaret Smith, al-Ghazl the Mystic, London: Luzac and co., 1944, p. 5.
18
R. M. Frank, al-Ghazl and the Asharite School, Durham: Duke University Press, 1994, p. 1.
19
Samuel M. Zwemer, A Moslem Seeker After God, p. ii.
20
Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in Al-Ghazali, p. 3.
21
Ahmad Z. M. Hammd, Ab Hmid al-Ghazls Juristic Doctrine in al-Mustasf min Ilm al-Usl
with a translation of Volume one of al-Mustasf min Ilm al-Usl, a PhD dissertation, the
University of Chicago, March 1987, Vol. 1, p. 2, available online in PDF:
http://www.ghazali.org/books/azhmd-p1.pdf.
22
As in the book of Smith, al-Ghazl the Mystic, London: Luzac and co., 1944.
23
As in the study of Hammd, Ab Hmid al-Ghazls Jurist Doctrine in al-Mustasf.
24
As in the study of M. A. R. Bisar, al-Juwayni and al-Ghazali as theologians with special reference
to al-Irshad and al-Iqtisad, a PhD thesis submitted to Edinburgh University in 1953.
4
INTRODUCTION
of Kalm (Islamic theology),25 as a faylasf (philosopher)26 and as a critic of
philosophy27 at the same time.
Another reason which contributed to the considerable increase in the studies on al-
Ghazl is that his very complex course of life, as well as a number of his views and
works, both the genuine ones and those whose authenticity has been questioned, have
sparked off ongoing debates amongst scholars and have provoked sharp criticism
among his critics since his age up to the present time.28
This fact about the number of the studies on al-Ghazl has led some to say that it
is difficult to find any element of originality in a new study on him, because he has
been given all the deserved attention in academic research.29 On the contrary, it has
been argued that al-Ghazl is far greater than to be fully covered in the studies to
date, and that there is still much need for more studies on him.30
Although it is true that with this significant amount of studies, it is very
challenging to display originality in a fresh study, I side with the second view.
Moreover, I would add that there are various aspects of his life and thought, which
have still not been adequately studied yet, and thus they deserve to be studied further.
One of these, in my view, is the aspect of islh, which, despite its special importance,
does not seem to have gained enough concern from researchers. As Slih al-Shm
has rightly noticed, due to the blinding glare of the two famous honorific titles of al-
25
As in the book of Richard M. Frank, al-Ghazl and the Asharite School, Durham: Duke University
Press, 1994.
26
As in the study of Abd al-Amr al-Asam, al-Faylasf al-Ghazl: Idat Taqwm li-Manh
Tatawwrih al-Ruh, Amzil (Tonisia): al-Dr al-Tnisyah li-al-Nashir, 1988.
27
As in the book of Iysa A Bello, The Medieval Islamic Controversy between Philosophy and
Orthodoxy: Ijm and Tawl in the conflict between al-Ghazl and Ibn Rushd, Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1989.
28
For an outline of a number of the critics of al-Ghazl over the centuries and a brief discussion of
their main criticisms, see Ysif al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl bayna Mdihh wa-Nqidh,
Beirut: Muassasat al-Rislah, 1994, pp. 117-86.
29
As in the book of al-Asam, al-Faylasf al-Ghazl.
30
Fard Juha, Ab Hmid al-Ghazl, Damascus: Tils li-al-Dirst wa-al-Tarjama wa-al-Nashir, 1986,
p. 13.
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INTRODUCTION
Ghazl, i.e., hujjat al-Islm (the Proof of Islam) and the mujaddid (revivalist) of the
5th century A.H., other titles are less well known, if at all, including the title muslih
(Islamic reformer).31
To the best of my knowledge, there is as yet no detailed and focused study on al-
Ghazl as a muslih, but there are relatively few studies which have partially dealt
with this crucial aspect. For example, in a chapter entitled al-Imm al-Muslih, al-
Shm, in his well-presented general book about al-Ghazl, gives just a few
representative examples of his islh role.32 Similarly, al-Nadw, in a section of his
book Rijl al-Firkr wa-al-Dawah f al-Islm, presents him as a muslih ijtim
(social reformer), and briefly discusses his social reform as represented in al-
Ghazls most celebrated work, Ihy Ulm al-Dn.33 In a more interesting way, al-
Kiln devotes a section in his unique book, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn wa-
Hkadh dat al-Quds, to al-Ghazls islh efforts.34 The purpose of that section
of the book was to briefly show al-Ghazls role in the islh movement, which,
according to al-Kiln, developed over the 5th-6th century A.H. and resulted in a
reformed Muslim generation, to which the Muslim leader Salh al-Dn (Saladin, d.
589/1193) belonged, which could defeat the Crusaders.35 Al-Ghazl, al-Kiln
argues, was the founder of that fruitful movement.36 However, it was not intended in
al-Kilns book to study closely the islh efforts of al-Ghazl. As a result, there are
important relevant points, which have not been covered by al-Kiln, that deserve to
be studied. Furthermore, some of his arguments, though positively presented, are
31
Slih Ahmad al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl: Hujjat al-Islam wa-Mujaddid al-Miah al-Khmisah,
Damascus: Dr al-Qalam, 1993, pp. 7f.
32
al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 195-256.
33
al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol. 1, pp. 295-315.
34
Mjid Irsn al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn wa-Hkadh dat al-Quds, Dubai: Dr al-
Qalam, 2002, pp. 101-74.
35
al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, pp. 101 &174.
36
al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, p. 101.
6
INTRODUCTION
questionable, and thus need to be examined. Moreover, he completely ignores the
controversy over al-Ghazl. It is hoped that the present study overcomes these
shortcomings.
I.3 The Problem:
Besides the absolutely positive picture of al-Ghazl as a muslih created in the
above studies, a remarkably conflicting image of al-Ghazl has been given by other
writers. A good representative of these is al-Mahdw who considered al-Ghazl as a
representation of the backwardness of the Muslim Ummah at that time, and that he
reflects the defeat of the Muslims before the Crusaders,37 totally opposite to al-
Klns argument mentioned previously.
In a similar way, there have been two contrary positions on the worth of al-
Ghazls thought. In the view of Lazarus-Yafeh, for example, al-Ghazls ideas
about religion, faith, the relationship between God and man and between man and
man have always seemed extremely modern to me and are expressed so
convincingly that they crossed the barriers of time and religion.38 Yet according to
al-Mahdw, his views are outdated and only deserve to be stored in museums of
thoughts.39
Such great controversy leads us to raise the following two central questions at the
outset: (a) how far is it justified to consider al-Ghazl as a muslih and (b) to what
extent do al-Ghazls teachings of islh nature withstand criticism and prove worthy
over time?
37
Ismal al-Mahdw, Ab Hmid al-Ghazl: al-Falsafa al-Tasawwuf wa-Ilm al-kalm, Marrakish:
Tansift, 1993, p. 6.
38
Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in al-Ghazzali, Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, The Hebrew University,
1975, p. 3.
39
al-Mahdw, Ab Hmid al-Ghazl, p. 7.
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INTRODUCTION
As a deliberate attempt to answer these controversial and challenging questions in
a balanced way, I suggest the following positive hypothesis, and I will do my best to
verify it in the course of subsequent chapters.
I.4 The Hypothesis:
The present study attempts to verify the following positive hypothesis:
At a late period of his life, al-Ghazl sincerely devoted his career to islh. During this
period, he made serious islh efforts, and effectively conveyed his islh teachings.
These teachings have various great strengths, which withstand criticism highly and
have proven useful over the centuries, as well as some serious weaknesses, which are
potentially of negative influence, and are very open to criticism. As a result, his
teachings have had two contrary effects: one is positive and favourable and the other
is negative and unappreciative. Despite such weaknesses, and regardless of their
negative consequences, al-Ghazl can still be properly classified as a muslih.
It is difficult to claim that by determinedly attempting to verify this hypothesis, I
would resolve the problem concerning the conflicting images of al-Ghazl illustrated
above, but it is hoped that valid interpretation of the causes of this phenomenon will
be given, and that some possible partial solutions will be proffered.
I.5 The Methodology:
Hoping to verify the above hypothesis, I have taken the following methodological
steps:
1. Constructing an analytical definition of islh: To correctly judge whether al-
Ghazl was a muslih necessitates that we first define the term islh. In
addition, the definition of islh shall provide us with essential prerequisites
8
INTRODUCTION
and important tools for systematically studying al-Ghazl as a muslih. Since
I, with the best of my ability in literature search, have not been able to find a
definition of the term which is sufficient for the purpose of the present study,
I have had to construct a provisional definition in Chapter One. To achieve
this, I have analysed the morphology of the term islh and its lexical
explanation. Besides, because it is an Islamic concept, I have also analysed its
usages in the Qurn and the Hadth. In addition to defining it, I have taken
the following two steps to further clarify the term: firstly, I have examined the
extent to which the English term reform, which is usually used as a
rendering of islh, is an equivalent translation of it. Secondly, I have
examined the similarities and differences between islh and each of the
following concepts which are sometimes connected to it, whether justifiably
or not: tajdd (renewal or restoration), taghyr (change), and al-amr bi-al-
marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar (commanding right and forbidding wrong).
2. Setting the historical context: In the belief that it is important to bear in mind
the historical context in which al-Ghazl lived, in order not to misunderstand
and misjudge his efforts and teachings, I have presented an overview of his
age in Chapter Two. The overview focuses on the political setting and the
religio-intellectual life at that time, which shall provide sufficient background
and an essential foundation for the unfolding discussion.
3. Discussing the life-experience of al-Ghazl: To clearly and justifiably show
in which period of his life, he really sought islh, and which of his works
represent that period, I have discussed in Chapter Three, at considerable
length, his life-experience, relying primarily on his own account about his
spiritual and intellectual progression in his genuine book al-Munqidh min al-
9
INTRODUCTION
Dall (Deliverance from Error), and also on the primary available biographies
of al-Ghazl. Since the truthfulness of al-Ghazls account has been the
object of doubt, I have closely dealt with such doubt throughout the chapter.
4. Surveying al-Ghazls islh efforts: Since it is essential to determine the
extent of al-Ghazls islh efforts, in order to be able to fairly justify the
classification of al-Ghazl as a muslih, I have tried to objectively survey his
main islh efforts in Chapter Four. The survey is based on a careful study
of al-Ghazls major authentic works, which belong to his islh period,
namely the Ihy.
5. Assessing al-Ghazls islh teachings: For the purpose of discovering the
main strengths and weaknesses of al-Ghazls islh teachings and judging
how far they stand criticism, I have devoted Chapter Five to the assessment
of his islh teachings in general, and to a discussion of the main criticisms
levelled against his views and teachings. The assessment in this chapter is
based on the following major criteria: (1) originality, (2) clarity, (3) deepness,
(4) balance between individualism and collectivism, (5) realism and
practicality, and (6) Islamic-justification. By judging with this range of
criteria, though apparently limited, the assessment has, I hope, covered the
key points which serve the intended purpose.
6. Studying the effects of al-Ghazls attempts at islh: To evaluate the
consequences of al-Ghazls attempts at islh, I have discussed in Chapter
Six a number of phenomena which have been regarded as effects of al-
Ghazls efforts and I have assessed the main controversy surrounding the
evaluation of these effects.
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INTRODUCTION
I.6 The Scope:
The present study, like other research studies carried out within the confines of a
limited time frame, is bound to have a finite scope. Although the present study
introduces al-Ghazl as a muslih, it by no means deals with all the issues which are
related in one way or another to his agenda of islh. In fact each of the following
chapters has its limitations, as will be defined in its respective introduction. These
limitations, however, are hopefully justified on the grounds that the intended purposes
of each chapter will be satisfactorily fulfilled and thus the hypothesis of the study will
be reasonably verified regardless of the limitations.
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1. ANALYTICAL DEFINITION OF ISL
H
CHAPTER ONE
***************
ANALYTICAL DEFINITION OF ISLH
1.1 Introduction:
Defining the concept of islh is an essential and practical start for studying al-
Ghazl as a muslih (Islamic reformer). The definition is a form of reference for the
topic. To judge correctly whether al-Ghazl was a muslih or not, depends initially on
what is meant by islh.
Moreover, a number of basic elements, which form a sound and logical foundation
for the topic, are expected to be obtained by dealing with this essential question. A list
of key words on the topic of islh is developed through the activity of defining it. The
field and the scope of islh are also very likely to be specified in its definition. In
addition, the definition, when precisely constructed, provides proper parameters for
limiting the topic, and excluding that which does not relate to it. Similarly, the
distinguishing characteristics which clarify islh and separate it from other topics, with
which it might be confused, is provided by the definition. Furthermore, the criteria by
which an occurrence of islh is determined are invoked in its definition. Based on all
these necessary elements, it can be decided what aspects of al-Ghazls thought and
efforts are related to the topic of islh, and thus should be considered in the present
thesis.
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Since it does not seem that there is a ready-made definition of islh to satisfy the
purpose of the present thesis in the available related literature,1 there is a special need to
construct a satisfactory definition of the term at the very beginning of the present study.
Having stated this, the following question arises: which method of defining can
fulfil the present need? Among the various possible methods of defining,2 the analytical
method appears to be the most useful and thus it is chosen here to define islh. In
addition to the fact that it is broadly considered the best method of defining, 3 the
analytical method is very fruitful in the context of the present thesis. Defining islh by
giving a detailed analysis of it provides much-needed elaboration of the concept and not
just a simple introduction to its meaning.4
The approach taken in this analysis is semantic. This approach, as the name itself
reveals, literally means to analyse the structure of [a] word along the lines indicated by
the articulation of its meaning.5 This method of semantic analysis, as Toshihiko Izutsu
clearly explains, consists in applying a careful procedure of linguistic analysis to the
meaning structure of [a] word, in splitting up its complex structure of meaning into a
number of well-defined constituents.6
The choice of this method leads to another logical question: what data should be
considered in this analysis in order to attain the previously stated essential and practical
result? Since islh is essentially an Arabic term, the first obvious piece of data which
needs to be considered here is the available meaning and usages of the term in the
1
There are useful brief discussions of the definition of the termthough not sufficient enough for the
need of the present thesisin the following sources: A. Merad, Islh, in EI2, Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1978, Vol. 4, p. 141; and John O. Voll, Renewal and Reform in Islamic History: Tajdid and Islah, in
John L. Esposito (ed.), Voices of Resurgent Islam, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983, pp. 33f.
2
The methods of definition are discussed thoroughly by Richard Robinson in his unique book Definition,
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962, pp. 93-148.
3
Robinson, Definition, p. 97.
4
For a scholarly discussion on the advantages and disadvantages of the analytical method of defining,
see Robinson, Definition, pp. 97f.
5
Toshihiko Izutsu, The Structure of the Ethical Terms in the Koran: A Study in Semantics, Tokyo: Keio
Institue of Philological Studies, 1959, p. 6.
6
Izutsu, The Structure, p. 6.
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Arabic language. This is done in two steps described in section 1.2 below: the first is
analysing the morphological description of islh, and the second is analysing the
available explanation of the term in a number of leading and celebrated Arabic
lexicons.7
In addition to this essential type of data, the original Islamic perspective of islh
also has to be considered in defining the concept. This is because firstly islh is an
Islamic concept, as it is deeply rooted in the basic soil of Islam.8 Secondly, the topic
of the present thesis lies within an Islamic contextal-Ghazl is studied as an Islamic
reformerand thus the definition of islh is employed particularly in this context. For
these reasons, the usages of the term islh in the Qurn and the Hadththe two
essential Islamic resources which provide the basis of the Islamic conception of the
termare analysed in section 1.3.
Based on the findings of all these analysed dimensions of the concept, the definition
of islh is practically formulated in section 1.4.
Other than the first essential aim of defining islh, this chapter has two more
objectives, which shall contribute in clarifying the concept of islh. The first is to
examine the extent to which the English term reform, which is usually used as a
rendering of islh,9 is an equivalent translation of the Arabic term islh. In section 1.5,
this examination is done in the light of the constructed definition of islh, and the
meanings of the term reform as well as its usage.
7
Namely: (1) Kitb al-Ayn of al-Khall b. Ahmad (d. 170/786); (2) Jamharat al-Lughah of Ibn Durayd
(d. 321/933); (3) al-Muht f al-Lughah of al-Shib ibn Abbd (d. 385/995); (4) al-Sihh f al-Lughah
of al-Jawhar (d. 393/1003); (5) al-Muhkam wa-al-Muht al-Azam f al-Lughah of Ibn Sdah (d.
458/1066); (6) Ass al-Balghah of al-Zamakhshar (d. 538/1144); (7) Lisn al-Arab of Ibn Manzr
(d. 711/1311); (8) Tj al-Ars of Murtad al-Zabd (d. 1205/1791); (9) and finally the late lexicon, al-
Mujam al-Wast of the Arabic Language Academy in Cairo. For a scholarly and informative English
account on the traditional Arabic lexicons, which is drawn chiefly from the unique work of al-Suyut,
al-Muzhir, see the preface to Lanes Madd al-Qms: an ArabicEnglish Lexicon, London: Williams
and Norgate, 1863, pp. xii-xx.
8
A. Merad, Islh, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 141.
9
See, for example, Merad, Islh, Vol. 4, p. 141; and Voll, Renewal and Reform, p. 32.
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The last objective of the present chapter is to understand the differences and
similarities between islh and other concepts which are sometimes connected to it,
justifiably or not. Since it is not often that one can analyse a concept without also
considering other concepts which are related to it, similar to it, or in some way
importantly connected with it,10 islh is compared and contrasted with each of the
following concepts in section 1.6: tajdd (renewal or restoration), taghyr (change),
and al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar (commanding right and
forbidding wrong).
1.2 Islh in the Arabic Language:
To satisfactorily analyse the meaning of the term islh in Arabic, at least two
essential pieces of linguistic information have to be studied: the morphological
description of the term and the available lexical explanation of it. The former gives the
basics and provides some useful hints for consulting the Arabic lexicons, while the
lexicons themselves provide the literal meanings of the term, and also cross-refer to the
related words and demonstrate their usage by Arabs. This will be evident in the
following two sub-sections.
1.2.1 Morphological Description of Islh:
The term islh is the masdar (infinitive noun) of the transitive verb aslaha since
the wazn (stem form) of its verb is afala, as is known in Arabic morphology. The
basic root of this transitive verb is salaha, an intransitive verb which is derived from
its masdar salh. And the epithet from salh is slih, whereas the epithet from islh
is muslih. All these derivatives share the same three basic radical letters, which are s-l-h.
10
John Wilson, Thinking With Concepts, Cambridge: The University Press, p. 30.
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From this basic morphological explanation, four essential general conclusions
emerge. First, islh denotes the same phenomenon as that indicated by its verb aslaha
but it is free from time or tense, unlike the verb. Second, islh is a causative term, the
outcome of which is salh or a slih thing/person. Third, the performer of islh is
called muslih or in other words a muslih is one who conducts islh. Fourth, all these
derivatives are related and thus studying them should all help in clarifying the idea of
islh.
Before proceeding to the next sub-section, an important limitation of the topic
should be presented at once. According to al-Jawhar, the masdar of sulha noun
which means silm 11 (peace) and tasluh 12 (reconciliation)is not salh, but rather
silh, 13 which means muslahah 14 (conciliation). On the basis of this precise lexical
explanation, two main divisions of islh can be differentiated here in respect of their
outcome: the first causes salh, while the second brings sulh. Consequently, it can be
stated that the latter does not lie within the scope of this thesis, though it is called islh
and the epithet derived from it is muslih.
By studying al-Ghazl as a muslih, it is not intended to study him as one who
makes sulh (reconciliation) between disputants. Therefore, whatever is related to the
topic of sulh is not part of the concern of the present thesis, and in the interests of
conciseness, is not even considered in the proposed definition of islh.
11
Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, eds. Mustaf al-Saqq et al., Cairo: Mahad al-Makhttt bi-Jmiat al-Duwal
al-Arabyah, 1958-73, under the radical letters s-l-h.
12
See al-Khall ibn Ahmad, al-Ayn, ed. Mahd al-Makhzm and Ibrhm al-Smarr, Baghdad:
Wazrat al-Thaqfah wa-al-Ilm, 1980-5, under the radical letters s-l-h.
13
See al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, ed. Ahmad Abd al-Ghafr Attr, Cairo: Dr al-Kitb al-Arab, 1377 A.H.,
under the radical letters s-l-h.
14
See al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters s-l-h.
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1.2.2 Lexical Explanation of Islh:15
The term islh16 is defined as the opposite of ifsd in the consulted Arabic lexicons,
which explicitly mention the term,17 and no further interpretation is given. Supposedly,
studying the meaning of ifsd in its respective location18 in the lexicons sheds some
light on the meaning of islh in a contrary way; however, no direct definition is given
there. This makes it a necessity to study the other related derivatives of islh, as well as
ifsd, in order to find clues for more clarification of the idea of islh.
Starting with the transitive verb aslaha, two related senses of the term are given
in two different contexts. The phrase aslaha al-shay (a thing) means azla
fasdah19 (He removed its fasd). And in the phrase aslaha al-shay bada fasd, 20
the verb aslaha means aqma21 (to set right or correct). Thus, the phrase can be
translated as he set right or corrected the thing after fasd.
These senses of aslaha clearly show that the act of islh is directed only against
fasd, and this is a crucial limitation of the idea of islh. Moreover, they suggest that
islh is a corrective change of fasd. This indication ought to be the core of the
definition of islh, since it presents the superior category to which islh belongsi.e.,
that of changeand at the same time it highlights an essential distinguishing
characteristic of islh, that is, correctness.
15
All the explanations concerning islh and its related derivatives are found in Arabic lexicons under its
three basic radical letters: s-l-h. In some lexicons, all the words containing these radical letters are
listed under the last letter h whereas in others they are listed under the first letter s, depending on
the method of listing in the respective lexicon.
16
The term is introduced in the Arabic lexicons with the definite article al, which is of the generic type
in this context.
17
See, for instance, al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters s-l-h; and Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab,
Beirut: Dr Sdir, 1997, under the radical letters s-l-h.
18
Under its radical letters f-s-d.
19
Ibrhm Mustaf et al. (eds.), al-Mujam al-Wast, Istanbul: Dr al-Dawah, 1989, p. 520, under the
radical letters s-l-h.
20
Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters s-l-h.
21
Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters s-l-h.
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By linking this very significant finding with the fact that the outcome of islh is
salh, as stated earlier, islh can be basically defined as a corrective change of fasd
into salh. Now, to expand this rather vague definition, the available meanings and
usages of both fasd and salh in the lexicons must be studied.
As to salh, it is defined in almost all of the consulted lexicons only by its opposite:
talh in some lexicons22 and fasd in others.23 The Mujam al-Wast, however, is an
exception, for it gives two senses for salh.24 The first sense is istiqmah. It literally
refers to being in a path following a straight line and it is figuratively likened to being
in a right path.25 Obviously, this figurative meaning of al-istiqmah is the one which is
applicable to salh, rather than the literal meaning. The second sense of salh is al-
salamah min al-ayb26 (being free from defect), which is a negative sense of the term.
Furthermore, salh may also refer to a state of benefit, as can be concluded from
one of the senses of the intransitive verb salaha. In the Mujam al-Wast,27 this verb
can be used in the sense of kna nfian (being beneficial).
Another shade of meaning for salh is observed by reflecting on a figurative usage
of the aoristic verb yasluhu stated in some lexicons as in the following sayings:
hdh al-shay yasluhu lak28 (this thing is suitable for you), hdh al-adm yasluhu
lil-nal29 (this leather is suitable for sandals), and fuln l yasluhu lisuhbatik30 (such
22
See al-Khall ibn Ahmad, al-Ayn, Cairo: Majma al-Lughah al-Arabyah, under the radical letters s-l-
h; Ibn Durayd, Jamharah, Hyder Abad: Dirat al-Marif, 1344-5 A.H., under the radical letters h-s-l;
and Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters s-l-h.
23
See al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters s-l-h; and Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab, under the
radical letters s-l-h.
24
Mustaf et al. (eds.), al-Mujam al-Wast, under the radical letters s-l-h.
25
See al-Rghib al-Asfhn (d. c.502/1108), Mufradt Alfz al-Qurn, ed. Safwn Dwd, Damascus:
Dr al-Qalam and Beirut: al-Dr al-Shmyah, 1997, under the radical letters q-w-m.
26
27
28
See al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters s-l-h.
29
al-Zamakhshar, Ass al-Balghah, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth al-Arab, 2001, under the radical
letters s-l-h.
30
al-Zamakhshar, Ass al-Balghah, under the radical letters s-l-h.
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a person is not appropriate to accompany you). According to this usage, salh implies
suitability or appropriateness.
In the light of the senses of salh previously discussed, it can be stated that the
outcome of the act of islh is a state of benefit, directness in the sense of commitment
to a right path, absence of defect and suitability.
Turning to the two opposites of salh, a number of meanings and usages of the
terms are mentioned in Arabic lexicons and are thus worth studying. With regard to
fasd, it is used in the following senses, as listed in the Mujam al-Wast:31 al-talaf
wa-al-atab (destruction & ruin), al-idtirb wa-al-khalal (disorder & deficiency),
al-jadb wa-al-qaht (barrenness & drought), and ilhqu al-tarar 32 (inflicting
detriment). If we examine these senses, the last one appears to be the most general,
since the others can be regarded as various forms of detriment.
Additional forms of fasd can be concluded from the following usage of its verb
fasada. In the phrase fasada al-shay, fasada can mean:33 batala (became false,
invalid or of no avail). Thus, a further form of fasd is a state of falsehood or invalidity.
One more form of fasd can be learned from the origins of the name of harb al-
fasd applied to a war which happened in the pre-Islamic period between two Arab
sub-tribes.34 It was called so, because the first group patched their sandals with the ears
of the second, and the second group drank wine in the skulls of the first.35 Giving this
war in particular the name of harb al-fasd indicates that these acts deviated
unjustifiably from the established moderation of warfare at the time. Consequently, an
unjustified deviation from an established moderate norm is a form of fasd.
31
Mustaf et al. (eds.), al-Mujam al-Wast, under the radical letters f-s-d.
32
Strangely, although fasd is a noun, the phrasing of this sense suits an infinitive and not a noun.
33
See Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, ed. Abd al-Sattr Ahmad Farrj et al., Kuwait: Wazart al-Irshd
wa-al-Anb, 1965-89, under the radical letters f-s-d.
34
See Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the radical letters f-s-d.
35
See Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the radical letters f-s-d.
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Unlike fasd, no direct and explicit meaning is found in the lexicons for the second
antonym, talh. However, a meaning is given to a related infinitive: al-talhah, which
means al-iy 36 (fatigue, jadedness, or tiredness) and al-suqt min al-safar 37
(travel-weariness).38 Related to talh also, itlh is given as a masdar for the transitive
verb atlaha as in atlahtuhu an itlh39 meaning hasartuhu40 (I weakened him or I
fatigued him). Another similar usage is stated for the related inflection talh. It is used
as an epithet in the saying nqah talhu asfr 41 meaning jahadah al-sayr wa-
hazalah42 (a she-camel exhausted and rendered lean by its journeys). By linking all
these similar and related meanings, it can be concluded that talh implies lack of ability
to function according to ones essential nature, due to overwork or overuse.
In addition, al-talh implies lack of goodness or benefit, as is indicated by a usage
of the related word tlih. When it is applied to a man, tlih means l khayra fh43 (in
whom there is no goodness or benefit).
1.3 The Islamic Perspective of Islh:
As with any Islamic term, the definition of islh has to include the Islamic
dimension of the term, especially when the definition is used within an Islamic context,
such as the present topic. This vital dimension is highlighted below by examining the
usages of the term in the two essential Islamic resources: the Qurn and the Hadth.
36
Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters t-l-h.
37
Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters t-l-h.
38
In translating the lexicographical quotes, I have benefited much from the unique Arabic-English
lexicon of Lane, Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 2003.
39
See Ibn Durayd, Jamharah, under the radical letters h-t-l.
40
al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters t-l-h.
41
42
43
See Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab, under the radical letters t-l-h.
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1.3.1 The Qurnic Usages of Islh:
The term islh and the related derivatives are used in the Qurn in various
contexts. 44 Some of these usages, however, are beyond the scope of the present
examination and thus they are excluded right from the beginning. Among these
excluded usages are those in the context of sulh,45 because it is outside the range of this
thesis, as noted above. Also the usages of islh as a direct action of Allh 46 are
excluded for the same reason.
Thus, the examination here is restricted to the Qurnic contexts in which the idea
of islh is referred to as a human task, the outcome of which is a state of salh. The
approach of this examination is semantic. It attempts to derive the meanings from the
text itself. For the purpose of elucidation, two helpful tools are used. The first is to
examine each Qurnic text in the light of its context. The context usually gives helpful
hints for the intended meaning of the text.47 The second useful tool is to link the text
under examination with the related Qurnic texts in other places since very often the
Qurn explains itself.48 Within the extent of this approach, a number of the most
celebrated Qurnic exegeses, both early and late, are consulted, with special attention
given to exegeses focusing on semantic indications.
A very basic point observed by examining the Qurnic usages of islh meaning a
human task is that the term islh does not seem to be transferred from its original
Arabic meanings to a purely religious or technical meaning as in the usages of some
44
For a comprehensive listing of these usages, see Abd al-Bq, al-Mujam al-Mufahras li-al-Fz al-
Qurn al-Karm, Cairo: Dr al-Hadith, 1991, under the radical letters s-l-h, pp. 520-3, and for an
electronic search, visit: http://www.altafsir.com/Quran_Search.asp.
45
As in Q.2:224, Q.4:114, Q.49:9-10.
46
As in Q.21:90, Q.33:71, and Q.47:2.
47
Calling it the contextual approach, I applied this tool in my MA dissertation and found it very
helpful: see Mohamed Al-Musleh, The Quranic Treatment of the Story of Ibrhm (Abraham): A
Contextual Approach, MA Dissertation, SOAS, University of London, 2000-1.
48
For the history and the significance of this principle in interpreting the Qurn, see Muhammad Abdel
Haleem, Understanding the Quran: Themes and Style, London: I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 1999, pp. 160-
2.
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other Qurnic concepts. Moreover, the idea of islh is presented in the Qurn as
meaning the opposite of ifsd. This is evident in a number of yt (Qurnic verses)
which mention the two ideas in conflict with each other. For instance, the Qurn states
Allh knows the mufsid from the muslih (Q.2:220).
However, the Qurnic usages of islh and its opposite indicate a number of
distinguishing characteristics of the Islamic perspective of islh, which add some
unique Islamic nuances to the concept. It is important then to consider these
characteristics and nuances in defining the concept of islh from the Islamic
perspective.
One of these distinguishing characteristics concerns the evaluation of islh. The
Qurn considers islh as an extremely necessary, very honourable and highly praised
task. From the Qurnic prospective, islh is a safeguard for society, as the Qurn
clearly states: Thy Lord would not destroy communities unjustly while their
members were muslihn (Q.11:117). In addition, the reward of the muslihn is
guaranteed in the Qurn; Allh states: surely We leave not to waste the reward of
the muslihn (Q.7:170). At the same time, the mufsidn, totally opposite to the
muslihn, are strongly condemned in the Qurn: Allh loves not the mufsidn
(Q.5:64 & Q.28:77).
Moreover, fulfilling the task of islh was the utmost concern of the prophets
mentioned in the Qurn. The Prophet Shuayb, for instance, clearly states to his people:
I desire only the islh, as far as I am able (Q.11:88). Similarly, the Qurn quotes
the Prophet Slih as he forbids his people from ifsd (Q.7:74). Accordingly, those who
occupy themselves chiefly with islh tread in the steps of the prophets and thus they are
appropriately regarded as muslihn from the Islamic perspective. This, then, may
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rightly be considered an Islamic standard for a muslih, i.e., islh should be the top
priority of one who ranks among the muslihn.
Comprehensiveness is another characteristic of the Qurnic perspective of islh.
The Qurnic scope of islh is very broad; it includes various fields and is not limited
within the confines of religion in its strict sense. This appears in the following
observations.
First, the usage of the term islh denotes generality in the following yah: They
ask thee concerning orphans. Say: islh for them (lahum) is good (Q.2:220). As
the term islh here is indefinite and followed by lahum, it is not restricted to any
particular matter to do with orphans but instead is related to all their affairs.49
Second, the verb aslaha is linked with tawbah (Islamic repentance) for different
kinds of sin and crime: (a) theft (sariqah) in Q.5:38-9, (b) fornication (fhishah) in
Q.4:15-6, (c) evil (s) in Q.6:54 & Q.16:119, (d) concealing what Allh has sent
down in clear proofs and guidance (kitmn m-anzala Allh min al-bayyint wa-al-
hud) in Q.2:159-60, (e) denying belief after believing (kufr bada mn) in Q.3:86-9,
(f) hypocrisy (nifq) in Q.4:145-6, and (g) accusing chaste women of fornication
(qadhf al-muhsant) in Q.24:5. It is worth noting that the idea of islh in these contexts
is related to the self, as the contexts suggest, although the verb aslaha has no explicit
object in any of them.50
Finally, the broad variety in the examples of the mufsidn, and similarly the
examples of ifsd mentioned in the Qurn, indicate in a contrary way the wide scope
of the Qurnic perspective of islh. Some of the clearest examples of the mufsidn
given in the Qurn are as follows. Firstly, hypocrites: in referring to them, Allh says:
49
See Ibn shr, al-Tahrr wa-al-Tanwr, Q.2:220.
50
According to some mufasirn (Qurn exegetes), it is possible that the verb aslaha in some of these
contexts, namely in Q.3:89, is an intransitive verb in the sense of dakhala f al- salh (to come under
the state of salh), see, for example, Mahmd al-ls (d. 1270/1854), Rh al-Man f Tafsr al-
Qurn al-Azm wa-al-Sab al-Mathn, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth al-Arab,, 1997, Vol. 3, p. 217.
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Truly, they themselves are the mufsidn but they are not sensible (Q.2:11).
Secondly, the people of the Prophet Lot: in Q.29:30, for example, the Prophet Lot
prays: My Lord, give me victory over the people who are mufsidn. Thirdly,
Pharaoh and his chiefs: Then We sent, after them, Moses with Our tokens to
Pharaoh and his chiefs, but they acted unjustly towards them. So behold thou how
was the end of the mufsidn (Q.7:103). Fourthly, the sorcerers of Pharaoh before
they believed in the Lord of the Prophet Moses:
Then, when the sorcerers came, Moses said to them, Cast down whatever
you will cast. And when they had cast, Moses said, What you have produced
is sorcery; Surely Allh will suppress it. Surely, Allh upholds not the work of
the mufsidn (Q.10:80-81),
Lastly, the transgressors (al-fsiqn): after mentioning them in Q.2:26, the Qurn in
the following yah lists some of their attributes. Among these attributes is that they are
causing corruption (yufsidn) in the earth.
Among the examples of ifsd indicated in the Qurn are the following:
(1) Barring others from the path of Allh, as is suggested by the following yah: For
those who disbelieve and bar [others] from the path of Allh, We shall add
chastisement over their chastisement, for that they were causing corruption
(yufsidn) (Q.16:88). The yah shows that these people deserve two penalties. Since
they are disbelievers, it is understood that the first penalty is for their disbelief. The
additional penalty therefore has to be for their additional evil deed, that is, barring
others from the path of Allh.51 Thus, their act of ifsd refers to this evil deed since it is
51
See, for example, Ibn Kathr (d. 774/1373), Tafsr al-Qurn al-Azm, ed. Sm ibn Muhammad al-
Salmah, 1999, Vol. 4, p. 593. The same edition available online:
http://www.qurancomplex.com/Quran/tafseer/Tafseer.asp?t=KATHEER&TabID=3&SubItemID=1&l=
arb.
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the cause of their additional penalty, as is understood from the phrase for that they
were causing corruption (yufsidn).
(2) Shedding blood: after being told by the Creator that a successor will be set on the
earth, the angels reply in Q.2:30: How can Thou set therein one who will cause
corruption (yufsid) on it and shed blood Since the conjunctional style in this reply
is in the type of atf al-khs al al-m52 (joining the particular to the general), then it
is understood that shedding blood is ifsd.
(3) Destroying tillage and stock: with the same conjunctional style as in the above
example, the verb yufsidu is joined with the phrase to destroy tillage and stock in
Q.2:205.
(4) Turning away from the truth and following falsehood: this can be derived from
Q.3:62-63. Following an episode from the story of Jesus, the Qurn comments:
This certainly is the true narrative. There is none worthy of worship save
Allh, and surely Allh is the All-mighty, the All-wise. And if they turn away,
surely Allh knows the mufsidn (Q.3:62-63).
This context shows that turning away from the truth and following falsehood instead is
ifsd.53
The most distinguishing characteristic of the Qurnic perspective of islh is the
one concerning its criteria. It is essential to note that, from the Qurnic perspective, not
every claim of islh can be justified as a real islh. The claim of the hypocrites which is
refuted in the Qurn proves this. When it is said to the hypocrites that they should not
cause ifsd, they are quoted in the Qurn as saying: we are only muslihn (Q.2:11),
but the Qurn refutes this claim: Truly, they themselves are the mufsidn but they
are not sensible. (Q.2:12).

52
See al-ls (d. 1270/1854), Rh al-Man, Vol. 1, p. 221.
53
I was led to this point by the inspiring interpretation of the yah by Ibn Kathr, Tafsr, Vol. 2, p. 55.
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This shows that certain criteria have to be met in order to justify a case of islh
from the Qurnic perspective. The Qurnic usages of islh and the related words
indicate a number of such essential criteria.
Among these criteria is conforming to the original right order of the earth and its
beneficial norms, which have been set by the Creator. This is indicated in Q.7:56: Do
not cause corruption (l-tufsid) in the earth after the islh of which. The phrase
after the islh of which indicates that it is ifsd to change the original right order of
the earth and its beneficial norms which have been set by the Creator. 54 As a result,
conforming to them is a criterion of islh.
Another criterion of islh indicated in the Qurn is being committed to truthfulness,
since the opposite is a criterion of ifsd, as stated in the Qurn. Following an episode
from the story of Jesus, the Qurn comments:
This certainly is the true narrative. There is none worthy of worship save
Allh, and surely Allh is the All-mighty, the All-wise. And if they turn away,
surely Allh knows the mufsidn (Q.3:62-63).
This context shows that turning away from the truth and following falsehood instead is
a sign of ifsd.55 On the contrary, committing to truthfulness is a criterion of islh.
Two further criteria of islh are: being firmly committed to the Scripture of Allh
and seriously worshipping Him. These criteria can be highlighted in the following
examination of the yah Q.7:170. This yah starts with the relative pronoun those
and is followed by two descriptions, those who hold fast to the Scripture and keep
up the prayer. It appears from the predicate in the yah, which is surely we do not
waste the wage of the muslihn, that these descriptions are for the muslihn.
54
For a justified argument of this indication, see Ibn shr, al-Tahrr wa-al-Tanwr, Q.7:56.
55
I was led to this point by the inspiring interpretation of the yah by Ibn Kathr, Tafsr, Vol. 2, p. 55.
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1.3.2 Prophetic Usages of Islh:
Being the second primary source of Islam after the Qurn, the Prophetic Hadth
need to be consulted in order to gain a complete picture of the original Islamic
perspective of the concept of islh. What does this primary source add to the Qurnic
semantic and characterizing points concerning islh? By searching in a number of the
leading collections of Hadth,56 two groups of Prophetic traditions are found helpful to
examine for the sake of the present task: the traditions which related to islh and those
which related to its opposites.
Several useful semantic and characterizing points which shed more light on the
Islamic perspective of islh are indicated in some Prophetic traditions, in which islh or
related derivatives are employed. The most striking Prophetic tradition related to islh
is the one about the strangers (al-ghurab). Among the different narrations of this
tradition,57 the extended narration of al-Tirmidh is of special significance, because it
refers explicitly to the idea of islh. The last part of this narration reads:
Surely the Dn was strange when it began and it will become strange as in its
beginning, so blessedness for the strangers (al-ghurab) who will set right or
correct what people would have corrupted or perverted in my norm (yuslihn m-
afsada al-nns min sunnat).58
By praising the strangers and introducing them as muslihn, this unique narration gives
a valuable Prophetic justification for islh. In addition, the narration clearly shows that
56
These are: (1) the Sahh of al-Bukhr (d. 256/870); (2) the Sahh of Muslim Ibn al-Hajjj (d.
261/875);(3) the Sunan of Ab Dawd al-Sijistn (d. 275/889); (4) the Musnad of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal
(d. 241/855); (5) the Sunan of Ibn Mjah (d. 273/887); (6) the Sahh of al-Tirmidh (d. 279/892); (7)
and the Sunan of al-Nas (d. 303/915).
57
The basic wording of this tradition is narrated in several books of Hadth, including Muslims Sahh
under Kitb al-Imn, Bb Bada al-Islm Gharb (for the traditions narrated by Muslim, I consulted
the abridged edition of al-Mundhir, Mukhtasar Sahh Muslim, edited by Muhammad Nsir al-Dn al-
Albn, Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islm, 1987).
58
al-Tirmidh, al-Jmi al-Sahh, ed. Muhammad Muhammad Nassr, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah,
2000, under Kitb al-Imn, Bb Maj ann al-Islm Bada Gharyb, no. 2630, Vol. 3, pp. 449f.
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one task of islh from the Islamic perspective is to restore the original norm of Islam as
exemplified in the life of the Prophet Muhammad.
Another Prophetic tradition related to islh is that in which the Prophet used the
verb yuslihu in the sense of repair. As narrated by Ab Dawd, the Prophet said:
When a thong of one of you is cut, then he should not walk in one sandal until he
repairs (yuslihu) his thong 59 By being directed to the way someone dresses, this
Prophetic teaching signifies that among the Islamic dimensions of islh is the outward
appearance or the exterior and not just the purely inward religious dimensions, a point
which assures the comprehensiveness of the Islamic perspective of islh.
Although it is true that Islamic islh can be directed to the exterior, the priority,
however, should be given to the interior. This is another distinguishing characteristic of
the Islamic perspective of islh. The priority given to looking inward is evident in the
very well-known Prophetic tradition in which it is clearly stated that the salh and the
fasd of the whole body depend on the condition of the heart.60 This shows that the
priority in islh should be given to the interior state.
Before leaving this tradition, an additional significant indication can be highlighted.
The tradition indicates that self-based islh can be in the form of purifying the heart.
More elucidation on this form of islh is found in the following interesting Prophetic
tradition: Truly, slih mode (had), slih manner (samt), and moderation (al-iqtisd)
are one part of twenty five parts of Prophecy (al-nubwh).61 In addition to showing the
degree of importance of self-purification from the Islamic perspective, this tradition
indicates that self-purification is meant in the religious sense.
59
Ab Dawd, Sunan, ed. Muhammad Abd al-Azz al-Khlid, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, 1996,
under Kitb al-Libs, Bb f al-Intil, no. 4137, Vol. 3, p. 72.
60
See al-Bukhr, Sahh, Riyadh: Dr al-Salm, 1999, under Kitb al-Imn, Bb Fadl man Istabra li-
Dnih, no. 52, p. 12.
61
Ab Dawd, Sunan, under Kitb al-Adab, Bb f al-Waqr, no. 4776, Vol. 3, p. 253.
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One further Prophetic tradition related to islh, which is worth noting, is the
tradition about the muslih slave. As narrated by the Imam Muslim, the Prophet said:
For the owned slave who is muslih there are two rewards.62 The sense of islh in this
narration becomes clear when another narration of the same tradition is linked with it.
In the other narration of the traditionwhich is also narrated by the Imam Muslim but
from another chain of narratorsthe Prophet said: Surely, if the slave advises his
master and perfects his worship to Allh, his reward will be doubled for him.63 This
narration explains that what qualifies the slave to be a muslih and thus to deserve a
double reward are his advice and the perfection of his worship. Thus, giving advice and
perfecting ones worship are two islh works.
Reflecting on the Prophetic usages of the opposites of islh leads correspondingly
to some additional elucidation of the Islamic perspective of islh. One of these usages
is in the following Prophetic tradition in which fasd is articulated:
If someone, whose religiousness (dn) and morality (khuluq) please you, proposed
to marry a girl through you, then you should accept his proposal; unless you do that,
there would be fitnah (temptation) on earth and wide fasd.64
This tradition shows that preference should be given to the religiousness (dn) and
morality (khuluq). Although it is specifically mentioned in the context of marriage, this
principle can also be applicable in other matters. Therefore, giving the priority to the
dn and khuluq can be considered an Islamic criterion of islh.
Having mentioned the dn, it is worth mentioning another Prophetic tradition which
indicates a unique Islamic form of islh concerning the dn. In this tradition, the
62
Narrated by Muslim in his Sahh, under Kitb al-Aymn, Bb Thawb al-Abd wa-Ajruh Idh Nasah
li-Sayidih wa-Ahsan Ibdata Allh.
63
Muslim, Sahh, under Kitb al-Aymn, Bb Thawb al-Abd wa-Ajruh Idh Nasah li-Sayidih wa-
Ahsan Ibdata Allh.
64
al-Tirmidh, al-Jmi al-Sahh, under Kitb al-Nikh, Bb ma-J Idh Jakum man Tardawn Dnah
fa-Zawijh, no. 1085, Vol. 2, pp. 172f.
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comparative form of the adjective fsidi.e., afsadis used in an interesting
comparison: Two hungry wolves released in a herd of sheep are not more harmful
(afsada) to them than ones greed for wealth and fame to his dn.65 Conversely, to cure
spiritual illnesses such as the greed for wealth and fame is an Islamic way of islh in
the circle of dn.
1.4 Phrasing the Definition of Islh:
In light of the previous analysis, we may attempt to incorporate all the features of
islh in the following tentative definition: islh, as an Islamic concept, is a human
corrective task in which any state of fasd is correctively changed into its opposite
desired state which meets the Islamic criteria presented in the Qurn and/or
exemplified in the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad (S. A. A. W); and by fasd it is
meant a state of loss of the benefit of a thing, inexcusable detriment, or unjustified
deviation from a moderate norm.
Now, if there is any change in the meaning of islh over time, as has been recently
argued, 66 it would be, in our view, due to the differences on the justification of the
criteria of both fasd and its opposite state, which are the variables in the definition of
islh.
65
al-Tirmidh, al-Jmi al-Sahh, under Kitb al-Zuhd, Bb ma-J f Akhdh al-Ml bi-Haqqih, no. 2376,
Vol. 3, p. 319.
66
Voll, for instance, states that over the centuries the specific meanings of tajdid and islah [sic] have
changed, depending on the evolution of Islamic thought and the changing circumstances of the Islamic
community, (Voll, Renewal and Reform, p. 32).
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1.5 Islh and Reform: Degree of Equivalence:
In the literature in English concerning the topic of islh, the term is generally
translated as reform.67 To justify this translation, however, the degree of equivalence
between the two terms needs to be precisely examined.
According to the Oxford English Dictionary,68 there are various lexical senses of
reform when it is used as a transitive verb. 69 By examining these senses and
comparing them to those of islh discussed above, the following two observations can
be made.
First, there are some senses of reform which are equivalent or at least very similar
to some shades of the meaning of islh. These senses are:70 (1) to make a change for the
better in (an arrangement, state of things, practice), (2) to correct, put right (an error or
mistake), (3) to bring (a person) to abandon some evil conduct and adopt a right one, (4)
to improve ones own character, (5) to bring into a better state or improve, either by
some change of form, or by the removal of faults or abuse, and (6) to put an end to
(disorder etc.) by introducing a better procedure.71
Second, reform has some other equivalent or very similar senses to some of those
indicated by islh, which are now obsolete. 72 These include the following: 73 (1) to
restore to the original form, (2) to rebuild after (destruction), and (3) to repair
(damage). The image associated with these senses of reform is crucial to the
meaning of islh. Being out of date, however, these senses of the term are no longer
67
See, for instance, A. Merad, Islh, in EI2, Vol. 4, p. 141; and John O. Voll, Renewal and Reform in
Islamic History: Tajdid and Islah [sic], in John L. Esposito (ed.), Voices of Resurgent Islam, pp. 33f.
68
Which is the most comprehensive English dictionary.
69
See The Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989, the entry
reform. Available also online: http://dictionary.oed.com
70
See The Oxford English Dictionary, the entry reform.
71
Compare these senses with the lexicographical meanings of islh above.
72
73
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reflected in its current usage. This considerably reduces the degree of equivalence
between islh and reform in its current usage.
But even if all the senses of reform are considered, the scope of islh is still broader.
Thus, some essential dimensions of islh will be lost when the term is replaced by
reform. This loss is enough to make the serious researcher avoid the use of reform
in place of islh, at least for the sake of precision. At the very most, reform is only a
partial equivalent for islh.
What really widens the gap between the two terms are their religious overtones.
Islh is an Islamic concept, whereas reform is ecclesiastical: it has been tied to the
tradition of the Reformation of the 16th century which led to the establishment of the
Protestant churches. 74 Therefore, using the latter to refer to the former may cause
considerable misunderstanding.
In short, to avoid any confusion, the term islh should not be translated as reform.
Alternatively, it should be used in its transliterated form and explained in detail
whenever there is a need. When translation is unavoidable, however, the adjective
Islamic should be used before reform as a rendering for islh in order to reduce the
gap between the two terms.
1.6 The Relationship between Islh and Other Concepts:
This section compares and contrasts the Islamic concept islh with the following
three concepts: tajdd (renewal or restoration), taghyr (change), and al-amr bi-al-
marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar (commanding right and forbidding wrong). The aim
of this step is not, however, to fully analyse these concepts, but rather to shed more
74
See Konrad Repgen, Reform, translated from German to English by Robert E. Shillenn, in the
Oxford Encyclopaedia of the Reformation, New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, Vol. 3,
p. 392,.
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light on the concept of islh itself by highlighting the main similarities and differences
between islh and these three concepts which are sometimes, justifiably or not,
associated with islh. This aim alone guides the following examination and controls its
points of interest.
1.6.1 Islh vs. Tajdd:
The term tajdd is used in some studies75 to mean the same or similar to the Islamic
term islh. But the examination below shows that, although there are some similarities
between the two terms, there are also some important differences which need particular
attention.
Unlike islh, the concept of tajdd is not Qurnic, i.e., the word does not appear in
the Qurn. It originated as an Islamic concept, however, from a unique Prophetic
tradition in which the derived verb yujaddid is employed: Verily, Allh will send to
this Ummah (Muslim nation) at the head of each hundred years man (the one or those
who) yujaddidu for it its dn. As a result, the concept tajdd, which is the masdar
(infinitive noun) from the verb yujaddidu, refers in the Islamic sense to the task
mentioned in this tradition. The one who fulfils this task is called the mujaddid.
In order to precisely compare and contrast islh and tajdd, it is essential to fully
examine the implications of the task referred to in the above tradition. The starting
point in this examination is the indication of dn to which the task of tajdd is directed.
The term dn is a comprehensive Islamic concept. Based on a deep examination
of the uses of the term dn and the related derivatives both in classical Arabic and in
75
See, for example, Voll, Renewal and Reform, pp. 33f.
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the Qurn, a study by Maududi76 demonstrates that the Qurn employs the term in one
or more of the following four senses or shades of meaning: (1) Sovereignty and
supreme authority, (2) obedience and submission to such authority, (3) the system of
thought and action established through the exercise of that authority, and (4) retribution
meted out by the authority, in consideration of loyalty and obedience to it, rebellion and
transgression against it.77
The study also shows that in some Qurnic contexts, the term is used in a sense of
a whole way of life in which a person gives his submission and obedience to
someone whom he regards as having the ultimate authority [i.e., Allh alone in the
case of the dn of Islam]; [he] shapes his conduct according to the bounds and laws
and rules prescribed by that being, looks to him for recognition, honour, and reward
for loyal service, and fears the disgrace or punishment that could follow any lack
on his part.78
These nuances of meaning of dn show how comprehensive this concept is. It is,
however, vital to recall that the primary signification of the concept is obedience and
submission. This distinguishes dn from other similar Arabic terms referring to a
system of religion, such as millah. As al-Asfahn states, dn is similar to millah but
the former is used as regard to obedience and submission to the Sharah.79
Now, what is meant by the task of tajdd when it is directed to the dn of the
Muslim Ummah in the above sense of dn? To answer this question, we should study
the meaning of the verb yujaddidu mentioned in the tradition about tajdd. Being a
transitive verb in the mudri (aorist) tense, yujaddidu means to make or render
76
S. Abul Ala Maududi, Four Basic Qurnic Terms, translated from Urdu to English by Abu Asad,
Lahore (Pakistan): Islamic Publications Ltd., 1982.
77
Maududi, Four Basic Qurnic Terms, p. 94.
78
Maududi, Four Basic Qurnic Terms, pp. 99f.
79
al-Rghib al-Asfhn (d. c.502/1108), Mufradt Alfz al-Qurn, ed. Safwn Dwd, Damascus: Dr
al-Qalam and Beirut: al-Dr al-Shmyah, 1997, under the radical letter d--n.
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jadd. With regard to the meaning of the epithet jadd, there are three possible senses
in the lexicons. The primary sense of jadd is derived from al-jadd meaning al-
qat 80 (cut); it is said thawbun jadd meaning a garment newly cut off by the
weaver.81 Based on this primary sense, jadd is used, as al-Asfahn states, for anything
which has been newly or recently originated.82 A second sense of jadd is learned from
its masdar (infinitive), al-jiddah, as opposed to al-bil or al-khalq83 (the state of
becoming shabby or worn out). A third sense of jadd presented in some lexicons is
m l ahda laka bih84 (a thing of which you have had no knowledge).
It is obvious, however, that the task of tajdd mentioned in the tradition about the
mujaddid should not be interpretedon the basis of the indications of the first and the
last senses of jaddas changing the dn of the Ummah or making it different in a
sense amounting to a loss of original identity, otherwise this tradition would contradict
with other Prophetic traditions which proscribe bidah (innovation in the dn).
Therefore, to avoid falling into this kind of contradiction, the Islamic tajdd should be
bound by the original model of the dn which is presented in the Qurn and the Sunnah
and is believed to have been exemplified by the first Muslim Community.
Having considered this, the only possible sense of jadd, in the light of which the
task of tajdd can be interpreted correctly, is the third one. Accordingly, the Islamic task
of tajdd can be understood as a human corrective activity by which the dn of the
Muslim Ummah is revived and restored in the light of its original model after a state of
obliteration, loss or deviation.
80
See Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters j-d-d, al-Jawhar; al-Sihh, under the radical letters
j-d-d; and Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the radical letters j-d-d.
81
al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters j-d-d; and Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the
radical letters j-d-d.
82
al-Rghib al-Asfhn, under the radical letter j-d-d.
83
See Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters j-d-d; al-Jawhar, al-Sihh, under the radical letters
j-d-d; Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab, under the radical letters j-d-d; and Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars,
under the radical letters j-d-d.
84
See Ibn Sdah, al-Muhkam, under the radical letters j-d-d; Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab, under the
radical letters j-d-d; and Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the radical letters j-d-d.
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Comparing and contrasting this interpretation of tajdd and the previous definition
of islh, the following similarities and differences can be accepted:
(1) Both tajdd and islh are Islamic corrective tasks; however, the former was
introduced only in the Hadth, while the other was introduced in both the Qurn
and the Hadth.
(2) Unlike islh, the scope of tajdd is restricted within the field of dn, as is stated
in the tradition of tajdd.
(3) It is in the field of dn only, where islh may overlap with tajdd.
(4) Every mujaddid is muslih but not every muslih is mujaddid.
(5) The task of tajdd is bound by more restrictive conditions than those of islh.
1.6.2 Islh vs. Taghyr:
The term taghyr in Arabic is the masdar (infinitive noun) of the transitive verb
ghayyara, as in the phrase ghayyarahu which can mean one or more of the following:
hawwalhu, baddalhu, and jalahu ghayra ma-kn85 (he transformed it, converted it and
rendered it different). Thus, it is equivalent to the term change in English. This shows
that taghyr can linguistically be either a change for the better or a change for the worse.
In the Qurn, however, the aoristic form of verb ghayyarai.e., yughayyiru
appears only in contexts where change is for the worse: Surely I [Satan] will mislead
themand surely I will command them so they will change (fala-yughayyirunna)
Allhs creation (Q.4:119), Allh would never change a grace that he
conferred on a people until they change (yughayyir) what is within themselves
85
Murtad al-Zabd, Tj al-Ars, under the radical letters gh-y-r.
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(Q.8:53), Surely Allh does not change (yughayyiru)86 the condition of a people
until they change (yughayyir)87 what is within themselves. And whenever Allh
wills harm (s) for a people, nothing turns it back; apart from Him, they have no
protector. (Q.13:11).
It is worth noting that taghyr cannot be considered either an Islamic concept or an
Islamic task such as islh; it does not seem that there is a direct Qurnic or Prophetic
appeal to change for the sake of change. The only exception to this observation occurs
when taghyr is directed against al-munkar. It is only then that taghyr becomes part of
the Islamic unique duty al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar, as will be
shown when this duty is compared and contrasted with islh.
In addition to the above essential difference between islh and taghyr, another
major difference between the two terms can be clearly observed from the meaning of
the term taghyr itself: taghyr is more general than islh. Therefore, not every taghyr
is islh whereas every islh is a particular form of taghyr, since islh is a corrective
change. The two terms may overlap only when taghyr is directed against fasd.
1.6.3 Islh vs. al-Amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar:
The phrase al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar is a combination of
two parts. The first part consists of two terms which are opposite in meaning to those in
the second: amr, which means commanding or enjoining, stands opposite to
nahy, which means forbidding, while marf, which literally means known, is
the opposite of munkar, which literally means unknown.88
86
As the closing of the yah indicates, the change here is for the worse. In addition, there is an agreement
among the classical mufsirn (Qurnic exegeses) on this connotation.
87
See the previous note.
88
The term marf is derived from irfn which means lm (knowledge) whereas munkar is derived
from its opposite nakirah, see Ibn Manzr, Lisn al-Arab, under the radical letters-r-f.
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Similar to islh, the duty of al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar is
firmly rooted and highly valued in the Qurn and the Hadth. There are numerous
favourable references to the doctrine in these two basic sources of Islam. These
references clearly establish the obligatory nature of the task and show the need for it. In
the Qurn, for instance, Allh addresses the believer as follows: Let there be a
nation of you, calling to what is good, and commanding what is marf, and
forbidding what is munkar; those are the prosperers (Q.3:104).
The external sense of this doctrine suggests that it denotes merely a verbal duty and
thus it may seem far distinct from islh, which is a sort of change. However, by fully
examining both the Qurnic and Prophetic references related to this subject, it becomes
evident that the duty is not always verbal, but can be in other forms as well, particularly
as a response to munkar. In a famous Prophetic tradition, which can be conveniently
called the three modes tradition,89 the Prophet, for instance, states: Whoever sees a
particular munkar and is able to change it with his hand, let him do so; if he cant, then
with his tongue; if he cant, then with his heart90 It is not within the purpose of the
present discussion, however, to examine all the possible modes of the duty and the
controversial issues which they may raise. What is connected to the present theme,
nevertheless, specifically arises when the duty is in the form of changing munkar
physically. This is mainly because the duty in this form becomes a sort of human
corrective change and thus it belongs to the same general classification of islh.
In order to know precisely the relationship between islh and changing munkar,
we should analyse the meaning of the term munkar as an Islamic concept and
compare, or contrast it with al-fasd. To start with, al-munkar, as its literal sense
reveals, indicates disapproval and rejection. Like fasd, the term can be generally
89
I have borrowed this name from Michael Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic
Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000, p. 32.
90
Muslim, Sahh, under Kitb al-Iymn, Bb min al-Imn taghyr al-Mnkar.
38
H
classified as a categorical negative value term. There is disagreement among the
Qurnic exegeses, however, on what can justifiably be listed under this categorical
term; some have restricted it to particular sins, while others have widened it to include
every evil.91 The external sense of the term, nevertheless, suggests, as Ab Hayyn
points out, al-umm (generality or general character). This general character makes the
present task of comparing and contrasting the meaning of munkar and fasd very
difficult.
Yet, within the Islamic discipline of fiqh (jurisprudence)where the rules and
conditions of the duty of al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar are normally
studiedthe generality of the term munkar has been restricted by certain conditions
which have to be present in a particular case, in order to justifiably consider such a case
a munkar and thus eligible for opposition as a duty. By considering these conditions,
the present task becomes easier. According to al-Ghazls account, there are four
conditions with regard to munkar: 92 (1) being forbidden in the Sharah 93 (), (2)
currently existing, (3) being apparent for the exponent of the duty, and (4) being known
without the need of ijtihd.94
In the light of the above conditions, it becomes apparent that munkar overlaps with
fasd when all these conditions exist in a particular case; however, fasd is wider than
munkar since the former is not necessarily restricted by all these conditions. As a result,
islh partially overlaps with changing munkar.
91
See, for instance, Ibn Jarr al-Tabar (d. 310/923), Tafsr, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Shkir, Beirut:
Muasasat al-Rislah, 2000, Vol. 7, p. 61, the same edition available online:
http://www.qurancomplex.com/Quran/tafseer/Tafseer.asp?t=TABARY&TabID=3&SubItemID=1&l=a
rb, and Ibn Atyah (d. 541/1146), al-Muharrar al-Wajz, Doha: Mu'assat Dr al-Ulm, 1977, Vol. 3,
pp. 256f.
92
al-Ghazl, Ihy Ulm al-Dn, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth al-Arab, n.d., Vol. 2, pp. 324f. For an
extended English summary of al-Ghazls account on the duty, see Cook, Commanding Right, pp.
428-46.
93
The comprehensive body of Islamic rules and laws.
94
The scholarly mental activity of deriving a rule of the Sharah from authoritative evidence.
39
H
Another difference between the two tasks appears in their ultimate goals. The task
of changing a particular munkar, such as drinking wine publicly, can be fulfilled by
simply stopping it. The task of islh, in contrast, is not completely fulfilled unless a
fsid persone.g. one who drinks wineis guided to repent and to become salih
instead.
40
2. SETTING THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT
CHAPTER TWO
****************
SETTING THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT
2.1 Introduction:
When studying a historical figure like al-Ghazl, it is essential to consider the
historical context in which he lived. Failure to do so may in the first instance lead to
serious misunderstanding of his thoughts; essentially, as Samuel Zwemer puts it,
we cannot understand a man unless we know his environment.1 In the second
instance, it could cause extremely incorrect evaluation of his achievement particularly
since, as Abd al-Maqsd has rightly stated, 2 the criteria of judgment and the
circumstances in the time of al-Ghazl were very different to those in the
contemporary age.
In order to avoid committing such a serious methodological oversight, it is not
enough to simply know al-Ghazls biography since, as Zwemer has interestingly
pointed out, biography is only a thread in the vast web of history, in which time is
broad as well as long,3 but more than that we need, he continues, to transport
ourselves to the time in which he lived.4 Thus, I ought to present an overview of the
age of al-Ghazl in this chapter, before turning to the main task of the study. The
focus of this overview is the historical information which is important to bear in mind
1
Samuel M. Zwemer, A Moslem Seeker after God, New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1920, p.
23.
2
Muhammad al-Sad Abd al-Maqsd, Tarbiyat al-Safwah ind al-Ghazl: Dirasah tarbawyah li-
rislat Ayyuha al-Walad, in Muhammad Kaml Jafar (ed.), al-Imm al-Ghazl: al-dhikr al-
miawyah al-tsiah li-waftih, Doha: University of Qatar, 1986, p. 470.
3
Zwemer, A Moslem Seeker, p. 24.
4
Zwemer, A Moslem Seeker, p. 23.
41
at the outset, and at the same time shall establish a necessary foundation and
introductory background for the forthcoming discussions. Thus, it is not intended to
give an inclusive overview of the age of al-Ghazl; however, the best attempt is made
to point out the main features of that age.
2.2 The Overall Condition of Islamdom:
At the beginning of the age of al-Ghazl, Islamdom was spread across three
continents. The Arab Peninsula, the Levant, Mesopotamia, the Persian Plateau,
Northern Africa and al-Andalus (Muslim Spain) formed Dr al-Islm at that time.
However, the frontiers of Islamdom kept changing slightly over the age. Muslims
gained new strategic lands, while losing other valuable ones, as shall be demonstrated
shortly.
Over this age, Islamdom was noticeably in a complex, diverse and changing
condition, to the extent that making any sweeping generalization here may create an
unbalanced picture of that age. The classical Muslim society with its dominant purely
Arabic-language culture under the uniting umbrella of the magnificent caliphate had
changed into a diverse society, both linguistically and culturally5, which was ruled by
multiple independent governments with no single uniting political force. On one
hand, there were clear symptoms of decline in Islamdom, and the Muslims, generally
speaking, were suffering from fundamental weaknesses; in the words of Hillenbrand,
they were living through exceptionally turbulent times.6 On the other hand, there
were, at the same time, particular elements of prosperity and strengths, and overall the
5
Hodgson, The Venture, Vol. 2, p. 3.
6
Carole Hillenbrand, The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,
1999, p. 36.
42
Muslim Ummah was still, as Hodgson put it, certainly the most widely spread and
influential on the globe.7
To better understand the complex condition of Islamdom in the age under study,
and to gain a balanced picture of that age, an extended overview is necessary. Thus, a
somewhat detailed outline of the political and religio-intellectual dimensions of that
age will be drawn below.
2.3 The Political Setting:
Al-Ghazl lived in a time of totally new political order compared to the earlier
classical Abbasid era. By the birth of al-Ghazl, the Abbasid Caliphate had already
been suffering from political disintegration. There was no single political power
ruling the whole of Islamdom at that time. Instead, the Islamic Ummah was ruled by
various individual local governments. Furthermore, the Caliphate had been
challenged by the competing Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt based on Ismlism and
which had been receiving advantageous support from the Ismil Shiite all around
Islamdom, but this opponent Caliphate suffered from symptoms of weakness during
the age of al-Ghazl.
While the early part of the age of al-Ghazl witnessed the rapid rise of the Seljuk
and Almoravid dynasties, towards the end of the same age they started to decline.
To adequately understand the changing political setting of that age, an overview
on the status of the Caliphate and the provincial governments of the time is
presented under the following sub-headings.
7
Hodgson, The Venture, Vol. 2, p. 3.
43
2.3.1 The Status of the Abbasid Caliphate:
Al-Ghazl lived through the reigns of three successive Abbasid caliphs: al-Qim
Bi-amr-Allh, 8 al-Muqtad Bi-amr-Allh, 9 al-Mustazhir Bi-Allh. 10 With regard to
their personal characteristics, it is reported that all three caliphs were religious, and
were men of Islamic morality and noble personality.11 The good characters of the
three caliphs, however, are not projected in the status of the Caliphate itself which,
although it somehow retained its authority, had lost its previous power.12
During the reign of al-Qim, to begin with, the Caliphate suffered from a
dramatic decline and its centre experienced a state of disorder for a while. Moreover,
the Caliph himself was debased to the extent that he was imprisoned for a period of
8
Ab-Jafar Abd Allh b. Ahmad al-Qdir, titled al-Qim Bi-amr-Allh who was the twenty sixth
caliph in the line of the Abbasid dynasty. He became Caliph in 422/1031 and continued to hold the
position until his death in 467/1075. At the time of this caliphs death, al-Ghazl, who was
seventeen years old, had not moved to Baghdad yet.
9
Ab-al-Qsim Abd Allh b. Muhammad b. Abd Allh, titled al-Muqtad Bi-amr-Allh who, at the age
of twenty, succeeded his grandfather, al-Qim, and held the Caliphate till he died in 487/1094.
10
Ab-al-Abbs Ahmad b. Abd Allh b. Muhammad, known by his title al-Mustazhir Bi-Allh. He
became Caliph in 487/1094 at the age of sixteen succeeding his father al-Muqtad. Al-Ghazl and
other ulm are among those who attended the bayah (pledge of allegiance) of al-Mustazhir and
who gave the oath of allegiance to him (Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil f al-Trkh, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmyah, 1998, Vol. 8, p. 494).
11
The historian Ibn al-Athr (d. 630/1233), for example, characterized al-Qim as pious, religious,
ascetically-minded, learned, held a strong trust in Allh Almighty, and very patient (Ibn al-Athr, al-
Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 406.) With regard to al-Qims attitude to ruling, Ibn al-Athr reported that he was
devoted to justice and fair treatment, and always wanted to satisfy peoples needs, not thinking to
deny anything which was requested from him (Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 406.) Similarly, al-
Muqtad was religious, beneficent, and a man of strong personality and great zealousness (Jall al-
Dn al-Suyut (d. 911/1505), Trikh al-Khulaf, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, 1988, p. 338.)
Concerning al-Mustazhir, it is reported that he was of good morality, beneficent, charitable, kind,
generous, and that he loved ulam and pious people (al-Suyut, Trikh al-Khulaf, p. 341.) It is
worth mentioning that al-Mustazhir was highly praised by al-Ghazl in his book, Fadih al-
Btinyah wa-Fadl al-Mustazhiryah, in which he firmly states that the Caliph al-Mustazhir was
qualified for the Immah (supreme leadership of the Muslims) since he, as al-Ghazl passionately
argued and desperately attempted, though not very convincingly, to prove from the Sharah
perspective, was gifted with the requisite qualities and conditions for that position (see al-Ghazl,
Fadih al-Btinyah, ed. Abd al-Rahmn Badaw, Cairo: al-Dr al-Qawmyah, 1964, pp. 169-94,
trans., Richard Joseph McCarthy, Fadih al-Btiniyya, in Richard Joseph McCarthy, Deliverance
from Error, translation of al-Munqidh min al Dall and other relevant works of al-Ghazl,
Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, n. d, pp. 234-9.)
12
For a discussion on the distinction between authority and power and the attraction between them
as illustrated in the Abbasid Caliphate during the fifth/eleventh century, see George Makdisi,
Authority in the Islamic Community, in George Makdisi, History and Politics in Eleventh-Century
Baghdad, Hampshire: Variorum, 1990, part VIII, pp. 118-20.
44
time by the the commander and chief of the army of Baghdad, Arsln al-Bassr.13 As
the populace inclined towards al-Bassr,14 a rebellion took place during which the
harem of the Caliph was entered without permission and the Caliphs palace was
plundered.15
From the time of al-Bassrs revolutionary movement in Baghdad, the name of
the Abbasid Caliph was replaced by the name of the Fatimid Caliph in the Friday
khutbah and in the coins struck.16 This ignominious fall from power of the Abbasid
Caliph did not end until al-Bassr fled Baghdad in 451/1059 as the first great
Seljuk17 Sultan Tughril-Beg,18 responding to an appeal for help from the Caliph al-
Qim,19 marched into Iraq, with no other thought but, as Ibn al-Athr reported,20 to
restore the Caliph to his Court.
To a considerable extent, the Caliph al-Qim was rehabilitated by the Sultan
Tughril-Beg 21 who initially regarded the Caliph, from whom he had obtained a
valuable legitimacy of his rule,22 as his master and treated him with great respect on
13
This was was in the year 450/1058 when the commander and chief of the army of Baghdad, Arsln
al-Bassr, who turned away from al-Qim and supported the Fatimid Caliph, al-Mustansir bi-Allh,
instead, took control of Baghdad and imprisoned the Caliph al-Qim (see Zhr al-Dn Nshbr (d.
ca. 579/1184 or 80/1185), The History of the Seljuq Turks From the Jmi al-Tawrk: An Ilkhanid
Adaption of the Saljq-nma of Zhr al-Dn Nshbr, Translated from Persian by Kenneth Allin
Luther, ed. C. Edmund Bosworth, Richmond (Surrey): Curzon Press, 2001, p. 42; see also Ibn al-
Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 341f..)
14
Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 343.
15
See Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 42.
16
17
Transformed from the Turkish Selchk; also spelled Saljuq which is transformed from the Arabic
Saljq, (see Carla L. Klausner, The Seljuk Vezirate: A Study of Civil Administration, Massachusetts:
Harvard University Press, 1973, p. iv).
18
Ab Tlib Toghril-Beg Muhammad b. Mkl b. Saljq.
19
Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 42.
20
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 345.
21
Although he possessed various excellent qualities, he had some bad traits of character; according to
Ibn al-Athr, he was wise, tactful, one of the most forbearing of men, and the most able to keep his
secretsHe usedto take care of the daily prayers, and to fast in Mondays and Thursdays, at the
same time he was tyrannical, brutal and cruel, (Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 362).
22
The Caliph al-Qim gave orders for the khutab (Muslim pulpits) of Baghdad mosques to give the
Friday khutabah in the name of Toghril-Beg (see, for instance, Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq
Turks, p. 41; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 323).
45
various occasions.23 The Caliph in turn was so pleased with him to the extent that he
placed him in control of all the lands that were under the Caliphs authority and
addressed him as Malik al-Mashriq wa-al-Magrib (the King of the East and West).24
In addition, to cement his relationship with the Sultan, he married his niece.25
Nevertheless, great tension developed shortly between the two. Some of Tughril-
Begs actions disturbed and offended the Caliph.26 Moreover, the actual control in
Iraq, including Baghdadthe hometown of the Caliph and the centre of the
Caliphatepassed within a couple of years into the hands of Tughril-Beg and thus the
power of the Caliph became very limited, even in the purely Caliphate responsibilities,
such as the administration of the revenues of Iraq.27
On one hand, the spiritual dominion of the Caliph al-Qim became wider 28
during the reign of Tughril-Begs successor the Sultan Alp-Arsln 29 (455/1063-
465/1072) who succeeded in occupying new lands in the name of the Abbasid
Caliphate. 30 In return, the Caliph bestowed on the new Sultan the honorific titles
Adud al-Dawlah (the Strong Arm of the State) and Diy al-Dn (the Light of the
Religion).31 Furthermore, the cordial relation between the two was strengthened to a
certain extent when the Caliphs son and heir apparent, al-Qim, married the Sultans
23
See, for instance, Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 337 & 346.
24
25
Her name was Arsln Khtn, also called Kahdjah; she was the daughter of Dd, brother of the
Sultan Tughril-Beg. The marriage was in 448/1056, a year after the first arrival of Tughril-Beg in
Baghdad. (See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 327).
26
Tughril-Begs daring marriage to the Caliphs daughter is a case in point. The marriage broke the
noble tradition of the previous Abbasid caliphs, because it was the first marriage of a non-Arab to a
member of the Caliphs own family (see Muhammad Musfir al-Zahrn, Nufuth al-Saljiqah al-Ss
fi al-Dawlah al-Abbasidyah, Beirut: Muassasat al-Rislah, p. 102.) In addition, the marriage took
place despite the initial opposition of the Caliph who was eventually compelled to accept it (see, for
example, Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 357f and al-Suyut, Trikh al-Khulaf, p. 335.)
27
See, for example, al-Zahrn, Nufuth al-Saljiqah, pp.107f.
28
Cf. Sir William Muir, The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline, and Fall, ed. T. H. Weir, Edinburgh: John
Grant, 1924, p. 582.
29
Ab ShujAlp-Arsln Muhammad b. Ab Sulymn Chaghri-Beg Dwd b. Mikil.
30
See below (2.3.2).
31
C. E. Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The
Cambridge History of Iran, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968, Vol. 5, p. 55.
46
daughter in 464/1071-2. 32 On the other hand, the new Sultan gradually interfered in
the Caliphates affairs to the extent that he dared to appoint Caliphal officers without
the knowledge of the Caliph and even without paying attention to his annoyance.33
Following the death of the Caliph al-Qim, the Caliphate in al-Muqtads days, as
Ibn al-Athr states, became greater than it had been before. 34 New strategic and
valuable lands 35 were occupied by Malik-Shhthe Seljuk Sultan who succeeded
Alp-Arslnand came under the spiritual dominion of the Caliph al-Muqtad. To a
certain extent, al-Muqtad was honoured by the Sultan Malik-Shh,36 but he also was
eventually intensely annoyed by the growing control and interference of the Sultan
and his officials in the Caliphates prerogatives.37
During the reign of al-Mustazhir, the Caliphate experienced very difficult times;
yet, as Muir puts it, whether in the history of the fanatical strife at home, or of the
Crusade Christians in the Syrian lands, the Caliphs name is hardly ever noticed.38 In
addition, he, as well, experienced disturbance by the Seljuks39 similar to that in his
fathers days, but to a relatively lesser extent, due to the conflicts which occurred
among the Seljuks themselves during his reign.40
32
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 391, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 174-5.
33
See al-Zahrn, Nufuth al-Saljiqah, p. 109.
34
Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 494, for translation of sections related to the history of the Seljuk
Turks over the year 420/1029 to the year 490/1096-7, see D. S. Richards, The Annals of the Saljuq
Turks: Selections from al-Kmil fl-Tarkh of Izz al-Dn Ibn al-Athr, London: RoutledgeCurzon,
2002, p. 272. I have chiefly relied on Richards translation of the parts selected by him, but my
translation differs from his sometimes, particularly when I think that there is mistranslation of the
original text.
35
See below (2.3.2).
36
Cf. Muir, The Caliphate, p. 582.
37
For example, Malik-Shh made the Caliph unwillingly discharge his vizier, Fakhr al-Dawlah. (see al-
Zahrn, Nufuth al-Saljiqah, pp. 109f.) Although al-Muqtad, on the advice of Nizm al-Mulkthe
wise and pious vizier of Malik-Shhmarried Malik-Shhs daughter seeking his cordiality, the
marriage soon ended in separation, and the relation between the two became wors to the extent that
Malik-Shh marched from Ispahan to Baghdad aiming to replace the Caliph, but he died before he
completed his plan (Tj al-Dn Ab Nasr Abd al-Wahhb al-Subk (d. 756/1355), Tabqt al-
Shfiyah al-Kubr, Cairo: al-Matbaah al-Husaynyah, n.d., Vol. 3, p. 143.)
38
Muir, The Caliphate, p. 582.
39
See al-Zahrn, Nufuth al-Saljiqah, pp. 114f.
40
See below (2.3.2).
47
It is important to bear in mind though that these serious tensions between the
Abbasid Caliphs and the Seljuk Sultans did not, as precisely noted by Huart, have
its roots in religious questions but was of a personal nature.41 The Seljuks always
regarded the office of the Caliphate as the highest authority of the whole Islamic
Ummah, and thus, as Sunni military leaders loyal to the Abbasid Caliphate, they were
religiously responsible for defending it.42
Although the Abbasid Caliphate had lost its classical fame by the time of al-
Ghazl, the Caliph of the time continued to exercise some power and authority,
though it was limited, and seems to have been mostly symbolic or prestigious. The
Caliph, for instance, was still responsible for appointing the Caliphate officials such
as Qd al-Qudh (the Chief Jurist). Moreover, he continued to be considered a
political legitimizer for the independent local rulers. In order for the position of any
ruler to be considered legitimate in a particular province, and thus be supported by
both the general public and the ulam, the ruler had to be accredited by the Caliph
of the time. This explains the determination of the rulers of that time to receive such
legitimacy.43
As an upholder of the Sharah and within his powerregardless of how limited it
wasthe Caliphs of the time also attempted to combat some aspects of fasd that
41
Cl. Huart, Seldjuks, EI, Vol. 4, p. 210.
42
Cf. Huart, Seldjuks, EI, Vol. 4, p. 210.
43
A good example for this is when the Almoravid Emir Ysif b. Tshfn took control over Granada in
483/1090, which was the beginning of his rule in al-Andalus (Muslim Spain), he wrote to the
Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtad in Baghdad seeking his accreditation; the Caliph in turn legitimized his
rule, and thus the Emir received his letter of investiture from Baghdad (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil,
Vol. 8, p. 448.)
48
appeared in their reigns.44 He also prohibited the outflow of waste water from bath-
houses into the Tigris, and made their owners dig pits for the waste water.45
The caliphs officials of the time also played certain administrative roles. 46
However, the real players in the whole political scene at that age were not the Caliph
or his officials, but rather the Seljuk Sultan and his officials, as we shall further
illustrate below.
2.3.2 The Seljuk Sultanate:
Before spreading their supremacy over Iraq and before starting their noticeable
interference in the Abbasid Caliphal office in Baghdad,47 the Seljuks48 had already
furthered their sway over vast areas of Central and Western Asia,49 displacing the
former Ghaznavid and the Byid authorities there. In the first three decades of the age
of al-Ghazl, the expansion of the Seljuks continued and reached its zenith at the
death of the Sultan Malik-Shh in 485/1092, which was a turning point in the history
of the so-called Great Seljuks.
After establishing his rule in Kirmn, which was almost independent, the Seljuk
commander, Qwurt,50 succeeded in crossing the Persian Gulf and bringing Oman
44
Al-Muqtad, for example, ordered the expulsion of singing girls and mufsidt from Baghdad, and
prohibited boatmen from ferrying men and women together; he also prohibited the outflow of waste
water from bath-houses into the Tigris, and made their owners dig pits for the waste water (Ibn al-
Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 494.)
45
46
See A. K. S. Lambton, The Internal Structure of the Saljuq Empire, in The Cambridge History of
Iran, Vol. 5, p. 213.
47
As presented above.
48
Their name originated from Saljq b. Tuqqq, a leader of Ghuzz (Oghuz) tribal Turks, who
knowing that the ruler of Turks, Bayghu (or Yabghu), was thinking to kill himmigrated with his
followers to Dr al-Islm near Bukhr and embraced Islm there towards the end of the fourth/tenth
century, see, for instance, Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 236.
49
This includes the following provinces and territories which had been ruled by a number of Seljuk
emirs: Khursn, Khwrizm, Jurjn, Tabristan, Daylam, Azerbaijan, Arran, Isfahn and Kirmn, see,
for instance, Hasan Ibrhm Hasan, Trkh al-Islm, Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahdah al-Misryah, 1967,
Vol. 4, pp. 4-10; and C. E. Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D.
1000-1217), in The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 5, pp. 23-53.
50
Also spelled as Qavurt and Qwurd.
49
under his control, putting an end to the Byid rule there, during the reign of his
younger brother, the Seljuk supreme Sultan Alp-Arsln (455/1063-465/1072).51
Moreover, the Sultan Alp-Arsln himself successfully mounted daring raids into
the Byzantine Empire. A year after his accession, Alp-Arsln campaigned in Armenia,
capturing its old capital, Ani, and other key Armenian cities from their Byzantine
garrisons.52 In addition to expanding his Sultanate by conquest, Alp-Arsln succeeded
in making some rulers of the time give allegiance to him.53
During the reign of the forceful Sultan Malik-Shh (465/1072-485/1092), the
Seljuks further expanded their frontiers by conquering new strategic lands including
al-Hijz, Yemen, 54 Samarqand, and Kashghar. 55 In this reign also, Sulymn b.
Qutalmish, a distant cousin of Malik-Shh, succeeded in making new conquests in
Asia Minor, capturing Byzantine cities as far as the shores of the Sea of Marmara, and
founding a Seljuk dynasty in Anatolia with its capital at Nicaea in about 470/1077.56
Being Sunnis and loyal to the Abbasid Caliph, the Seljuks attempted to put an end
to the Fatimid Shiite rule, as they had successfully done with regard to the Byid
Shiite authority. Concerning their attempt against the Fatimids, the Seljuks were
51
See C. E. Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in
The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 5, pp. 59 & 88.
52
This tremendous achievement was, as reported by Ibn al-Athr, an occasion for rejoicing in Muslim
communities and a victory which attracted special praise of the Abbasid Caliph in whose Court the
victorys report was read. (Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 368-70, trans., see Richards, The
Annals, pp. 152-5.)
53
For example, in 457/1064-5, as the Sultan crossed the Oxus marching towards Jand, where his
ancestor had been buried, the ruler of Jand received him and loaded him with magnificent gifts, and
pledged his allegiance (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 375, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p.
157.)
54
Being ordered by the Sultan to conquer al-Hijz and Yemen, a number of the Seljuk emirs marched
on this campaign in 485/1092-3 until they reached Yemen and took control of it, treating its
inhabitants wickedly (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 478, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p.
252.)
55
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 457-60, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 239-42.
56
This was an almost totally independent dynasty which lasted to the early years of the
eighth/fourteenth century and which has become known as the Seljuks of Asia Minor or al-Rm (see,
for instance, Cl. Huart, Seldjuks, in EI, Vol. 4, p. 211; and C. E. Bosworth, Saldjkids, in EI2,
Vol. 8, p. 948.)
50
partially successful for they liberated some key lands during the age under study;57 an
achievement which may be seen as a victory for all Sunnis of the time.58
Despite their remarkable expansion, the Seljuks had various internal weaknesses,
some of which were inherent in their Sultanate system.59 As Klausner rightly pointed
out, the tendency toward internal quarrels and the division of the imperial territory
into petty principalities during the Seljuk period may be considered a basic weakness
of the empire and a major cause of its demise.60 Internal disputes over supremacy
among the Seljuk emirs occurred frequently throughout Seljuk history, including the
period of the Great Seljuks.61
57
In addition to al-Hijz and Yemen, Aleppo slipped from the Fatimids hands, and submitted to the
Sultan Alp-Arsln in 463/1070-1 (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 387, trans., see Richards, The
Annals, p. 168); Jerusalem and other neighbouring towns were taken from Egyptian garrisons by
Atsiz al-Khawarzm, one of the emirs of the Sultan Malik-Shh, in 463/1071 (see Ibn al-Athr, al-
Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 390, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 173); the same Emir also besieged
Damascus, which had been under the suzerainty of the Fatimids, in 468/1076 (see Ibn al-Athr, al-
Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 410, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 191); and at Malik-Shhs command, his
brother, Tutush, conquered Homs and other Fatimid Syrian coastal cities in 485/1092-3 (see Ibn al-
Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 47f7, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 251f).
58
Cf. Huart, Seldjuks, in EI, Vol. 4, pp. 209f.
59
Klausner, The Seljuk Vezirate, p. 9.
60
Klausner, The Seljuk Vezirate, p. 10.
61
In 456/1063, Shihb al-Dawlah Qutalmish, a member of the Seljuk family, rebelled against the
Sultan Alp-Arsln and marched with large forces to Rayy to seize control, but the Sultan despatched
a great army to suppress the rebellion, and the two armies joined in a battle which ended in the death
of Qutalmish and the overwhelming defeat of his army (see Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq
Turks, p. 45; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 367, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 151-2). In
the same year, Fakhr al-Mulk Payghu b. Mkhl, who had ambitions to take power for himself,
rebelled in Herat against his nephew Alp-Arsln, who as a result marched against him with large
forces and suppressed the rebellion, however he spared his uncles life and treated him respectfully
(see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 366, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 149). Three years later,
the Sultan Alp-Arsln went into another battle, but this time against his elder brother Qwurt, the
ruler of Kirmn, after he rebelled against the Sultan; yet the Sultan succeeded in suppressing the
rebellion, forgiving his elder brother and restoring him to his rule (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8,
p. 379, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 160). The death of the Sultan Alp-Arsln in 465/1072
provoked a bloody dispute over the throne of the Sultanate between Malik-Shh, who was named by
his father Alp-Arsln as his successor, and his uncle Qwurt who again declared an armed rebellion
against the new Sultan and unsuccessfully intended to seize the Sultanate (see Nshbr, The History
of the Seljuq Turks, pp. 57f). Similarly, Tekesh rebelled against his brother the Sultan Malik-Shh in
473/1081, seized Tirimidh and other towns, and marched to Nshpr, with the ambition of
controlling Khurasn. However, the Sultan hastened to Khurasn and arrived before his brother, who
withdrew to Tirimidh; peace was then arranged between the two (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8,
p. 423, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 202), though it did not last long. Four years later, Tekesh
abandoned his allegiance to his brother and declared a new rebellion which again was put down by
Malik-Shh, who took his brother prisoner this time (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 435, trans.,
see Richards, The Annals, p. 216).
51
Beside their internal weaknesses, the Seljuks faced some very serious external
threats. One of the biggest threats was the Christian Byzantine counter-attack. This
began in 462/1069-70 when the Byzantine Emperor, Romanus, attacked Manbij in al-
Shm with a large army, plundering its territories and killing its inhabitants, but
because of the serious lack of provisions he returned to his home lands. 62 In the
following year, he marched again with a vast heterogeneous army, but this time
eastward, aiming first to reoccupy Armenia,63 which had been recently conquered by
the Seljuks.64
The Seljuks, however, responded well, though temporarily, to this external threat.
As soon as he received the news of Romanus march, the awe-inspiring Sultan Alp-
Arsln announced jihd against the Emperor and hurried with relatively small troops
to confront this grave threat immediately.65 At Malazgirt,66 the two armies clashed in
a decisive one-day battle on Friday, 14/11/463-19/8/1071, ending with a bitter defeat
for the Byzantine army, and the capture of the Emperor Romanus himself, who was
treated honourably and kindly by the Sultan, who freed him for a ransom, the release
of all Muslim prisoners in the Byzantine Empire, and a promise of military support
whenever needed.67
Although this historic victory of the Seljuks, as Runciman put it, was the most
decisive disaster in Byzantine history, it did not put an end to the Byzantine danger.
It only provided a temporary protection of the Seljuk frontiers and removed the threat
of a possible alliance between the Byzantines and the Fatimids.68
62
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 384, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 166.
63
See, for example, Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1951, Vol. 1, p. 62.
64
See above.
65
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 388f, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 170-1.
66
Also spelled Malazgird and Mantzkirt.
67
See Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 52; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 389,
trans., Richards, The Annals, p. 171.
68
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, p. 64.
52
In addition to the Byzantine threat, the Seljuks suffered terribly from the revolt of
the Nizr Isml Shiites, known also as the Btinyah, which seriously attempted to
put down the whole Seljuk rule.69 Towards the end of Malik-Shhs reign, followers
of this Shiite schism, under the leadership of Hasan al-Sabh (d. 518/1124), secured
themselves in the fortress of Alamt in the mountains of Daylam north of Qazvn.70
Considering this a growing threat, Malik-Shh commanded the Emir Arsln Tsh to
march against this dangerous group in 485/1092, but the Emir was completely
defeated.71 Consequently, these Isml Shiites adopted a policy of open revolt which
took the form of dreadful large-scale assassinations of their enemys effective
political, as well as intellectual leaders. 72 The assassination of the Sultanates
renowned vizier Nizm al-Mulk73 in 485/1092 is a case in point.74
This murder was a severe blow for the Sultanate. In his capacity as the vizier or
the chief minister for thirty years, he played a fundamental role in the expansion and
the administration of the Seljuk Sultanate. During the reign of Alp-Arsln, Nizm al-
Mulk, as Bosworth concisely put it, had a free hand in directing the administration of
the empire; in addition, he spent much time on military duties, accompanying his
69
See, for instance, Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, p. 58.
70
See W. Madelung, Ismlliyya, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 199; and Cl. Hurat, Ismlliyya, EI, Vol. 2, p.
550.
71
Hurat, Ismlliyya, EI, Vol. 2, p. 550.
72
See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, p. 58; and W. Madelung, Ismlliyya, EI2, Vol. 4, p.
199.
73
Ab Al Hasan b. Al al-Ts, he is mostly known by his honorific title Nizm al-Mulk, meaning
Order of the Kingship.
74
According to a widely accepted account, Nizm al-Mulk was assassinated by a Btin (see, for
instance, Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 37; Abd-al-Rahamn b. Muhammad Ibn Khaldn (d.
808/1406), Kitb al-Ibar, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, 1992, Vol. 5, pp. 14f; and al-Subk, ,
Tabaqt, Vol. 3, pp. 142f), but there is another account holding the Sultan Malik-Shh responsible
for his murder because of the growing tension built up between the two over time (see, for example,
Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 14f; and al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 3, pp. 142f). The first
account, as al-Subk pointed out, appears more likely (al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 3, p. 143). Malik-Shh
had great trust and deep respect for Nizm al-Mulk to the extent that he handed him almost all affairs
and regarded him as his father, bestowing on him the honorific title Atbig which means the father
emir (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 396f, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 181f). In
addition, he played a considerable role in stabilizing his rule. All this renders the second account
very unlikely.
53
master and also undertaking expeditions of his own.75 His authority became greater
during the reign of Malik-Shh 76 who handed him all the administrative affairs. 77
Thus, much of the Seljuk achievements in these two reigns resulted from the
contribution of Nizm al-Mulk.
The death of Nizm al-Mulk was a tremendous loss, not only for the Seljuks, but
also for all the subjects of the Sultanate especially the Sunni ulam of the time.
Being just and pious, he abolished many types of dues and taxes.78 He was credited
with enhancing the Sunni educational and intellectual activities by foundingand

79
generously supportingthe Nizmyah madrasahs (institutions of Islamic
specialized learning) in several cities of the Sultanate. 80 Being himself a scholar,
Shfi in madhahb, 81 he cancelled the cursing of the Asharyah from the Friday
khutbah 82 and brought the Ashar ulam, who had fled the lands in which the
cursing applied, to their home towns. 83 It is reported that the Viziers court was
bustling with leading ulam and men of letters from whom he received much
praise.84
75
Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The
Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 5, p. 59.
76
Despite his noticeable authority in the Sultanate, Nizm al-Mulk encountered considerable
opposition. Various Sultans officials and relatives challenged his power and caused him disturbance
(for a discussion on his opponents from within the Seljuk administration, see Bosworth, The
Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The Cambridge History of
Iran, Vol. 5, pp. 74-77.).
77
78
See, for example, Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 15; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p.
481, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 257.
79
Named in his honour.
80
See al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 3, p. 137; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 481, trans., see Richards,
The Annals, p. 257.
81
See al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 3, p. 135.
82
This cursing started during the reign of the Sultan Tughril-Beg who was persuaded by his Vizier
Amd al-Mulk al-Kunur to order the cursing of both the Shiites and the Asharyah. (see, for
instance, Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 15; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 481, trans.,
see Richards, The Annals, p. 257)
83
See, for example, Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 15; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p.
481, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 257.
84
54
Only a month after the murder of his Vizier, the Sultan Malik-Shh faced his
death. Consequently, the Seljuks painfully experienced a relatively long period of
internal disorder and violent conflict, 85 in which a visible decline of the Sultanate
started. As Bosworth nicely and precisely described, instead of that sultans firm rule,
a situation immediately arose involving various young, untried princes and their
ambitious mothers, with no wise and restraining hand in the state like Nizm al-
Mulk.86
When Malik-Shh died, his ambitious widow, Turkn Khtn, with the help of her
vizier Tj al-Mulk, placed her six-year-old 87 son, Mahmd, on the throne of the
Sultanate, after securing the backing of the army and emirs, by distributing large sums
of money to them,88 and after getting a conditional agreement of the Abbasid Caliph
al-Muqtad. 89 Fearing that Barkyruq, Malik-Shhs oldest son and Mahmds
thirteen-year-old 90 half-brother, may dispute the Sultanate with her son, Turkn
Khtn duly issued an order for his arrest.91 Soon after he was arrested in Isfahan,
however, the adversary Nizmyah party, which consisted of Nizm al-Mulks
relatives and partisans, 92 rioted in the city, freeing Barkyruq from prison and
proclaiming him Sultan. Driven only by their hate of Tj al-Mulk, who had been a
85
Cf. Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The
86
Bosworth, Saldjkids, in EI 2, Vol. 8, p. 942.
87
Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 65.
88
See Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 16; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 482, trans., see
Richards, The Annals, p. 258.
89
When Turkn Khtn sent to the Caliph requesting his agreement concerning the mentioning of her
sons name in the khutbah as the Sultan, he agreed on the condition that the Emir Anz should lead
the armies and care for the country on the advice of Tj al-Mulk who should also be in charge of the
regulation of the officials and the collection of revenues. She initially refused this condition, but
finally she agreed as she was told, by al-Ghazali who was the Caliphs messenger to her, that the
Sharah does not allow her son to be ruler because of his age (see Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol.
5, p. 16; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 484f, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 262f).
90
91
See Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 16; and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 484, trans., see
Richards, The Annals, p. 262.
92
55
deadly enemy of their murdered master, Nizm al-Mulk.93 As a result, Turkn Khtn
and her son marched with the army from Baghdad to Isfahan, but as they approached
the city, Barkyruq and the Nizmyah party left the city towards al-Rayy, whereupon
several emirs with their troops joined Barkyruqs group, forming a single force.94
Consequently, Turkn Khtn sent the army to fight Barkyruq and the two forces
joined in a fierce battle, which resulted in complete defeat of Turkn Khtns army
and the capture of Tj al-Mulk, who was then killed by the Nizmyah men in
486/1093.95 This defeat though did not stop that ambitious lady from acting against
Barkyruq until her sudden death in 487/1094, followed shortly by her sons death.96
Another serious dispute over succession occurred in these troubled times between
Barkyruq and his uncle Tutush, the governor of Damascus, who attempted
unsuccessfully to take over the Sultanate following his brothers death.97
At the beginning of the year 487/1094, Barkyruq gained the recognition of the
Abbasid Caliph al-Muqtad, who bestowed on him the honorific title Ruk al-Dn
(Pillar of Religion), and his name started to be mentioned in the Friday khutbah in
93
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 484f, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 262f.
94
95
96
See Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The
97
When Tutush with his troops succeeded in taking control of some Syrian and Iraqi territories and set
out to Azerbaijan in 486/1093; consequently, Barkyruq took his army and marched against his uncle.
At this critical point, two of the chief commanders in Tutushs troops agreed to leave him and join
Barkyruq, whereupon Tutush withdrew to al-Shm, realizing that he had become incapable of
meeting Barkyruqs force (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 487-9, trans., see Richards, The
Annals, pp. 265f; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 17f). In the following year and after
gathering numerous troops, Tutush resumed his activity to usurp the Sultanate by attacking and
controlling several cities in al-Shm, Iraq, Armenia and Azerbaijan (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol.
8, p. 494, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p. 273; see also K. V. Zettersteen, Barkiyrk, in EI,
Vol. 1, p. 662). This violent attack ended only when he was completely defeated, and then slain in a
decisive battle with his nephew Barkyruq, which took place near Rayy in 488/1095 (see Ibn al-Athr,
al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 502, trans., see Richards, The Annals, pp. 278f; ; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar,
Vol. 5, p. 19. See also K. V. Zettersteen, Barkiyrk, in EI, Vol. 1, p. 662).
56
Baghdad.98 Nevertheless, Barkyruq did not enjoy this recognition long, for a number
of his close relatives, other than his uncle Tutush, rebelled against him.99
The most serious and long-running revolt against Barkyruq was lead by his half-
brother Muhammad. In a period of eight years, starting from 490/1097, there were
ongoing fierce struggles with changing success between these two brothers.100 This
period was characterised by changes of allegiance among the Turkish, Kurdish, and
Arab emirs which added to the general confusion of the time.101
This long-standing dispute, which lead to massive destruction and widespread
harm, ended only when Barkyruq, lacking resources, took the initiative and arranged
for a permanent peace agreement in 497/1104, consisting of agreed division of the
Sultanate between him and his brother Muhammad so that each one would be an
independent sultan in his own lands.102 In the following year, Barkyruq died, after
appointing his fourteen-year-old son Malik-Shh as his successor,103 who was shortly
dethroned by the Sultan Muhammad.104 Thus, Muhammad became the only supreme
Seljuk Sultan for the following thirteen years (498/1105-511/1118).105
98
99
His uncle Arsln Arghn repelled in Khursn, before he was murdered by a page in 490/1097;
Barkyruq whereupon controlled Khursn without fight and handed it to his brother Sanjar (see
Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 68; Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, pp. 7-9, trans.,
Richards, The Annals, pp. 289-91; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 20-2). In the same
year, Muhammad b. Sulaymn, a cousin of Barkyruqs father, allied with the ruler of Ghazana, who
supported him with a large well-equipped army, rose in revolt against Barkyruq in Khursn, but it
was suppressed by Sanjar (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 9, trans., see Richards, The Annals, p.
291; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 22).
100
At least five battles raged between the two (see Nshbr, The History of the Seljuq Turks, p. 71;
and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 25-380.
101
Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 5, pp. 108f & 114.
102
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, pp. 70f; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 38f.
103
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 77; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 40.
104
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 79-81; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp. 1f.
105
See Bosworth, The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000-1217), in The
57
Similar to the previous Sultans, Muhammad, in order to secure his reign, had to
deal with members of the Seljuk dynasty who rebelled against him.106
The gravely everlasting internal crisis, from the death of Malik-Shh onwards,
profited only the lurking enemies of the Seljuks. The Btins, the old enemies of the
Seljuks, intensified their dreadful activity during this crisis, contributing to the
turbulence of the time. Moreover, in the same period, the Crusaders107 came onto the
scene, starting a fierce military campaign and eventually invading valuable Muslim
lands in Anatolia and the Levant, which became an awful nightmare for the Seljuks,
in particular, and all Muslims of the time, in general.108
2.3.3 The Fatimid Independent Caliphate:
The existence of the Fatimid Caliphate clearly exemplified the serious problem of
the political disunity of Muslims during the time of al-Ghazl. By completely
rejecting the authority of the Abbasid Caliph and adopting the name of Caliphate, the
Fatimid Caliphate broke the symbolic political unity of the Muslim Ummah.
According to the Fatimids ideal, however, the adaptation of the name of Caliphate
was a dream to restore the Muslim unity.109 Although the Fatimid Caliphate was an
outcome of an Ismil dawah (religious preaching),110 it was not meant to be a state
representing the Ismls only, but all Muslims, a dream which never became real.111
106
In 499/1105, he suppressed the rebellion of Mankubars (or Meng-Bars), a grandson of Alp-Arsln,
in Nahwand (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 88; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, pp.
43f). In the following year, Qilij-Arsaln (or Qilich-Arsalan), the Seljuk independent ruler of al-Rm,
controlled Mosul, omitted the name of the Sultan Muhammad from the khutbah and replaced it with
his name; but then he was defeated by the Sultans commander Jwl,106and eventually drowned in a
river (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, pp. 104-7; and Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 5, p. 45).
107
Called al-ifranj (Franks) in the Islamic classical sources. Cf. Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 31.
108
See the appendix.
109
See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, p. 21.
110
Cf. E. Grafe, Ftimids, EI, Vol. 2, p. 88.
111
See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, p. 21.
58
Being based on the Ismils tradition, the legitimacy of the Fatimid Caliphate
was always challenged. The Fatimids claim of being descendants of the daughter of
the Prophet, Ftimah, and her husband Al, the cousin of the Prophet (S.A.A.W.),
through Isml son of Jafar al-Sdiqon which the Fatimids relied in legitimizing
their authoritywas denied by their opponents.112 Furthermore, the claimed origin of
the Fatimids is wrapped with uncertainty, for several different genealogies are found
in the sources, even those of the Ismls.113 The Sunni historians, with very few
exceptions, refer to the Fatimids as Ubayds, connecting them to Ubayd-Allh al-
Mahd, the first Fatimid Caliph.114
Regardless of its legitimacy, the Fatimid Caliphate was a real challenge to the
Abbasid Caliphate. However, the extent of this challenge was reduced by the rise of
the Seljuks who, being ideological and political enemies of the Fatimids, displaced the
Fatimids from a number of their former provinces, as shown above. Similarly, more
Fatimid provinces came under other different authorities.115 As a result, the dominion
of the Fatimids became very limited. Other than Egypt itself, and with the exception
of temporary recognition in some lands, 116 only Yemen, under the dynasty of the
Sulayhs, remained loyal to the Fatimid Caliphs, before it was also conquered by the
Seljuks in 485/1092-3.117
In addition to its shrinking threat, the Fatimid state suffered from serious
challenges during the age of al-Ghazl. One of these challenges was the shaky loyalty
112
See M. Canard, Ftimds, EI2, Vol. 2, pp. 850-2.
113
See Canard, Ftimds, EI2, Vol. 2, pp. 850-2.
114
According to al-Suyt, who did not include the Fatimid caliphs in his book on Caliphs and argued
that their immah was not legitimate quoting the views of some distinguished ulm, only the
ignorant mass call the Ubayds Fatimids (al-Suyt, Trikh al-Khulaf, pp. 3-5).
115
In 484/1091-2, Sicily was taken from the Fatimids, and came under the control of the Franks (see
Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, pp. 471-4). Furthermore, the Fatimids African provinces were
gradually losing their connection with the central government in Egypt, and had started to become
independent or to restore their allegiance to the Abbasid Caliph of the time.
116
As in Mosul and Baghdad upon the revolutionary of al-Bassr.
117
See above (2.3.2).
59
of the leaders of the state. There were incidents of disloyalty of some leaders in the
Fatimid state even in Egypt itself.118
The most serious challenge for the Fatimid state was the disorder in Egypt itself
for a period of time. A major cause for this was the very terrible seven years famine
(457/1065-464/1072), which exhausted the resources of the state. 119 The military
disturbance contributed much to the disorder. Among the Fatimid troops, which
consisted of soldiers of different origins, including Berbers, Turks, Daylams, and
Sudanese slaves, there was always a feeling of jealousy and hatred.120 This feeling
provoked battles between the troops on some occasions, as in 454/1062 and
459/1067.121
The insecurity of the viziers, which generally speaking characterized the Fatimid
vizierate,122 seems to be another cause for the disorder in Fatimid Egypt. There was
continual coming and going of viziers between 454/1062 and 466/1074.123
Another serious challenge faced the Fatimid state was its loss of the support of the
Isml diaspora resulting from the Nizr schism. 124 The death of the Fatimid
Caliph al-Mustansir in 487/1094, who had reigned for fifty-eight years, provoked a
deep split between the Ismls over the succession to the immah. 125 When al-
Mustansirs youngest son Ahmad was raised to the throne and given the title of al-
Mustal by the Fatimid Vizier al-Afdal, his eldest brother Nizr, who had been
originally nominated by his father as successor, rose in revolt. However, this was
118
In 462/1070, for example, Nsir al-Dawlah stopped the khutabah in the name of the Fatimid Caliph
al-Mustansir in Alexandria and the surrounding areas and replaced it by the name of the Abbasid
Caliph of the time (see Canard, Ftimids, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 859).
119
Cf. Grafe, Ftimids, EI, Vol. 2, p. 88.
120
See Canard, Ftimids, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 858.
121
See Canard, Ftimids, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 858.
122
Canard, Ftimids, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 858.
123
Canard, Ftimids, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 858.
124
Stern, S. M., al-mir bi-Ahkm Allh, EI2, p. 440.
125
See Jaml al-Dn Ab al-Mahsin Yusf Ibn Taghrbard (874/1470), al-Nunjm al-Zhirah f Mulk
Misr wa-al-Qhirah, Cairo: al-Mu'assasah al-Misryah al-mmah li-al-Talf wa-al-Tarjamah wa-
al-Tibah wa-al-Nashr, 1964, Vol. 5, pp. 1425.
60
suppressed and consequently Nizr was put in prison.126 As a result, the immah of al-
Mustal was accepted by the majority of the Egyptian Ismls, many in Syria and all
of the Yemeni Ismls, while the Persian and some Syrian Ismls were in favour
of Nizr, refusing the immah of his younger brother.
In spite of the above symptoms of decline, the Fatimid stategenerally
speakingenjoyed great prosperity.127 In addition, the Fatimid Caliphs of the time,
namely al-Mustansir who was the richest among the Egyptian caliphs, lived extreme
luxurious life.128
With regard to the Fatimid administration, the actual power was mainly not in the
hands of the caliphs. 129 This was partially because the three consecutive Fatimid
caliphs of the time were placed on the throne while they were mere children.130 As a
result, there was usually a regent who acted on behalf of the caliph and maintained
great power. This led to the interference of women in government, which was an
evident feature of the Fatimid state.131
Moreover, the actual control was in hands of the viziers or military leaders even
when the Caliph became mature.132 For example, the all-powerful Vizier and Amr al-
Juysh (head of the troops) Badr al-Jaml, who was summoned by the Caliph hoping
to save the state from downfall upon its serious deterioration, held full control of the
civil, judicial and religious affairs. 133 The power of the Fatimid viziers and the
126
See Madelung, Ismlliyya, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 200.
127
Canard, Ftimids, EI2, p. 860.
128
See Philip K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1951.
129
See Canard, Ftimids, EI2, pp. 857f.
130
al-Mustansir was seven-years old, al-Mustal aged eight, and al-mir was only five (see Canard,
Ftimids, EI2, p. 860).
131
During the first years of his reign, al-Mustansir, for instance, was under the regency of his mother
(see Grafe, Ftimids, EI, Vol. 2, p. 91).
132
Cf. Canard, Ftimids, EI2, p. 858.
133
See C. H. Becker, Badr al-Djaml, EI, Vol. 1, p. 560.
61
military leaders was so great to the extent that on some occasions they acted against
the will of the caliphs.134
2.3.4 The Almoravid Rule:
Shortly before the birth of al-Ghazl, the Almoravids (al-Murbitn), under the
spiritual leadership and the supreme authority of the Mlik scholar Abd-Allh b.
Ysn, 135 had enthusiastically emerged 136 from the Western Sahara spreading his
islah teaching, 137 abolishing illegal practices and announcing jihd against the
infidels, the oppressors and the superficial followers of Islam in that desert, which
was inhabited by disputing tribes.138
In a relatively short time, the Almoravids succeeded in making the Saharan tribes
either under their authority or their allies through diplomacy, missionary work and
eventually a number of challenging militant campaigns, 139 which had been led, in
addition to Ibn Ysn, initially by the Emir of the army Yahy b. Umar, who was
killed in one of the battles in about 448/1056, and then by his brother the Emir Ab
Bakr.
134
For instance, al-Mustansir was forced by the army to accept al-Afdal, son of Badr al-Jaml, as his
Vizier after the death of his father in 488/1095.
135
This scholar has been introduced as the founder of the Almoravids, (see, for instance, Doutt, E.
Abd-Allh b. Ysn, EI, Vol. 1, p. 32) while Ysf b. Tshufn has been regarded as the real
founder of the Almoravids dynasty (see, for example, Halima Ferhat, Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol.
2, p. 356.).
136
There is no agreement on the details about the emergence of this movement, as has been correctly
observed by Norris (H. T. Norris, al-Murbitn, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 583), but the outline which follows
is based on the broadly accepted account of the development of the movement. For a critical
treatment of the diverse reports about the Almoravids, see I. Hrbek, and J. Devisse, The
Almoravids, in M. Elfasi, (ed.) General History of Africa, California: University of California
Press, 1988, Vol. 3, pp. 337-366.
137
For his religious teaching, see Nehemia Levtzion, Abd Allh b. Ysn and the Almoravids, in
John Ralph Willis (ed.) Studies in West African Islamic History, London: Frank Cass, 1979, Vol. 1,
pp. 85-8.
138
On the religious and political situations of these tribes prior to the rise of the Almoravids, see Hrbek,
The Almoravids, General History of Africa, Vol. 3, pp. 337-42; and Levtzion, Abd Allh b.
Ysn, Studies in West African Islamic History, Vol. 1, pp. 82-5 & 88-90.
139
See Al Muhammad al-Sallb, al-Jawhar al-Thamn bi-Marifat Dawlat al-Murbitn, Sharjah:
Maktabat al-Sahbah, 2001, pp. 54f.
62
As a response to a complaint which had been sent to Ibn Ysn from the
inhabitants of Sijilimsah about the oppression of its emirs, the Almoravids army
marched to the country, liberated its people and appointed their own governor.140 This
being done, the trans-Saharan trade routes came under the control of the
Almoravids.141
Following this achievement, the Emir Ab Bakr urged his people to control the
Maghrib, which had been divided into pretty tribal principalities. Between 448/1056
to 451/1059, they were able to bring under their control strategic territories, including
Wd Dara, the Ss region and Aghmt whereupon Ab Bakr married the widow of
its ruler, the redoubtable and intelligent queen Zaynab al-Nafrwyah,142 who would
soon play a noticeable role in the history of the Almoravids before her death in
464/1071.
In about 451/1059, the Almoravids lost the founder of their movement, Ibn Ysn,
in a raid against the heretic Bargwta Berbers. With this incident a new phase of the
Almoravids movement began. It transformed itself into a dynastic rule.143 Although it
is reported that Ibn Ysn was succeeded by Sulymn b. Ad as a religious
reference,144 who in turn faced his death in 452/1060, but he had no significant role in
the history of the Almoravids when compared to Ab Bakr b. Umar145 who appeared
to be the sole ruler of the Almoravids to the extent that the Almoravids golden
dnrs146 were struck in his name.147
140
See Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 6, pp. 216f.
141
See Levtzion, The Western Maghrib, Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 333; and Hrbek,
The Almoravids, General History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 347.
142
See Ibn Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 6, p. 217.
143
Cf. Hrbek, The Almoravids, General History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 348.
144
145
Cf. A. Bel, Almoravids, EI, Vol. 1, p. 318.
146
On the Almoravids coinage, see Levtzion, The Western Maghrib, Cambridge History of Africa,
Vol. 3, p. 336.
147
See Norris, al-Murbitn, EI2, Vol. 7, p. 585.
63
Having established himself as a ruler, Ibn Umar made another raid against the
Bargwta, succeeding this time to subjugate these Berbers whose lands extended to
the north as far as the Atlantic Ocean. 148 Before finishing the campaign in the
Maghrib and the establishment of the Almoravids new capital of Marakesh, Ibn
Umar returned to the Sahara in order to resolve a serious dispute between two
branches of the Saharan tribes threatening the unity of the Almoravid state, but before
that he appointed his cousin Ysf b. Tshfn as his lieutenant in the Maghrib,
committed to him the task of continuing the conquests in the Maghrib and even
abounded his new wife Zaynab, after divorcing her, to him.149 Having intensified the
Almoravids army and made it composed of heterogeneous soldiers changing its old
character of being dependent only on particular Saharan tribesmen,150 the new leader
gradually completed the conquest of the whole Maghrib up to Tilimsn which fell in
476/1083. 151 Meanwhile, he continued the construction of Marakesh, 152 the new
capital and his base.
It is reported that Ibn Tshfn was known as a pious, strong-willed and subtle
man, 153 who was generous to the ulam, whom he was constantly consulting. 154
Though faithful to his desert customs, Ibn Tshfn ruled his subjects nicely, 155
avoiding cruel acts.
On the advice of his wife, Zaynab, he subtly showed his cousin Ibn Umar that he
was not willing at all to give him back the supreme authority in the Maghrib when the
148
See Bel, Almoravids, EI, Vol. 1, p. 319.
149
150
On this new strategy, see Ferhat, Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 356; Levtzion, The Western
Maghrib, Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 334; and Hrbek, The Almoravids, General
History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 350.
151
Cf. al-Sallb, al-Jawhar al-Thamn, pp. 69-71.
152
The construction of this capital was completed during the reign of Ibn Tshfns son, Al, see Ibn
Khaldn, Kitb al-Ibar, Vol. 6, p. 218.
153
154
Ferhat, Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 356.
155
64
latter succeeded in re-establishing peace in the Sahara, and returned to the Maghrib,
attempting unsuccessfully to resume his previous supremacy. 156 Avoiding conflict,
Ibn Umar went back to his original land where he met his death in 480.157 Upon the
death of Ibn Umar, the Almoravids unanimously submit to Ibn Tshfn, calling him
Amr al-Muslimn,158 reserving the title Amr al-Muminn for the Abbasid Caliph,
whose title appeared on the Almoravids dnrs,159 indicating their symbolic loyalty to
him.
Due to the religious vigour of Ibn Tshfn and his formidable troops, he was
called by the Andalusain Muslims to defend their country from the Spanish Christian
invasion. 160 After responding successfully to this external challenge, Ibn Tshfn
found himself with the great opportunity to unite the Andalusian petty states under his
rule. As he did in the Maghrib, he succeeded in uniting al-Andalus. It was under this
union that the Muslim civilization of Spain made its greatest impact on Morocco.161
The achievement of Ibn Tshfn was acknowledged with pride not only in the
Maghrib, but also in the Mashriq to the extent that the Abbasid Caliph in Baghdad
legitimized his rule upon his request.162
In 500/1106, Ibn Tshfn faced his death, passing on to his son Al163, a vast state
extending from the Atlanitic Ocean to Bijya (Bougie) in the North-East and to the
Sudan in the South-East; and from Ghana in the South to the north of the Iberian
peninsula.164 Al b. Tshfn was acknowledged as Amr al-Muslimn throughout the
Almoravid provinces, save in Fez where its governor, Als cousin Yahy b. Ab,
156
157
158
159
See Levtzion, Abd Allh b. Ysn, Studies in West African Islamic History, Vol. 1, pp. 87.
160
161
Levtzion, The Western Maghrib , Cambridge History of Africa, Vol. 3, p. 331.
162
163
He was carefully chosen by his father as his successor from four other sons, see Lvi-Provencal,
Al b. Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 389.
164
Cf. Norris, al-Murbitn, EI2, Vol. 7, p. 585; and Bel, Almoravids, EI, Vol. 1, p. 319.
65
refused to submit to him.165 Consequently, Al marched against him and removed
him from his position.166
During the reign of Al, which lasted more than the age of al-Ghazl,167 the
Almoravids rule was troubled by serious challenges 168 and thus it marked the
beginning of its decline. The ensuing dramatic events, 169 however, are beyond the
scope of this chapter.
2.3.5 The Muslim Rule in al-Andalus:
During the first three decades of al-Ghazls age, there was a state of political
confusion in the Iberian Peninsula, al-Andalus, which had started since the central
government of the Ummayyad Caliphate in Cordobathe capital and the symbol of
unity of al-Andalus throughout its history170had become paralysed and eventually
collapsed in 422/1031. The Islamic rule there at the time was nothing but a variety of
171
politically disunited petty kingdoms and states, which depended on local
resources.172 Their rulers, who were known as mulk al-tawif (kings of parties or
factions), represented varied ethnic groups, namely Berbers, Slavs and local Arab
families. 173 A number of these rulers were mainly driven by their own interests,
without much concern for the general benefit of Andalusians as a whole. 174 They
165
Bel, Al b. Ysf b. Tshafn, EI, Vol. 1, p. 290
166
Bel, Al b. Ysf b. Tshafn, EI, Vol. 1, p. 290
167
His reign ended in 537/1143, see E. Lvi-Provencal, Al b. Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 389.
168
Namely the rise of the Almohads movement. Cf. Bel, Al b. Ysf b. Tshafn, EI, Vol. 1, pp.
290f.
169
For an outline of these events, see Lvi-Provencal, Al b. Ysf b. Tshufn, EI2, Vol. 1, pp. 389f.
170
Cf. Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of al-Andalus, New York:
Addison Wesley Longman Limited, 1996, p. 132.
171
See Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, Ab al-Abbs Ahmad b. Muhammad. al-Bayn al-Mughrib f
Akhbr Mulk al-Andalus wa-al-Maghrib, Paris: Paul Eeuthner, 1930, Vol. 3, p. 155.
172
See Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, pp. 29f.
173
See D. J. Wasserstein, Mulk al-Tawif: 2. In Muslim Spain, EI2, Vol. 7, p. 552; Watt, A History
of Islamic Spain, Edinburgh University Press, 1965, pp. 91f; and Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 134.
174
Abd al-Rahmn Al al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, Damascus: Dr al-Qalam, 1987, p.325.
66
tended to seek control of their neighbours175 and thus grasp more resources.176 To
achieve their interests, they did not refrain from forming depraved alliances with the
Christian rulers in the north against their brethren Muslims.177
There were at least thirty-eight 178 tifah kingdoms and states, which were of
varied strength and size.179 The strongest among them was in Seville,180 which was
ruled by Ban Abbd. During the reign of al-Mutamid181(461/1068-484/1091), the
boundaries of this small kingdom were expanded in the west and south-west. 182
Moreover, Cordova itself, which had been ruledsince the collapse of the Caliphate
thereby Ban Jahwar183 who had always adopted a peaceful policy towards their
neighbours,184 was added to the kingdom of Seville in 461/1069.185
In the north of al-Andalus, there was the Hdids kingdom, with its capital in
Saragossa, which had been founded by Sulymn b. Muhammad b. Hd who had made
his five sons governors along the kingdom: Ahmad in Saragossa, Ysif in Lleida,
Muhammad in Calatayud, Lub in Huesca and al-Mundhir in Tudela.186 Following the
death of their father, every one acquired a firm grip on his territory. However, Ahmad,
who was extremely ambitious, did not refrain from using evil tricks to get rid of his
brothers, in order to control what their possessions; in this he largely succeeded.187
175
See al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, p.324.
176
Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 144.
177
Cf. al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 325f
178
This is according to the list of Wasserstein which is based on data in numerous sources, see David
Wasserstein, The Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings: Politics and Society in Islamic Spain 1002-1068,
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985, pp. 83-98.
179
See al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 354f.
180
Cf. Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, p. 92.
181
His full name is Ab al-Qsim Muhammad b. Abbd, but he is mostly known by al-Mutamid
which is abbreviation of his honorific title al-Mutamid All Allh. He succeeded his father al-
Mutadid (433/1042-461/1068).
182
See Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, p. 92.
183
See Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3, pp. 185f.
184
See Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 137.
185
See al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, p.325.
186
Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3, p. 222.
187
See Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3, pp. 222-4; and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-
Andalus, p.356.
67
To the south of this kingdom, there was another tifah state with its capital in
Valencia, which was ruled by al-Mansr Abd al-Azz b. Muhammad b. mir, who
died in 452/1061 and was succeeded by his son al-Muzafar Abd al-Malik.188 In 1065,
al-Mamn Yahy b. Dh al-Nn, the tifah king of Toledo and the father in law of al-
Muzafar, added Valencia to his Tifah kingdom and replaced his son in law by Ab
Bakr Muhammad b. Abd al-Azz.189 When the king of Toledo died in 467/1075, he
was succeeded by his grandson al-Qdir, Valencia became independent again, but it
continued to be ruled by Ab Bakr.190
These selected examples clearly show the dangerous political disunity of al-
Andalus during this period regardless of its preserved religious and cultural unity.191
Although there were still striking Andalusian achievements at the time, noticeably in
literary activities and particularly in poetry, 192 the Andalusians of this period
experienced regrettable conditions chiefly in political affairs as a result of their
disunity. They in short, as Kennedy clearly put it, were increasingly harassed, both
militarily and financially, by the Christian powers to the north, and their rulers seem
to have been powerless to respond except by paying large sums of moneyto their
tormentors.193
As they became aware of the weakness of the Andalusians, the Christian rulers in
the north made use of this opportunity to force tifah kingdoms to pay excessive
188
See Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3, pp. 164f; and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-
Andalus, pp. 366f.
189
See al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, p. 367.
190
191
On such unity, see Wasserstein, Mulk al-Tawif, EI2, Vol. 7, p. 553.
192
Cf. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 132; and Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, p. 92.
193
Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 145.
68
tributes to them.194 More grievous experience for the Andalusians of the time was the
Christians aggressive invasion of valuable parts of their lands.195
In response to this sorrowful and threatening condition, a number of Andalusian
sincere ulam supported by few rulers, or vice versa, made serious efforts to rescue
their lands and to revive their unity.196 Some of these efforts were fruitful. A good
example is the successful mobilization of local volunteers for the jihd against the
invaders of Barbastro, an effort which led to liberation of the city in 475/1065.197 The
most striking effort was the emergency meeting, following the crisis of Toledo, which
was summoned by the tifah king of Seville, al-Mutamid, and was attended by some
ulam and other tifah rulers.198 The result of this was an agreement to seek the
support of the Almoravids Emir, Ibn Tshfn, and his strong army.199
Responding to this call, Ibn Tshfn crossed with his army from the Maghrib to
al-Anadalus where he was joined by some of the tifah rulers and their troops. These
joint forces clashed with the Christians army under Alfonso VI at Zallqah on Friday
12 Rajab 479 (23/10/1086), which lead to a decisive defeat of the army of Alfonso VI
and its retreat to Toledo with great loss.200 Shortly after this, Ibn Tshfn and his army,
save a garrison unit, returned to the Maghrib for uncertain reasons.201
The defeat of Alfonso VI at Zallqah did not stop the Christians growing serious
threat in al-Andalus, and this threat was by no means enough reason for the tifah
194
For example, the ruler of Castile and Leon, Alfonso VI (457/1065-502/1109), was able to force al-
Mutadid, the king of Seville, to enter into the established tributary system (seee Kennedy, Muslim
Spain, pp. 145-9; and Watt, A History of Islamic Spain, p. 93).
195
Barbastro, for instance, was catastrophically invaded by Normans and Franks after desperate
resistance from its people in 456/1064 (see Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3,
pp. 225f; and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 359ff). In the same year, the Andalusians lost
Coimbra (Wasserstein, The Rise, p. 249). More striking was the fall of Toledo in the hands of
Alfonso VI in 478/1085 (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 439).
196
See al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 336-54.
197
See Ibn Idhr al-Marrksh, al-Bayn al-Mughrib, Vol. 3, p. 227; Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 151;
and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 362f.
198
Cf. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 162; and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, p. 392.
199
Cf. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 162; and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, p. 392.
200
See Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 163 and al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 407f.
201
Cf. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 163.
69
rulers to unite and halt the disputes between them. As a result, a number of letters
from the Andalusian notables and fatw from some fuqah of the Mashriq, among
them was al-Ghazl, were sent to Ibn Tshfn urging him to rescue Islam and
Muslims in al-Andalus.202
In response to this, Ibn Tshfn marched to al-Andalus, but this time with two
challenging tasks: resisting the Christian threat and dethroning the depraved tifah
kings, a matter in which he was supported by fatw from some of the Andalusian
fuqah.203 On both, he performed effectively. Before his death in 500/1106, he could
occupy almost all of al-Andalus, 204 establishing the Almoravids rule there which
lasted more than the age of al-Ghazl.
2.4 The First Crusade and the Muslim Response:

As shall be examined below, the response of al-Ghazal to the grave challenge of
the Crusaders has prompted heavy criticism. Before examining al-Ghazals position
on that challenge, it is important to recall its historical context and to know what
really happened and what the response of the Muslims of the time in general was in
order to fairly and properly examine al-Ghazals position in particular. Therefore, the
chronological sequence of the Crusading campaign and the Muslim response to it
need to be studied closely. However, since by doing so in this chapter would make it
to appear disproportionate and would probably be seen as a digreesion, I have devoted
an appendix to undertake this task.
202
203
Cf. Kennedy, Muslim Spain, p. 164.
204
On this, see al-Hijj, al-Trikh al-Andalus, pp. 442-4.
70
2.5 The Religio-Intellectual life:
Despite the political disintegration of the Islamic state in the fifth/eleventh century,
there was striking intellectual productivity in various provinces of Islamdom. As al-
Dp has pointed out,205 each of the provincial governments at the time was eager to
have its own madrasahs, ulam, men of letters and poets. Associated with the
productivity in the intellectual life, however, there were intellectual disputes among
various schools of thought.
The purpose of the present section is to shed some light on the main features of
the religio-intellectual life of the time, by outlining the major religious movements
and intellectual trends. This is in preparation for discussing al-Ghazls life and
thought. Since it is important to bear in mind the background of these movements and
trends, their development prior to the age under study will be briefly mentioned.
While it is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide a full-fledged background of
these movements and trends, a determined effort is made to give a satisfactory
account of them which should fulfil the intended purpose.206
2.5.1 The Trends of Sufism:
Before al-Ghazls support for Sufism,207 it had gradually gone through a number
of phases. It had started as merely various notable and influential trends of asceticism
(zuhd), scrupulousness (wara) and devotion to divine worship (ibdah) as
represented by a number of ascetic Muslims208 in the first/seventh and second/eighth
205
See al-Dps introduction to al-Juwayns book, al-Burhn f Usl al-Fiqh, ed. Abd al-Azm al-Db,
Doha (Qatar): Matbi al-Dohah al-Hadthah, 1399 A.H., p. 21.
206
It should not be expected from this account though neither to examine al-Ghazl's effect on these
trends and movements nor to survey his discourse in the relevant areas of intellectual debates, as this
will be dealt with in some detail in the forthcoming chapters.
207
Transformed from the Arabic term tasawwuf.
208
Namely al-Hasan al-Basr (d. 110/728), Mlik b. Dinr (d. 128/745), Ibrhim b. Adham (d. 160/77),
Ibn al-Mubrk (d. 181/797), Rbiah al-Adawyah (d. 185/801) and Fudayl b. Iyd (d. 188/803).
71
centuries. However, it was only during the second/eight century, in which worldly
aspirations increased among Muslims, compared to the earlier generation, when the
name mutasawwifah or sfiyyah,209 which stands for the advocates of Sufism, was
specially given to those who aspired to divine worship.210
With the emergence of purely Sufi works during the third/ninth century,211 Sufism
transformed to a complex theory of the mystical discipline, and thereafter to a highly
developed theosophy. 212 Thus, this marked the formation of Sufism as a distinct
Islamic discipline, 213 called Ilm al-Tasawwuf (the knowledge of the Islamic
Mysticism) or as more precisely sometimes called Ilm al-Btin (the knowledge of the
inner self) as juxtaposed with Ilm al-Zhir (the perceptible knowledge).214
In this phase, two distinct trends appeared within Sufism. 215 The first was a
moderate trend, largely ethical in nature, represented by Sufis who attempted to
justify their tasawwuf in the light of the Qurn and the Sunnah.216 The second trend,
which tended to be philosophical, 217 was exemplified by extreme Sufis who gave
utterances of their claimed very intimate experiences which became known as
shataht218 (ecstatic utterances). This extreme trend is usually linked with219 both Ab
For a recent English survey of the devotional trends of theses early ascetic Muslims and their
diversity, see Alexander Knysh, Islamic Mysticism: A Short History, Leiden: Brill, 2000, pp. 10-35.
209
Commonly appears in the English sources as Sufis.
210
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth, n.d, p. 467, trans., Franz Rosenthal, The
Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1958, Vol. 3, p. 76.
211
Such as Kitb al-Riyah li-Huqq Allh (Book of Observance of What is Due to God) by al-Hrith
al-Muhsib (d. 243/857), Kitb al-Kashf wa-al-Bayn (Book of Unveiling and Elucidation) by Ab
sad al-Kharrz (d. ca. 286/899) and the various rasil (epistles) of al-Junayd (d. 298/910).
212
A. J.Arberry, Mysticism, in P. M. Holt and et al (eds.) The Cambridge History of Islam,
Cambridge: The Cambridge University Press, 1970, Vol. 2, p. 606.
213
See Ab al-Waf al-Ghunaym al-Tiftazn, Madhkal il al-Tasawwuf al-Islm, Cairo: Dr al-
Thaqfah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawz, 1989, p. 95.
214
See L. Massignon, Tasawwuf, EI2, Vol. 10, p. 314.
215
al-Tiftazn, Madhkal, p. 99.
216
217
See al-Tiftazn, Madhkal, pp. 99 &145.
218
On this phenomenon, see the book of Abd al-Rahmn Badaw, Shataht al-Sfyah, Kuwait:
Waklat al-Matbt, 1978. For al-Ghazls explanation of this term, see below (4.2.2.5).
219
See, for example, al-Tiftazn, Madhkal, p. 126.
72
Yazd al-Bistm (d. 234/848 or 261/848), 220 who is reported to say subhn,
subhn221 (praise be to me, praise be to me), and al-Husayn b. Mansr al-Hallj,
who was executed by the authorities in 309/922 due to his shataht,222 though their
ecstatic utterances, as stated by Knysh, varied considerably and represented two
distinctive types of mystical experience.223
It has been widely argued that during this phase some foreign or un-Islamic
elements penetrated into the Islamic tasawwuf as is particularly evident in the sayings
of the extreme Sufis. Farrkh, for example, lists four sources of such elements: Greek
philosophy, Indian religions, Christianity and even Chinese philosophy.224 However,
such link between the Islamic tasawwuf and foreign sources has been questioned.225
During the late fourth/tenth and early fifth/eleventh centuries, the movement of
Sufism entered a third phase in which the Sufi tradition developed considerably with
the appearance of various Sufi literature covering all the key aspects of Ilm al-
Tasawwuf.226 Notable examples of the Sufi works representing this phase and which
became classical and original references for the later Sufis are the following:227
220
On the contradicting accounts of his date of death, see Ab Abd al-Rahmn Muhammad b. al-
Husayn al-Sulam (d. 412/1021), Tabaqt al-Sfiyyah, edited by Mustaf Abd al-Qdir At,
Tabaqt al-Sfiyyah, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, 1998, p. 68.
221
See, for instance, al-Ghazl, Ihy Ulm al-Dn, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth al-Arab, n.d, Vol. 1, p.
36.
222
Such as his saying an al-Haqq (Im the Truth), as stated by al-Ghazl (al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1,
p. 36). However, there is no agreement on the reason behind al-Halljs execution. Some argue that
this was due to his challenging political views (see, for example, Umar Farrkh, Trkh al-Fikr al-
Arab il Ayym Ibn Khaldn, Beirut: 1981, p. 4742). Ironically, he has been considered by some,
particularly by European writers, as a martyr of mystical love, (see, for example, Annemarie
Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1975,
p. 62; and Louis Massignon, The Passion of al-Hallaj, trans., Herbert Mason, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1994, pp. 280f).
222
Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, p. 140.
223
224
Umar Farrkh, Trkh al-Fikr al-Arab il Ayym Ibn Khaldn, Beirut: 1981, p. 474.
225
See, for instance, Ahmad Amn, Zuhr al-Islm, Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahdah al-Masryah, 1955, Vol.
4, p. 157.
226
227
For an overview of these works and their authors, see Knysh, Islamic Mysticism, pp. 118-27.
73
1. Kitb al-Luma f al-Tasawwuf (The Book of Flashes) by Ab Nasr al-Sarrj
(d. 378/988);
2. al-Taarruf li-Madhhab Ahl al- Tasawwuf (An Introduction to the Sf
Doctrine) by Ab Bakr al-Kalbdh (d. 380/990);
3. Qt al-Qulb (The Nourishment for the Hearts) by Ab Tlib al-Makk (d.
386/996);
4. Tabaqt al-Sfiyyah (Generations of the Sfs) by Ab Abd al-Rahmn al-
Sulam (d. 412/1021).
Towards the end of this phase, there was a sort of decline in the originality of
Sufism, as witnessed by the distinguished Sufi of the fifth/eleventh century, Ab al-
Qsim Abd al-Karm al-Qushayr (d. 465/1072). In his very famous Sufi book, al-
Rislah (the Epistle) which was completed in 438/1046 as mentioned in his
introduction,228 he sadly describes this phenomenon by stating that most of the earnest
(al-muhaqqiqn) Sufis had eventually vanished.229 Moreover, he records his sorrowful
observation of the rise of pretend Sufis who claim that the secrets of the Oneness [of
God] have been unveiled to them and that they have been freed from human rules.230
Worrying that this would be considered as the path of the original sfiyyah, 231 he
composed his book attempting to revive Sufism in the light of the ideas and practices
of the earlier true Sufis, whom he carefully distinguished from pretend Sufis. The
book is described as a carefully designed and admirably complete account of the
theoretical structure of Sufism.232
228
Ab al-Qsim Abd al-Karm al-Qushayr, al-Rislah al-Qushayryah, edited by Abd al-Halm
Mahmd and Mahmd b. al-Sharf, Cairo: Matbaat Hassn, n.d., Vol. 1, p. 20.
229
al-Qushayr, al-Rislah, Vol. 1, p. 22.
230
231
232
A. J. Arberry, Sufism: An Account of the Mystics of Islam, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd,
1969, p.71.
74
The Rislah of al-Qushayr carries a clear apologetic message, casting Sufism
as a legitimate and respectable Islamic science that is in complete harmony with the
precepts of the Sharah.233 Thus, al-Qushayr on this regard, al-Tiftazn argues,234
paved the way for al-Ghazl who adopted the same idea.
Al-Ghazls famous strong announcement that the method of the sfiyyah is the
soundest method,235 after experiencing and examining various branches of knowledge
and after receiving outstanding recognition,236 and his serious effort to prove this in
the light of the Sharah237 can be considered a turning point in the history of the
movement of Sufism. No wonder he, as Knysh puts it, is seen by many as
Sufisms greatest champion.238
Like al-Qushayr, al-Ghazl attacked most of the contemporary Sufis, accusing
them of pretence and falsehood and revealing their faults.239 In addition, he criticized
and rejected the shataht of the extreme Sufis, considering them as harmful
innovations.240 Therefore, he can be classified as one of the moderate Sufis and in fact
he has been considered as the master of moderate medieval mysticism.241
Although it is true that the movement of Sufism had succeeded in attracting great
champions like al-Ghazl, it is equally true that there have been a number of very
noticeable critics and opponents of Sufis, even those who have been widely classified
233
234
235
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh min al-Dall, eds. Jaml Sulb & Kmil Ayyd, Beirut: Dr al-Andalus,
1967, p. 106.
236
As we shall discuss in Chapter three.
237
See, in particular, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 23-6.
238
239
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 2, p. 250 & Vol. 3, p. 404.
240
See, for instance, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 36.
241
Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Press, 1975, p. 55.
75
as moderate, since its early formative period.242 The distinguished Ahmad b. Hanbal
(d. 241/855) is a case in point. He is reported to warn of his contemporary, the
renowned Sufi al-Hrith b. Asad al-Muhsib (d. 243/857) by stating: Dont be
deceived because he lowers his head. He is a bad person. You cannot know him
unless you have tested him. Dont talk to him, and dont pay respect to him. 243
Similarly, Ab Zarah used to warn from the books of al-Muhsib.244
The anti-Sufi trend continued to exist during the age of al-Ghazl. This is
especially evident in the Maghrib where the Almoravids appeared to oppose the
movement of Sufism, despite a certain Sufi flavour in the lifestyle of the Saharan
men in their early ribts.245
More striking is the anti-Sufi movement which existed in al-Andalus during the
Almoravid rule there. The rulers as well as some of the Andalusian ulam were
involved in this movement, which lead to the burning of al-Ghazls Ihy. However,
there have been considerable controversies over the reasons behind this extremely
hostile reaction.246
242
For a recent collection of papers on the polemics between Sfs and anti-Sfs throughout the
Islamic history, see Frederick De Jong and Bernd Radtke (eds.), Islamic Mysticism Contested:
Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill, 1999.
243
Quoted in Josef Van Ess, Sufism and its Opponents, in Frederick De Jong and Bernd Radtke
(eds.), Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, Leiden: Brill,
1999, p. 28.
244
Ab al-Faraj Abd-al-Rahmn Ibn al-Jawz, Talbs Ibls, Riyadh: Dr al-Mughn, 2000, p. 186.
245
Norris, al-Murbitn, EI2, Vol. 7, p. 587.
246
See Mustaf Binsib, Ihrq Kitb al-Ihy lil-al-Ghazl wa-Ilqatuh bi-al-Sir Bayn al-
Murbitn wa-al-Mutasawwifah, ; and Maribel Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, in
Frederick De Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism Contested, Leiden: Brill, 1999, pp. 191-
7.
76
2.5.2 The School of the Falsifah:247
By the second half of the fifth/eleventh century, the activity of the falsifah in
Islamdom had already taken the shape of an intellectual school. Its foreign seeds had
been sown in the productive Islamic soil through Arabic translation248 of Hellenic
philosophical works,249 a process which was seriously developed250 during the reign
of the Abbsid Caliph al-Mansr (137/754-159/775) and then it was systematically
progressed during the reign of al-Ma'mn (198//813-217/833).251
The precursor 252 of the school and the earliest systematic protagonist of
Hellenism 253 was al-Kind (d. c. 256/873), who is called the faylasf al-Arab
(philosopher of the Arabs) 254 and is said to have effectively participated in the
translation process. 255 He was followed by a number of adherents of Greek
philosophy who participated considerably in the development of falsafah in Islamdom,
namely al-Frb (d. 339/950), who, as Ibn al-Nadm states, was one of the leaders in
247
This Arabic wordsing. faylasfrefers to the adherents of falsafah which is used in this context
as a technical term referring to all branches of philosophical sciences of Greek origin as had been
established and developed in Islamdom since the second/eight century. This is usually called Muslim
Philosophy in the English modern sources (see B. Carra de Vaux, Falsafa, EI, Vol. 2, p. 48) or
Islamic philosophy (see, for example, W. Montogomery Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology,
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1962) and in the Arabic modern sources it is called al-
falsafah al-Islmyah (see, for instance, Muhammad Abd al-Rahmn Marhab, Min al-Falsafah al-
Ynnyah il al-Falsafah al-Islmyah, Beirut: Manshrt cUydt, 1983, pp. 336f). In the Muslim
classical sources, however, falsafah does not seem to be given an Islamic label (see, for instance, Ibn
Khaldn, Muqaddimah, Beirut: Dr Ihy al-Turth, n.d., pp. 480f). Since this labelling has always
been controversial, it is avoided here.
248
Mostly done by Syriac-speaking Arab Christian translators (see Majid Fakhry, A History of Islamic
Philosophy, New York: Columbia University Press, 1970, p. 9).
249
Such as those which are ascribed to Socrates, Aristotle and Plato.
250
According to to Ibn al-Nadm, the Umayyad prince Khalid b. Yazd b. Muwiyah, who was called
the Wise Man of the Family of Marwn, initiated the process of translation into Arabic by
commanding a group of Greek philosophers to translate books on alchemy from Greek and Coptic
into Arabic (See Ibn al-Nadm, Kitb al-Fihrist, ed. Gustav Flgel, Leipzig (Germany) : Verlag Von
F. C. W. Vogel, 1871, p. 242, trans., Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of al-Nadm, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1970, Vol. 2, p. 581). Fakhry, however, states that it is certain that the process of
translating scientific and philosophical works did not begin in earnest until the Abbsid period, and
in particular until the reign of al-Mansr...(see Majid Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, pp.
16-8).
251
See Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 18-24.
252
Cf. B. Carra de Vaux, Falsafa, EI, Vol. 2, p. 48; and Albert Hourani, A History of Arab Peoples,
London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1991.p. 172.
253
Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, p. 113.
254
Ibn al-Nadm, Kitb al-Fihrist, p. 255, trans., Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of al-Nadm, p. 615.
255
See Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 82f.
77
the field of logic and the ancient sciences, 256 and Ibn Sn257 (d. 428/1037) who,
according to de Vaux, placed the sum total of Greek wisdom at the disposal of the
educated Muslim world in a readily intelligible fashion with his own ingenious
developments of it.258
Since the early stages of the emergence of this school, there had been an ongoing
conflict between the falsifah and the mutakallimn, particularly the Ashars,259 who
were engaged in refuting various philosophical theories which they found
incompatible with Islamic doctrine. 260 Some of the falsifah in their turn had
attempted seriously to reconcile between falsafah and Islam.261 This, however, had
not resolved the serious disagreement between the two parties, which seems inevitable
because, as Bello rightly pointed out, their sources of authoritative knowledge and
their educational background are divergent in essence and nature.262
Despite the attack of the mutakallimn, falsafah continued to be influential during
the age under study, particularly among educated Muslims, to the extent that a group
of them, as al-Ghazl himself sadly observed in his time, abandoned all the Islamic
duties as a result of being influenced by the falsifah. 263 What intensified such
influence of the falsifah, according to al-Ghazl, was the weak arguments of those
256
Ibn al-Nadm, Kitb al-Fihrist, p. 263, trans., Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of al-Nadm, p. 629.
257
Known in English sources as Avicenna.
258
B. Carra de Vaux, Falsafa, EI, Vol. 2, p. 49.
259
As pointed out by Arnaldez, since strictly orthodox Sunni Islam has never welcomed philosophic
thought, falsafah developed from the first especially among thinkers influenced by the sects, and
particularly by the Sh; and this arose from a certain prior sympathy, from such sects having
absorbed gnostic ideas, some related to Hellenistic types of gnosis, others to Iranian types (R.
Arnaldez, Falsafa, EI2, Vol. 2, p. 769).
260
Cf. Bello, The Medieval Islamic Controversy, pp. 3f.
261
See Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, p. 228.
262
Bello, The Medieval Islamic Controversy, pp. 3f.
263
al-Ghazl, Tahfut al-Falsifah, ed. Sulymn Duny, Cairo: Dr al-Marif, 1980, p. 74, trans., see
Sabih Ahmad Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut al-Falasifah, Lahore: Pakistan Philosophical Congress,
1963, p. 2.
78
who opposed them.264 This is why he criticized the approach of the mutakallimn,
before him, in refuting falsafah by stating that what they had to say in their books
was nothing but obscure scattered remarks, patently inconsistent and false, which
could not conceivably hoodwink an ordinary intelligent person, to say nothing of one
familiar with the subtleties of the philosophical sciences.265 At the same time, he
criticized those who presumed that the way to defend Islam from the evil of
falsifah was to reject all their sciences. 266 Moreover, he argued that none of the
'ulam had directed his endeavour to fully and deeply grasp falsafah in order to be
eligible to undertake the task of refuting its unsound elements.267 To fill this gap, al-
Ghazl composed his book Tahfut al-Falsifah (The Collapse or Inconsistence of
the Philosophers) which is a thoroughgoing refutation of particular metaphysical
theories 268 of ancient philosophers, after achieving a profound knowledge of the
doctrine of his opponents,269 as is evident in his book Maqsid al-Falsifah, which
was written before the Tahfut, as we shall further discuss in the following chapter.
2.5.3 The Movement of the Btinyah:
The name of the Btinyah was very noticeable during the age of al-Gahzl, not
only in the political field, but also in the religious and intellectual circles. Among the
264
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 120, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 90, & W. Montgomery Watt,
The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazl, translation of al-Ghazlis al-Munqidh and Bidyat al-
Hidyah, London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd, 1953, p. 73.
265
266
267
268
His reaction to these as well as his position from other philosophical sciences will be further
discussed below (4.2.2.5).
269
Shlomo Pines, Islamic Philosophy, in Sarah Stroumsa (ed.) Studies in the History of Arabic
Philosophy: The Collected Works of Shlomo Pines, Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, The Hebrew
University, 1996, Vol. 3, p. 36.
79
various appellations given to the Isml sect270 over different ages,271 al-Btinyah,
according to al-Sharastn (d. 548/1153),272 was the most popular one, particularly in
Iraq. The reason behind this appellation is explained by al-Ghazl himself as follows:
They were thus named simply because of their claim that the zawhir [pl. of
zhir: exoteric meaning] of the Qurn and the Traditions have bawtin [pl. of
btin: esoteric meaning] analogous, with respect to the zawhir, to kernel with
respect to the shell; and the zawhir by their forms instil in the ignorant and
foolish clear forms, but in the view of the intelligent and discerning they are
symbols and indications of specific truths.273
In order to educe the btin from the zhir, the Btins developed a distinct type of
tawl which, as Hodgson correctly and shortly describes, was symbolical or
allegoristic in its method, sectarian in its aims, hierarchically imparted, and secret.274
Another name for this sect which is worth mentioning is al-Talmyah, so called
because, as al-Ghazl explains, the basis of their doctrine is the invalidation of al-
ray (individual reasoning) and the invalidation of the exercise of intellects and the
call to men to al-talm (instruction or learning) from the infallible Imm.275 This
name, according to al-Ghazl,276 was the most appropriate in his time because the
contemporary Btins emphasised this idea in their propaganda.
In the age of al-Ghazl, the movement of the Btinyah was greatly stimulated by
the activity of Hasan al-Sabh (d. 518/1124) who travelled widely in Persian regions,
270
It branched off from Shiite and differed from other sub-divisions by the belief in the Immah of
Isml (d. 143/760), the eldest son of Jafar al-Sdiq (see Ab al-Fath Muhammad b. Abd al-Karm
b. Ahmad al-Shahrastn (d. 548/1153), al-Milal wa-al-Nihal, Beirut: Dr Maktabat al-Mutanabb,
1992, pp. 81f, trans., A. K. Kazi and J. G. Flynn, Muslim Sects and Divisions: The section on Muslim
Sects in Kitb al-Milal wal-Nihal, London: Kegan Paul International, 1984, pp.164ff).
271
al-Ghazl counted ten appellations given to this sect and he gave a particular reason for each one
(al-Ghazl, Fadih al-Btinyah, pp. 21-5, trans., McCarthy, Fadih, pp. 156-8).
272
al-Shahrastn, al-Milal, p. 82, trans., Kazi and Flynn, Muslim Sects, p. 165.
273
al-Ghazl, Fadih, p. 21, trans., McCarthy, Fadih, p. 181.
274
Hodgson, Batiniyya, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 1098.
275
al-Ghazl, Fadih, p. 25, trans., McCarthy, Fadih, pp. 182f.
276
al-Ghazl, Fadih, p. 25, trans., McCarthy, Fadih, pp. 183.
80
acting as a missionary and thus winning numerous partisans. 277 This activity
transformed into a widespread dangerous revolt in al-Ghazls age, when the
followers of al-Sabh carried out assassination missions in various regions, targeting
particularly active Sunni political officials and ulam alike.278
In addition to its threat to the Sunni political system, shown above, this movement
was a real challenge for the Sunni ulam of the time as well. The seriousness of this
challenge is evident in the number of al-Ghazls books which were devoted to refute
their doctrine, as we shall discuss below.
2.5.4 The Status of Ilm al-Kalm:
In this context, Ilm al-Kalm279 is used to refer to the discipline which, as defined
by Ibn Khaldn,280 involves arguing (alhijj) with rational proofs (bi-al-adillah al-
aqlyah) in defence of the articles of faith (al-aqid al-imnyah) and refuting
innovators (al-mubtadiah) who deviate in their dogmas from the early Muslims (al-
salaf) and the Ahl al-Sunnah281. Before the contribution of al-Ghazl in the field,
Ilm al-Kalm in this sense had established itself as a distinct branch of Islamic
knowledge.
277
See W. Madelung, Ismlliyya, EI2, Vol. 4, p. 199; and Cl. Hurat, Ismlliyya, EI, Vol. 2, p.
550.
278
Cf. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, p. 58.
279
The Arabic term ilm means a branch of knowledge while the term al-kalm literally means
word or speech. As an approximate rendering, it, as Gardet pointed out, is often translated as
theology (L. Gardet, Ilm al-Kalm, EI2, Vol. 3, p. 1141), but this seems a misleading translation.
280
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, Beirut: Dr Ih y al-Turth, n.d, p. 458, trans., Franz Rosenthal, The
Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1958, p. 34.
281
This term is translated by Rosenthal as Muslim orthodoxy (Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, p. 34)
but this is liable to prove misleading. To avoid this, it is better to transliterate it and consider it as a
technical term. While the Mutazilah called themselves Ahl al-Adl wa-al-Tawhd, the name Ahl al-
Sunnah was given to those who opposed them, particularly the Asharyah and the Mturidyah (See
Ahmad Amn, Zuhr al-Islm, Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahdah al-Masryah, 1955, Vol. 4, p. 96).
81
It is difficult, as correctly noted by Gardet,282 to precisely know when Ilm al-
Kalm became a distinct discipline. It can be generally stated, however, that it had
gradually developed as a result of the disputation on certain details of Islamic faith in
the first half of the second/eighth century which led to the rise of the Mutazilah and
other theological sects as separate entities.283
The one who has been regarded as the leader (imm)284 of the mutakallimn285
among the Sunns, is Ab al-Hasan al-Ashar (260/873-324/935), the founder of the
Asharyah theological school, for he intensively used kalm or rational argument to
the defence of Islamic faith and to refute the innovations of the Mutazilah and the
Immyah,286 though he was not the first who adopted this approach.287 His approach
was followed by numerous disciples and followers, 288 mainly adherents of the
Shfiyah School of fiqh, who became known as the Ashirah.289
Al-Ashars approach in kalm was then considerably enhanced by al-Qd Ab
Bakr al-Baqiln (d. 403/1013), who became the head of the approach290 at the time.
By al-Baqilns important contribution, which included the introduction of rational
282
Gardet, Ilm al-Kalm, EI2, Vol. 3, p. 1141.
283
Cf. Shlomo Pines, Islamic Philosophy, in Sarah Stroumsa (ed.) Studies in the History of Arabic
Philosophy: The Collected Works of Shlomo Pines, Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, The Hebrew
University, 1996, Vol. 3, p. 11.
284
285
This technical term, sing. mutakallim, refers to the practitioners of kalm.
286
287
See Montgomery Watt, al-Ashar, Abul-Hasn, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 694.
288
289
At the same time, besides the Asharyah, there was the Mturdyah school, which was named after
its founder Ab Mansr Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Samarqand al-Mturd (d. 333/944) and
followed by the Hanafs; both schools represented the Sunnis at the time (see D. B. Macdonald,
Mturd, , EI, Vol. 3, p. 414; and W. Madelung, Mturdiyya, EI2, Vol. 6, pp. 847f).
290
This quote is my translation of Ibn Khaldns statement in the Muqaddimah (p. 465): tasadara lil-
immah f tarqatihim, which strikingly mistranslated by Rosenthal (p. 50) as he attacked the
problem of the immate in accordance with the way they had approached it!
82
premises on which arguments and speculation on the subject depend,291 this approach,
according to Ibn Khaldns evaluation, was perfected and became one of the best
speculative disciplines and religious sciences.292
Despite such perfection, the approach was by no means universally accepted even
within Sunn schools. The use of rational arguments was considered by the Hanbals
as an objectionable innovation.293 The Mlik School of fiqh, which was dominant in
the Maghrib, did not welcome theological speculation.294
In the second half of the fifth/eleventh century, a new approach of kalm was
adopted and it was called the approach of the later mutakallimn (tarqat al-
mutaakhkhirn). 295 Unlike the earlier mutakallimn, the practitioners of the new
approach heavily employed logic in their argumentation, considering it as a norm and
yardstick for arguments in general and not restricted to philosophical sciences. 296
With the help of this yardstick, they, as Ibn Khaldn pointed out,297 rejected many of
the basic premises which the earlier mutakallimn had established. Moreover, to
refute the falsifah, 298 who became serious opponents of the later mutakallimn299
after the tide of the Mutazilah had receded,300 they had to recourse to the weapons
which their rationalist opponents had borrowed from the Greeks.301
The forerunner of this new approach was al-Ghazls teacher Imm al-Haramayn
Ab al-Mal al-Juwayn (d. 478/1085). 302 Although Ibn Khadln states that al-
291
292
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, p. 465, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, p. 51.
293
Watt, al-Ashar, Abul-Hasn, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 696.
294
Albert Hourani, A History of Arab Peoples, London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1991, p. 167.
295
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, p. 466, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, p. 52.
296
See Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, pp. 465f, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, pp. 51f.
297
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, pp. 465f, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, p. 52.
298
This technical term is discussed below (2.5.2).
299
Cf. Gardet, Ilm al-Kalm, EI2, Vol. 3, p. 1146.
300
See Hourani, A History of Arab Peoples, London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1991, p. 166.
301
Majid Fakhry, A History of Islamic Philosophy, p. 6.
302
Gardet, Ilm al-Kalm, EI2, Vol. 3, p. 1145.
83
Ghazl was the first to write in accordance with this new approach, traces of such
development, as pointed out by Watt,303 appear in al-Juwayns works. Regardless of
whether or not he initiated this approach, al-Ghazl had a distinguished contribution
in this field as we shall discuss below.
During the time of al-Ghazl, kalm attracted a lot of adverse publicity. This is
evident in the occurrence of dreadful incidents and trials, particularly in Baghdad, as a
result of heated disputes over kalm even within the Sunns themselves, not to
mention opposing sects. Two such incidents, which are reported by Ibn al-Athr, are
extremely striking and thus worth mentioning. The first was in 469/1077 when Ab
Nasr, son of Ab al-Qsim al-Qushayr, visted Baghdad and held preaching sessions
in the Nizmyah Madrasah.304 Because he supported the school of al-Ashar and his
followers became numerous, his Hanbal opponents attacked the Market of the
Madrasah, killing a number of people.305
In 470/1077, the second incident occurred when the preacher al-Sharf Ab al-
Qsim al-Bakr al-Maghribi, who was also Ashar, was appointed by Nizm al-Mulk
in the Nizmyah of Baghdad.306 In his preaching there, he would insult the Hanbals
by saying ((Solomon was no unbeliever, but the devils disbelieved))307 ; by Allh
Ahmad [i.e. Ibn Hanbal] was no unbeliever, but his followers have disbelieved.308
Consequently, fights and trials occurred between him and his followers on one side
and the Hanbals in the other.309
These and similar incidents clearly show how serious the effect of the publicity of
kalm was during that time.
303
See Watt, al-Ashar, Abul-Hasn, EI2, Vol. 1, p. 696.
304
Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 413, trans., D. S. Richards, The Annals, p. 193.
305
306
307
Quoting the Quranic yah [Q: 2:102].
308
309
84
2.5.5 The Condition of Ilm al-Fiqh:
By the age of al-Ghazl, Ilm al-Fiqh (the Discipline of Islamic Jurisprudence)
had passed through its formative stages and had become mature and distinct Islamic
310
scholarship. Only four madhhibsing. madhhabof fiqh (schools of
jurisprudence) had continued to be followed and considered as authoritative by the
Sunns: the Mlik, the Hanaf, the Shfi and the Hanbal schools.311
It has been repeatedly stated and commonly accepted that the gate of ijtihd312 had
been closed since the fourth/tenth century with the agreement of the fuqhsing.
faqh (Muslim jurists) themselves.313 This, however, has been seriously questioned
by Hallaq. By systematically and chronologically examining original works of fiqh
belonging to the fourth/tenth century onwards, he has definitively proven that the
activity of ijtihd had continued to be used in developing positive rules by the capable
fuqh, who were known as the mujtahidn,314 in each madhhab throughout the first
fourth/tenth and fifth/eleventh centuries.315
During the age of al-Ghazl, there were a number of highly qualified fuqh, such
asin addition to al-Ghazl himselfAb Abd Allh Muhammad b. Al al-
Dmign (d. 478 A.H.), Al b. Muhammad al-Bazdaw (d. 483 A.H.), Ab al-Wald
Sulymn b. Khalaf al-Bj (d. 494), Ab al-Wald Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Rushd al-
310
For the formative stages, see Mustaf Ahmad al-Zarq, al-Madkhal al-Fiqh al-m, Damascus: Dr
al-Qalam, 1998, Vol. 1, pp. 159-202; and Muhammad al-Khudar, Tarkh al-Tashr al-Islm, Beirut:
Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, n.d., pp. 5-215.
311
See, for instance, Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, p. 448 & 456, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah,
Vol. 3, p. 8 & 31.
312
As Hallaq precisely put it, ijtihd is the exertion of mental energy in the search for a legal opinion
to the extent that the faculties of the jurist become incapable of further effort, (Wael B. Hallaq,
Was the Gate of Ijtihad Closed? in Wael B. Hallaq, Law and Legal Theory in Classical and
Medieval Islam, Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1994, Part V, p. 3).
313
See, for example, Joseph Schacht, Law and Justice, in P. M. Holt and et al (eds.), The Cambridge
Histroy of Islm, pp. 563f; similarly in his book An Introduction To Islamic Law, Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1964, pp. 69f; and al-Zarq, al-Madkhal al-Fiqh, Vol. 1, p. 203.
314
Sing. mujtahid, i.e. practitioner of ijtihd.
315
Hallaq, Was the Gate of Ijtihad Closed? in Hallaq, Law, Part V, pp. 10-20.
85
Qurtub (d. 525 A.H.), Ab Abd Allh Muhammad b. Al b. Umar al-Timm al-
Mzir (d. 526 A.H.), Ab Ishq Ibrhm b. Al al-Fayrzabd al-Shrz (d. 476
A.H.), Ibn al-Sabbg Ab Nasr Abd al-Sayd b. Muhammad (d. 477 A.H.), Ab al-
Mal Abd al-Malik Abd Allh al-Juwayn (d. 487 A.H.), and Ibn Aql. Some of
them considered themselves as capable mujtahidn within the principles of the
schools to which they belonged, and they were regarded by others as such.316 They
produced outstanding extended fiqh literature which characterized that period.317
This period was also characterised by the prevalence of intense debates among
fuqah of various madhhib, especially between Hanafs and Shfis,318 and often in
the presence of viziers and nobles, particularly in Irq and Khursn. 319 In these
debates, each faqh aimed to prove the correctness of his respective madhab, to clarify
its methodology, to defend the principles of its rules against refutation and to
highlight the pitfalls of his opponent madhab in the light of certain rules. 320 This
activity, in which al-Ghazl himself was seriously and skilfully engaged during a
particular time of his life,321 was called the art of al-khilf wa-al-jadal (polemics and
dialectics).322
Although this intellectual activity produced interesting subtle scholarship,323 it, as
al-Ghazl disapprovingly observed, 324 often resulted in evil consequences such as
envy, rancour, backbiting and haughtiness, not to say the engagement of those who
316
Hallaq, Was the Gate of Ijtihad Closed? in Hallaq, Law, Part V, p. 15.
317
al-Zarq, al-Madkhal al-Fiqh, Vol. 1, pp. 208-9.
318
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 42.
319
See, for example, Muhammad al-Khudar, Tarkh al-Tashr al-Islm, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmyah, n.d., p. 226; and al-Zarq, al-Madkhal, Vol. 1, p. 209.
320
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, p. 456, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, Vol. 3, p. 31.
321
As shall be discussed in Chapter three.
322
Ibn Khaldn, Muqaddimah, pp. 456-7, trans., Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, Vol. 3, pp. 31-4.
323
al-Zarq, al-Madkhal, Vol. 1, p. 209.
324
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 45-7, trans., Nabh Amn Fris, The Book of Knowledge, translation of
Kitb al-`Ilm of al-Ghazls Ihy, New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, n.d., pp. 110-6.
86
lack self-restraint in impatient cursing and fierce quarrels. Thus, generally speaking it
was motivated by fanaticism, rather than scholarly purposes.325
325
al-Zarq, al-Madkhal, Vol. 1, p. 209.
87
3. THE LIFE-EXPER IENCE OF AL-GHAZL
CHAPTER THREE
*****************
THE LIFE-EXPERIENCE OF AL-GHAZL
3.1 Introduction:
Al-Ghazl lived for fifty-five years during which he had a very rich and complex
experience. This chapter discusses his life-experience. The principal aim of this
discussion is to answer the following key question: in which stage of his multi-stage
life did he really seek islh, and which of his numerous works represent that stage?
Answering this question is of a real significance to the present thesis as the
subsequent discussions will be founded on it. To satisfactorily and justifiably answer
this question, I need to examine closely the whole life-experience of al-Ghazl. In
this examination I will rely rather heavily on al-Ghazls own honest avowals about
his spiritual and intellectual development reported in his undoubtedly authentic book
al-Munqidh min al-Dall (Deliverance from Error) in addition to the primary
available biographies of him.
Before I proceed further, however, I shall pause for a while to clear up the
specious doubts which have been cast by al-Baqar on the truthfulness of al-Ghazl in
al-Munqidh. In his book entitled Itirft al-Ghazl (The Confessions of al-Ghazl),
which frustratingly discusses in detail al-Ghazls account in al-Munqidh, al-Baqar
bluntly concludes that this account is mostly not true and generally does not
correspond to the historical reality; it is rather by and large a fictional didactic story
which al-Ghazl wished to be his; a story composed of chiefly idealistic confessions
with few truthful ones from al-Ghazl. Thus, the bookal-Baqar spuriously
88
arguesshould no longer be considered as a reliable source neither for his own
intellectual history nor for his personal spiritual evolution. 1 In his book, al-Baqar
insistently wants to convince his reader that al-Ghazl, would have sought, very
consciously and often very judiciously, to leave to posterity a fictional image of his
personality and to give an interpretation of his life which give him an unrivalled place
in all the domains of thought and of the life of the Muslims of his time.2
I will closely deal with al-Baqars extremely critical discussions of al-Ghazls
book throughout this chapter, but I ought to express a number of general reservations
right at the outset:
1. The approach of al-Baqar is subjectively selective, which seems
intentional; accepting as truth al-Ghazls confessions, which support his
preconception, while rejecting his other declarations contradicting with his
own speculation.
2. Doubting al-Ghazls honesty by relying solely on extremely critical
reading of a single book, i.e., the Munqidh, as al-Baqar has done, is far
from being a sound approach.
3. In his discussions, al-Baqar has totally ignored the biographies of al-
Ghazl, namely the one by his contemporary Ab al-Hasan Abd al-
Ghfir b. Isml al-Fris, and other historical evidences which strongly
prove the truthfulness of al-Ghazls account, as shall be seen shortly.
4. The overall structure of al-Baqars argument is harmfully affected by, as
Abd-El-Jalil perfectly puts it, its apriorism, its contrived [systematique]
1
Abd al-Dym Ab al-At al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, Cairo: Dr al-Nahdah al-Arabyh, 1971,
pp. 167-9.
2
The quote is a good summary for the explicit message which al-Baqar repeatedly puts across to his
reader; it is originally from an article for J. M. Abd-El-Jalil in Autor de la Sincrit dAl-Gazzl. Vol.
I. pp. 57-72, Damascus: Mlanges Louis Massignon, 1956, which is a counter argument of al-
Baqars book, and it is cited in the introduction of McCarthy to the Deliverance from Error, p. 24.
89
character, its aggressiveness, its lacunae, its paralogisms, and the
geometric spirit of its author.3
Therefore, I side with McCarthys comment in totally agreeing with Abd-El-
Jalils conclusion regarding al-Baqars doubts that nothing of that authorizes a doubt
about Ghazls sincerity. The human, intellectual and spiritual value of the Munqidh
remains firm, though it cannot of itself alone serve as a historical source.4
Having said this, I feel confident then to use the Munqidh as a primary source in
this thesis and particularly in this chapter. However, since, as McCarthy rightly points
out Ghazls primary purpose in writing seems to have been didactic, not to give a
detailed and precise historical account of himself,5 I must not rely solely on the book,
but rather I shall consult also the primary available biographies of al-Ghazl
whenever the need arises.
3.2 Dependent Learning and Premature Authorship:
The first reported learning experience of al-Ghazl started when his poor and
pious father, whoregretting that he himself was illiterateheartily wished that his
only two young sons Muhammad and Ahmad become learned and educated,
chargedon his deatha Sufi friend6 to educate and take care of them.7 Following
the death of the father, the Sufi began the task until the little money which had been
left by the father for this purpose was exhausted.8 Consequently, the Sufi sent the two
brothers to a madrasah where free food and accommodation were provided in
3
Cited in the introduction of McCarthy to Deliverance from Error, p. 26.
4
Cited in the introduction of McCarthy to Deliverance from Error, p. 26.
5
McCarthys introduction to Deliverance from Error, p. 26.
6
Unnamed in the sources.
7
See, al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 102.
8
90
addition to teaching.9 Referring to this incident, al-Ghazl at a later age used to say
we sought knowledge not for the sake of Allh, but it was unwilling to be for the
sake of any other than Allh.10 The truthfulness of the second part of this frequently
cited statement, however, has been extremely doubted by al-Baqar while he
selectively has assured the first part,11 as I shall discuss below.
No certain details are available about the sort of learning al-Ghazl received in
his early childhood, but it seems that he was taught basic Islamic and Arabic studies.12
For the later time, however, the biographies of al-Ghazl mention that he studied,
while he was still a child, a portion of fiqh under Ahmad al-Rdhkn13 in Ts.14 Then,
he left for Jurjn (Gurgan) where he studied under Ab Nasr al-Isml with whom he
recorded al-Talqah,15 which is his first reported publication on the Shafi fiqh.16
The writing of the talqah, which is in this context refers to what Makdisi rightly
explains as a collection of notes taken from the lectures of his master, or from both
the masters lectures and works,17 at al-Ghazls time was an essential method of
learning. 18 Such talqah used to be studied, memorised and submitted to the
9
10
11
See, al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, p. 28.
12
Cf. W. Montgomery Watt, Muslim Intellectual: A Study of al-Ghazl, Edinburgh: The University
Press, 1963, pp.21f.
13
Or al-Zdkn.
14
See, the earliest biography of al-Ghazl by Ab al-Hasan Abd al-Ghfir b. Isml al-Fris, who
was his contemporary and associate, which is quoted from his lost book, al-Siyq f Tarkh Khurasn,
by Ibn Askir al-Dimishq (d. 571/1176), in Tabn Kadhib al-Muftar, Damascus: al-Quds, 1347
A.H, p. 291, trans., McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 14; see also, Ab al- Abbs Shams al-Dn Ahmad b.
Muhammad b. Khallikn (d. 681/1282), Wafyt al-Ayn wa-Anb Abn al-Zamn, ed. Ihsn
Abbs, Beirut: Dr Sdir, 1977, Vol. 4, p. 2176, trans., Bn Mac Guckin De Slane, Ibn Khallikns
Biographical Dictionary, Paris: Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1868, Vol. 2,
p. 621; and al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
15
See, the biography of al-Ghazl by Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Husayn al-Wsit (d. 776/1374),
which is originaly recorded in his unprinted book, al-Tabaqt al-Alyah f Manqib al-Shfiyah,
but a seperate mannscript of the biography itself has been recently edited by Abd al-Amr al-Asam
and printed as an appendix in al-Asams book, al-Faylasf al-Ghazl, p.177; see also, al-Subk,
Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
16
See, Abd al-Rahmn Badaw, Muallaft al-Ghazl, Kuwait: Waklat al-Matbct, 1977, pp. 3-5.
17
George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West, Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1981, p. 114.
18
See, Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, p. 114.
91
master for examination and quizzing with a view to being promoted to the class of
ifta.19
In the case of al-Ghazl, however, he neglected to impress on his memory
what he had written20 in the Talqah, as the following denoting story21 shows. Road
robbers fell upon him in his way back to Ts and seized all what he had. When they
left, he ran after them, but the robber chief threatened him with death, whereupon al-
Ghazl begged him for the return of his Talqah only, explaining that it would be of
no use for them and that he had travelled just for the sake of hearing, recording and
obtaining the knowledge in it. The robber chief then gave it to him, but after scoffing
at al-Ghazls claimed knowledge, which could be lost by simply taking away the
Talqah.
Reflecting on this sardonic comment, al-Ghazl drew a salutary lesson which
marked a major turning point in his intellectual experience. Believing that Allh had
made the robber say this in order to guide him, al-Ghazl returned to Ts and spent
three years in memorizing the Talqah by heart, so that he would not be stripped of
knowledge by simply losing his notes, as he is reported to have said.22
The most rewarding learning experience of al-Ghazl started when he travelled in
his youth to Nishapur and attached himself to the renowned Imm al-Haramayn al-
Juwayn. This Imm was one of the most leading scholars of the time, not only as a
prominent theologian, as he has rather imprecisely been primarily introduced,23 but
19
Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, p. 114.
20
D. B. Macdonald, The Life of al-Ghazzl with special reference to his religious experiences and
opinions, JAOS, 1887, p. 76.
21
The story is recorded by al-Subk on the authority of both Asad al-Mayhan and the Vizier Nizm
al-Mulk who heard it from al-Ghazl himself, see al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
22
al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
23
See, for example, Watt, Muslim Intellectual, p. 23.
92
also and in fact in the first place, as al-Db justifiably presents him, 24 a brilliant
scholar of fiqh and usl (principles of Islamic jurisprudence).
By being trained under this distinguished scholar, al-Ghazl entered a distinct
stage, which lasted until his teacher passed away in 478/1085; and in which he,
through hard work, grew to be a notable person.25 He became, in a relatively short
period, fully proficient in Shfi fiqh,26 highly skilled in kalm27 and a leading figure
in al-khilf wa-al-jadal (jurisprudential polemics and dialectics).28 During this early
stage, he proved to be so talented a pupil that his teacher, al-Juwyan, appraisingly
described him as a sea to draw in.29 In addition, while his teacher was still alive, he
used to teach his fellow-students30 and composed some books.31
According to al-Subk,32 al-Ghazl wrote his book entitled al-Mankhl, which is
his earliest known authentic book on the discipline of usl al-fiqh, 33 during the
24
Being specialized in al-Juwayn and an editor of a number of his books, Abd al-Azm al-Db is
considered an authority in this regard. In light of his deep study of al-Juwayn, he has concluded that
introducing this Imm principally as a theologian and that theology or kalm is his first discipline is
a false postulate and that his books in fiqh and usl, which are his first fields, are much more than
those on kalm, see, for example, his introduction to al-Juwayns book, al-Ghiyth, ed. Abd al-
Azm al-Db, Doha: al-Shun al-Dnyah, 1400 A.H., p. 17f.
25
See, Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans., Slane, Ibn Khallikns Biographical
Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622.
26
For the condition of fiqh during the age of al-Ghazl, see above (2.5.5).
27
For the definition of this branch of knowledge, see above (2.5.4).
28
See, Shams al-Dn Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, ed. Muh al-Dn Ab
Sad Umar b. Gharmah al-Amraw, Beirut: Dr al-Fikr, 1997, Vol. 14, pp. 320f; and al-Subk,
Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103..
29
30
See, al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, p. 292, trans.,
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 14; and al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol. 14, p. 321.
31
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 14; Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans., Slane, Ibn
Khallikns Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622; and al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol.
14, p. 321.
32
al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103. Cf. George F. Hourani, A Revised Chronology of Ghazls
Writing, in JAOS, Vol. 104, No. 2, Apr.-June 1984, p. 290.
33
The authenticity of the book has been confirmed by Abd al-Rahmn Badaw (Muallaft al-Ghazl,
p. 6-10) and more recently by the editor of the Mankhl, Muhammad Hasan Ht (in his introduction
to al-Ghazls al-Mankhl min Talqt al-Usl, Muhammad Hasan Ht (ed.), Damascus, n.p.,
1970, pp. 31-3), who has convincingly cleared up the doubts which have been aroused over its
authenticity.
93
lifetime of al-Juwayn.34 The ending part of the book is an exposition of the reason
for the preference (taqdm) for al-Shfis madhab, may Allh be pleased with him,
over other madhhib. 35 This part contains extreme prejudice and harsh criticism
against Ab Hanfah in particular, accusing him of turning the Sharah upside down,
disrupting its course and changing its system.36 In an earlier part of the book, Ab
Hanfah is also denied the status of Mujtahid, because, as it stated, he lacked
knowledge of Arabic language rules and Hadith.37 Most probably it is this book about
which Ibn Hajar al-Haytam (d. 973/1565) writes in al-Khayrt al-Hisn f Manqib
al-Numn the following:
Some of fanaticsbrought to me a book attributed to Imm al-Ghazl

containing extreme prejudice and coarse debasement of Imm al-Muslimn and
the unique among the Mujtahid Imms, Ab Hanfahas if this al-Ghazl is the
known Imm Muhammad, the Proof of Islm, while he is not; because in his
Ihy there is praise for Ab Hanfah...Furthermore, on the copy which I saw it is
stated that it is compiled by Mahmd al-Ghazl, who is not the Proof of Islam;
and this is why it is written on the margin of this copy: this is a Mutazil man, his
name is Mahmd and not the Proof of Islam.38
In the closing paragraph of the Mankhl, al-Ghazl states that the book has been
restricted to what Imm al-Haramayn mentioned in his talq39 (sing. talqah which
in this case could be al-Juwayns lectures and works).40 Thus, in this book al-Ghazl,
34
Al-Subks dating of the Mankhl has been recently doubted by the editor of the book, Muhammad
Hasan Ht, because of the occasional appearance of the phrase rahimahu Allh (may Allh have
mercy upon him) following the name of Imm al-Haramayn which indicates, in the view of Ht that
the book was written after his death (Hts introduction to al-Ghazls al-Mankhl, pp. 34f).
However, this is not a definite proof since it is possible that such phrase was added in later versions
of the book.
35
al-Ghazl, al-Mankhl, pp. 488-504.
36
al-Ghazl, al-Mankhl, p. 488.
37
38
Cited in Badaw, Muallaft al-Ghazl, p. 8.
39
40
See, Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges, p. 114.
94
as Ht points out, does not look independent.41 If there is any element of originality
in the Mankhl, it would be in its organisation and sectioning, about which al-Ghazl
was curious as he himself states in it.42 This, however, does not mean that al-Ghazl
merely copies his master in this book. As a matter of fact, he, as Ht clearly shows,
critically discusses al-Juwayns views, rejecting many of them.43
Al-Juwyans early influence on al-Ghazl seems to have been dominant. His
influence, as al-Db has noted,44 is evident by comparing some of the thoughts and
even words of al-Ghazl with those of al-Juwayn. Moreover, al-Db argues that due
to the fact that the fame of al-Ghazl has exceeded al-Juwayns and that his books
have been much more widespread than those of his teachers, many of the thoughts,
particularly in the field of fiqh, which have been credited to al-Ghazl, originally
belong to al-Juwayn. 45 Although al-Juwayns influence on al-Ghazl cannot be
denied as it appears particularly in his early works, the argument of al-Db cannot be
fully followed without reservation, for it is, unfortunately, not free from overstatement.
Being full of admiration for al-Juwayn and curious to show al-Juwayns originality,
al-Db seems to have exaggeratedly discredited al-Ghazl in favour of his teacher. It
is true that al-Juwayn was an outstanding original scholar and highly influential, but
it is equally true that al-Ghazl was talented and had considerable degree of
independence and uniqueness.
41
See, Hts introduction to al-Ghazls al-Mankhl, p. 35.
42
43
Hts introduction to al-Ghazls al-Mankhl, p. 36.
44
See, al-Dbs introduction to al-Juwayns book, al-Ghiyth, pp. 146-151.
45
See, al-Dbs introduction to al-Juwayns book, al-Ghiyth, pp. 146-151.
95
3.3 Highly Distinguished Scholarly Career:
At the age of twenty eight, al-Ghazl left Nishapur aiming for the camp-court of
the Seljuk Vizier Nizm al-Mulk,46 which was a centre of gathering of the ulam
and the literary men. 47 From contact with established ulam, meeting tough
adversaries and debating with the distinguished, al-Ghazl witnessed fine
encounters. 48 Due to his excellence in polemics and his flowing expression, al-
Ghazls name gained a great reputation, which spread to distant lands.49
Soon after this, being greatly regarded and highly honoured by the Vizier, al-
Ghazl was appointed by him to the professorship in his renowned Nizmyah
madrasah at Baghdad. 50 In 484/1091-2, 51 he arrived in Baghdad and entered into
teaching.52 His lessons drew crowds of pupils; their number reached 300 at a time, as
he himself recorded in the Munqidh.53 Among those who joined his lessons and were
impressed by his skills and abilities were a number of distinguished ulam such as
Ibn Aql and Ab al-Khatb, as reported by Ibn al-Jawz.54
46
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 14; Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans.,Slane, Ibn
Khallikns Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622; and al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol.
14, p. 321.
47
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15; and al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
48
al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, p. 292, trans.,McCarthy,
Deliverance, p. 15.
49
See, al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, p. 292,
trans.,McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15; Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans.,Slane,
Ibn Khallikns Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622; and al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal,
Vol. 14, p. 321.
50
See, al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, p. 292,
trans.,McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15; Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans.,Slane,
Ibn Khallikns Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622; al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol.
14, p. 321; and al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
51
See al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, pp. 103f. In this year al-Ghazl reached the age of thirty-four.
52
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15; Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans.,Slane, Ibn
Khallikns Biographical Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 622; al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol. 14, p.
321; and al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 103.
53
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 74, trans., McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 61, & Watt, The Faith, p. 30.
54
Ab al-Faraj Abd al-Rahmn b. Al b. Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Jawz (d. 597/1201), al-
Muntazam f Trkh al-Mulk wa-al-Umam, Hyderabad: Dirat al-Marif al-Uthmnyah, 1359
A.H., Vol. 9, p. 169.
96
Throughout his stay in Baghdad, which lasted for four consecutive years,55 al-
Ghazl had a conspicuous amount of public success. His lecturing and debating, as
al-Fris narrated, delighted everyone. 56 Furthermore, after reaching the rank of
immah in Khurasn, he became the imm of Iraq.57 Similarly, he, according to Ibn
Khallikn, filled the people of Iraq with admiration, and they conceived for him a
great respect.58 Moreover, it is reported that he possessed an enormous dignity and
that his reverence became so great to the extent that it surpassed the honour of the
notables and the princes.59
As a faqh, al-Ghazl composed, at this stage in his life, a number of works on the
Shfi madhahb, which he revived (jaddada) according to al-Fris. 60 The most
celebrated fiqh books of al-Ghazl are al-Bast, al-Wast, al-Wajz, and Khulsat al-
Mukhtasar which have become primary references in the madhahb.61 Furthermore, he
composed some works in the field of usl al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence) namely
Shif al-Ghall. He also wrote books in the art of al-khilf wa-al-jadal (juridical
polemics and dialectics) such as Makhidh al-Khilf, Lubb al-Nazar, Tahsn al-
Makhidh, and al-Mabdi wa-al-Ghyt.62 In addition to these works, he composed
several others in various fields, as shall be mentioned below.
55
Tell 488/1095.
56
al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, p. 292, trans.,
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15.
57
58
Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans., Slane, Ibn Khallikns Biographical
59
McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 15; and al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol. 14, p. 321.
60
61
See, al-Qurrah-Dghs introduction to al-Ghazls al-Wast, Vol. 1, pp. 250-3.
62
See, Badaw, Muallaft al-Ghazl, pp. 33-7.
97
3.4 Epistemological Crisis:
In the Munqidh, al-Ghazl records that due to his instinctive thirst for grasping
haqiq al-umr (the actual reality of things) right from the prime of his life, he was
emancipated from the bonds of taqld (conformism or acceptance of religious dogmas
on authority) as early as the age of adolescence.63 He reveals thatafter observing
that children of Christians, Jews and Muslims always grew up adhering only to their
respective religion and by reflecting on the saying of the Prophet (S.A.A.W) every
infant is born endowed with the fitrah (a sound nature); then his parents make him
Jew or Christian or Magianhis inmost being was moved to seek the reality of the
original fitrah and to sift the beliefs arising through initially the inculcation of the
parents and teachers, as there are differences of opinions in discerning what is true
from that what is false of these taqldt.64 Consequently, he became preoccupied with
inner quest for what he calls ilm al-yaqn (knowledge of certitude) which he defines
as:
That in which the known thing is disclosed in a way that no doubt remains along
with it, that no possibility of error or illusion accompanies it, and that the mind
cannot even entertain such thing. Not only that but also this security from error is
so bound to certainty to the extent that even if it is challenged to be wrong, for
example, by someone who turns stones into gold or sticks into snakes, this does
not create any doubt or denial.65
By scrutinizing all his cognitions in the light of this definition of certain
knowledge, al-Ghazl tells us that he suffered an inner state of safsatah (sophistry)
for nearly two months in which he extremely doubted within his soul the certainty of
all of his knowledge including the mahsst (sense-perception) and even the
63
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 63; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 54f, & Watt, The Faith, p. 21.
64
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 63; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 55, & Watt, The Faith, p. 21.
65
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 64; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 55, & Watt, The Faith, pp. 21f.
98
darryt (necessary intellectual facts).66 He was not cured from this malady until he
regained the confidence in the certainty of the necessary intellectual facts by a divine
light being cast into his breast, as he puts it.67
This vivid story of al-Ghazls epistemological doubt has been radically
questioned by al-Baqar; he totally rejects this account of al-Ghazls doubt and
presents his own interpretation of it.68 His extremely odd interpretation is summarized
as follows: al-Ghazl made up this story and narrated it at the beginning of the
Munqidh to show that his forthcoming quest for the actual reality was original and
independent since this is the normal approach of free thinkers; he took this idea of
doubt, but with modification, from the adherence of sophistry without crediting them
in the Munqidh unlike the case in his other book, Fadih al-Btinyah, where he
discussed the sophistic doubt and explicitly ascribed it to the adherence of sophistry;
he did so in the latter, because in it he is arguing against the Btinyah, who, by being
equipped with philosophy, would discover the source of the idea if he did not mention
it and thus covering it would count against him, whereas in the Munqidh he is writing
to the general readers, so he wanted to convince them that the idea of doubt is his
own.69
Unlike al-Baqar, Watt states that there is no reason to doubt al-Ghazls
experience of such scepticism; yet he strongly doubts that it occurred during an early
stage of his life because, according to Watt, it had a philosophical background which
is shown by the fact that he links it up with a consideration of the nature of
66
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 65-7; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 55-7, & Watt, The Faith,
pp. 22-5.
67
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 67f; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 57, & Watt, The Faith, p. 25.
68
See, al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, pp. 40-50.
69
al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, pp. 40-50.
99
knowledge and certainty, and thus, Watt adds, it must have been preceded by
some study of philosophy.70
Apparently, both al-Baqar and Watt presuppose that the reported doubt of al-
Ghazl was solely philosophically oriented, and only on this assumption are their
views based. This, however, can be effectively challenged by the justifiably
convincing findings of Bakars detailed and in depth analysis of al-Ghazls doubt.71
To illustrate this well, it is necessary to cite rather heavily from Bakar. Before doing
so, it is important to bear in mind that when al-Ghazl recorded this early doubt in
the Munqidh, he was over fifty, as he mentioned in the preface of the book,72 and thus
the style of his account is not a spontaneous outcome of that early period, but is a
product of his late, well-organized and deep thought, as Abu-Sway rightly points
out.73 This does not seem to be taken into the consideration of al-Baqar and Watt.
Totally unlike al-Baqar and Watt, Bakar rightly looks at the doubt of al-Ghazl
as an integral element of the epistemology of Islamic intellectual tradition to which
al-Ghazl properly belongs.74 He draws our attention to two important factors in the
development of al-Ghazls doubt. The first is the specific intellectual, religious,
and spiritual climate prevailing in the Islamic world during the time of al-Ghazl,
which no doubt constitutes the main external contributory factor to the generation of
doubt in the early phase of his intellectual life.75 The second concerns the whole
set of opportunities which Islam ever places at the disposal of man in his quest for
70
Watt, Muslim Intellectual, p.51.
71
Osman Bakar devoted a chapter on The Place of doubt in Islamic Epistemology: al-Ghazls
Philosophical Experience in his book entitled History and Philosophy of Islamic Science,
Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 1999, pp. 39-60.
72
73
Mustafa Mahmud Abu-Sway, al-Ghazls Spiritual Crisis Reconsidered, al-Shajarah, Vol. 1, No.
I, 1996, p. 83.
74
Bakar, History and Philosophy, p. 40.
75
100
certainty, and what we know of al-Ghazzls life tells us that he was very much
exposed to these opportunities.76
Bakars discussion of al-Ghazls methodological criticism of taqld in the
Munqidh shows that al-Ghazl was dissatisfied with taqld because it could not
quench his intense intellectual thirst.77 Bakar also shows that it was obvious to al-
Ghazl right from his early age that taqld is an avenue to both truth and error, but
as to what is true and what is false there was an open sea of debate around him, which
disturbed him profoundly.78 This, according to Bakar, led al-Ghazl to contemplate
upon one of the most central questions in philosophy, namely, the question of what
true knowledge is, and this marked the beginning of an intensification of his
intellectual doubt.79
In addition to this factor in generating al-Ghazls doubt, Bakar points out to
another, and more important, religious and spiritual current which contributed to
the genesis of his doubt and which deeply affected his mind.80 Al-Ghazl himself,
Bakar explains, mentioned this as the existence of numerous schools of thought
(madhhib) and groups (firaq) within the community of Islam itself, each with its own
methods of understanding and affirming the truth and each claiming that it alone is
saved.81 This religious atmosphere, as Bakar refers to, is described by al-Ghazl in
the opening of the Munqidh as a deep sea in which the majority drown and from
which only few are saved.82
After briefly presenting the views of a number of scholars on the nature of al-
Ghazls doubt, Bakar states that he agrees with the common view of these scholars
76
Bakar, History and Philosophy, pp. 40f.
77
78
79
80
81
82
101
that at the time of his crisis, al-Ghazzl was neither a philosophical nor a religious
sceptic, and that the crisis was an epistemological or methodological one. The
Munqidh provides ample evidence to support this view.83
To illustrate that al-Ghazl was not a philosophical doubter, Bakar adds:
He never contested the value of metaphysical certitude. He was always certain

of the de jure certitude of truth. Thus,he never questioned the possibility of
knowledge of haqiq al-umr. His natural, intellectual disposition toward
seeking that knowledge was, in a way, an affirmation of his personal conviction
in the de jure certitude of truth.84
Explaining how al-Ghazl never fell into the philosophical temptation of the
agnostics and relativists,85 Bakar further states that al-Ghazls doubt was not of
truth itself, yet it was of modes of knowledge and modes of accepting truth. But,
since by truth, he meant here the inner reality of things, his quest for that reality also
implied a quest for its corresponding mode of knowledge.86 This was motivated by
a real theoretical awareness of the possibility of another mode of knowing, which the
Sufis claim as theirs87 and this possibility, in the view of Bakar, must have agitated
his mind through his direct personal encounter with the way of the Sufis88 in his
early educational background. Based on al-Ghazls early background, which was
influenced by a number of Sufis, Bakar is convinced that he:
was increasingly attracted to the idea of a direct personal experience of God

emphasized by the Sufis. However, he felt a bit disheartened when, in these early
attempts at following the Sufi path, he failed to attain that stage where the
83
84
85
86
87
88
102
mystics begin to receive pure inspiration from high above. In the light of this
background, there is a strong reason to believe that Sufism plays a central role in
leading al-Ghazzl to his epistemological crisis.89
To show how al-Ghazl was never a religious sceptic, Bakar quotes al-Ghazls
declaration in the Munqidh:
From the sciences which I had laboured and the methods which I had followed
in my inquiry into the two kinds of knowledge, revealed and rational, I had
already acquired a sure and certain faith in Allh Most High, in the prophetic
mediation of revelation, and in the Last Day. These three fundamentals of Imn
had become deeply rooted in my soul, not because of any specific, precisely
formulated proofs, but because of reasons and circumstances and experiences too
many to list in detail.90
Commenting on this statement, Bakar says: The doubting mind of al-Ghazzl was
never cut off from revelation and faith. On the contrary, it was based upon a sure and
certain faith in the fundamentals of religion.91 This sure and certain faith has its
roots in the idea of degrees of certainty (yaqn) in Islamic gnosis, as conclusively
demonstrated by Bakar.92
Now, it would appear possible to accept the conclusion of Bakar that it is
therefore in the light of Islamic epistemology and, especially in the light of the idea of
degrees of certainty (yaqn) in Islamic gnosis that the famous Ghazzalian doubt
should be studied and understood.93
89
90
91
Bakar, History and Philosophy, p. 54. Although there is no reason to doubt that al-Ghazl was not a
religious sceptic, we may raise the reservation that the quotation to which Bakar refers to does not
seem relevant to the doubting period.
92
See, Bakar, History and Philosophy, pp. 55-9.
93
103
3.5 Independent Examination of the Seekers After Truth:
Al-Ghazl tells us in the Munqidh that after his recovery from the sickness of
doubt he started to investigate the paths of those seeking the truth whom he
categorised into four classes: (I) al-Mutakallimn (the Muslim Theologians), (2) al-
Batinyah, (3) al-Falsifah (the Philosophers), (4) al-Sfyah (The Mystics). 94
Explaining the reason behind this limitation, he states: The truth cannot transcend
these four classes, for these are the followers of the paths of the quest for truth; and if
the truth eludes them, there remains no hope of ever attaining it.95 Reminding us with
his abandonment of taqld, which was a result of his inmost quest for grasping
haqiq al-umr (the actual reality of things), he adds: For there is no way to return
to taqld after leaving it, since a condition of being a muqallid (a conformist or
uncritical follower of authority) is that one does not know himself to be such.96 Thus,
he applied himself to thoroughly examine firstly ilm al-kalm (Islamic theology),
secondly the way of al-falsafah (philosophy), thirdly the teachings of the Btinyah,
and fourthly the way of the Sufis.97
Before I continue with al-Ghazls account, I ought to first deal with the valid
question which has been raised by al-Baqar 98 as to why al-Ghazl restricted his
search in these four groups, and assumed that the truth does not exceed them. I share
with al-Baqar this wonder, but I do not agree with his speculation that this is
because he knew in advance that the truth which he would follow was only with the
Sufis, or because he wanted to make fictitious premises to conclude this.99 Opposite
to this speculation is the following more convincing view of Bakar:
94
95
96
97
98
al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, p. 65.
99
104
There is no doubt that al-Ghazzl had undertaken this comparative study of all
the seekers of the Truth with the view of exhausting all the possibilities and
opportunities that were open to him in the pursuit of the highest level of certainty,
although by then one could already detect in him a special inclination and
sympathy towards Sufism.100
I may add to Bakars view that what appeared to be a prior inclination towards Sufism
in al-Ghazls account could be due to the fact that it was written long after he
concluded his examination, as mentioned earlier. Furthermore, even if we presume
that he knew in advance that the truth which he would follow was only with the
Sufis, this does not necessarily lead to al-Baqars conclusion that his examination
was fictitious. Instead, it can still properly be seen as an attempt by al-Ghazl to
affirm or verify his prior opinion about the ultimate truth by conducting an
independent examination of all claimed seekers after truth known to him.
3.5.1 Experience with the Discipline of Kalm:
With regard to his experience with ilm al-kalm, al-Ghazl states: I obtained a
thorough grasp of it. I consulted the works of the most authoritative mutakallimn,
and I wrote on the subject what I wanted to write. 101 Despite that he found this
discipline adequate for its own purpose, which is, in his view, protecting the Sunn
creed and defending it against the confusion of the innovators, he realized that it was
insufficient for his aim: So Kalm was not sufficient enough in my case, nor was it a
remedy for the malady of which I was complaining.102 He further explains the extent
to which Kalm was insufficient for his case:
100
101
102
105
It is true that when the discipline of Kalm developed, the mutakallimn showed
an earnest desire for progressing from simply defending the Sunnah (orthodoxy)
to search for haqiq al-umr,103 and they plunged into the study of substances
and accidents with their principles; however, since that was not the aim of their
own discipline, their discussion of the subject did not reach conclusiveness.
Therefore, it did not provide an effective means of dispelling completely the
darkness of the bewilderment due to the differences dividing men.104
In his extremely critical discussion against the Munqidh, al-Baqar noticeably
miss-presents al-Ghazls evaluation of ilm al-kalm. Following his misleading
selective quoting of al-Ghazl, he erroneously restates the assessment in view, and on
the basis of which he criticises al-Ghazl. I do not wish to further illustrate and
discuss al-Baqars criticism for it is based on a deceptive restatement of al-Ghazls
evaluation, but here I shall highlight his misleading way of quoting al-Ghazl. His
selective quoting starts as follow:
I began studying ilm al-kalm and thus I obtained a thorough grasp of it and I
wrote some books on it. Subsequently, I found it a discipline adequate for its own
aim, which is conserving the Sun creed and guarding it from the confusion of the
innovators. But a group of the mutakallimn relied on premises which they took
over from their adversaries, being compelled to admit them either by taqld, or
ijm of the Ummah (the Muslim Communitys consensus), or because merely
they are from the Traditions and the Qurn. This, however, is of little use in the
case of one who admits nothing at all except the primary and self-evident
truths.105
In addition to his impreciseness throughout his quoting, al-Baqar plainly
disregards the following sentence, which is mentioned by al-Ghazl just before the
103
I think both McCarthy and Watt missed the point here, so this is according to my understanding of
the original.
104
105
al-Baqar, Itirft al-Ghazl, pp. 66f.
106
last quoted sentence: Most of their polemics was devoted to bringing out the
inconsistencies of their adversaries and criticizing them for the logically absurd
consequences of what they conceded. 106 By this omission, the quote deludingly
imposes the meaning that al-Ghazl was dissatisfied with the Kalm because the
mutakallimn (1) were men of taqld, (2) because they follow the ijm of the
Muslim Ummah, (3) because they accept the ayt of the Qurn just because they are
Words of Allh, (4) and because they hold fast to the Traditions of Muhammad only
because they are the sayings of the Messenger of Allh. 107 One cannot but be
surprised at such a misleading approach.
3.5.2 Examination of the Way of the Falsifah:
After finishing his examination of ilm al-kalm, al-Ghazl says that he turned to
the science of falsafah (philosophy).108 At this juncture, he had the following firm
conviction:
One cannot recognize what is unsound in any field of knowledge unless he has a
complete grasp of that field to the extent that he reaches the level of the most
knowledgeable in the principles of that field; then he must even excel him and
attain even greater eminence so that he becomes cognizant of the intricate
profundities which have remained beyond the ken of the acknowledged master of
the field. Then, and only then, it is possible that the defects he alleges will be
seen as really such.109
Believing that no one among the Muslim scholars directed his attention and
endeavour to that end, he girded his loins for the task of learning the science of
falsafah by the mere perusal of their writings without seeking the help of a master
106
107
108
109
107
and teacher.110 This was in his spare time in Baghdad, as he states in the Munqidh: I
devoted myself to that in the moments I had free from writing and lecturing on the
fields of Sharah; and I was then burdened with the teaching and instruction of three
hundred students in Baghdad.111
About the duration and the result of this independent study of falsafah, al-Ghazl
writes:
Through mere reading in those embezzled moments, Allh Most High gave me
an insight into the farthest reaches of the philosophers sciences in less than two
years. Then, having understood their doctrine, I continued to repeatedly
examining its intricate and profundities until I comprehended certainly the
measure of its deceit and deception, and its precision and delusion.112
This experience made al-Ghazl realize with certainty that al-aql (the intellect or
reason) alone is incapable of fully grasping all issues or of resolving all problems.113
The outcome of al-Ghazls examination of falsafah can be properly appreciated
by referring to two of his books: Maqsid al-Falsifah (The Meanings 114 of the
Philosophers) and Tahfut al-Falsifah (The Incoherence of the Philosophers), 115
which both belong to the stage in his life in view.116 The purpose of the Maqsid is to
provide a necessary background for his criticism of particular metaphysical and
physical views of the philosophers in the Tahfut by objectively representing the
doctrine of the philosophers, as he clearly states in the introduction of the book:
110
111
112
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 74f; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 61, & Watt, The Faith, pp.
30.
113
114
As Macdonald precisely explains, A maqsad is what is intended or meant. Maqsad al-kalm is the
intended sense of the saying. The word is thus a synonym of man in the sense meaning or
idea. D. B. Macdonald, The Meanings of the Philosophers by al-Ghazzali, Isis, Vol. 25, No. 1,
May 1936, p. 9, available online in PDF: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/dbm1.pdf.
115
al-Ghazl, Tahfut al-Falsifah, ed. Sulymn Duny, Cairo: Dr al-Marif, 1980.
116
Cf. George F. Hourani, A Revised Chronolgoy of Ghazls Writings, in JAOS, Vol. 104, No. 2,
Apr.-June 1984, pp. 292f.
108
You have asked me, 117 my brother, for a thorough exposition, which would
contain a refutation of the philosophers, the contradiction of their opinions and
(the disclosure of) their hidden errors and mistakes. But you cannot hope to
refute them before you know their doctrines and study their dogmas, for to grasp
the falsehood of certain doctrines before having a complete understanding of
them is absurd. Such an effort leads only to blindness and error. Therefore,
before entering upon a refutation of the philosophers, I deemed it necessary to
present an exposition and a full description of their ideas of the logical, physical
and metaphysical sciences without, however, distinguishing between the true and
the falseThe purpose of this book is to give an account of The Meanings of
the Philosopher; and that is its title.118
Then, he adds only after we have completed the exposition will we begin, earnestly
and with zeal, a separate book, to be called Tahfut al-Falsifah.119
With regard to the Tahfut, al-Ghazl reports the story behind writing it at the
beginning of the introduction of the book. He starts by describing a group of his
contemporaries who renounced their religion:
Now, I have observed that there is a class of men who believe in their
superiority to others because of their greater intelligence and insight. They have
abandoned all the religious duties Islam imposes on its followers. They look
down at the positive commandments of religions which enjoin the performance of
acts of devotion, and the abstinence from forbidden things. They defy the
117
As Macdonald points out, following a regular convention in the writing of didactic treatises, al-
Ghazzl begins with an address to a supposed disciple who has asked for instruction, (Macdonald,
The Meanings of the Philosophers, p. 10).
118
al-Ghazl, Maqsid al-Falsifah, ed. Mahmd Bj, Damascus: Matbaat al-Sabh, 2000, p. 10;
trans., see, Gershon B. Chertoff, The Logical Part of al-Ghazls Maqsid al-Falsifah: In an
anonymous Hebrew translation with the Hebrew commentary of Moses of Narbonee, edited and
translated with notes and an introduction and translated into English, a PhD thesis, Columbia
Universtiy,1952, part II, pp. 2f, available on line in PDF on
http://www.ghazali.org/books/chertoff.pdf.
119
al-Ghazl, Maqsid, p. 11; trans., see, Chertoff, The Logical Part of al-Ghazls Maqsid al-
Falsifah,, part II, p. 4.
109
injunctions of Shar (Islamic Law). Not only they dont abide to the limits
prescribed by it, but also they have renounced the Religion altogether120
Next, he shows how their heresy was a result of their uncritical emulation
(taqld) of the philosophers:
The heresy of these people has its basis only in taqld (uncritical acceptance) of
whatever one hears from others or sees all aroundThese heretics have heard the
awe-inspiring names of people like Socrates, Hippocrates, Plato, Aristotle, etc.
They have been deceived by the exaggerations made by the followers to these
philosophersexaggerations to the effect that the ancient masters possessed
extraordinary intellectual powers: that the principles they have discovered are
unquestionable: that the mathematical, logical, physical and metaphysical
sciences developed by them are the most profound: that their excellent
intelligence justifies their bold attempts to discover the Hidden Things by
deductive methods; and that with all the subtlety of their intelligence and the
originality of their accomplishments they repudiated the authority of religious
laws: denied the validity of the positive contents of historical religions, and
believed that all such things are only sanctimonious lies and trivialities. When
such stuff was dinned into their ears, and struck a responsive chord in their hearts,
the heretics in our times thought that it would be an honour to join the company
of great thinkers for which the renunciation of their faith would prepare them.121
Then, he states that he wrote the book as a response to this phenomenon: When I saw
this vein of folly pulsating among these idiots, I decided to write this book in order to
refute the ancient philosophers. It will expose the incoherence of their beliefs and
inconsistency of their metaphysical theories.122 He further explains the purpose of
120
al-Ghazl, Tahfut al-Falsifah, ed. Sulymn Duny, Cairo: Dr al-Marif, 1980, p. 73; trans., see
Sabih Ahmad Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut al-Falasifah, Lahore: Pakistan Philosophical Congress,
1963, p. 1.
121
al-Ghazl, Tahfut, pp. 73f; trans., see Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut, pp. 1f.
122
al-Ghazl, Tahfut, p. 75; trans., see Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut, p. 3.
110
the book by saying: Let it be known that the purpose is to awaken those who think
too highly of the philosophers, and consider them to be infallible.123
Related to the Tahfut is al-Ghazls book entitled Miyr al-Ilm (The Criterion
of Knowledge), which is most likely written in this same stage of his life. 124
According to Duny, the editor of the book, the Miyr is part, and specifically the
last part, of the Tahfut which is in his view a trilogy discussing three philosophical
subjects: Physics, Metaphysics and Logic for which al-Ghazl gives various names
such as Miyr al-Ilm and Madrik al-Uql; and for this precise finding, Duny
provides clear internal evidences from the Tahfut itself.125
The Miyr, as Macdonald puts it, is a book intended to be a standard and guide
in intellectual investigations and especially as to the language and technical
expressions of the philosophers.126
3.5.3 Investigation of the Teachings of the Btinyah:
After telling us that falsafah was also inadequate to satisfy his aim fully, al-
Ghazl starts to reveal his experience with the Talmyah, i.e., Batinyah. 127 In
addition to his interior motive in investigating their teachings, it happened that he was
commanded by the Abbasid Caliph of the time, al-Mustazhir, to compose a book
revealing the reality of their doctrine.128 Explaining his approach in fulfilling his task,
he states:
123
al-Ghazl, Tahfut, p. 82; trans., see Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut, p. 8.
124
See, Hourani, A Revised Chronolgoy, p. 293.
125
Dunys introduction to al-Ghazls Miyr al-Ilm, ed. Sulymn Duny, Cairo: Dr al-Marif,
1961, pp. 14-21.
126
Macdonald, The Meanings of the Philosophers, p. 14.
127
128
111
I began to seek out their works and to collect their views. I had already been
struck by some of their novel utterances which were the brainchildren of our own
contemporaries but were not consonant with the methodology of their
predecessors. So I collected those utterances, arranging them perfectly and
formulating them thoroughly, then I conclusively answered them.129
Al-Ghazls summarizes his findings from the investigation of the Batinyah with
the following words:
These also we have examined thoroughly, probing their inside and outside.
Their reality comes down to deceiving the common folk and the dim-witted by
showing the need for the authoritative teacher, and to disputing mens denial of
the need for the authoritative teaching by strong and effective argument. So it
goes until someone tries to help them about the need for the authoritative teacher
by saying: Give us some of his lore and acquaint us with some of his teaching!
Then the disputant pauses and says: Now that you have conceded to me that
much, you need to seek him by yourself, because my aim was limited to this
much. For he knows that, were he to add anything more, he would be put to
shame and would be unable to resolve the simplest problem. Nay, but he would
be unable to understand it, let alone give an answer to it! This, then, is the reality
of their conditionThus, when we had had experience of them, we also washed
our hands of them!130
3.5.4 Exploration of the Method of the Sufis:
Passing all the previous stages, al-Ghazl turned with his firm will to explore the
method of al-Sfyah, knowing that their method is fully accomplished by the union
of knowledge and practice, but since their knowledge was easier for him, he therefore
129
130
112
began to gain their knowledge.131 For this purpose, hein addition to hearing from
contemporary Sufi mastersconsulted a number of Sufi writings such as Qt al-
Qulb of Ab Tlib al-Makk, the books of al-Hrith al-Muhsib, and various
reported teachings of al-Junayd, al-Shibl, and Ab Yazd al-Bistm, as he states in
the Munqidh. 132 As a result, he grasped the very essence of the Sufi theoretical
principles and all of what could be gained theoretically of their teachings.133 Then, it
became clear to him that their most distinctive characteristic could not be gained
through theoretical knowledge, but only by experiencing al-dhawq (spiritual taste), al-
hl (the state of real ecstasy) and the moral change.134 He states:
I knew with certainty that the Sufis were arbb al-ahwl (masters of real
ecstatic experiences) and not men of words, and that I had apprehended all what
can be gained by theoretical knowledge. There remained, then, only what was
attainable, not by hearing and study, but by experiencing al-dhawq (spiritual taste)
and al-sulk (actual disciplining).135
This conviction led al-Ghazl to a totally new experience and a dramatic change in
his life, as will be shown below.
3.6 Serious Inspection of the Inner State:
When he acquired thorough knowledge of al-Sfyah, as illustrated above, al-
Ghazl lived a period of a very serious self-reflection during which he critically
examined his inward conditions. Telling about this period he writes in the Munqidh:
131
132
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 100f; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 77, & Watt, The Faith, p.
54.
133
al-Ghazl. al-Munqidh, pp. 100f.
134
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 101; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 78, & Watt, The Faith, pp.
54f.
135
113
I attentively considered my circumstances, and I saw that I was immersed in al-

aliq (worldly attachments or involvements) which had encompassed me from
all sides. I also considered my activities, the best of which being teaching and
lecturing, seeing that in them I was applying myself to branches of knowledge
unimportant and fruitless in the pilgrimage to the hereafter.136
About his intention behind teaching in this period he honestly declares: I saw that it
was not purely for the sake of Allh Most High, but rather was instigated and
motivated by the quest for fame and widespread prestige. 137 Thus, he alarmingly
became certain that he was on the brink of a crumbling bank and already on the
verge of falling into the Fire,138 unless he would mend his conditions.
As a result, al-Ghazl seriously thought about migrating from Baghdad and
quitting all of his worldly interests, but he kept wavering about it: I incessantly
vacillated between the contending pull of worldly desires and the appeals of the
afterlife for nearly six months, starting from Rajab of the year 488 A.H. (July 1095
A.D.).139 At the end of this period, he became tongue-tied and consequently became
severely sick of grief to the extent that the physicians lost hope of treating him.140 In
the Munqidh, al-Ghazl explains how this crisis was over:
When I perceived my helplessness and when my capacity to make a choice had

completely collapsed, I sought refuge with Allh Most High as does a hard
pressed man who has no way out of his difficulty. He answered meand made it
easy for my heart to turn away from fame, wealth, children and associates. I
openly showed that I had resolved to set out to Mecca, while planning in my
136
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 103; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 78f, & Watt, The Faith, p.
56.
137
138
139
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 104; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 79f, & Watt, The Faith, pp.
57f.
140
57.
114
mind to travel to al-Shm. This I did as a precaution, lest the Caliph and the
group of my associates might learn of my resolve to settle in Damascus.141
Consequently, he left Baghdad after he had distributed what wealth he had, save that
suffice his essential needs and the sustenance of his children with the excuse that the
money of Iraq was earmarked for the welfare of the people, since it was an
endowment for Muslims.142
This straightforward story of al-Ghazls remarkable deportation from Baghdad
and the reasons behind it has become a subject of controversy. Opposing views about
the reality of this reported event and of al-Ghazls condition prior to it have been put
forward by a number of writers on al-Ghazl. Some have strangely dared to make a
diagnosis for his described sickness. Ormsby, for instance, thinks that certain of his
symptoms suggest melancholy (sawd), though the temporary loss of speech may
point to other conditions.143 Similarly, Farrkh confidently, though weirdly, states
that we assert that al-Ghazl was afflicted with al-kanz or al-ghanz, which is a
psychological disease largely appears among those who are of extreme religious
course. 144 At the end of his long description of the disease, which is based on
medical sources, Farrkh states that the patient of al-kanz normally inclines towards
a religious life.145
146
This awkward approach has been criticised by Abu-Sway. Challenging
particularly Farrkh, he states that even if Farrkh were a physician or a clinical
psychologist, which he is not, none of al-Ghazls statements warrants the decisive
141
142
143
Eric L. Ormsby, The Taste of Truth: The Structure of Experience in al-Ghazalis Al-Munqidh, in
Wael B. Hallaq & Donald P. Little (eds.) Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams, Leiden:
Brill, 1991, pp. 144f, available online in PDF: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/eo1.pdf.
144
Umar Farrkh, Trkh al-Fikr al-Arab il Aym Ibn Khaldn, Beirut: Dr al-Ilm lil-Malyn,
1981, p. 494.
145
Farrkh, Trkh al-Fikr, p. 496.
146
Abu-Sway, al-Ghazls Spiritual Crisis Reconsidered, pp. 85-7.
115
terms that he applied in his diagnosis.147 Commenting on Farrkhs last statement,
Abu-Sway says: The latter statement misleads the reader to conceive al-Ghazls
conversion as a symptom of a disease rather than a genuine religious
experience.148 I fully agree with Abu-Sway and add that one cannot but be greatly
astonished at such a risky approach in dealing with historical accounts.
About the motive behind al-Ghazls departure from Baghdad, there have been
various theories which, to variant extent, question his own clear account. Farid Jabre,
for example, claims that the migration was because of his fear of assassination by the
Btins. 149 Attempting to prove this, Jabre quotes al-Ghazls associate, al-Fris,
stating that al-Ghazl told us, the door of fear was opened. It was so dreadful that I
could not do any work, and finally lost interest completely in all other things.150
This fear, Jabre argues, is not that of Helfire, but that of assassination of the
Btins.151 Less vigorously, Macdonald, though does not doubt the truthfulness of al-
Ghazls account, suggests that political complications may have helped to bring on
his nervous breakdown, 152 and more specifically he refers to the fact that
Barkiyrk became Great Seldjk and killed his uncle Tutush immediately before
the flight of al-Ghazzl, and the khalfa at whose court al-Ghazzl held important
place declared for Tutush.153
These speculations, however, do not stand criticism. This is simply because the
evidences claimed to support them are far from being convincing. Against Jabre, I
side with Nakamura who states that I simply do not understand why this fear
147
Abu-Sway, al-Ghazls Spiritual Crisis Reconsidered, p. 86.
148
Abu-Sway, al-Ghazls Spiritual Crisis, p. 87.
149
Cited in Watt, Muslim Intellectual, p. 140.
150
Cited in Kojiro Nakamura, An Approach to Ghazls Conversion, Orient, Vol. 21, 1985, pp. 49f.
151
Nakamura, An Approach to Ghazls Conversion, p. 50.
152
Macdonald, al-Ghazl, EI, Vol. 2, p. 146.
153
116
cannot be that of Hellfire as Ghazl himself confessed. 154 Challenging Jabre,
Nakamura convincingly points out that if he had feared the assassination, he would
not have dared to criticize the Btins;155 and if it is said that Ghazl was ordered
by the Caliph, al-Mustazhir, to do so, then, I would say, how can it be explained that
he kept on criticizing them at Hamadhan and Tus after his retirement?156 Adding to
Nakamura, Abu-Sway logically argues that if it were true that al-Ghazl feared
assassination, he would not have resided in places under the easy reach of the
Btins.157 He further adds: Why would he wait for a total of six months in Baghdad,
before embarking on his journey, if there was imminent danger and if he was
preoccupied with his personal safety?158
As in the case with Jabres claim, the view of Macdonald has been criticized.
Abu-Sway again has challenged it by stating that if al-Ghazls only goal was to
disappear from Baghdad in order to escape political difficulties, he could have done
so without the trouble of becoming a Sufi, the hardships associated with the
distribution of his wealth and leaving his family behind in Baghdad.159
In a much more niggling way, al-Baqar threw nagging doubts on al-Ghazls
reported motive behind his departure from Baghdad.160 Totally opposite to what al-
Ghazl clearly stated that he fled from fame and worldly desires, al-Baqar claims
that he did so to satisfy his longing for more fame and prestige by pretending to be
one of the Sufis, whoal-Baqar argueswere, and always are, respected to the
highest degree by the general folk in the Muslim community and taken as close
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
117
associates by the elites.161 Attempting to support this sweeping generalization about
the esteem for the Sufis, al-Baqar mentions no more than that al-Ghazl saw how
Nizm al-Mulk used to respect only claimers of knowledge (adiy al-ilm) and
poor Sufis, standing up for them whenever they enter his court, out of respect, and
seating them close to himand when he was once asked about this, he said: These
men, when I bring them close to me, they would appraisingly attribute to me what I
dont deserve!162
Before going further with presenting al-Baqars speculation, I cannot resist
making two quick criticisms against his weird approach so far. Firstly, what he
mentions about Nizm al-Mulk, for which he does not mention any source, is
obviously false. It is most likely a fabrication of the following incident reported by
Ibn al-Athr:
Whenever the Imm Ab al-Qsim al-Qushayr or the the Imm Ab al-Mal

al-Juwayn came into the presence of Nizm al-Mulk, he would stand up for the
them [i.e., to greet them] and then resume his seat on his cushion. But whenever
Ab Al al-Frmadh came in, he would rise to receive him, seat him where he
himself had been, and take his seat before him. This was remarked on to him, and
he said: The first two and their like, when they come in to my presence, say to
me: you are such and such, praising me for what is not in me. Thus, their words
increase my self-satisfaction and pride. The latter Shaykh tells me of my souls
faults and how wicked I am. My spirit is thereby humbled and I recoil from much
of what I am doing163
This incident, however, does not support the claim of al-Baqar. The incident does not
indicate that Nizm al-Mulk used to respect only claimers of knowledge (adiy al-
ilm) and poor Sufis, and rather it signifies that he used to have a high regard for this
161
162
163
118
particular Shaykh not simply because he was a Sufi but for his honest advise and
daring warning. Surely, not every Sufi has such quality as that Shaykh. Similarly, not
every sovereign welcomes such advice and warning like Nizm al-Mulk who, as Ibn
al-Athr reported, was a scholar, a man of religion, generous, mild-mannered, very
forbearing of miscreants, and given to long silences.164 In addition, the claim of al-
Baqar about this Vizier totally contradicts the reported fact that his court was
bustling with Qurn readers, fuqah, leading Muslim Imms (religious scholars),
and men of charity and piety.165
Secondly, his generalization about the admiration of people for the Sufis is not
convincing enough. Thirdly, if al-Ghazls aim were to add to his prestigewhich
had already reached an outstanding level before his withdrawalby pretending to be
a Sufi, then there was no need for him to spend eleven years in seclusion and self-
reforming, as will be illustrated below.
Referring to the report of al-Zabaid that al-Ghazl appointed his brother of
teaching instead of him prior to his leave, al-Baqar uses this single incident to accuse
al-Ghazl of being untruthful in his declaration that he abandoned teaching because it
is unimportant and fruitless in the way to the Hereafter otherwise he would not have
exposed his brother to such evil.166 Al-Baqar here, however, totally neglects the fact
that his brother was a true Sufi by that time and thus al-Ghazl did not doubt his
sincerity in teaching. In addition, al-Ghazl did not state that all teaching was not
worthwhile in the Hereafter, as al-Baqar apparently claims, but only mentioned that
he himself was engaged in teaching such sort of knowledge. Thus, his brother, being a
Sufi, would not bother himself with such knowledge. Moreover, the testimony of al-
Fris, which will be presented below, proves the sincerity of al-Ghazl and leaves no
164
165
166
119
room for speculated doubts such as that of al-Baqar, Jabre, Macdonald or any one
who would echo them.
3.7 Seclusion and Self-Islh:
For about eleven lunar years 167 followed his first migration from Baghdad, al-
Ghazl lived in a sort of seclusion for the purpose of self-islh. According to his
account in the Munqidh, this started in Damascus where he lived for nearly two years
during which his only occupation was seclusion and solitude, together with spiritual
disciplining and combat, and engaging in self-purification, character reforming and
heart cleaning for the constant remembrance of Allh Most High, in the way he had
learned from the knowledge of al-sfyah.168
From Damascus, al-Ghazl states, I travelled to Bayt al-Maqdis (in Jerusalem),
where I used to go daily into the Dome of the Rock and shut myself in.169 Then, he
adds, I was inwardly moved by an urge to perform the duty of Haj (the Muslim
pilgrimage) and to draw succour from the blessings of Mecca and Medina and the
visit to the tomb of the Messenger of Allh Most Highpeace be upon him170
Therefore, he travelled from Jerusalem to Hijz.171
Although al-Ghazl migrated from Baghdad with the intention of not going back,
as he states, he was drawn to it by certain concerns and the appeals of his children.172
After returning to Baghdad in 490/1097, however, he chose to live in seclusion, still
167
Started in 488/1095 and ended in 499/1106 as al-Ghazl mentions in the Munqidh, p. 122.
168
169
59.
170
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 105f; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 81, & Watt, The Faith, p.
59.
171
172
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 106; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 81, & Watt, The Faith, pp.
59f.
120
longing for solitude and heart purification, though with some occasional disturbances
which resulted from the necessities of livelihood, as he declares.173
In the course of those periods of seclusion, al-Ghazl reveals, things impossible
to count or list in detail were disclosed to me. 174 However, for the purpose of
profiting his reader, he gives his general evaluation of the Sufis and their way:
I knew with certainty that the Sufis are those who uniquely follow the way to
Allh Most High, their mode of life is the best of all, their way the most direct of
ways, their ethic the purest. Indeed, were one to combine the insight of the
intellectuals, the wisdom of the wise, and the lore of scholars versed in the
mysteries of revelation in order to change a single item of Sufi conduct and ethic
and to replace it with something better, no way to do so would be found. For all
their motions and quiescences, exterior and interior, are learned from the light of
the niche of prophecy. And beyond the light of prophecy there is no light on earth
from which illumination can be obtained.175
Despite this lavish praise, it should not be taken as representing the exact and only
position of al-Ghazl towards the Sufis and Sufism even after his conversion. As
Sherif precisely points out, the fact that Ghazali identifies himself with the mystics
and praises their methods does not mean that he accepts everything they say.176 I
agree with Sherif in stating that there are many things in which he does not agree
with the mystics.177 As it will come apparent below, serious criticism against al-
sfyah and their tarqah (method or way) is voiced in the Ihy itself.
Al-Ghazls stage of asceticism and self-disciplining has been mentioned in a
number of early biographies, though they differ in matter of details, particularly with
173
174
175
176
Mohamed Ahmed Sherif, Ghazalis Theory of Virtue, Albany: State University of New York Press,
1975, p. 166.
177
Sherif, Ghazalis Theory of Virtue, p. 166.
121
regard to the places he visited, the duration of his stay in each destination and his
activities during these visits. Two of these biographical accounts are well worth
quoting: that of al-Fris and Ibn Khallikn. According to al-Friss account, al-
Ghazl first performed Haj, and then entered al-Shm where he remained for nearly
ten years, visiting al-mashhid al-mazzamah (the venerated sanctuaries), disciplining
his soul, and regulating his character; 178 subsequently, he returned to his native land
where he kept fast to his house, preoccupied with meditation, tenacious of his time, a
godly goal and treasure for hearts to everyone who repaired to him and visited
him. 179 While he is in al-Shm, he, as al-Fris narrated, began to compose the
renowned works to which no one had preceded him, such as Ihy Ulm al-Dn and
the books abridged therefrom, such as al-Arban and others. 180 Ibn Khallikn,
however, reported the following:
He abandoned all the occupations in which he had been hitherto engaged, and
entered on the path of asceticism and retirement from the world. He then
undertook the pilgrimage to Mecca, and, on his return, he proceeded to al-Shm
and stopped for some time at Damascus. During his residence in that city, he gave
lessons in the western corner of the Great Mosque. He then set out for Jerusalem,
where he applied himself with ardour to the practices of devotion, and visited the
holy monuments and venerated spots. He next passed into Egypt and remained
for some time at Alexandria, whence, it is said, he intended to sail to Maghrib, in
hopes of meeting with the emir Ysuf b. Tshafn, the sovereign of Marrakish;
but, having received intelligence of that princes death, he abandoned the
projectOn Leaving Egypt, he returned to Ts, his native place where he was
preoccupied with meditation.181
178
179
180
181
Ibn Khallikn, Wafyt al-Ayn, Vol. 4, p. 217, trans., Slane, Ibn Khallikns Biographical
122
Al-Friss account can be harmonized with that of al-Ghazl if we would follow
the following interpretation suggested by Watt:
Some of the early biographical notices say that he spent ten years in Syria,
having returned there after his pilgrimage to Mecca. Now it seems probable that
he returned to Damascus, and that he regarded his pilgrimage and his visit to
Jerusalem as belonging to his Damascus period. This is in accordance with his
account, provided that we take his phrase about the journey to the Hijz to
mean a journey to Mecca and back to Damascus; this seems to be a reasonable
interpretation.182
On his visit to Egypt and intended plan to visit Ibn Tshafn, as it is reported by
Ibn Khallikn, there have been conflicting views. Watt, for example, states that it is
certainly possible that there was such a visit on the way to or from Mecca. If it took
place, however, it can have been little more than an incident of the journey, and the
absence of any mention in Deliverance from Error indicates that it had no spiritual
significance to al-Ghazl.183 Abu-Sway, however, totally rejects this report:
All other accounts confirm that Al-Ghazzliyy [sic.] was in Khurasanin 500
A.H./1106 C.E., the year in which Ibn Tshafn died. The idea that Al-Ghazzliyy
[sic.] was in Egypt may be refuted on two accounts. His student, Ibn Al-Arabiyy
[sic.] saw him, after returning from his journey, in the wilderness of Baghdad in
491 A.H./July 1106, is a clear indication of the falsity of such claims.184
Leaving aside the controversy surrounding the details of this mysterious period of
al-Ghazls life, for it seems extremely difficult to resolve completely because of the
contradicting reports, I go on to say that this stage, in general, marked a turning point
182
Watt, Muslim Intellectual, p. 145.
183
Watt, Muslim Intellectual, p. 146.
184
Abu-Sway, Mustafa. al-Ghazzliyy [sic]: A Study in Islamic Epistemology, Kuala Lumpur: Diwan
Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1996, p. 24.
123
in the whole personality of al-Ghazl. His contemporary and associate, al-Fris,
provides us with an eyewitness account of al-Ghazls serious tawbah (repentance)
or fundamental corrective conversion at that stage. Before delivering his account, it is
worth noting that al-Fris is introduced by al-Subk as thiqah (trustworthy) 185
which, as Abu-Sway correctly states, in this context is a technical term, which
considered by many scholars of hadith as the highest rank attributed to a Muslim
narrator.186 Thus, his account is highly reliable.
About al-Ghazls conversion, al-Fris states:
Thus, the devil of frivolity and of seeking leadership and fame and of taking on
bad qualities was transformed into serenity of soul and nobility of qualities,
having done with [outward] forms and rites. He took on the appeal of the godly
and reduced his hope and devoted his time to the guidance of men and
summoning them to what concerned them regarding the afterlife187
Al-Fris tells us that his witness was based on investigation and examination, and not
merely observation:
Indeed, I often visited him, and I did not find in him what I had formerly been
familiar with in his regard, viz. maliciousness and making people uneasy and
regarding them disdainfully and looking down upon them out of haughtiness and
arrogance and being dazzled by his own endowment of skill in speech and
thought and expression, and his quest of glory and high status: he had become the
exact opposite and had been cleansed of those impurities. I used to think that he
was wrapped in the garment of affectation and pretence. Then, I thought, after
investigation and examination that, that the matter was not as I thought, and that
the man had recovered from madness.188
185
186
187
McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 15f.
188
McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 16f.
124
These remarks are of vital importance. They, as Nakamura189 and Abu-Sway190
rightly point out, prove the authenticity and the truthfulness of al-Ghazls
conversion. They also clearly show how al-Ghazl was before and after his
experience of self-islh. This leaves no room for doubting the sincerity of al-
Ghazls corrective transformation and thus renders any further discussion of this
matter unnecessary.
Having stated this, it is not intended here to overstate the significance of al-
Ghazls conversion. Instead, I agree with Nakamura in stating, against Macdonalds
dual division of al-Ghazls life based on al-Ghazls remarks after his
conversion,191 that I do not take the clear-cut division of Ghazls life into two parts:
the former is this-worldly, irreligious and the latter other-worldly, religious. 192
However, I do not follow Nakamura in arguing that I cannot take the remarks of al-
Ghazl about his conversion at their face value on the basis that they were written or
uttered when Ghazl as a veteran Sf looked back upon his non-Sf way of life long
after his conversion,193 and thus, Nakamura adds, it is quite natural that he should
tend to be exaggeratingly critical about it.194 I cannot fully agree with Nakamura
because seeking worldly gains such as fame through supposedly religious activities,
which was the case of al-Ghazl during his teaching career as he himself confessed,
is a dangerously serious matter not only from Sufi point view, as Nakamura
apparently states, but also from Islamic perspective in general, since it is agreed upon
that purification of the intention is of a vital importance according to the Islamic
teachings.
189
Kojiro Nakamura, An Approach to Ghazls Conversion, Orient, Vol. 21, 1985, p. 50.
190
191
See Macdonald, The Life of al-Ghazzl, pp. 75f.
192
193
Nakamura, An Approach to Ghazls Conversion, pp. 51f.
194
125
Our rejection of Macdonalds clear-cut dual division of al-Ghazls life, however,
is based on another standpoint. It is simply because his view indicates that al-Ghazl
lived almost entirely a secular life before his conversion. This, in our view, is quite
extreme. Al-Ghazls remarks about his life before his conversion do not necessitate
that all his activities in that period were on purely business basis 195 or that he
thought only of the reputation and wealth which they were bringing him.196 Rather,
there are clear indications in his remarks that some of his early activities were purely
religiously motivated. His examination of various sects at the time is a lucid example.
He clearly states in the Munqidh that his only motive behind that examination was to
discriminate between the proponent of truth and the advocate of error, and between
the faithful follower of the Sunnah and the heterodox innovator, 197 and that is
undoubtedly a purely religious aim. Therefore, al-Ghazls avowal regarding his
impure intention during his teaching career should not be reflected back on all his
previous activities.
Now, it would seem reasonably justified to argue that al-Ghazls period of
seclusion marked the beginning of his attempt at general islh. This is firstly because
the outcome of that period, as illustrated above, was his self-islh, which is according
to his own teaching a prerequisite for general islh.198 Secondly, he, as mentioned
above, composed in the same period his celebrated work, the Ihy, which is intended
to be a major project of islh, as will be shown below.
195
See Macdonald, The Life of al-Ghazzl, p. 75.
196
See Macdonald, The Life of al-Ghazzl, pp. 75f.
197
198
In the Ihy, al-Ghazl repeatedly warns of being occupied with the islh of others, before the islh
of the self, see, for example, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 39; trans., see William Alexander McCall, The Book
of Knowledge: Being a Translation, with Introduction and Notes of Al-Ghazzls Book of the Ihy,
Kitb al-Ilm, a PhD Thesis, Hartford Seminary Foundation, May, 1940, p. 156, available online in
PDF: http://www.ghazali.org/books/McCall-1940.pdf, and also Nabh Amn Fris, The Book of
Knowledge, translation of Kitb al-Ilm of al-Ghazls Ihy, New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, n.d.,
p. 93, available online in PDF: http://www.ghazali.org/books/knowledge.pdf.
126
3.8 Striving for General Islh:
Following his noticeably long experience of seclusion and self-islh illustrated
above, al-Ghazl entered a distinct period which can be properly considered as a
stage of striving for general islh. This classification of that stage, which lasted till his
death, is based firstly on al-Ghazls account in the Munqidh which clearly shows
that his sole desire at that stage was islh. After revealing his experience of seclusion
in the book, al-Ghazl immediately informs us about his observation of the
widespread of the weakness of mens faith among various classes and of the reasons
behind that according to his own investigation.199 Subsequently, he saw that it was
inevitable at such a time to abandon his seclusion and engage in exposing such
sophistries, particularly because he considered himself a very skilled practitioner in
such activity, but he kept hesitating and making excuses to remain in seclusion:
Then, I said to myself: When will you devote yourself completely to laying
bare this affliction and to battling against this dreadful darkness? It is a time of
tepidity and an era of error. But even if you were to engage in calling men from
their evil ways to the truth, all the men of this age would be hostile to you: how,
then, would you stand up against them? And how could you put up with them?
For that could be done only at favourable time and under a pious and irresistible
Sultan.200
His hesitation, however, ended when he was strictly summoned by the authority to
hasten to Nishapur in order to teach in its Nizmyah. Thus, al-Ghazl states, it
occurred to me that the reason for excusing yourself has lost its force. Hence your
motive for clinging to seclusion should not be laziness, ease, self-aggrandizement and
199
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 117-20; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 88-90, & Watt, The
Faith, pp. 71-3.
200
127
protecting yourself from the harm caused by men. 201 Shortly, he became more
convinced and encouraged to make such move, as he explains:
I consulted on that matter a number of those skilled in discerning hearts and

visions. They unanimously advised me to abandon my seclusion and to emerge
from my zwiyah (hospice). In addition to that, many recurrent dreams of pious
men attested that this move would be a source of goodness and right guideness,
and that it had been decreed by AllhGlorious be Hefor the head of this
century. For AllhGlorious be Hehas indeed promised to revivify His
religion at the beginning of each century. So my hope was strengthened and I
became quite optimistic because of these testimonies.202
Al-Ghazl, then, concludes his account about this new move by revealing his
intention in returning to teaching and clearly stating his desire for islh:
I know well that, even though I have returned to teaching, I have not really
returned; for returning means coming back to a previous state. Formerly, I used to
convey the knowledge by which fame is gained, and to invite men to it by words
and deeds, and that was my aim and my intention. But now I invite men to the
knowledge by which fame is renounced and its lowly rank recognized. This is
now my intention, my aim, my desire. Allh knows that to be true of me. I now
earnestly desire to achieve the islh of myself and others.203
Secondly, the following biographical notices of al-Fris concerning the same
stage, which generally agree with al-Ghazls account, support the above
classification. Explaining how the Vizier Fakhr al-Mulk, son of Nizm al-Mulk,
insistently asked al-Ghazl to return to teaching, al-Fris states:
He [i.e., Fakhr al-Mulk] heard of and verified al-Ghazls position and rank and
the perfection of his superiority and his standing and the soundness of his belief
201
202
203
128
and the purity of his conduct. So he sought a blessing from him and had him
brought and listened to what he had to say. Then he asked al-Ghazl not to let his
breaths and useful lessons remain sterile, with no one profiting from them or
learning from their lights, and he went all out in importuning and suggesting until
al-Ghazl agreed to go forthHe could not but yield to the authority.204
Distinguishing between al-Ghazls motive at this stage and that in his first teaching
experience, al-Fris explains that by bringing forth that with which he had busied
himself, he aimed at guiding the deviators (al-shadhh) and benefiting the seekers of
guidance (al-qsidn) without going back to what he had been divested of, viz.
seeking honour and wrangling with his peers and condemning the headstrong.205 In
addition, al-Fris reports that he, and others, wonderingly asked al-Ghazl about his
wish for doing what he was summoned to do, and thus al-Ghazl in defence of that
said: According to my religion I could not conceivably hold back from the summons
and the utility of benefiting al-tlibn (the disciples). It was indeed imperative for me
to disclose the truth and to speak of it and to call to itand he was truthful in that.206
Showing that his desire for benefiting and reforming others continued even after his
abandonment of formal teaching, al-Fris goes on to say:
He set up a nearby a madrasah for the seekers of knowledge and khniqh

(sojourn) for the Sufis. He apportioned his time to the task of those present, such
as the recital of the Qurn and keeping company with the men of hearts and
sitting down to teach, so that not a single moment of his time or of those with him
was profitless until the eye of the time attained him and the days begrudged him
204
al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, pp. 293f, trans.,
205
206
129
to the men of his age. Then the Merciful translated him to His gracious
proximity.207
Thirdly, the reported activities of al-Ghazl at that stage are mostly, if not all, of
islh nature. He, for example, was teaching the Ihy.208 The book is undoubtedly
intended to be a major project of islh from al-Ghazls point of view. This is clearly
indicated in the introduction of the book. To illustrate this well, there seems no better
way than literally quoting the words of al-Ghazl. Addressing his imagined wayward
reader, al-Ghazl states:
For what has loosened the bond of silence from my tongue and imposed the
responsibility of speech and the obligation of utterance on me is your persistent
blindness to the essence of reality along with your obstinate aid of what is
baseless, flattering ignorance, and stirring up of evil against anyone who prefers
to depart slightly from the ways followed by mankind and who inclines a little
from the common practice of men in order to conform to the dictates of
knowledge.209
Explaining the reason behind such insistence on going astray at the time, he adds:
There is no reason for your persistent disapproval except the malady which has
become an epidemic among the multitudes. That malady consists in insufficient
observation of the high importance of this matter, the gravity of the problem, and
the seriousness of the crisis; in not seeing that the next life is approaching and
this world is waning; that death is imminent but the journey is still long; that the
207
al-Ghazls biography by al-Fris, cited in Ibn Askir al-Dimishq, Tabn, pp. 295f, trans.,
208
al-Zabd lists a number of pupils who orally received the book from al-Ghazl, see Murtad al-
Zabd (d. 1205/1791), Ithf al-Sdah al-Mutaqn bi-Sharh Ihy 'Ulm al-Dn, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub
al-Ilmyah, 2005, Vol. 1, pp. 62-5.
209
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol.1, p. 2; trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 2, and also Fris,
The Book of Knowledge, p. ix.
130
provisions are scanty, the danger is great, and the road is blocked; and that
whatever learning or work not purely devoted to Allh is rejected.210
Clarifying the seriousness of the malady of the time and the difficulties surrounding
its treatment, he goes on to say:
With neither guide nor companion the journey on the road to the next life, with
its many pitfalls, is toilsomely tiresome. The guides to the road are the ulam
(religious scholars) who are the heirs of the prophets, but our time is void of them
and only the superficial [or those who just apparently resemble them] (al-
mutarassimn) remain, most of who have been overcome by Satan and lured by
iniquity. Every one of them has become infatuated with his immediate fortune.
Thus, they have begun to consider good as evil and evil as good, so that the
knowledge of religion has become effaced and the torch of guidance has been
extinguished in all over the world. They have made the people imagine that there
is no knowledge except the fatw of a government by which judges seek help in
settling disputes when the foolish people quarrel; or ability in disputation by
which one who seeks glory arrays himself to conquer and silence by argument; or
adorned rhymed prose by which the preacher seeks to gradually persuade the
common folk, since they do not see anything but these three to trap and snare
unlawful vanities (of this world). As to the knowledge of the path to the next life,
according to which the pious forefathers trod and which Allh in His Book called
fiqh (discernment), hikmah (wisdom), ilm (knowledge), diy (illumination), nr
(light), hidyah (right guidance), and rushd (rectitude), it had become folded
away and quite forgotten among people.211
210
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol.1, p. 2; trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 2f, and also Fris,
The Book of Knowledge, p. x.
211
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol.1, p. 2; trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 3f, and also Fris,
The Book of Knowledge, p. x.
131
Then, he clearly states that writing the Ihy was an attempt to treat that malady:
Since this is a penetrating breach and an intensely black calamity in religion, I have
deemed it important to occupy myself in composing this book in order to revive the
knowledge of religion and to reveal the ways of the early imms, and to clarify the
beauties of the beneficial branches of knowledge current among the prophets and the
virtuous fathers.212
The islh nature of the Ihy is also apparent throughout the book for therein are
corrective treatments for various phenomena of fasd diagnosed by al-Ghazl, as
shall be extensively illustrated in the following chapter.
Other than the Ihy, al-Ghazl composed and taught works of islh purposes at
this particular stage. The following two in particular are worth a brief mention.213 The
first is the Munqidh; besides his didactic account about his intellectual and spiritual
experience, which in itself has an islh function, al-Ghazl includes in the Munqidh
his diagnosis of the slackness of Imn (Islamic faith), which was a phenomenon of
fasd in his time, and directs to his suggested remedies for it, as shall be illustrated in
more detail in the following chapter.214
The second work of islh significance is al-Ghazls Iljm al-Awmm an Ilm
al-Kalm, which is his last known book. As the title indicates, the book was a
corrective response to the phenomenon of the publicity of kalm at the time of al-
Ghazl, which had harmful consequences as was shown above.215
212
Al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol.1, p. 2; trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 4, and Fris, The
Book of Knowledge, pp. xf.
213
In this context, I have focused on these two works which, in addition to the Ihy, can be considered
as key works in al-Ghazl's islh agenda. The principle aim here is to briefly demonstrate that these
works were intended to be islh works. Thus, it is beyond the scope of this demonstration to study
these works in detail.
214
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 117-31; trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 88-98, & Watt, The
Faith, pp. 68-85.
215
See 2.5.4.
132
In addition to composing and teaching such islh works, al-Ghazl sent several
letters 216 of islh purposes to ruling members as well as ulam and other
contemporaries, responding correctively to particular wrongdoing and challenges of
the time, as shall become apparent in the following chapter.
216
His letters in Frs composed in al-Ghazl, Maktb; some have been translated into English by
Abdul Qayyum, Letters of al-Ghazzali, Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1976.
133
4. SURVEY OF AL-GHAZLS ISLH EFFORTS
CHAPTER FOUR
****************
SURVEY OF AL-GHAZLS ISLH EFFORTS
4.1 Introduction:
The previous chapter has broadly shown how al-Ghazl became solely concerned
with islh at a late stage of his life. This leads to the following question being raised: to
what extent did al-Ghazl at that stage correctively respond to the fasd of his age? In
our view, it is essential to tackle this question in order to fairly justify the classification
of al-Ghazl as a muslih, recalling that islh, as has been defined above, is a corrective
task in which any state of fasd is changed into its opposite Islamically justified state.
To objectively answer this question, it is necessary to survey al-Ghazls efforts of
islh nature. This chapter is devoted to this task.
The approach adopted in this chapter is inductive; a number of al-Ghazls major
authentic works which belong to his islh stage, 1 particularly the Ihy, have been
carefully studied in light of the analysis of the term islh revealed in chapter one and
the historical context of al-Ghazls time presented in chapter two in order to extract
sufficient particulars and then to objectively incorporate them in an intelligible and
handy account. This account is by no means exhaustive, but the best attempt is made to
cover most of the main islh efforts of al-Ghazl as they appear in the works under
study and to satisfactorily show the extent of these efforts. So the principal focus of this
1
Namely the Ihy, al-Munqidh, Iljm al-Awmm, al-Qists al-Mustaqm, Faysal al-Tafriqah bayn al-
Islm wa-al-Zandaqah, some of al-Ghazls Letters to the sovereigns of his time, al-Maqsad al-Asn
f Sharh Man Asm Allh al-Husn, and al-Mustasf min Ilm al-Usl (for a chronology of these
works and other works of al-Ghazl, see George F. Hourani, A Revised Chronology of Ghazls
Writings, in JAOS, Vol. 104, No. 2, Apr.-June 1984, pp. 289-302). The other works of al-Ghazl
belonging to the same stage but do not seem to have islh aspects, such as Mishkt al-Anwr (The
Niche of Lights), are beyond the scope of this survey.
134
chapter is neither to outline each of these works as a whole nor to address all the issues
which may fall within the islh agenda of al-Ghazl2 rather to highlight the islh
aspects of his treatment of a number of key issues raised in these works which can be
considered as main islh efforts.
It is not intended though to undertake a critical assessment in the present chapter.
This is because, firstly, including such an assessment here would take up
disproportionate space. Secondly, we believe that objectivity necessitates that we
present al-Ghazls islh efforts as perceived, before any assessment is made.
Therefore, the assessment will be postponed to the following two chapters, which will
be devoted to that purpose, though in an overall way. This, however, does not mean that
the present survey is merely descriptive but rather analytical, to some extent, as well.
The extent of the analysis is directed by the purpose of highlighting the islh aspects of
al-Ghazls efforts under study.
For the sake of intelligibility, the present chapter is divided into the following three
main sections:
Al-Ghazls diagnosis of fasd.
Al-Ghazls islh attempts to eradicate the roots of fasd.
Al-Ghazls islh treatments of the phenomena of fasd.
4.2 Al-Ghazls Diagnosis of Fasd:
The basis of al-Ghazls islh efforts is his diagnosis of fasd. This includes not
only particular phenomena of fasd in his time, but also what, in his view, lies at the
root of fasd in general. Therefore, it is important to start with his analysis of the roots
of fasd, before dealing with the diagnosed phenomena.
2
This seems almost an impossible dream to achieve in a single study especially in a timed one like the
present.
135
4.2.1 The Roots of Fasd:
Getting at the roots of fasd, in general, can be considered the starting point of al-
Ghazls attempt at islh. This is based on his general rule that islh cannot be fully
achieved without knowing the roots of fasd against which islh is directed. In the
Ihy, he repeats one cannot prescribe a remedy (al-daw) without diagnosing the
malady (al-d); for remedy means to counteract the causes of the malady.3 Clarifying
this rule, he continues for every disease results from a cause (sabab), the remedy for it
consists of dissolving the cause, removing it and cancelling it.4
At least four dangerous roots of fasd are clearly dealt with in the works of al-
Ghazl under review:
Ignorance.
Love of the duny (purely worldly pleasure).
Weakness of the impulse or motive of dn (religion).
The dominion of the innate stimuli of fasd.
These will be explained below in turn.
4.2.1.1 Ignorance:
Ignorance (jahl) is seen by al-Ghazl as the root of all misery (shaqwah) and the
source of every loss (khusrn).5 Throughout his life, and particularly in his late years,
as is evident in his works, al-Ghazl was always concerned to find out what causes
people to be ignorant, or more specifically not to perceive realities or truth. In the Ihy,
for example, he highlights a number of main causes of ignorance in this sense, namely:
3
See, for instance, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 49, trans., see M. S. Stern, al-Ghazzali on Repentance,
New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Private Limited, 1990, p. 114, available online in PDF on
http://www.ghazali.org/books/gz-repent.pdf.
4
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 49, trans., see Stern, al-Ghazzali on Repentance, p. 114.
5
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 401.
136
1. Taqld: By taqld al-Ghazl specifically means accepting an opinion (qawl)
without proof (hujjah).6 As a general rule, taqld, in the view of al-Ghazl, is not
a way to knowledge (laysa tarqan il al-ilm), neither in al-usl (the fundamentals
of religion) nor in al-furu (the branches of religion)7 Moreover, taqld, he states,
can be a veil which obscures the reality of things from the heart, which, according
to his teaching, is the seat of knowledge.8 Al-Ghazl noticed that it was this veil
that prevented most theologians (mutakalimn), fanatical followers (mutaasibn)
of the schools of jurisprudence (madhhib) and even righteous men (slihn) from
the perception of realities.9
2. Satisfaction with the mere intellectual sciences while dispensing with the religious
knowledge, which is gained by learning and understanding the Qurn and the
Sunnah of the Prophet (S.A.A.W.), or the vice versa. On the one hand, al-Ghazl
believes that anyone who relies entirely on the intellect alone, without benefiting
from the light of the Qurn and the Sunnah, is deluded.10 On the other hand, he is
convinced that anyone who entirely sets aside the intellect and is satisfied with mere
taqld in religion is ignorant.11 For him, the intellectual sciences are like food and
the sciences of Sharah are like medicines,12 and thus, he adds, one cannot do
without the other.13
6
See al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 140.
7
See al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 139.
8
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 14, trans., see W. J. Skellie, The Religious Psychology of al-Gahzzl: A
Translation of his Book of the Ihy on the Explanation of the Wonders of the Heart. A PhD thesis=
=submitted to Hartford Seminary Foundation in 1938, p. 51, available online in PDF on
http://www.ghazali.org/books/skillie.pdf.
9
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 14, trans., see Skellie, The Religious Psychology, p. 51.
10
11
12
13
137
3. Lack of knowledge of the reality of mans own heart (qalb):14 According to al-
Ghazl, the lack of knowledge regarding the reality of mans heart (qalb) leads
man to be ignorant of his Lord, because man, al-Ghazl explains, is predisposed to
know God simply by reason of his heart (qalb), not because of any of his other
faculties.15 If a man, he declares, fails to know his heart (qalb), he indeed knows not
himself and thus he indeed knows not his Lord.16 And the one, al-Ghazl further
states, who knows not his heart is even more ignorant of other things. 17 He
believes that most people do not know their hearts and therefore they do not really
know their own selves. 18 What has intensified mans ignorance about his own
reality, in the view of al-Ghazl, is that he is wrapped up and involved heavily in
worldly works, which have initially resulted from the need for food (qt), dress
(kiswah), and home (maskan).19 Such engagement, in excess, spoils peoples minds
and causes them to forget or misconceive not only their real nature, but also the
purpose of their creation and their final destination, as al-Ghazl explains.20
4.2.1.2 Love of the Duny:
Another major root of fasd diagnosed by al-Ghazl is love of the duny.21 In this
context, al-Ghazl does not use the term duny in its literal sense, which is this worlds
14
It is worth noting that al-Ghazls usage of the term heart in this context is not in its material meaning,
but rather it is in its spiritual sense denoting the essence of man, as shall be explained below.
15
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 2, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, in McCarthy,
Deliverance, p. 309.
16
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 2, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, in McCarthy,
Deliverance, p. 310.
17
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 2, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, p. 310.
18
19
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 225 & 228.
20
21
138
life; he uses it rather to refer to any purely worldly pleasure which does not contribute
to the joys of the Afterlife.22
This root of fasd has been given very considerable emphasis by al-Ghazl because
of its extremely harmful effects. As al-Ghazl warns us, it is the beginning of all
misdeeds (ras kul khath),23 the fountain-head of destructive sins (ras al-khaty
al-muhlikah),24 the root of all deficiency, (ass kul nuqsn) and the source of all
fasd (manba kul fasd). 25 This is why al-Ghazl considers the duny a very
dangerous enemy to man.26
Al-Ghazl relates various sorts of fasd and sins to love of the duny.27 Examples
of these are the following:
This love is the root of all engrossing mental distractions (khawtir) which
disturb the concentration of a Muslims devotional prayer (salh).28
This love stops us from fulfilling the duty of forbidding wrong (al-nahy an
al-munkar). This is because greed, which is a symptom of this love, leads to
cowardice and weakness.29
This love prevents from loving God for these two loves do not gather in one
heart, as al-Ghazl explains.30
This love leads to various afflictions of the heart, such as envy.31
22
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 219. For more elaboration on what al-Ghazl means by love of the duny,
see below.
23
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 165 & Vol. 4, p. 36.
24
25
26
27
For a further discussion of the teachings of al-Ghazl on love of the world as the vice from which all
other vices come, see Muhammad Abul Quasem, The Ethics of al-Ghazl: A Composite Ethics in
Islam, Selangor (Malaysia): Central Printing Sendirian Berhad, 1976, pp. 124-6.
28
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 165, trans., see See Edwin Elliot Calverly, The Mysteries of Worship in
Islam, translation of Kitb Asrr al-Salh of al-Ghazls Ihy, New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan Exporters &
Importers, 1992, p. 53.
29
30
31
139
According to al-Ghazl, what makes people greedy for the duny is their excessive
desire for food and sex.32 In addition, he explains that preferring the duny over the
Afterlife is mans dominant trait, as Allh says, Yet you prefer the life of this world,
while the Afterlife is finer and more lasting33 (Q.87:16-7).
Al-Ghazl reminds us that there are many aspects of this love. 34 Among them are:
love of wealth and love of status.35
4.2.1.3 Weakness of the Impulse of Religion:
A further dangerous root of fasd in the eyes of al-Ghazl is the degrading of the
impulse or motive of religion (bith al-dn). By this, he means the will-power
(quwwat al-irdah) emerging in response to the signals of certainty (tanbaith bi-
ishrat al-yaqn), and taming the desire (al-shahwah) which emerges at the direction of
devils (ishrat al-shaytn).36 Thus, the impulse of religion, according to the teachings
of al-Ghazl, is a condition of mans heart37 and it is one of the major distinctions
between men and animals, since it is not found in animals. This denotes that when the
impulse of religion degrades, it cannot bring desire under control and this leads to
fasd.
4.2.1.4 Dominion of the Innate Stimuli of Fasd:
Another big root of fasd, according to al-Ghazl, is the dominion of what he calls
the inherent qualities of man which stimulate fasd or more specifically sins (mathrt
32
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 88, trans., see T. J. Winter, al-Ghazl on Disciplining the Soul and on
Breaking the Two Desires, translation of Kitb Riydat al-Nafs and Kitb Kasr al-Shawatayn of al-
Ghazls Ihy, Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society, 2001, p. 129.
33
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 79, trans., see Winter, Disciplining, p. 100.
34
35
36
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 41, trans., see Stern, al-Ghazzali on Repentance, p. 99.
37
140
al-dhunb). 38 In the Ihy al-Ghazl specifies that there are four of such qualities:
wildness (bahmyah), bestiality (sabyah), devilry (shaytnyah), and superiority
(rabbnyah).39 He clarifies that all these qualities are collected in the heart of every
man from the time of his creation.40
When any of these four qualities becomes predominant and are not controlled, it
results in various forms of fasd.41 To further explain this, al-Ghazl goes on to say
that the dominion of anger or irascibility (ghadab), which is a principle quality of
bestiality, causes man to commit the fierce and cruel acts of a predatory animal. 42
Similarly the dominion of appetite or desire (shahwah) makes man behave like a beast
in acts of greed and lust.43 Like anger, desire is naturally very rebellious; it often tends
to exceed its proper rational limits and causes fasd. Al-Ghazl elucidates that what
makes appetite very difficult to control by reason or intellect (al-aql) is that it is
perfected or completed in man at a much earlier age, than his reason is.44 Furthermore,
by continuously following and satisfying desire, it develops quickly and thus becomes
stronger than the power of reason. This is why desire, in the view of al-Ghazl, is
mans worst enemy.45 And since man is distinguished from beast by discernment, but
at the same time shares with them anger and appetite, there results in him devilishness.
So he becomes evil, using discernment to devise varieties of evil and attaining his
purpose by cunning and artifice and deception. 46 In addition, based on the divine
38
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 16 & Vol. 3, p. 10.
39
40
41
In his classification of sins (dhunb) in the Ihy, al-Ghazl lists various examples of sins that are
caused by each of these qualities, see al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 16, trans., see Stern, al-Ghazzali on
Repentance, p. 55.
42
43
44
45
46
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 10f, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, p. 321.
141
element in his soul, man claims lordship for himself, and loves mastery and supremacy
and such things.47
4.2.2 Phenomena of Fasd:
Besides the roots of fasd, al-Ghazl diagnoses a number of phenomena of fasd,
which were prevalent in his time. At least eight major phenomena are very evident in
the islh works of al-Ghazl and these will be outlined below.
4.2.2.1 Widespread Weakness and Laxity of Imn:
One of the phenomena of fasd diagnosed by al-Ghazl is the widespread
weakness and laxity of Imn (Islamic faith). After ascertaining that this was widespread
in his time, al-Ghazl records in the Munqidh48, the method by which he discovered
the reasons behind it. He states that for a time I went after individual men, questioning
those who fell short in following the Shar (Islamic revealed Law). 49 From this
investigation, he concluded that there were four reasons behind the laxity of peoples
Imn:50 These are demonstrated below.
(1) Deception by those engrossed in the science of philosophy. Al-Ghazl mentions
two forms of such deception in the Munqidh.51 The first may be summarized as follows:
being amazed by the precision of the philosophers in some divisions of their sciences,
such as mathematics, many people formed what al-Ghazl finds52 a high opinion of the
47
48
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p.118, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 89, and also Watt, The Faith, pp.
70f.
49
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p.118, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 89, and also Watt, The Faith, p.
71.
50
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p.117, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 88-9, and also Watt, The Faith, p.
71.
51
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 79-119, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 63-89, and also Watt, The
Faith, pp. 33-72. As an earlier response, al-Ghazls observation of this deception was recorded in the
Tahfut, as he states in the introduction, (Tahfut, pp. 72-4, trans., see Kamali, al-Ghazalis Tahafut,
pp.1-2).
52
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p.79, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 63, and also Watt, The Faith, p. 33.
142
philosophers and started to accept everything they said as truth. Consequently, people
blindly followed them even as far as heresy, supposing them to be justified. According
to al-Ghazl, what intensified the deception unwittingly caused by the philosophers
was the weak counterarguments of those who opposed them.53 The second form of this
deception is evident in the claim that by studying philosophy, they became followers of
wisdom, which in their view is the true meaning of prophesy, and were thereby
absolved from following authority and conducting acts of worship which areas they
claimedintended for common people in order to control their misdeeds.54
(2) Having strayed through the path of Sufism. Two examples are mentioned in the
Munqidh for those whose faith is weakened as a result of this. The first is those who
claim that they have reached a degree in mysticism which is beyond the need of regular
worship. 55 The second is those who offer one of the specious arguments of the
Latitudinarians (Ahl al-Ibhah) as an excuse for the slackness of their faith. 56 An
example of such an argument is, as it appears in the Ihy, the assumption that the
purpose of spiritual disciplining (mujhadah) is to completely suppress all desires; and
since this is impossible, they deny the religion and licentiously follow their desires.57
(3) Being confused by the specious arguments of the party of Talmyah or Batinyah.
Al-Ghazl explains in the Munqidh that because of the confusion caused by the
fallacious arguments of this party, some people become doubtful of every doctrine,
declaring that the truth is doubtful, the way to it blocked, there is much disagreement
about it, and no one view is preferable to any other. Moreover, rational proofs
53
73.
54
72.
55
72.
56
72.
57
143
contradict one another so that no reliance can be placed on the opinion of independent
thinkers58
(4) Being deceived by the bad actions of those popularly regarded as ulam. Al-
Ghazl states that by asking those who have fallen short in following the Shar about
the cause of their failings, some would reply that if this were a matter one was bound
to observe, then the ulam would be those most properly bound to it. But among the
most renowned among the learned, so-and-so does not perform the prescribed Prayers,
and such a one drinks wine, and another devours the assets of religious endowments
and the property of orphans, and another feathers his nest with the lavish largesse of the
Sultan without being circumspect over what is harm (Islamically unlawful), and
another accepts bribes for his judgments and testimony, and so on in many similar
instances!59
4.2.2.2 Widespread Sickness of Heart and Evil Character:
A vital phenomenon of fasd diagnosed by al-Ghazl is the wide spread of heart60
sickness (amrd al-qulb) and evil character (akhlq khabthah), which, according to
his teaching, is a reflection of the former, as we shall see below. In different places in
the Ihy, he warns that the hearts sickness is noticeably more widespread in his time
than in the past, and there is a worrying ignorance about how to treat it, to the extent
that this type of knowledgeas he sadly and worryingly noteshas quite vanished.61
The ignorance about healing sickness of the heart was a real concern of al-Ghazl
at the stage in view. About this ignorance, he states that people neglect the knowledge
58
72.
59
71-2.
60
Heart in this context is in its spiritual sense, as has explained earlier.
61
144
of purifying the hearts and are concerned only with ways to treat physical ailments.62
Al-Ghazls concern was based on his observation that the spread of this sickness was
more serious than physical illness and mentions three reasons for this:63
(1) The affected person does not realise that he is sick.
(2) Unlike physical illness, its aftermath (qibah) does not appear in this life.
(3) The lack of doctors (atib)64 to treat it and the vanishing of knowledge about it.65
Another reason for al-Ghazls concern was that, unlike physical illness, the sickness
of the heart abides even after death, and for all eternity. 66
In the Ihy, al-Ghazl sets forth in detail the symptoms of this sickness, its causes,
and its consequences. In a section entitled An Exposition of the Signs of the Heart
Diseases and the Signs of its Return to Health (Bayn Almt Amrd al-Qulb wa-
almt adih il-al-Sihhah) al-Ghazl presents a general symptom of the sickness, as
follows:
Know that each member of the body has been created for a particular function,
and that it becomes ill when it is no longer able to perform it, or else does so in a
disturbed fashion: the hand ails when it can no longer strikeLikewise the heart
falls ill when it becomes incapable of performing the activity proper to it and for
which it was created, which is the acquisition of knowledge, wisdom, and gnosis
(marifah), and the love of Allh and of His worship, and taking delight in
remembering Him, preferring these things to every other desire, and using all ones
other desires and members for the sake of His remembranceTherefore,
whosoever possesses a thing which is more dear to him than Allh is harbouring a
sickness in his heart, just as a man who, loving to eat mud, and having lost his
desire for bread and water, must needs suffer a sickness in his belly. 67
62
63
64
The view of al-Ghazl on this blackness will be elaborated on more below.
65
66
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 61, trans., see Winter, On Disciplining, p. 40.
67
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 62f, trans., see Winter, On Disciplining, pp. 46f.
145
4.2.2.3 Prevalent Spurious Religiousness:
Al-Ghazls diagnosis of fasd includes forms of spurious religiousness which, as
he observed, were prevalent in his time. One form of such religiousness is extravagance
(tanatu) of devotion. In various places in the Ihy, al-Ghazl warns against religious
extravagance, since it often leads to harmful consequences. For example, he warns
against excessive scrupulousness (wara) and considers it a form of extravagance in
religiousness.68 Even if it does not harm the scrupulous person himself, it may, as al-
Ghazl precisely observes, suggest to others that such scrupulousness is vital and thus,
because they cannot fulfil even what is easier than this, they would totally ignore
scrupulousness altogether. 69 According to al-Ghazl such a conviction made many
people of his time give up trying to live a religious life.70
Other forms of spurious devotion diagnosed by al-Ghazl are those which were
represented by the following groups.
(1) The majority of Sufis: In the Ihy al-Ghazl severely criticizes most of the Sufis of
his time for being idle, for relying on charity, and for imitating pious people in their
dress and words, just for show and the seeking of followers, while their heart is devoid
of true piousness.71
(2) Groups of worshippers (arbb al-ibdah): Al-Ghazl diagnoses in the Ihy
various forms of spurious religious activities as practised by the adherents of the
following types of Islamic worship or duties: devotional prayer (salh), recitation of the
Qurn, pilgrimage to Mecca (haj), asceticism (zuhd) and commanding right and
forbidding wrong (al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar).72
68
69
70
71
72
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 400-4.
146
(3) Classes of wealthy people (arbb al-amwl): Al-Ghazl gives selective examples
in the Ihy of spurious religious activities performed by groups of wealthy people.73 A
case in point is choosing forms of worship in which no expenditure is necessary while
hoarding their money out of stinginess.74
4.2.2.4 Popularity of Public Wrongs:
Another phenomenon of fasd diagnosed by al-Ghazl is the popularity of wrongs
(munkart) which are commonly met with in public. In the Ihy, he states that there
are many examples of such wrongs in his age, to the extent that it is impossible to
enumerate all of them.75 He nevertheless mentions a representative selection of these
wrongs in a chapter entitled Common Wrongs in Customs (al-munkart al-malfah
f al-dt). This selection, which is likely to have been contemporary, includes wrongs
in mosques (al-masjid), wrongs in markets (al-aswq), wrongs in streets (al-
shawri), wrongs in bath-houses (al-hammmt), wrongs of hospitality (al-difah) and
general wrongs.76
The main cause behind this phenomenon, as explained by al-Ghazl, was the
virtual disappearance of the knowledge and practice of the duty of commanding right
and forbidding wrong in his age. 77 Consequently there was a great deal of flattery
(mudhanah) among people of his time.78
73
74
75
76
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 2, pp. 335-42. For an extended summary of these wrongs in English, see
Michael Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000, pp. 442-6.
77
78
147
4.2.2.5 Widespread Heretical Innovations:
Another phenomenon of fasd with which al-Ghazl was greatly concerned was
widespread heretical thoughts or forms of heretical innovation (bidah) in his time. He
diagnosed many forms of bidah during his life. I shall, however, focus on those forms
which he considered very dangerous. Such forms may fall into three categories: Sufic
deviant thoughts, philosophical heresy, and Batin deviated teachings.79
A. SUFIC DEVIANT THOUGHTS:80
In the Ihy, al-Ghazl classifies some of the claims evolved by some of the Sufis
of the time as very harmful ecstasy (shatah). A case in point of such claims is the claim
of excessive love (ishq) of Allh which leads to the assertion of having attained unity
(itihd) [with God], lifting of the veil (hijb), seeing by vision (al-mushhadah bi-al-
ruyah) and addressing by speech (al-mushfah bi-al-kitb).81
According to al-Ghazl such claims do great harm, particularly to the common
folk, since it leads to giving up outward deeds and idleness.82 Satisfying themselves
with the self-justification offered by such claims, several farmers, as al-Ghazl
narrates, relinquished their farms.83
79
It is beyond the scope of this study to discuss in detail al-Ghazl's view on all the heretical innovations
diagnosed by him or to review extensively his position on Sufism, philosophy, and Batinyah.
80
Although al-Ghazl considered the method of the Sufis as the soundest method, as has been mentioned
above (2.5.1), he strongly rejected some of the Sufic deviant thoughts. This needs to be borne in mind
when evaluating al-Ghazl's effect on Sufism (see 6.5 below). Despite his rejection of such Sufic deviant
thoughts, he has strongly accused of relying on Sufi traditions which contradict Islamic principles, as
shall bee examined below (5.7.2).
81
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 36, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 144, and also Fris,
The Book of Knowledge, p. 85.
82
83
148
Another example of Sufic deviance against which al-Ghazl warns is the claim of
some that they are free from religious commandments, giving false excuses for
disobeying the Islamic rules.84
B. PHILOSOPHICAL HERESY:
The second type of thinking which al-Ghazl has classified as heretical includes a
number of metaphysical theories, which were originally developed by ancient
philosophers, and which were blindly accepted by a group of people in his time.85
According to him, the thoughts of philosophersexcluding things which are not to be
denied at all, because they are not connected to religionfall under two categories: the
first is what must be counted as unbelief (kufr) and the second is what must be counted
as heretical innovation (bidah); out of twenty main wrong doctrines of the
philosophers connected to metaphysics, three count as unbelief and the rest count as
bidah.86 The first three are as follows:87 (1) There is no resurrection for bodies and
only spirits are rewarded and punished. (2) God knows universals but not particulars.
(3) The world is everlasting, without beginning or end. However, their doctrine on
certain further issues in metaphysicssuch as their denial of the attributes of Godis
close to that of the Mutazilites who, al-Ghazl declares, should not be considered
infidels because of such views.88
84
85
See al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 79f. Earlier than the Munqidh and in more detail, al-Ghazl dealt with
this type of innovation in Tahfut al-Falsifah, as mentioned above, but this book is beyond the scope
of the present chapter.
86
37.
87
37-8.
88
38.
149
Although geometry and arithmetic, as part of philosophy, 89 are both permissible
(mubh) according to the teachings of al-Ghazl, most of those who practise them
have, al-Ghazl noticed, crossed the line to admit innovations (bida).90
C. BATIN DEVIATED TEACHINGS:
The third form of dangerous bidah diagnosed by al-Ghazl is the esoteric
interpretation of the Batins, which dismisses the obvious literal meaning of words in
favour of esoteric meanings. 91 In the Ihy, al-Ghazl mentions this method as an
example of what he calls heresies (tmt); and he considers it unlawful and capable of
great harm. He explains the reason behind this judgment as follows:
When words are changed from their literal meanings, without either holding fast
to authoritive tradition from Shib al-Shar [i.e., the Prophet (S.A.A.W.)] or a
necessity justified by reason, the loss of confidence in words becomes inevitable
and the benefits of the words of God and His Apostle are in sequence nullified. For
no trust can be placed in whatever is understood therefrom, while esoteric meaning
cannot be verified; rather opinions differ therein and it is open to various
interpretations.92
Relying on this method, the Batin s, al-Ghazl states, destroyed all the Sharah by
interpreting all its literal meaning to conform to their own views.93 According to al-
89
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 22, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 87, and also
Fris, The Book of Knowledge, p. 46.
90
91
92
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 37, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 147f, and also Fris,
93
150
Ghazl the adherents of this widespread and harmful innovation sought nothing but
strange things because human nature is fond of the unusual.94
Al-Ghazl states in the Munqidh that although such innovation was weakly
supported, it was widespread, due to the weak counterarguments of its critics who out
of fanaticism contradict the Batin s in everything they said, even when their arguments
were sound.95 Thus, hearing these sound arguments and the weak counterarguments of
their critics, many were seduced into thinking that the doctrine of the Batins is sound.96
4.2.2.6 Fasd of the Vast Majority of the Ulam:
A crucial phenomenon of fasd according to the diagnosis of al-Ghazl is the fasd
of the vast majority of the ulam of his time. In the introduction of the Ihy, he states
that his time is bereft of true ulam and only the superficial, or those who just
apparently resemble them (al-mutarassimn), remain, most of whom have been
overcome by Satan and lured by iniquity; every one of them was so wrapped with his
immediate fortune that he came to see good as evil and evil as good.97 This seems the
most serious phenomenon of fasd in his diagnosis. This is mainly because al-Ghazl
held such ulam originally responsible for the general fasd of the time. He
repeatedly states in the Ihy that the fasd of the people is due to the fasd of the
kings and the fasd of the kings is due to the fasd of the ulam.98 In his view, had it
not been evil judges (qudh) and evil ulam, the fasd of the kings would have been
94
95
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 93, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 72, and also Watt, The Faith, p.
45.
96
46.
97
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 2, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 3, and also Fris, The
Book of Knowledge, p. x.
98
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 2, p. 357.
151
decreased because they would have been fearful from the forbidding of the ulam of
their wrongdoing.99
After al-Ghazls self-islh, this phenomenon received very considerable attention
from him. In the Ihy, al-Ghazl gives emphasis to the fasd of the ulam and
highlights various symptoms of it. He uses the term evil ulam (ulam al-s) for
those who suffer from these symptoms. Examples of these symptoms are listed below.
1. Love of the duny:100 The most remarkable symptom of this fasd diagnosed by al-
Ghazl is that the ulam of his time were ill with love of the duny.101 Instead of
treating people from this source of fasd, the ulam themselves became its victims.102
2. Envy: Another symptom of the fasd of the ulam highlighted by al-Ghazl is
envy. He diagnosed the cause of it by stating that seeking wealth and status (jh)
through their knowledge is what causes envy between them.103 Following his habitual
approach, al-Ghazl specifies what he means by the term jh: to dominate the hearts
(mulk al-qulb).104 He further explains how seeking of wealth and status causes envy
between the ulam themselves.105
3. Not forbidding wrongs out of cowardice: In the Ihy, al-Ghazl accuses the
ulam of his time of lack of courage for they were not fulfilling the duty of
commanding right and forbidding wrong, particularly when the wrongdoer is a
ruler. 106 According to him such cowardice resulted from their greed for worldly
pleasures.107
99
100
See, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 51.
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
152
4. Teaching undeserving students: A further symptom of the fasd of the ulam
according to al-Ghazl is that they did not mind teaching anyone, regardless of his
characters and motives. He noticed that some of the ulam were teaching foolish
(sufah) and wicked (ashrr) people, who were engaged in wickedness and whose
ultimate purpose for attaining knowledge was to argue with ulam, and to seek
prestige and wealth. What encouraged these ulam to do so, in the view of al-Ghazl,
was their love of supremacy, seeking many followers, and boasting, though they were
claiming that their intention was to spread knowledge regardless of who would receive
it.108
5. Relying on the approach of hope (raj): Similarly al-Ghazl accused the preachers
of his time of preferring the approach of hope (raj) over the approach of intimidation
although the former was not suitable for the people of his time in his view. 109
Nevertheless, since the aim of the preachers was to please people so that they would
praise them in return, they relied on the approach of hope for it is easier on the heart
and more pleasant than the other approach. 110 As a result, fasd increased and the
transgressors persisted in their transgression as al-Ghazl sadly noted.111
6. Pride: Pride is another symptom of fasd among the ulam according to the
diagnosis of al-Ghazl. He generally thinks that it is very rare to find a scholar (lim)
free from pride. Moreover, according to him, it was very unusual to find a scholar in his
time who would have felt sorry for losing the quality of being free from pride.112
108
109
110
111
112
153
7. Being fully engaged in controversies and debate: Al-Ghazl accused the ulam in
his age of being fully engaged in juridical controversial issues. In the Ihy, he explains
that the reason behind this was that there were celebrities who enjoyed listening to
debates in jurisprudence, so the ulam favoured what these celebrities favoured but
they claimed that they were doing this for the sake of Allh.113
8. Fanaticism (taassub): According to al-Ghazl, the evil ulam in his age adopted
fanaticism (taassub) as their rule of conduct and their method of approach (datahum
wa-alatahum).114 In the context of discussing the causes of fanaticism and the reasons
behind its continuation in his time, al-Ghazl states in the Ihy:
The madris (religious institutions of learning) have been given to people whom
fear of Allh has become little, whose insight into religion has grown weak, whose
desire of this present world has become intense, and greed to seek followers has
grown strong. They have not been able to have a follower and attain fame (jh)
except through fanaticism. So they have veiled this fact within their own breasts,
and have not reminded their followers of the wiles of Satan therein, but indeed they
have acted as the agents of Satan in carrying out his wiles against them. So men
have continued in fanaticism and have forgotten the major principles of their
religion (ummaht dnihim). Thus they have perished and caused others to
perish.115
4.2.2.7 Fasd of Ruling Members:
In addition to the ulam, al-Ghazl holds the rulers responsible for the spread of
fasd in the society. In general, the fasd of the subjects (rayah), al-Ghazl believes,
is due to the fasd of the kings.116
113
Fris, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 102f.
114
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 40, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 136.
115
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 35, trans., see Skellie The Religious Psychology, pp. 138f.
116
154
Al-Ghazl on one hand believes that the caliphate after the rightly guided caliphs
passed on to men whogenerally speakingundeservedly occupied it.117 On the other
hand, he legitimized the Abbasid Caliph of the time and the sultans who give him their
pledge of allegiance. 118 This legitimization, however, does not mean a complete
approval of their policies and administrations.
As in the case of the fasd of the ulam, al-Ghazl in various places of the Ihy
diagnoses aspects of fasd among ruling members in his time. He states that injustice
among them was widespread. 119 One of the most crucial aspects of their fasd
diagnosed in the Ihy, besides their general injustice, is that related to their financial
policies. In his detail discussion on what is lawful (hall) and unlawful (harm) of the
income of the sultans of his time, he states that the majority of their wealth (amwl) is
harm, and that the hall in their hands is nothing or rare.120 Similarly he states that the
majority of the wealth of the militant men is harm.121 This is mainly because of their
unlawful financial policies such as taking jizyah (per capital tax) unjustly,122 applying
kharj (tax on agricultural land) on Muslims, and accepting bribery (rashwah).123
In addition, other aspects of fasd among ruling members were highlighted by al-
Ghazls in some of his letters to some Seljuk sovereigns, as shall be seen below.
4.3 Al-Ghazls Islh Attempts to Eradicate the Roots of Fasd:
Al-Ghazl did not satisfy himself with simply getting at the roots of fasd, but he,
as is evident in his islh treatises, attempted to eradicate them. His attempts will be
illustrated below in the same order as the roots of fasd demonstrated above.
117
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 42f, trans., see Fris, The Book of Knowledge, p. 101.
118
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 2, pp. 141f.
119
120
121
122
123
155
4.3.1 Counteracting the Causes of Ignorance:
The main efforts of al-Ghazl which can be considered as counteractions of the
causes of ignorance listed above are summarized under the following sub-headings.
4.3.1.1 Distinguishing between Acceptable and Unacceptable Taqld:124
In general, al-Ghazl strongly condemns taqld since it can lead to ignorance or
lack of perception of realities, as mentioned above. Rejecting the view of the
Talmyah that the way to get at truth (tarq marifat al-haqq) is taqld, he, in the al-
Mustasf min Ilm al-Usl, which is his latest known book in the genre of usl al-fiqh,
clarifies that by taqld we specifically mean accepting an opinion (qawl) without proof
(hujjah) so whenever there is a lack of proof, and truth is not known, neither by
common sense (bi-tarrah) nor by evidence (bi-dall), then imitation (al-ittib) therein
would be based on ignorance (jahl).125 Furthermore, in the course of his refutation of
the Talmyahs speculations, he quotes a number of yt (Qurnic verses) which, he
states, forbid taqld and direct to knowledge,126 namely: Pursue not that you have no
knowledge (Q.44:36) Produce your proof, if you speak truly. (Q.2:111)
He, however, does not completely oppose taqld,127 rather he distinguishes between
acceptable and unacceptable taqld. While he strongly supports the prevailing view of
the ulam that taqld is harm (Islamically unlawful) in the case of those who are
capable of ijtihd,128 he totally refuses the odd argument of a group of Qadaryah that
124
For an extended outline of al-Ghazl's position on taqld, see Richard M. Frank, Al-Ghazl's on taqld:
Scholars, Theologians, and Philosophers, Zeitschrift Geschichte der Arabish-Islamischen
Wissenschaften, no. 7, 1992, pp. 207-252.
125
al-Ghazl, al-Mustasf min Ilm al-Usl, ed., Hamzah Zuhayr Hfiz, Jeddah: Sharikat al-Madnah al-
Munawwarah li-al-Tibah, n.d., Vol. 4, p. 140.
126
al-Ghazl, al-Mustasf, Vol. 4, p. 144.
127
As Frank points out, since, under his [i.e. al-Ghazl's] analysis, belief held by taqld, though
intrinsically weak, is not universally characterized by instability and contaminated with doubt, he has,
unlike earlier Asharites, no prima facie reason to reject it outright as a valid basis for orthodox religious
assent (Frank, Al-Ghazl's on taqld, p. 208).
128
The scholarly mental activity of deriving a rule of the Sharah from authoritative evidence.
156
even al-awmm, i.e., the ordinary people or general folks, must look profoundly into
the evidence (yalzamuhum al-nazar f al-dall).129 He entirely rejects this opinion on the
basis of the following two proofs. The first is, the consensus of the Companions (ijm
al-sahbah), for they used to give fatw (jurisprudence views) to the awmm without
ordering them to achieve the rank of ijtihd.130 The second is that, a consensus has
been reached (al-ijm munaqid) that al-m (an ordinary man) is charged (mukallaf)
with al-ahkm (Islamic rules), and thus enjoining him to achieve the rank of al-ijtihd
is impossible, because it would lead to the abandon of crops and live-stock, the quit of
the industries and the crafts, and the ruin of the world when all people would have to
seek al-ilm ([religious] knowledge).131 In short, al-itib, i.e., the following of the
ulam or the mufts in this context, is, for practical reasons, unavoidable in the case of
the awmm according to al-Ghazl.
In addition, al-Ghazl sets out some conditions which have to be met in order that
taqld or itib in the case of the awmm proves to be acceptable. With respect to
seeking fatw, a m must ask only a person who is known for ilm, i.e., religious
knowledge, and adlah (righteousness).132
In the matter of imn (Islamic faith), however, al-Ghazl necessitates, as in the
Ihy for example, that every mukallaf firstly learn and understand the Shahdah, i.e.,
there is no god but Allh and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allh, and secondly
firmly believe in it without any doubt or hesitation.133 This, however, can, as he assures,
129
130
131
132
133
157
be obtained by mere taqld without necessarily the means of investigation (bahth),
penetration (nazar), and formulating evidence (tahrr al-addillah).134
This is why al-Ghazl seriously attacks in Faysal al-Tafriqah bayn al-Islm wa-al-
Zandaqah a group of mutakallimn who charge the awamm with unbelief (kufr) just
because they do not acquire Islamic creed through their own way of Kalm. 135 He
accuses them of being extremist, because firstly they restrict the mercy of Allh and the
entrance of Paradise to a limited group among the mutakallimn, and secondly they are
ignorant of what has been reported, through tawtur way, that the Prophet (S.A.A.W.)
and his Companions accepted the Islam of the illiterate Arabs who did not concern
themselves with the science of reasoning (ilm al-dall).136 Similarly, he challenges the
speculation that the means to find imn is Kalm and abstract reasoning, because imn,
he declares, is light (nr) which is cast by Allh on the hearts of His servants as a
bestowal and gift from Him.137 Al-Ghazl, however, does not deny that the reasoning
of the mutakallimn may lead to imn, but this, according to him, is very rare and it is
not the only way to imn.138
According to al-Ghazl, Kalm is not only unnecessary for the awamm but also
extremely risky, because it may lead this group of people to unbelief (shirk).139 To warn
against this potential risk, he composed his book Iljm al-Awmm an Ilm al-Kalm
(Restraining the General Folks from the Science of Kalm). In the opening of the book,
he states that one of the purposes of the book was to distinguish between what is
obligatory on general people in matters of faith and that which they should be
134
135
al-Ghazl, Faysal al-Tafriqah bayn al-Islm wa-al-Zandaqah, compacted with other works of al-
Ghazl in Majmat Rasil al-Imm al-Ghazl, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, n.d., Part 3, p. 93.
136
al-Ghazl, Faysal al-Tafriqah, p. 93.
137
138
139
al-Ghazl, Iljm al-Awmm an Ilm al-Kalm, compacted with other works of al-Ghazl in
Majmat Rasil al-Imm al-Ghazl, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, n.d. Part 4, p. 57.
158
restrained from. 140 Answering a possible objection that forbidding the mm from
investigation in matters of faith would lead him to be ignorant about the belief in Allh
and his divine attributes, which are obligatory, he asserts that firmly rooted belief (al-
tasdq al-jzim) has six levels and that some of which can be obtained by the awmm
without being involved in Kalm and that the Qurnic evidences are enough to secure
their faith.141 Although he states that the most superior belief is that which is supported
by sound reasoning, he still believes that the mm, with such acceptance of faith, is no
doubt a believer.142
To fully appreciate al-Ghazls position from taqld on matters of faith, we need to
be acquainted with his view on the role of the intellect on these matters, which shall
become clear below.
4.3.1.2 Assuring the Need for Both Intellectual Knowledge and Religious
Knowledge:
Against the two extreme attitudes towards intellectual knowledge and religious
knowledge, demonstrated above, al-Ghazl assures the need for both and calls for
unity and harmony between them.143 To correctly understand his position from both, we
need first to be acquainted with what he means by the two types of knowledge.
By intellectual knowledge (al-ulm al-aqlyah), he means that by which the
innate intellect makes its judgments and which does not come into existence through
imitation (taqld) and hearing (sam); 144 and he divides it into: a) axiomatic
(tarryah) such as mans knowledge that one person cannot be in two places, and b)
140
al-Ghazl, Iljm al-Awmm, p. 41.
141
al-Ghazl, Iljm al-Awmm, pp. 79-81.
142
al-Ghazl, p. 81.
143
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 16f, trans., see Skellie, The Religious Psychology,
pp. 61-6.
144
159
acquired knowledge (ulm muktasabah) which is gained by learning and deduction
(istidll).145 While by religious knowledge, he means that which is gained by way of
acceptance on authority (taqld) from the prophets and it is acquired by learning the
Book of Allh and the Sunnah of the Apostle of Allh, and understanding their meaning
after having heard them.146
Now regarding the need for these types of knowledge, al-Ghazl asserts that with
religious knowledge, mans soul can be perfected in quality and cured from its
diseases.147 Intellectual knowledge, he adds, is not sufficient to cure mans soul, though
it is needed.148 Explaining how the intellect is needed, while it is insufficient alone, he
further states:
just as the intellect is not sufficient to make continuous the causes of physical
health, but needs to gain the experiential knowledge of the properties of medicines
and herbs by learning them from the physicians (atibb) and not by reading in
books, since the intellect alone cannot find this knowledge. But after it is heard it
cannot be understood except by means of the intellect.149
Thus, he concludes, the intellect cannot dispense with hearing (sam) [i.e., revelation
in this context] nor can hearing (sam) dispense with the intellect.150
Rejecting the supposition of those who think that intellectual knowledge is opposed
to that of religion, and that it is impossible to achieve harmony between them, he
declares that such supposition arises from blindness in the eye of insight (ayn al-
basrah).151
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
160
Despite his assertion of the need for intellectual knowledge, al-Ghazl does not
consider all intellectual sciences praiseworthy. In this respect, he divides these sciences
into three types:
A. Praiseworthy knowledge (ulm mahmdah): all the intellectual sciences which are
connected with what is beneficial to the present world, as medicine and arithmetic, and
they are two divisions: a) fard kifyah (Islamically ordained on the Muslim community
as a whole): every branch of knowledge which is indispensable to the welfare of this
world, such as medicine and arithmetic; but if some members of the community
undertake it, the obligation falls away from others;
and b) fadlah (a virtuous knowledge but not obligatory) which is the extra
investigation into the details of the above sciences, which, though helpful in reinforcing
the efficacy of whatever is absolutely needed, is not necessary.152
B. Blameworthy (madhmmah) knowledge: any intellectual knowledge which is
blamed for one of the following three reasons:
1. When it leads either its possessor or someone else into harm, such as magic and
talismans which are used for harming people.153
2. When it is harmful to its possessor in the majority of cases, such as astrology,
which in itself is not blameworthy, for it has two parts: (a) one concerned with
calculation, and (b) one concerned with the decree of the stars and is
inferential.154 The Prophet (S.A.A.W.) has warned against it for three reasons: (a)
It is harmful to most people who get the impression that the stars cause effects, as
152
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 16, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 60-2, and also
153
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 29, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 116f, and also
154
161
most of mans observation is limited to the subordinate causes.155 (b) The rules
based on it are purely conjecture (takhmn mahd) and prognostication is right only
by coincidence; thus, disapproval of it lies in the fact that it is ignorance from this
respect.156 (c) There is no benefit in it and results in a great loss of valuable time;
what it decreed is finished, and it is impossible to guard against it.157
3. When its practitioner does not gain a real learning advantage because it is beyond
his depth, as learning details of sciences before their major principles, or the
obscure things before the plainly seen; so such knowledge is blameworthy for this
particular practitioner.158
C. Permissible (mubh) knowledge: such as learning poetry which has nothing unsound
in it, history, and the like.159
However, with regard to the religious (sharyah) branches of knowledge, al-
Ghazl states that they are all praiseworthy (mahmudah kulluh), but sometimes they
are confused with those which are thought to be religious, though really blameworthy
(madhmmah),160 as shall be further explained below.
4.3.1.3 Revealing Aspects of the Reality of Man:
It has been stated earlier that one of the major causes of ignorance according to al-
Ghazl is the lack of knowing the reality of mans own heart (qalb), which leads man
to be ignorant about his reality and his Lord. As a counter to this, al-Ghazl reveals in
155
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 29f, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 119, and also
156
The Book of Knowledge, pp. 69f.
157
158
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 30, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 122f, and also
159
160
162
the Ihy various aspects of mans reality, which shall be briefly illustrated under the
following sub-headings.
A. THE ESSENTIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MANS HEART:
One fundamental aspect of the reality of man can be identified, in the view of al-
Ghazl, by exposing the essential characteristics of mans heart (qalb). This is based
on his belief that if a man knows his heart, he would know himself.161 This is why al-
Ghazl often stresses the importance of the knowledge of the heart. For him the
knowledge of the heart (qalb) and of the true meaning of its qualities is the root of
religion.162
For the purpose of exposing the characteristics of mans heart as one aspect of his
reality, al-Ghazl devoted the first kitb (book) of the third rub (quarter) of the Ihy
to this matter. At the beginning of this kitb, he clarifies that the word heart (qalb) does
not refer to the physical heart; however, it is employedas in the Qurnin the
following sense: a spiritual, divine subtlety (latfa)...which is the essence of man...is
what perceives, knows, and realizes...is spoken to, punished, blamed and
responsible.163
For various states of this spiritual essence, al-Ghazl applies three other terms:
spirit (rh), self or soul (nafs), and intellect (aql).164 Because he noticed that there was
great obscurity about the difference and applications of these terms among the ulam,
al-Ghazl explains their meanings and applications right at the beginning of the above
161
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 2, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 310.
162
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 2f, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 310.
163
164
163
mentioned kitb: entitled Kitb Sharh Ajib al-Qalb (Book of Explanation of the
Wonders of the Heart).165
Unlike the body, which belongs to the material world, the heart in the teachings of
al-Ghazl is immortal. Thus, it is more precious and essential than any other part of
man. In his view, it is considered the sixth unique sense of man, which can also be
called nr (light). 166 What is perceived by this sensehe believescannot be
mistaken, whereas what is perceived by citation can be wronge.g. seeing what is far,
close and what is small, big.167
Only through the heartal-Ghazl believesman is prepared to know Allh, and
not by any members of his body.168 It is the means by which man works for Allh,
strives towards Him, and draws near to Him.169 Allhs acceptance or rejection of man
relies on the condition of his heart.170
In addition, the good and evil qualities of a mans external aspect are merely
reflections of the condition of his heartal-Ghazl points out. 171 Moreover, all
members of the body are originally under the control of the heart and all follow its
instructions.172
In order to fully understand the relationship between the heart and the bodily
members, al-Ghazl specifies that the original purpose for which the heart is created is
to travel over the spiritual stations (manzil) to the meeting of Allh.173 In its spiritual
journey, the heart is in need of two essential things: the body as a mount and knowledge
165
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 3-5, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 310-3.
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
164
as provisions.174 Thus, caring for the body and maintaining it isal-Ghazl believes
a necessity for fulfilling the original purpose of the heart.175 For this purpose, the heart
is provided with the following helpers or soldiers (jund) according to al-Ghazls
terminology: First, for the need of feeding the body, the necessary appetites or desires
(al-shahwt) are created in the heart, and the organs are created as their tools. 176
Second, for protecting the body from destructive things, anger (ghadab) and the hand
and foot, which function under the demands of anger, are created.177 Third, for knowing
nourishment, the senses and the sense organs are created.178
All these soldiers are originally submissive to the heart, but the soldiers of anger
(ghadab) and desire (shahwah) may, as al-Ghazl explains,179 oppose it to the extent of
dominating and enslaving it and thus becomes a real loser, as it is being cut off from its
spiritual journey. However, the heart has other soldiers, namely knowledge (ilm),
wisdom (hikmah), and reflection (tafakkr), which are providedal-Ghazl further
explainsas helpers against anger (ghadab) and desire (shahwah).180
Furthermore, the unique characteristics of mans heart are, according to al-Ghazl,
knowledge and will (irdah) which are not found in animals.181 Al-Ghazl illustrates
that this will (irdah) is different than that of desire (shahwah) and can even be
contrary to desire.182 Without this irdah, the judgment of the intellect or reason (al-
aql), which perceives the consequences of matters, would be wasted, because this
174
175
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 5., trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 314.
176
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 5., trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 314.
177
178
179
180
181
182
165
irdah is the spur that moves the bodily members according to the judgment of
reason.183
B. THE REAL PURPOSE OF MANS LIFE:
Another aspect of the reality of man, which is clarified by al-Ghazl, is the real
purpose of mans life. This can be seen as a response to the peoples forgetfulness or
failure to know the real purpose of their life, which resulted from their full busyness
and engagement in worldly works, as mentioned above.
Al-Ghazls account on this aspect is based on his rejection of some assumptions
about the purpose of mans life. Five of these assumptions are worth mentioning before
presenting what is regarded the real purpose of life in the view of al-Ghazl. The first
is of those who think that the purpose of life is just to survive for some time, so they
work hard to gain food and then eat to be able to work again and so on.184 The second
assumption which is rejected by al-Ghazl is of those who claim that the aim of this
life is not to be exhausted by hard work, but rather to enjoy life by satisfying the desires
for food and sex, which in their view is the ultimate happiness.185 The third wrong
assumption in the view of al-Ghazl is of those who think that achieving happiness is
the purpose of life and it consists in gaining big wealth, so they work day and night for
this purpose.186 The fourth view about the purpose of life, which al-Ghazl rejects, is
of those who assume that widespread fame is what brings happiness in this life, so they
exhaust themselves in gaining money not to spend it on food but in getting expensive
things in order to attract attention and seen to be wealthy. 187 The fifth rejected
assumption is of those who claim that happiness is not about gaining respect and
183
184
185
186
187
166
influence, so their efforts are directed towards gaining wide political authorities so that
their orders would be followed.188
Totally unlike these assumed purposes of life, the real purpose of life according to
the teachings of al-Ghazl is to prepare for being qualified for attaining the
otherworldly happiness, which is, he believes, the true ultimate aim of man and is the
true blessing as it consists of life without death (baq l fana lah), joy without
sorrow (surr l ghamma fh), knowledge without ignorance (ilm l jahla maah), and
wealth without poverty (ghin l faqra badah).189
C. THE TRUE PERFECTION OF MAN:
A further aspect of the reality of man which is illuminated by al-Ghazl is the true
perfection of man. Although al-Ghazl admits that evilness is part of human nature,190
he believes that man can achieve true perfection in this life.191
However, as in the case of mans purpose of life, the true perfection of man was
as al-Ghazl noticedwidely confused with fancied perfection.192 For the purpose of
unveiling the truth on this critical matter, al-Ghazl devoted a section in the Ihy
titled: Exposing real perfection and fancied (wahm) perfection which is not real. In
this section he sets criteria for true perfection.
For al-Ghazl what forms true perfection of man are the qualities that are
characterised by both eternality in a sense of accompanying mans soul after death, and
usefulness in the Afterlife in a sense of bringing mans soul nearer to Allh.193 Based
188
189
190
See, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, pp. 3 & 44.
191
192
193
167
on these criteria, al-Ghazl explains that mans true perfection has three aspects.194 The
first is the perfection of knowledge that consists of knowing Allh, His attributes, His
works, and His wisdom in the creations. The second aspect of perfection is power that
is needed only as a mean to knowledge. The third aspect of perfection is freedom
(hurryah) from enslavement to carnal desires.
In light of this concept of perfection, al-Ghazl states that most people are
concerned with what they mistakenly think is perfection, namely fame, and wealth
which are not eternal.195
4.3.2 Guiding to the Way of Being Free from Love of the Duny:
Since love of the duny (purely worldly pleasure) is a very dangerous cause of
fasd, as explained earlier, al-Ghazl paid considerable attention to attempting to show
how to be free from this love. His effort can be divided into two major thrusts: the first
is the explication of the reality of the duny and the second is the illustration of the true
nature of death and the Afterlife.
4.3.2.1 Explicating the Reality of the Duny:
In the Ihy, al-Ghazl explicates the dispraise (dhamm) of the duny, its reality, its
features, the need of it, and the way by which it deceives people.196 By this detailed
explanation, he aims to warn from the harm of the duny so that it can be avoided.197 In
his view, to remove its harmful love from the heart it is not enough that its lovers know
the dispraise of the duny but also they should know what is meant by the dispraised
194
195
196
For this purpose, he devoted a whole kitb in the Ihy under the following title: Kitb Dham al-
Duny (The Book of Condemnation of the World), see al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 201-30.
197
168
duny and how to distinguish between that which should be avoided in it from that
which should not be shunned.198
The dispraised duny, al-Ghazl explains, is every purely worldly desire that would
not have any fruit in the Afterlife at all, 199 and is called haw 200 (base desire).
Consequently, he excludes two types of worldly desires from the dispraised duny: any
desire in the worldly life the fruit of which continues into the Afterlife, and every desire
that is necessary for survival and health in this life, unless the intention behind it is
purely worldly.201
Attempting to show to what extent the duny in this sense is dispraised, al-Ghazl
quotes and comments on numerous influential citations from Prophetic traditions
(akhbr), non-Prophetic exempla (thr), and exhortations (mawiz) which dispraise
the duny.202 He, however, does not quote from the Qurn because, as he points out,
the yt on this theme are so many and so obvious to be cited.203
In order to explain how the duny deceives people, al-Ghazl illustrates some
remarkable features of it using imaginary examples. 204 Among these imaginary
examples are:
In its quick and invisible movement, the duny like shadow appears still, but in
reality it is moving continuously, and its movement is not noticed except when
it disappears.205
In its unnoticed decisiveness, the duny is similar to confused dreams in that
their decisiveness is not realized except after awakening.206
198
199
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
169
In its enmity for its people and its dreadful harm, the duny is like a woman
who attracts men to marry her, but kills them after they do.207
In that its appearance does not reflect its evil essence, the duny is like an
elderly woman who puts on adornments to deceive people by her look.208
Following these and other imaginary examples of the duny, al-Ghazl exposes
how people have become fully engaged in the duny and how they have misunderstood
the purposes of this life and have thus gone astray.209 To fulfil this aim, al-Ghazl first
classifies the substances210 of the duny and highlights their main benefits for man.211
Second, he specifies their relationships with man: a relation with the heart (al-qalb),
i.e., his love for them, and another relation with the body, i.e., being busy in making
them usable.212 Third, he discusses in detail the causes, the needs, and the consequences
of the crafts and careers generated from the second relation of man with the substances
of the duny.213 Finally, he gives various examples of people whose way of thinking
had been spoiled by the full engagement in the works of the duny, and thus hold false
views about how to live in this life.214
Al-Ghazl also clarifies the real purpose of this world by repeated reminder that
this world is only the sowing-ground of the next (al-duny mazratu al-khirah). 215
From this aspect, the world is very essential: it is a venue for the happiness in the
Afterlife, which is the only complete or perfect happiness in the teachings of al-
Ghazl, as stated earlier. In order to gain this happiness, however, its necessary means
207
208
209
210
According to al-Ghazl, all what is on earth can be classified into three sections: mineral, plants, and
animals, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 224.
211
212
213
214
215
170
need to be achieved in this life.216 This is why each breath in this life is considered by
al-Ghazl as a precious jewel which does not have an equivalent substitute.217
Based on this discussion, it is wrong to assume, as al-Ghazl explains, that hating
the duny is intended in itself. 218 He believes that the perfect position to adopt
regarding the duny is neither to hate nor to love it, as both distract from the love of
Allh.219
He also believes that the way of totally removing the love of the duny from the
heart is by patiently living an abstinent (zuhd)220 life.221
The above account, however, is only a general treatment for the malady of love of
the duny, and since the duny consists, as al-Ghazl states, 222of various elements, he
also gives a detailed treatment for each primary element which is considered an aspect
of the love the duny. Among these primary elements is, for example, love of wealth
(al-ml), which al-Ghazl discusses in a considerable detail.223
4.3.2.2 Illustrating the true Nature of Death and the Afterlife:
In addition to explicating the reality of the duny, al-Ghazl illustrates the true
nature of death and the Afterlife in the concluding kitb (book) of the Ihy as an
attempt to awaken the heedless lovers of the duny.
216
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 103. For a detailed discussion of these means, see Abul Quasem, The
Ethics of al-Ghazl: A Composite Ethics in Islam, Selangor (Malaysia): Central Printing Sendirian
Berhad, 1976, pp. 58-64.
217
218
219
220
al-Ghazl defines zuhd as a state in which man controls his desires (shahawt) and anger (ghadab) so
that they follow the motive (bith) of dn and the signal (ishrah) of faith (imn), see al-Ghazl,
Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 79.
221
222
223
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 231-52. For an extended discussion of this aspect, though in an ethical
context, see Abul Quasem, The Ethics, pp. 127-9.
171
After refuting three false and mistaken notions about the nature of death, al-Ghazl
exposes death as only a change in the state of man in which the spirit (al-rh) after
leaving the bodyi.e., the body is no longer subject to its dictatesis not extinguished
but rather it will continue to survive either in a condition of torment or bliss. 224
Between the states of death and life, he continues, there are two differences: The first is
that man upon death is deprived of all his bodily parts as he is deprived from all of his
belongings and relatives and the second is that certain things which have never been
disclosed to man in life are going to be revealed to him after death.225
In addition to this exposition of the true nature of death, al-Ghazl covers, in the
same kitb, other topics related to death, its preludes and consequences, and the
conditions of the next world, so that, as he states, this may act as an encouragement to
preparedness.226 This is because, he believes, preparation for something can never be
easy unless its memory is constantly renewed in the heart, and this can only be done
through reminding oneself by paying attention to those things which cause it to be
recalled and by looking to those matters which tell of it.227
4.3.3 Introducing Measures to Strengthen the Impulse of Religion:
To resolve weakness of the impulse of religion (bith al-dn), al-Ghazl
introduces measures by which this impulse or motive is strengthened. In his view, this
can be strengthened in two primary ways: a) Reflecting on the fruits of struggling
against (mujhadah) what oppose the impulse of dn, i.e., the desires (al-shahawt);
224
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, pp. 493f, trans., see T. J. Winter, The Remembrance of Death and the
Afterlife, translation of Kitb Dhikr al-Mawt wa-ma Badah of al-Ghazl s Ihy, Cambridge: The
Islamic Texts Society, 1989, p. 122.
225
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 494, trans., see Winter, The Remembrance, pp. 123f.
226
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 494, trans., see Winter, The Remembrance, p. 2.
227
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 494, trans., see Winter, The Remembrance, p. 2.
172
and b) training the will-power (quwwat al-irdah) gradually to overcome the desires by
acting against them.228
In addition to these measures, al-Ghazl suggests a negative way to strengthen this
impulse. That is weakening the motive of passion (bith al-haw), against which the
impulse of dn continuously struggles; the weaker the motive of passion becomes, the
stronger the strength of dn would be, and vice versa, as al-Ghazl teaches us. 229
According to al-Ghazls teachings, the motive of passion is weakened by self
disciplining, as shall be further explained below.
4.3.4 Withstanding the Innate Stimuli of Fasd:
Al-Ghazl discusses how to withstand the innate stimuli of fasd, when he deals
with what he calls the disciplining of the soul (riydat al-nafs). Since the teachings of
al-Ghazl on this form of disciplining are going to be discussed below under the means
of treating sickness of the heart, it seems better to postpone the discussion on this point
till then.
4.4 Al-Ghazls Islh Treatments of the Phenomena of Fasd:
In addition to his attempts to eradicate the roots of the fasd, al-Ghazl was
predominantly concerned, at this stage in his life under study, with treating the
phenomena of fasd diagnosed by him. The purpose of this section is to show how al-
Ghazl treated these phenomena. For each phenomenon mentioned above, particular
treatments are evident in al-Ghazls works of islh nature, as will be shown below.
228
229
173
4.4.1 Prescribing Remedies for the Weakness of Imn:
After analysing the four reasons behind the phenomenon of widespread weakness
and laxity of imn (Islamic faith) as mentioned above, al-Ghazl mentions in the
Munqidh four remedies for this phenomenon.230
The first treatment is for those who were perplexed by the teachings of the
Talmites or Batins. The treatment for them is, al-Ghazl says, what we have
mentioned in our book al-Qists al-Mustaqm (The Correct Balance).231 In al-Qists,
al-Ghazl records an argumentative dialog between him and a Batin who questioned
him and disputed with him over the true balance by which true knowledge is perceived.
The dialog starts with the following question from the Batin:
I see that you claim the perfection of knowledge. By what balance, then, is true
knowledge perceived? Is it by the balance of independent reasoning (al-ray) and
analogy (al-qiys)? But that is extremely contradictory and ambiguous and is the
cause of disagreement among men. Or is it by the balance of authoritative
instruction (al-talm)? In this case you would be obliged to follow the infallible
Teacher-Imm-but I do not see you desirous of seeking him out.232
After totally rejecting balancing true knowledge by independent reasoning and analogy,
al-Ghazl states that he weighs knowledge by the correct balance following the
Qurn233 [Q.17:35]. According to him, this balance consists of five Qurnc scales of
knowledge.234
By being asked about the way by which he knew the correctness of this balance, al-
Ghazl answers:
230
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp.124-31, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 93-8, and also Watt, The
Faith, p. 77-85.
231
77.
232
al-Ghazl, al-Qists al-Mustaqm, ed. Mahmd Bj, Damascus: al-Matbaah al-Ilmyah, 1983, pp.
11-2, trans., see McCarthy, the Correct Balance, in McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 245.
233
al-Ghazl, al-Qists, p. 14, trans., see McCarthy, the Correct Balance, p. 246.
234
174
I also know that by authoritative teaching (al-talm) but from the Imm of Imms
Muhammad b. Abd-Allh b. Abd-Al-Mutalib (S.A.A.W.). For I, though I do not
see him, hear his teaching which has come to me through impeccable transmission
(tawtur) which I cannot doubt. His teaching is simply the Qurn, and the
clearness of the correctness of the Qurns scales is known from the Qurn
itself.235
Following that, he explains in detail each of the five scales by elucidating its meaning,
its standard, and its use in argumentation.236 Then, he mentions examples of the scales
by which Batins weighed their arguments and he highlights their falsity.237 Finally, he
discusses the dispension by Prophet Muhammad (S.A.A.W.) and the ulam from any
other imm.238
The second treatment targets those who offer one of the specious arguments of the
Latitudinarians (Ahl al-Ibhah) as an excuse for the slackness of their faith. Al-Ghazl
says in the Munqidh: as for the fanciful assertions of the Latitudinarians (Ahl al-
Ibhah), we have listed their specious arguments under seven categories and resolved
them in our book Kmy al-Sadah (The Alchemy of Happiness). 239
The third treatment is directed to those whose faith has become corrupt through
philosophy to the extent of rejecting the very principal of prophesy (nubuwwah).240
235
236
al-Ghazl, al-Qists, pp. 19-41, trans., see McCarthy, the Correct Balance, pp. 249-61.
237
al-Ghazl, al-Qists, pp. 48f, trans., see McCarthy, the Correct Balance, pp. 264f.
238
al-Ghazl, al-Qists, pp. 55-61, trans., see McCarthy, the Correct Balance, p. 268f.
239
77.
240
77.
175
For them, al-Ghazl discusses in the Munqidh241 the true nature of prophesy and its
existence.242
This discussion is founded on the main argument of al-Ghazl that man goes into
various stages in perception, and in each stage he perceives particular categories of
existents by specific means of perception. Al-Ghazl lists eight stages of perception:243
1. The stage of touching in which certain categories of existents are perceived such
as heat and cold, moisture and dryness, smoothness and roughness.
2. The stage of sighting in which colours and shapes are perceived.
3. The stage of hearing of sounds and tones.
4. The stage of tasting.
5. The stage of perceiving the other sensibles.
6. The stage of discernment (tamyz) at nearly the age of seven, in which things
additional to the world of sensibles are perceived.
7. The stage of perceiving through the intellect (al-aql), in which things
necessary, possible, and impossible that do not occur in the previous stages are
apprehended.
8. The stage of perceiving through prophecy, in which things beyond the ken of
intellect are seen, i.e., the unseen (al-ghayb).
Against the doubt of some intellectuals about the existence of things perceptible
through prophecy, al-Ghazl states that they do not have any supporting reason except
that they have not attained that stage themselves.244 Moreover, he presents two further
241
See al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 110-4, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 83-7, and also Watt,
The Faith, pp. 63-8.
242
This can be considered as al-Ghazls positive solution for the phenomenon in view whereas his
earlier attempt in the Tahfut to disillusion those who think too highly of the philosophers by exposing
the incoherence and contradiction involved in their metaphysical thought was a negative solution.
243
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 110f, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 83f, and also Watt, The
Faith, pp. 63f.
244
64.
176
proofs for its existence. The first is that there is an analogous sample of the special
character of prophecy; in that which is apprehended in dreaming.245 For the sleeper
perceives the unknown that will take place in the future, either explicitly or in the guise
of an image, the meaning of which is disclosed by interpretation.246 The second proof
is that there is knowledge in the world of the same sort as that perceptible through
prophesy; that is knowledge which could not conceivably be obtained by the intellect or
observation alone, but can be acquired only by a divine inspiration.247 For instance
there are some astrological rules (ahkm nujmyah) 248 based on phenomena which
occur only once every thousands years; how, then, could knowledge of that be obtained
empirically?!249
In addition to the above discussion, al-Ghazl discusses the claim of those who
verbally profess belief in prophecy, but equate the prescriptions of revelation with
philosophic wisdom. According to al-Ghazl, this is in reality a disbelief in prophecy
because faith in prophecy is to acknowledge the affirmation of a stage beyond reason:
in it an eye penetrates whereby a special perception of certain perceptibles (mudrakt
khsah) is apprehended; from the perception of these, the intellect is excluded.250
Attempting to convince them of the possibility of the existence of such prophetic
perception, al-Ghazl relies on proofs drawn from arguments which pertain to the
philosophers own science. Setting forth examples of marvellous perceptions
acknowledged by natural philosophers and astrologers as special perceptions, al-
245
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 111f, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 84-5, and also Watt, The
Faith, p. 64-6.
246
64.
247
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 112, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 84f, and also Watt, The Faith,
pp. 65f.
248
This term has been mistranslated as astronomical by both McCarthy (Deliverance, p. 85) and Watt
(Watt, p. 65).
249
65.
250
78.
177
Ghazl wonders how those who are influenced by philosophers believe in such
perception, while they deny the prophetic special perceptions which are confirmed by
miracles!251
The fourth treatment is devoted to tackling the weakness of faith resulting from
scandalous conduct of the ulam. This treatment consists of three lines of thought,252
which are summarized as follows:
1. The lim 253 who commits forbidden deeds knows that such deeds are
prohibited, and yet he does so because his desire overcomes him as in the case
of an ordinary man.
2. The ordinary man ought to believe that the lim can be brought to safety even
if he leaves some duties undone because of the merit of his knowledge, though
it might be additional evidence against him. But the ordinary man has no
intercessor whatsoever if he gives up good works.
3. True knowledge stands between the learned man and commission of sins,
except slips from which, in moments of weakness, no man is free. This sort of
knowledge, however, is not attained by means of the various types of
knowledge with which most people busy themselves.
4.4.2 Teaching How to Cure Sickness of the Heart and Refine
Character:
As an islh response to the wide spread of sickness of the heart and bad characters,
al-Ghazl taught how to cure sickness of the heart and refine character. In the Ihy, al-
Ghazl gives two accounts of how sickness of the heart can be treated and how the
251
Faith, pp. 78-83.
252
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 130f, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 97f, and also Watt, The
Faith, pp. 84f.
253
singular of ulam.
178
traits of character may be refined: the first is general and the second is detailed. These
two accounts are briefly presented below. Before this, however, it is worth listing what
can be considered as guiding rules in al-Ghazls treatment.
4.4.2.1 Setting out Guiding Rules for Curing Sickness of the Heart and
Refining Character:
Throughout the Ihy, one comes across what can be considered as guiding rules or
principles for curing sickness of the heart and refining the character. The most striking
of such rules are the following:
1. Whenever the cause of a disease is not known, such disease cannot be cured,
because curing it is nothing but treating its causes.254
2. The disease does not vanish unless its origins are suppressed or uprooted and
any other way of treating it is only an easement for it, but the disease appears
again and again.255
3. There has to be a great deal of seriousness in treating a particular disease after
knowing its causes and danger.256
4. The heart diseases should be treated one by one and in order.257
5. Patience is an essential pillar in the treatment of sickness of the heart and
refining character.258
6. Awareness of the harm of a disease, without will and strength, is not enough.259
7. Every disease needs a special theoretical knowledge, as well as an empirical
action to treat it.260
254
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 287, & Vol. 4, p. 49.
255
256
257
258
See, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, pp. 49f.
259
179
4.4.2.2 Providing a General Account for Curing Sickness of the Heart and
Refining Character:
In the Ihy, al-Ghazl gives the second book (kitb) of the third quarter (rub)
the following title: The Book of Disciplining the Soul, Refining the Character, and
Curing the Sicknesses of the Heart (Kitb Riydat al-Nafs wa-Tahdhb al-Akhlq wa-
Mulajat Amrd al-Qulb). The purpose of this kitb, as al-Ghazl himself clarifies,
is not to mention the treatments for particular sickness of the heart or to give details
about refining specific traits of character, but rather to teach in an overall way how to
treat sickness of the heart and how the traits of character can be refined as an
introduction to a more detailed discussion of this topic.261 The main points which show
how al-Ghazl fulfilled this purpose are presented below under the following sub-
headings.
A. UNVEILING THE TRUE NATURE OF GOOD AND BAD CHARACTER:
To unveil the true nature of good and bad character, al-Ghazl first examines some
of previous sayings on what good character is, and concludes that they only treat the
fruit of good character, not its essence, and they do not even cover all of its fruits.262
Then, he defines a trait of character in general as follows: a firmly established
condition of the soul (hayah rsikhah f al-nafs), from which actions proceed easily
without any need for thinking or deliberation.263 Thus, a good character according to
al-Ghazl is a name given for this condition, if it causes beautiful and praiseworthy
acts, i.e., those which are acknowledged by the intellect and the Sharah (Islamic
260
261
262
263
180
Revealed Law), whereas a bad character trait is a name for the condition which causes
ugly acts.264
In the light of this definition, al-Ghazl states that character is none of the
following: a) the acts themselves, for there may be a man of generous character, for
example, but does not make donation because of lack of wealth or any other obstacles;
b) the ability to act, since every man has been created to be by disposition (fitrah)
capable of acting ugly or beautifully; and c) ones knowledge of the beautiful and the
ugly, for knowledge pertains to both in the same way.265
To elucidate more, al-Ghazl compares and contrasts between creation (khalq)
and character (khuluq), as the former refers to the external form of man, while the
latter refers to the inward or the internal form, but both forms can be either ugly or
beautiful. Moreover, as mans external appearance looks perfectly beautiful only when
all his features are beautiful, so too in order to achieve beautiful character in all aspects,
the following four pillars of mans internal must all be beautiful, i.e., settled, balanced,
and in the correct proportion to each other: the faculty of rationalness (quwwat al-ilm),
the faculty of irascibleness (quwwat al-ghadab), the faculty of desire (quwwat al-
shahwah), and the faculty which makes a just equilibrium between these three things
(quwwat al- adl bayn hdhih al-quw al-thalthah).266
B. SPECIFYING CRITERIA FOR GOOD CHARACTER:
For each of the four faculties mentioned above, al-Ghazl specifies the criteria by
which its goodness can be recognised:
264
265
266
181
The faculty of rationalness (quwwat al-ilm) is sound and good when it is easily
able to distinguish honesty from lies in speech, truth from falsehood in beliefs, and
beauty from ugliness in actions. When this faculty is sound it bears fruit in the form
of wisdom (hikmah), which is the chief of the good traits of characterRegarding
the faculty of anger (quwwat al-ghadab), this is sound when its movements lie
within the bounds required by wisdom. Likewise, the faculty of desire (quwwat al-
shahwah) is sound and good when it is under the command of wisdom, by which I
mean the command of the Shar (Islamic revealed law) and the intellect (al-aql).
As for the faculty of making a just equilibrium (quwwat al-adl), it is this which
sets desire and anger under the command of the intellect and the Shar.267
C. PROVING THE POSSIBILITY OF CHANGING THE TRAITS OF CHARACTER:
In this general account, al-Ghazl also proves that the traits of character are
susceptible to change. This is his response to the claim of those who state that the
traits of a mans character cannot conceivably be refined, and that human nature is
immutable.268 He states that their claim, which is due to their deficiency, remissness,
foulness, and slothness, may be supported by two things: firstly, as the created outward
form (khalq) of man cannot be changed, and so is the case with the inward form, i.e.,
character (khuluq), secondly, goodness of character requires suppression of ones desire
and anger, which are part of human nature, and thus this, as tested by means of a long
inward struggle, is impossible.269
In order to refute this view and unveil the reality of this matter, al-Ghazl adduces
the following points in support of the possibility of changing the traits of character:270
All commandments, discipline, and teachings would be useless, if the traits of
character were unchangeable.
267
268
269
270
182
Since it is possible to change even the character of an animal through training,
how could such change be denied with respect to man.
Although anger and desire cannot be suppressed and dominated completely, yet
they can be rendered docile by means of self-discipline.
Al-Ghazl, however, admits that mens temperaments vary in their
susceptibleness.271 This, al-Ghazl explains, depends on two factors: the first is the
original strength of mans instinct (gharzah) and its existing time length.272 The
second factor for this disparity is the degree to which man acts in accordance with
his traits of characteras they are reinforced by acting accordinglyand the
degree of his satisfaction with them.273 Accordingly, al-Ghazl classifies people
into four degrees: a) Those who are simply innocent (ghufl), but not indulged into
desires and thus their character can be refined in a very short time; b) those who
know evilness and know they are not acting righteously as they should, but still
follow their desires as they are controlled by them; the refining of the character of
such people is possible but it is more intractable than the first; c) those who regard
evil character as right; the reforming of such people is almost impossible and very
rare; and d) those who, due to their being reared with corrupted way of thinking and
work accordingly, believe that merit lies in evilness; they are the most difficult to
reform.274
271
272
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 56, trans., see Winter, On Disciplining, pp. 25f.
273
274
183
D. DEMONSTRATING WAYS FOR DISCOVERING THE FAULTS OF THE SELF:
Since discovering the faults of the self or the soul, according to al-Ghazl, is a
prerequisite for treating them, he teaches four ways by which a man may discover the
faults which acquire his soul (uyb nafsih):275
1. Being a disciple of a Shaykh (spiritual master) who is insightful into the faults
of the soul so that the Shaykh will ascertain his faults.
2. Appointing a truthful, perceptive, and a religious friend to be his overseer so
that he draws his attention to his dislikeable traits.
3. Listening to what his enemies say about him, for a hostile eye brings out defects
(ayn al-sukht tubd al-maswiy).
4. Mixing with people and attributing to one-self their blameworthy traits, because
mens temperaments are very similar.
However, al-Ghazl admits that the first two ways are hardly accessible in his age:
such Shaykh is hardly to be found, and it is rare to find a friend who is neither a flatterer
concealing some of your defects, nor jealous, so considering something a fault when it
is not.276
E. OFFERING MEANS FOR CHARACTERS REFINING AND THE SOULS PURIFICATION:
Although al-Ghazl believes that some people may possess good character
naturally through Divine grace, such as being born with good character, he suggests in
this general account other means of refining character and purifying the heart. A
primary mean suggested by al-Ghazl is spiritual struggle (mujhadah) and self-
training (riydah) in a sense of constraining of the self to perform the actions which
275
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 64f, trans., see Winter, On Disciplining, pp. 51-4.
276
184
necessarily proceed from the required trait. 277 For example, the arrogant man who
wishes to possess the quality of modesty should struggle against his self in imitating the
behaviour of the modest for a long time, until modesty becomes part of his nature and
delightful to him.
Refining character and purifying the soul may also be achieved by renouncing
everything one finds blameworthy in others. Al-Ghazl considers this a very effective
way of self-discipline.278 He tells us that were all people only to renounce the things
they dislike in others, they would not need anyone to discipline them.279
The best mean of all in the view of al-Ghazl is to be a disciple of a qualified
Shaykh in self refinement and to follow his instructions in disciplining (mujhadah).280
For al-Ghazl all other means are just alternatives for the one who does not have a
Shaykh, but the one who finds such a qualified Shaykh, he should stay with him, for it
is he who will deliver him from his sickness.281
4.4.2.3 Giving a Detailed Account for Treating Sickness of the Heart and
Blameworthy Character:
The detailed treatment of al-Ghazl of sickness of the heart and blameworthy
character generally consists of two parts: theoretical and practical. As al-Ghazl
repeatedly states, there is no treatment for any heart disease except through theoretical
knowledge (ilm) and empirical action (amal),282 or in other words a mixture of the
two.283 These two parts are broadly illustrated in the following lines.
277
278
279
280
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 64, trans., see Winter, On Disciplining, p. 51.
281
282
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 196 & 358.
283
185
Although knowledge in general is a treatment for sickness of the heart, each heart
disease or blameworthy character needs a specific type of knowledge according to al-
Ghazls teaching.284 Thus, he teaches in the Ihy the detailed knowledge required to
cure a number of major heart diseases. His account on such knowledge commonly
consists of the following: (1) a collection of numerous passagesselected from the
Qurn, the Hadith, and the dicta of the early Muslim generationon condemnation of
the disease, (2) explanations of the disease and the causes of it, and (3) exposition of its
harmful effects.
In addition to the theoretical part, al-Ghazl gives practical prescriptions for
treating each of the heart diseases or blameworthy character discussed in the Ihy.285
4.4.3 Providing a Guiding Reference for True Religiousness:
To treat spurious religiousness, al-Ghazl provides a guide to true religiousness in
the Ihy. The introduction of the book indicates that the book is intended to be a
comprehensive reference for a true religious life. Moreover, throughout the book al-
Ghazl is very concerned to set standards for a true religious man in almost all aspects
of his life, including those which relate to his inward self, those which regard his
relation with God, and those which concern his relation with his fellow-men.
4.4.4 Reviving the Knowledge of Commanding Good and Forbidding
Wrong:
Responding to the main cause behind the phenomenon of the wide spread of public
wrongs (munkart) mentioned above, al-Ghazl devotes a whole kitb in the Ihy to
284
285
186
the duty of commanding right and forbidding wrong (al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy
an al-munkar).286 Following his announcement of the near-absence of anyone seeking
to revive the knowledge and practice of this vital duty, al-Ghazl states that he shall
teach its knowledge in four chapters,287 indicating a revival of it. The first chapter is on
the obligatoriness of the duty, its merits, and the condemnation of ignoring it, as
indicated in the Qurn, the Hadith, and the dicta of early Muslim generation.288 The
second chapter discusses the four pillars (arkn) of the dutywhich are the performer
of the duty, the incident in which the duty shall be performed, the wrongdoer to whom
the duty shall be directed, and how to perform the dutyand the conditions (shurt) of
each pillar.289 The third chapter lists some representative selection of common wrongs
in customs (al-munkart al-malfah f al-dt), 290 as was referred to earlier. The
fourth chapter focuses on how to perform the duty when the wrongdoer is an emir or a
sultan.291
In addition to theoretically reviving the knowledge of this duty, al-Ghazl
performed the duty himself, particularly against the wrongs committed by some sultans
and viziers of the time, as will be demonstrated below.
4.4.5 Refuting Widespread Innovations and Warning from their
Drawbacks:
As a response to the spread of the three forms of heretic innovations mentioned
above, al-Ghazl occupied himself, particularly at the islh point in his career, with
286
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 2, pp. 306-57. For an extended summary of this chapter in English, see
Michael Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000, pp. 428-46.
287
288
289
290
291
187
refuting them and warning of their drawbacks. Starting with the first form, which is
Sufc heretic ecstasy (shatah), al-Ghazl strongly attacks in the Ihy such form of
innovation and warns from its harmful consequences. 292 Moreover, he states in the
Munqidh that he has explained in his book al-Maqsad al-Asn (The Noblest Aim) the
nature of the error in such Sufc ecstatic utterances, namely oneness or unity (itihd)
with God, and inherence or incarnation (hull).293 In the Maqsad, al-Ghazl clearly
asserts that the claim of unity between man and God is obviously false, because
unification between any two similar essences is impossible and it is more impossible
when it applies to different essences such as black colour and knowledge, to say
nothing of much greater different essences as those of man and God.294 Similarly, he
asserts that inherence (hull) in the sense that the Lord inheres in man and man inheres
in the Lord is also impossible because anything which is self-subsisting cannot inhere
in something else which is self-subsisting save in terms of the proximity that may exist
between bodies; if inherence is inconceivable in respect of two men, then how is it
conceivable between man and the Lord Most High.295
As regard to the second form, which is Philosophic heresy, al-Ghazl states in the
Munqidh that the refutation of this form of innovation is the subject matter of his book
Tahfut al-Falsifah (The Incoherence of the Philosophers),296 which was composed
prior to the stage under study and thus is beyond the focus of this chapter.
What concerns us here, however, is al-Ghazls response regarding this innovation
in his works belonging to his late career. Generally speaking, al-Ghazl in these works,
292
293
61.
294
al-Ghazl, al-Maqsad al-Asn f Sharh Man Asm Allh al-Husn, ed. Fadlah Shahdah, Beirut:
Dr al-Mashriq, 1971, p. 165, trans., See Robert Stade, Ninty-Nine Names of God in Islam, translation
of the major portion of al-Ghazls al-Maqsad al-Asn, Ibadan (Nigeria): Daystar Press, 1970,
pp.132-3.
295
al-Ghazl, al-Maqsad, p. 169, trans., see Stade, Ninty-Nine Names, p.136.
296
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, pp. 83-4, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 66, and also Watt, The Faith,
p. 37.
188
particularly in the Munqidh, concerns himself much with warning from the drawbacks
which may arise from dealing with philosophy. In the Munqidh, he records the
drawbacks which he believes resulted from or are connected with the six divisions of
philosophical sciences at the time, i.e., mathematics, logic, physics or natural science,
theology or metaphysics, politics, and ethics.297
Although he believes that mathematical sciences deal with demonstrated facts
(umr burhnyah) which cannot be denied and nothing in them entails denial or
affirmation of religious matters, yet he finds two drawbacks connected to them.298 The
first is that by admiring the fine precision of their details and the clarity of their proofs,
one may wrongly assume that all sciences of the ancient philosophers have the same
degree of preciseness and thus blindly follow them, even in their metaphysical views
contradicting religion, refusing to admit that their arguments in mathematical topics are
apodictic (burhn), whereas those in metaphysical questions are conjectural
(takhmn). 299 Because of this drawback, al-Ghazl warns off anyone who would
embark upon the study of these mathematical sciences.300 In the Ihy, however, he
classifies them as permissible and thus no one should be barred from studying them,
except the weak-minded person who by studying them might step over into
blameworthy sciences and heretic innovations, like most of those who devoted
themselves to these sciences as noted by al-Ghazl.301 The second drawback connected
to these sciences derives from an ignorant friend of Islam who rejects all sciences
ascribed to the philosophers, accusing them of ignorance therein and claiming that all
297
Faith, pp. 32-43.
298
33.
299
Faith, pp. 33-4.
300
34.
301
189
their sciences contradict with the Sharah, even their theory of the eclipses of the sun
and the moon.302 Al-Ghazl accuses anyone who supposes that Islam is defended by
the denial of these sciences of committing a great crime against religion because this
denial leads those who have knowledge of such matters to believe that Islam is based
on ignorance and the denial of apodeictic proof.303
Similarly, while asserting that nothing in the logical sciences should be denied, al-
Ghazl states that those who admire the apodeictic demonstrations therein may think
that the infidel doctrines of the philosophers are backed up by similar demonstrations
and thus hasten into unbelief.304
With regard to physical sciences, he concludes that nothing therein should be
rejected except certain points which he mentioned in the Tahfut.305
Turning to metaphysical sciences, al-Ghazl argues that they include most of the
errors of the philosophers, because they could not satisfy the conditions of proof they
lay down in logic.306
As regard to political sciences, he argues that the philosophers took them from the
Divine scriptures revealed to the prophets and from the maxims handed down by the
predecessors of the prophets.307 Similarly, he argues that the philosophers took the
ethical sciences from the teachings of the mystics, and mixed them with their own
doctrines in order to promote the circulation of their own false doctrines using the lustre
302
34.
303
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 81, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 64, and also Watt, The Faith, pp.
34-5.
304
36.
305
36-7.
306
37.
307
38.
190
afforded by these mystic teachings.308 According to al-Ghazl, from this practice of
incorporating prophetic and mystic teachings in the philosophers books, two wrong
tendencies arise.309 The first is in the case of those who totally eschew these teachings
and even blame anyone who cites from them, assuming that they are erroneous since
they are recorded in the philosophers books and mixed with their false doctrines.310 Al-
Ghazl strongly criticizes this tendency, and accuses its adherents of being weak-
minded who measure the truth by men and not vice versa. 311 The second wrong
tendency is in the case of those who through approving and accepting the prophetic and
mystic teachings, which are mixed with the philosophers own doctrines, form a high
opinion of the philosophers and thus may readily accept their false doctrines.312
Concerning the third form of heretic innovation, which is esoteric interpretation of
Batins, al-Ghazl summarizes his refutation to this innovation in the Munqidh.313
The starting point in his refutation is his acknowledgment of the Batins argument
on the need for an authoritative infallible teacher.314 Opposing their claim of the hidden
Imm, al-Ghazl asserts that this infallible teacher must be the Prophet (S.A.A.W.).315
Following that, he answers all of their possible objections. Next, he explains how they
deceive common folk and weak-minded people by effectively proving the need for an
authoritative teacher and his teaching, until such people concede to them that much and
308
38.
309
39.
310
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 86, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, pp. 67-8, and also Watt, The Faith,
p. 39.
311
39.
312
42.
313
Faith, pp. 45-54.
314
46.
315
46.
191
ask them for some of his teaching, then they pause and say go and search for it yourself,
knowing that if they were to say anything more, they would be put to shame as they
would be unable to resolve even the least problematic matters.316
4.4.6 Renewing the Mission of True Ulam:
Al-Ghazl made every effort to renew the mission of true ulam, as an islh
reaction to the fasd of the vast majority of the ulam, which he considered a crucial
phenomenon of fasd in his time as shown above. The foundation of his effort in this
regard is his determined attempt to set standards for true ulam or those whom he
calls ulam al-khirah (otherworldly scholars), and to distinguish between them and
those who only apparently resemble them. He clearly states in the Ihy that one of the
great tasks is to know the signs which distinguish between ulam al-duny (worldly
scholars) and ulam al-khirah (otherworldly scholars).317
By ulam al-duny, he means those whose sole purpose in pursuing knowledge
is enjoying the pleasure of this life and gaining fame (jh) and status (manzilah) among
its people.318 Following this definition, he quotes a number of traditions condemning
such ulam and concludes that they will occupy a more inferior position and will
receive a more severe punishment than the ignorant person.319 Conversely, the true
ulam, or ulam al-khirah (otherworldly learned men), will be the winners and
will be brought close to God.320
316
53f.
317
318
319
320
192
To distinguish them from the ulam of the duny, al-Ghazl mentions twelve
signs or characteristics of the ulam of the khirah. 321 Al-Ghazls reference in
specifying these signs are the qualities of the true ulam of the early blessed
generation (al-salaf). He states that each one of these signs represents several qualities
of the ulam of the early blessed generation (al-salaf).322
These signs are summarised as follows:
1. They do not seek the worldly desires by their knowledge, rather they give the
Hereafter the priority over the present world.
2. Their deeds do not contradict their words; they do not enjoin what they would
not be the first to do.
3. Their concern is to obtain knowledge which is useful for the Hereafter and
they avoid knowledge which is of little benefit or which leads to disputation.
4. They are not interested in luxurious life, but prefer moderation and are
satisfied with the least of the necessary worldly things.
5. They try to distance themselves from sultans, avoid visiting them and being
their associates as long as they can do so, for the present world is attractive and
one who visits sultans may not help being smitten with it. On the whole,
mingling with them is the key to evils, while the way of the otherworldly
ulam is circumspection.323
6. They do not to hasten to give fatw (jurisprudence opinions), but rather avoid
it whenever possible.
321
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 60-82, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 248-345,
and also Fris, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 150-212.
322
323
193
7. Most of their attention is directed toward knowledge of the inward (ilm al-
btin) and spiritual development.
8. They are greatly concerned with strengthening their certitude (yaqn).
9. They reflect signs of awe towards God in all aspects of their life.
10. They direct most of their study towards knowledge of practical religion (lm
al-aml) and what may corrupt the deeds as well as knowledge of the
condition of the heart (qalb).
11. Their learning should depend on their insight and understanding with purity of
heart, not books or taqld, for only the Prophet (S.A.A.W.) and his
Companions are the ones who should be followed.
12. They strictly guard themselves from religious innovations, and not being
deceived by peoples agreement on innovations contradicting with the norms
of the time of the Companions.
The ulam of such qualities occupy a very important position in the islh
teachings of al-Ghazl. He believes that their degree in religious dignity is second after
the prophets.324 Thus, following the prophets, their real role is to be guides to the right
path.325 And the extent in which they occupy themselves with islh of their selves and
others reflects the degree of their dignity.326
In addition, true ulam are regarded by al-Ghazl as the doctors of religion
(atib al-dn) for they deal with the knowledge of treating sickness of the heart (amrd
al-qulb).327 Accordingly, al-Ghazl says that it is a must (fard ayn) on all ulam
not only to treat the transgressors who seek treatment from them, but also to enlighten
324
325
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 2, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, p. 3,
and also Fris, The Book of Knowledge, p. x.
326
327
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 50, trans., see Stern, al-Ghazzali on Repentance, p. 115.
194
those who are unaware of their transgression, and those who are ignorant in religion
since those sick in the heart (mard al-qulb) do not know about their illness.328 For
this reason, al-Ghazl necessitates that each lim should become responsible for a
particular area, instructing its inhabitants in their religion and distinguishing that which
may harm them and make them miserable, from that which may benefit them and lead
them to true happiness.329 The lim, he states, must not wait to be approached and
rather he must devote himself to call the people, as the ulam are the heirs of the
prophets and the prophets did not abandon the people to their ignorance, but instead,
they called upon the people in their assemblies,seeking them one by one in order to
give them guidance.330
Al-Ghazl considers the true ulam to be safeguards from wrong religious
practices. On various occasions, al-Ghazl necessitates the supervision of a qualified
lim in order guarantee true religiousness. For instance, to be safe from extravagance
in scrupulousness (wara), al-Ghazl warns from engaging in details of wara without
the consultation of an experienced lm.331
In addition to his substantial theoretical effort to renew the mission of true ulam,
al-Ghazl tried seriously to be a good example of such ulam himself. In light of the
discussion in the previous chapter about his life-experience, it can be stated that from
the period of his self-islh onwards, he was very concerned to meet the standards of
true ulam which he specified. The testimony of his associate, al-Fris, about him,
which has been quoted above, shows that his attempt in this regard was highly
successful.
328
329
330
331
195
After being successful with his self, al-Ghazl occupied himself with bringing up
and training a new generation of ulam, who fulfil the mission of true ulam. This
was initially through his experience of teaching in the Nizmyah of Nshpr and
then by setting up a private madrasah and khniqh (sojourn), as has been shown in
the previous chapter.
Besides all this effort, he concerned himself with advising and urging the ulam,
with whom he was contemporary, to undertake their supposed responsibilities and
possess the attributes of true ulam. This is clearly evident in a number of his letters
directed to some ulam of his time. In his letter to a judge (qad) in al-Maghrib al-
Aqs, he writes I would like to employ a rich counsel which I offer you as a gift from
the learned,332 and he goes on to advising him by saying:
You should open your eyes and look into the future and find out what good deeds
you have done for tomorrow. Remember none is more sympathetically inclined
towards you than your own heart. Think deeply for a minute or two and decide
what it is that you run after.333
He warns him from being attracted to worldly temptations by stating:
If you want to dig up wells or canals, think how many of them have fallen into
ruins with time. If you intend to build a grand house, remember how fast the
magnificent buildings, already erected have disappeared and if you want to lay out
a beautiful garden read: How many were the gardens and the water springs that
they left behind. And the corn lands and the good sites and pleasant things wherein
they took delight! Even so (it was) and we made it an inheritance for other folk:
And the heaven and the earth wept not for them, nor were they
reprieved.(Q.44:22-5)334
332
Abdul Qayyum, Letters of al-Ghazzali, p. 116.
333
334
196
He further warns him from being associated with the ruler: God forbid, if you want to
serve the king, you should read this Hadth: On the Day of Resurrection the Kings
and the viziers would rise like ants from earth and the common folk would tread them
roughly under their feet.335
4.4.7 Counselling Ruling Members and Forbidding their Wrongdoing:
The ruling members are given a considerable amount of attention in al-Ghazls
islh teaching. To adequately understand his islh attitudes towards them, we need to
be acquainted with the following two starting points. The first is his idea about their
supposed role. According to him, the state (al-mulk) and religion are twins; religion is
a foundation while the sultan is a guard, and whatever has no foundation is destroyed,
and whatever has no guard is lost.336 Moreover, he believes that the degree of religious
dignity of just sultans or rulers comes immediately after the degree of the ulam,
because they put right the life of people, while the ulam put right their religion.337 In
addition, he considers that being a just and sincere caliph or emir is one of the best
types of worship (min afdal al-ibdt).338 Furthermore, he makes the rulers responsible
for vital islh tasks. He, for example, demands that all sultans must appoint, in each
village and quarter, a devout faqh to instruct the people in their religion.339
The second point, with which we need to be acquainted, is his opinion on the
association with them. In general, al-Ghazl at his late age used to warn from
associating with the rulers or sultans, though, before his experience of self-islh, he
used to frequently associate with them and even served as an ambassador between the
335
336
The Book of Knowledge, pp. 33-4.
337
338
339
197
Seljuk Sultanate and the Abbasid Caliphate. 340 He clarifies in the Ihy the risk of
associating with them by stating the following:
One who associates with them is not free from undertaking to seek their approval
and to incline their hearts towards him, although they are unjust. Every religious
person (kul mutadayyin) ought to disprove of them and straiten their bosoms by
making their injustice obvious and by showing the foulness of their deeds. One
who visits them either shows regard for their luxury and despises the grace of Allh
or he refrains from disapproving them. Then he becomes a dissimulator to them, or
in his speech he pretends to please them and approve their condition, and that is
clear calumny; or he longs to obtain some of their worldly goods, which is
downright unlawful (suht).341
This explains why he vowed, while he was in Jerusalem, that he shall neither attend the
court of a ruler, nor take any form of governmental emoluments.342
Bearing in mind these two points, we turn now to al-Ghazls islh response to the
fasd among contemporary ruling members. His response to that phenomenon of fasd
can be classified into direct response and indirect response. The latter took the form of
daring fatw against the contemporary unjust sovereigns in general. A number of such
fatw appear in the Ihy. One of these, is his fatw that the majority of the wealth
(amwl) of the sultans and militant men of the time is harm, as stated earlier.
Accordingly he forbids taking gifts from sultans except under strict conditions. 343
340
In one of his letters to the Sultan Sanjar, al-Ghazl writes: on several occasions I served as an
ambassador on behalf of your father to the court of the Abbsid caliph Muqtadar Billh and did all
that was possible to remove certain misconceptions between the Seljq Empire and the Abbsid
Caliphate, (Abdul Qayyum, Letters of al-Ghazzali, p. 28).
341
342
He mentioned this incident in a letter to the Seljuq Sultan, Sanjar (Abdul Qayyum, Letters of al-
Ghazzali, p. 28). He mentioned the same incident in a letter to the Seljuq Vizier, Muhammad b. Fakhr
al-Mulk b. Nizm al-Mulk (for an English translation of this letter from Persian, see Jonathan AC
Brown, "The Last Days of al-Ghazl and the Tripartite Division of the Sufi World: Ab Hmid al-
Ghazl's Letter to the Seljuq Vizier and Commentary," in The Muslim World, Vol. 96, Jan. 2006, pp.
89-113).
343
198
Similarly, he devotes a section of the book to discuss in detail what is lawful and
unlawful with respect to mingling with unjust sultans.344
The direct response of al-Ghazl to the fasd among contemporary ruling members
is reflected in his letters to a number of Seljuk sovereigns, 345 counselling them, urging
them to fulfil their duties, warning them of letting any injustice to appear in the
territories under their control, soliciting them to care for their subjects, and forbidding
their wrongdoing. To vividly illustrate the islh nature of his letters to those
sovereigns, we shall quote selective extracts from three of his letters in the following
lines.
In one of his letters to the Seljuq Vizier, Nizm al-Dn Fakhr al-Mulk, he blames
him of using flattering titles: Be it known that the flattering titles conferred on men are
a devilish invention and as such are improper for a pious Muslim to accept.346 Urging
him to control his lusts and passions, he continues: According to the strict letter of
Islam, the Amr is the one who rules with absolute authority over his lusts and
passions.347 He further advises him to be a practicing Muslim: I, therefore, exhort you
to live the ascetic life and fear God and lay upon a store of good works against the day
of Reckoning.348
In another letter to the same vizier, he brings to his attention how bad the condition
in Ts was, due to famine and savage actions of the administrators, urging him to look
after the welfare of the residents: Let me tell you that this city was a howling
wilderness due to famine and cruelty meted out to the inhabitants by all government
officials...You should be merciful to your subjects and God would be merciful to
344
345
As Brown rightly points out, "in the Fad'il al-anm alone we have twelve letters that al-Ghazl wrote
to viziers and five to military commanders," (Brown, "The Last Days of al-Ghazl," p. 96).
346
347
348
199
you. 349 After continuing his daring advice, he concludes his letter by stating:
Meditate on possibilities for an hour or two and think deeply upon the poor people,
whose blood and sweat is being consumed by the Government officials350
To another Seljuk vizier, Mujr al-Dn, al-Ghazl writes a letter of strong words,
warning him from oppression and injustice: Refrain from torturing the innocent
masses or else great will be your disgrace from Allh. If you want to escape this
punishment, fight the forces of cruelty and injustice like a spiritual here and do not
yield to their behests.351
349
350
351
200
5. ASSESSMENT OF AL-GHAZLS ISL
H TEACHINGS
CHAPTER FIVE
***************
ASSESSMENT OF AL-GHAZLS ISLH TEACHINGS
5.1 Introduction:
Having shown the extent of al-Ghazls islh efforts in the previous chapter as
objectively as I am able, now it is proper that I carry out a general assessment of his
islh teachings, attempting to firstly discover the main strengths and weaknesses
therein, and secondly to show how far they stand against main criticisms. By doing
so, hopefully I will make a further key step towards the verification of the hypothesis
of the present thesis.
Hoping to achieve this aim, the present chapter judges al-Ghazls islh
teachings in general, according to the following major criteria: (1) originality, (2)
clarity, (3) deepness, (4) balance between individualism and collectivism, (5) realism
and practicality, and (6) Islamic-justification.
With this selection of criteria, I certainly do not claim that I will conduct a full or
detailed examination of al-Ghazls islh teachings. This range of criteria, however,
shall fulfil the purpose of the present chapter.
5.2 Originality:
It can be generally stated that originality characterizes al-Ghazls islh
teachings in the main. This is clearly reflected in his diagnosis of fasd above, which
is mainly based on his own observation and reflection, as is evident in the many fresh
201
H TEACHINGS
and contemporary examples provided in his examination of the roots and phenomena
of fasd in his time. His lengthy list of the various deluded groups and his detailed
explanation of how they were deluded, in the Ihy,1 reflects his own wide
observation and fresh reflection. His selection of the Common Wrongs in Customs,
mentioned above, which includes various contemporary examples also shows his
continuing dependence on his observation and reflection.
Another aspect of al-Ghazls originality which is reflected in his diagnosis is his
reliance on his own investigation. This is particularly visible in his approach to
discovering the reasons behind the phenomenon of the widespread weakness and
laxity of imn (Islamic faith). As has been mentioned above, he questioned for a
period of time those who fell short in following the Islamic Revealed Law (al-
Sharah) and came out with his own conclusion.
The originality of al-Ghazl is also reflected, to a great extent, in his treatments of
the phenomena of fasd, which are supported by his fresh insights and unique
reasoning. In fact it is typical of al-Ghazl that he does not simply represent previous
thoughts in the topics he discusses, rather he often highlights their shortcomings
before he presents his own treatment. This makes his treatments very far from being
blindly imitative to any previous ones. A good illustration of this is his discussion of
the true nature of good and bad character, which is based on his critical examination
of the views of his predecessors and on his highlighting of their shortcomings, as has
been stated above.
Al-Ghazls originality has greatly impressed a number of distinguished scholars
in the East and West, to the extent that he has been considered by some as the most
1
See al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 88-410.
202
H TEACHINGS
original thinker that Islm has produced.2 This, however, may be challenged by the
following. As is commonly known among the students of al-Ghazl, his teachings
contain various elements which are identical, in one way or another, to their
counterparts in other earlier works, namely Sufi, philosophical, and religious sources.
This has led some to accuse al-Ghazl of plagiarism in a sense of copying from these
sources without crediting them. In his book on al-Ghazls critics and admirers, al-
Qaradw3 lists this attitude,4 which he himself has noticed also, as one of the
criticisms which have been raised by some of the contemporary Arab critics of al-
Ghazl.
This criticism is also popular among the orientalists; Arberry, for instance,
criticizes al-Ghazl of extensively plagiarising from Kitb al-Tawahhum of al-
Muhsib in the concluding Kitb of the Ihy.5 Likewise, in the brief entry on al-
Makk in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Massignon writes that whole pages of his Qt
al-Qulb6 have been copied by al-Ghazl in the Ihy.7 In a similar way, but without
taking it as a judgment on al-Ghazls ethical attitude, Lazurus-Yafeh states that al-
Ghazl evidently copied not only ideas, images, proverbs, quotations and such like;
he copied whole parts of books without mentioning the authors names.8 Similarly,
Margaret Smith, in her article entitled The Forerunner of al-Ghazl, asserts that to
al-Muhsib al-Ghazl owes much more of his teaching than has been generally
realized, and much that has been attributed to al-Ghazl as representing his original
2
3
al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 165-7.
4
For an apology for al- Ghazl on this attitude, see al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 169-73.
5
A. J. Arberry, Revelation and Reason in Islam, London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1956, p. 64.
6
As it has been stated above (2.5.1), this book became one of the classical and original references for
later Sufis.
6
Massignon, EI, Vol. 3, p. 174, al-Makk. Cf. Mohamed Ahmed Sherif, Ghazalis Theory of Virtue,
Albany: State University of New York Press, 1975, p. 106, who states al-Ghazalis originality can
be seen in his selection, arrangement, and synthesis of the material he extracted from al-Makk.
8
Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in al-Ghazzali, p. 20.
203
H TEACHINGS
ideas, are in fact based upon the earlier teaching of al-Muhsib and, in many
instances, is directly borrowed from him.9
All this apparently contradicts what have been stated about al-Ghazls
originality. For various reasons, however, it is difficult to follow those who make such
accusations, and it cannot be taken as a postulate and without considerable
reservation. The accusation, firstly, does not seem to consider the fact that the concept
of plagiarism and the attitude towards it have changed over time; the criteria of this
act in the current age is considerably different than that in al-Ghazls time.10
Therefore, it is not a fair approach to use criteria which have been comparatively
recently developed in judging works that belong to an age heavily relying on
memorisation of knowledge by heart, and on oral transmission of it, as that of al-
Ghazl.
Secondly, in some places of his books, al-Ghazl does indeed credit the sources
from which he directly quotes.11 In his general account of condemning richness (al-
ghin) and praising poverty (al-faqr) in the Ihy, for instance, he acknowledges
borrowing al-Muhsibs teaching on this topic and clearly states that it deserves to be
quoted literally.12
Thirdly, the approach of selecting particular passages from al-Ghazls works and
accusing him of copying them from other sources without looking to each work as a
whole, leads, I argue, to misleading conclusions. However, by considering each of his
works as a whole and then comparing it with the earlier sources which he consulted,
one may come to entirely different conclusions. The Ihy, for example, is evidently a
9
Margaret Smith, The Forerunner of al-Ghazl, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Soceity, 1936, p. 65,
available online in PDF form on http://www.ghazali.org/articles/smth-frnr.pdf.
10
Cf. Gustave E. Von Grunebaum, The Concept of Plagiarism in Arabic Theory, in Journal of Near
Eastern Studies, Vol. 3 (4), pp. 234-253.
11
Cf. al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 170.
12
204
H TEACHINGS
unique book of its kind, compared to all the sources from which al-Ghazl borrowed
some material here and there. None of al-Ghazls critics dares to argue that the
Ihy, as a whole, is similar to any earlier work of al-Ghazls predecessors such as
al-Makks Qt al-Qulb or al-Muhsib's Kitb al-Tawahhum. Thus, by viewing al-
Ghazls works from this angle, his originality proves itself.
As a matter of fact, achieving such a sort of originality was intended by al-Ghazl
when he composed the Ihy, as he clearly states in the introduction of the book:
Indeed people have composed books concerning some of these ideas, but the
present book differs from them in five ways: First, by clarifying what they have
obscured and elucidating what they have treated causally; second, by arranging
what they have scattered and organizing what they have separated; third, by
condensing what they have made lengthy and proving what they have reported;
fourth, by omitting what they have repeated and affirming what they have
written correctly; fifth, by determining ambiguous matters which have been
difficult to be understood and which have not been dealt with in books at all.13
Fourthly, it is partial and simplistic approach to accuse al-Ghazl of plagiarism
by merely highlighting materials which al-Ghazl borrowed from other sources and
isolating them from their wider respective contexts. What really matters is not
whether al-Ghazl borrowed particular ideas from other sources, but rather how he
uses them in his works. This question seems to be ignored by those who have accused
al-Ghazl of plagiarism.
To scholarly deal with this critical question, it is essential, as Sherif puts it, to
reconstruct and obtain a comprehensive view of al-Ghazls thought and understand
the way he synthesizes the different traditions14 By attempting to tackle this
13
The Book of Knowledge, p. xiv.
14
205
H TEACHINGS
question in this way, Sherif has proven that al-Ghazls deployment of these various
and diverse elements serves particular functions in his own teachings, which are very
different from their functions in their original sources. By deeply studying al-
Ghazls ethical teachingas presented in his principal workswhich is, as he
observes, a central theme in al-Ghazls writings and a good representative of all the
diverse fields to which he contributed,15 Sherif has explored in detail the nature of this
aspect of al-Ghazls originality, though he has called it the unity in al-Ghazls
thought.16 He has thoroughly examined the treatment of al-Ghazl of three different
and apparently contradictory elements which are present in his ethical writings,
namely virtues in philosophical, religious-legal, and mystic traditions, and has
intelligently shown how al-Ghazl was able to synthesize his unique composite
theory of virtuewhich is in his view a key aspect of his ethical theory17by
bringing all of these elements together in a special way in which they complement
each other and makes a whole which is not merely the sum of the parts, but has its
own characteristics as an ethical theory.18 Thus, he assures that al-Ghazl never
merely copies or combines diverse ideas in a random way, but selects, transforms, and
weaves certain aspects of them together with a view to a particular end, ultimate
happiness.19 Sherif concludes by stating that al-Ghazl freely moves from one
tradition to another, filling in the gaps in the one with the complementary element of
the other, and modifying those aspects which cannot, in their original form, be
incorporated into his new framework.20
15
16
17
Sherif, Ghazalis Theory of Virtue, pp. 22f.
18
19
20
206
H TEACHINGS
In a wider scope, Abul Quasem in his lengthy account of the ethical theory of al-
Ghazl has discussed this composite nature of al-Ghazls teaching and has asserted
that with his extraordinary genius, al-Ghazl was able to mingle the various
elements and systemize them into a well-ordered and consistent whole.21
Another testimony to the originality of al-Ghazl, but in another subject area, is
delivered by Michael Cook in his book, which surveys the accounts of the duty of
commanding good and forbidding wrong appearing in literature of the major
Islamic sects and schools. Although al-Ghazl belongs to the Shfi law-school,
Cook is convinced that a distinction should be made between al-Ghazls account on
the duty and that of all other Shfis.22 Therefore, he devotes a whole chapter to al-
Ghazls account. A major reason behind this, as he points out, is the high
distinctiveness of al-Ghazls account.23 Recording his observation of the originality
of al-Ghazls account of this duty as presented in the Ihy, Cook states: to the best
of my knowledge it is almost entirely his own.24 He further states that even when al-
Ghazl employs earlier thoughts, he presents them in clearly different wordings.25 In
addition, he has observed two further aspects of al-Ghazls originality in his
account: its striking structure with its unique divisions and its innovative
terminologies, and its uncommon perspective which includes the practicalities of the
duty.26
All these scholarly testimonies effectively acknowledge al-Ghazls originality
and thus render any further discussion of the accusation of plagiarism unnecessary.
21
Abul Quasem, The Ethics of al-Ghazl, p. 35.
22
Cook, Commanding Right, p. 340.
23
Cook, Commanding Right, pp. 340 & 446.
24
25
26
Cook, Commanding Right, pp. 447-50.
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5.3 Clarity:
Besides originality, admirable clarity is a striking strength of al-Ghazls islh
teachings. By this quality, I mean that his teachings are highly readable and
remarkably coherent. As a matter of fact, this characterizes al-Ghazls style in
general. To illustrate this characteristic, I shall highlight below a number of aspects of
the clarity of al-Ghazls style supported by representative examples.
A. PRESENTING OVERVIEWS BEFORE DETAILED DISCUSSIONS:
In his discussion of a particular topic, al-Ghazl often presents a vivid overview
of the topic under study first, then he follows it with detailed discussion. This attitude
is very evident, for example, in his treatment of curing heart sicknesses in the Ihy.
Before discussing the cures for specific heart sicknesses in detail, he gives a general
account of the topic in The Book of Disciplining the Soul, Refining the Character,
and Curing the Sicknesses of the Heart (Kitb Riydat al-Nafs wa-Tahdhb al-
Akhlq wa-Mulajat Amrd al-Qulb). In the introduction of this Kitb, he explains
the purpose of this general account as follows:
In this Book we shall indicate a number of sicknesses of the heart, and provide
a general discourse on how these are to be treated, without giving details of cures
for specific ailments, since these will be set forth in the remaining Books (Kutub)
of this Quarter (Rub). Our present purpose is to review in an overall fashion
how the traits of character may be refined, and to provide a preparatory method
for this.27
In addition to being important in preparing the reader for the detailed discussion to
come, al-Ghazl is convinced that this method is essential for attaining a
27
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comprehensive understanding. Commenting on the interesting organization of his
book al-Mustasf, al-Ghazl explicitly mentions this additional significance:
I have composed it and brought to it an admirable, delicate organization. The

reader shall at first look become aware of all the aims of this science and shall
grasp all the dimensions of thoughts within it. For every science where the
student cannot get at the outset its foundations and structure, leaves him no
chance of attaining its inner secrets and goals.28
B. PRCISING AFTER DETAILING:
What adds to the clarity of al-Ghazls writing is his habitual stylistic attitude of
making concise prcis after his extended discussions. This is very visible in al-
Ghazls works in general and in the Ihy in particular, where prcising phrases,
such as in short (bi-al-jumlah),29 appear quite often.30 A good representative
example for this stylistic habit in the Ihy is the prcis given at the end of the
exposition of the reasons of arrogance (al-kibr). Al-Ghazl summarizes his detailed
discussion of these reasons in the following very well thought out and precise
sentence: In short, every a blessing (nimah) which may be regarded as a perfection
(kaml), even if it is not really perfection in itself (bi-nafsih), can become a matter of
arrogance.31
C. GIVING DIFERENT NAMES TO DISTINGUISH DISTINCT IDEAS:
For the purpose of clarity, al-Ghazl usually distinguishes between the ideas or
the thoughts which he discusses by giving a name to each distinct one. This point
28
al-Ghazl, al-Mustasf, Vol. 1, p. 6, trans., see Hammd, Ab Hmid al-Ghazls Jurist Doctrine,
p. 305.
29
In some contexts, al-Ghazl uses the same expression for generalization.
30
See, for instance, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 58 & 188, Vol. 2, pp. 78 & 103, and Vol. 3, pp. 328,
353, & 356.
31
209
H TEACHINGS
becomes clearer by considering the following example from the Ihy. In discussing
the involuntary suggestions (khawtir) which take place in the heart (al-qalb) and stir
up the desire (al-shahwah), he divides them into two categories: that which provokes
evil (al-sharr), I mean that leading to a harmful aftermath; and that which motivates
to good (al-khayr), I mean that which is profitable in the next world.32 Explaining the
need for giving each type a different name, he says that these are two different
suggestions and thus need two different names.33 Then, he distinguishes between
them by name: The praiseworthy suggestion (khtir) is called ilhm (inspiration) and
the blameworthy suggestion, I mean that which leads to evil is called wisws
(whispering).34
This attitude is based on the general rule, which al-Ghazl mentions in several
places in the Ihy that there is no restraint in terminologies when the meanings are
understood (l hajra f al-asm bada fahm al-man).35 This explains why al-
Ghazl focuses on meanings or contents rather than expressions.36
D. DEFINING THE MEANINGS OF THE TECHNICAL TERMS:
Normally al-Ghazl does not leave the key terms which he uses in technical or
special usage without a clear definition, and thus his reader would not become
uncertain about what he really means by them. This habitual practice adds to the
clarity of al-Ghazls teachings, as is very noticeable in his works in general and the
Ihy in particular. It has been shown in the above survey of al-Ghazls islh efforts
that a number of key terms used in al-Ghazls diagnosis and treatments in special
32
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 27, trans., Skellie The Religious Psychology, p. 104.
33
34
35
36
See Lazarus-Yafeh, Studies in al-Ghazzali, p. 253.
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H TEACHINGS
meanings are fully defined by him, such as al-taqld, al-qalb, al-duny, bith al- dn,
and al-khuluq.
E. USING APT METAPHORS:
Another aspect of the clarity of al-Ghazls style is that he frequently uses apt
metaphors to illustrate his teachings, particularly when he wants to clarify subtle
ideas. Many of such metaphors are given in the Ihy. A striking example is his use of
a pig, a dog, a devil, and a sage to represent the four inherent qualities of mans heart
(qalb) in order to elucidate the harm of these qualities, when any of them becomes
predominant, and to show how to bring them under control. After specifying these
four qualities, which are wildness (al-bahmyah), bestiality (al-sabyah), devilry (al-
shaytnyah), and superiority (al-rabbnyah), and the forms of fasd resulting from
each one of them when it becomes predominant, he uses these four metaphors as
follows:
Every man has within him a mixture of these four qualitiesI mean superiority
(al-rabbnyah), devilry (al-shaytnyah), bestiality (al-sabyah), and wildness
(al-bahmyah)and all of these are collected in the heart (al-qalb), as though
the total in a mans skin is a pig, a dog, a devil, and a sage. The pig is appetite
(al-shahwah), for a pig is not reproached because of its colour or shape or form,
but because of its greed, covetousness, and avidity. The dog is anger, for the
carnivorous beast and the mordacious dog are not dog and beast from the
standpoint of their appearance or colour or shape, but rather the essence of the
meaning of bestial quality is voracity and hostility and mordacity. Now in mans
interior are the voracity and rage of the beast, and the greed and lust of the pig.
Thus, the pig through greed invites to the vile and the abomination, and the wild
beast by anger calls to injustice and harmful acts. The devil continuously stirs up
the appetite of the pig and the wrath of the wild beast, and seduces one by the
other and presents to them in a favourable light that for which they have a natural
propensity. The sage, who represents the intellect (al-aql), is in duty to repel the
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craftiness and cunning of the devil by revealing his deception through its
piercing insight and radiant and clear light; and to break the greed of this pig by
making the dog its master. For by means of anger he breaks the vigour of
appetite. He wards off the voracity of the dog by making the pig its master and
bringing the dog in subjection under its rule. If he does that and is capable of it,
the matter is in equilibrium (itdal al-amr) and justice is manifest in the kingdom
of the body, and all proceeds on the straight path; but if he is unable to overcome
them, they dominate him and bring him into servitude, and so that he is
continually seeking out stratagems and carefully thinking to satisfy the pig and
please the dog, and thus he will always be in servitude to a dog and a pig.37
F. GIVING IDENTICAL SIMILES:
In addition to parables, al-Ghazls writings are full of similes which clarify
abstract notions. He has a striking ability of giving similes which are highly identical
to the ideas which he wants to explain. A good example is the simile in which he
compares the disciplining of the soul (riydat al-nafs) to the weaning of young
children and the training of riding beasts. After stating that the soul (al-nafs) doe not
become tame before its Lord or enjoy His remembrance until it is weaned from its
habits,38 and that this is a heavy burden for the aspirant at the outset, but
ultimately becomes a source of pleasure,39 he gives the following two similes:
Like a small boy who finds being weaned from the breast a hardship, and cries
bitterly and with anguish, and is repelled by the food which is set before him as a
substitute for his milk. However, if he is then denied any milk at all, he finds his
abstinence from food extremely exhausting, and when hunger overmasters him,
he eats. Although this is an effort at first, in due course it becomes second nature
to him, so that were he to be returned to the breast he would leave it alone and
dislike its milk, having acquired a familiarity with food. Similarly, a riding-beast
initially shies away from saddle and bridle, and will not be ridden, and has to be
37
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 11, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, p. 321, and also
Skellie, The Religious Psychology, pp. 38f.
38
39
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forced to endure these things, and must be restrained with chains and ropes from
the roaming at will which had been its custom. Later it becomes so familiar with
these things that when it is left untethered it stands quite still.40
G. MAKING HELPFUL CROSS-REFERENCES:
Al-Ghazls habit of cross-referring to relevant information in his works
contributes to the clarity of his style. Throughout his principal books, rich cross-
references are often made, an impressive skill prior to the invention of the press
particularly in works in the size of the Ihy.
There are three forms of cross-references that appear in al-Ghazls works. The
first is that directing to pertinent discussion to come in the same work.41 The second is
that referring to relevant information mentioned earlier in the same source.42 The third
is that pointing to other books of al-Ghazl.43 All this make tracing the related
discussions easy and thus helps in attaining a comprehensive understanding of al-
Ghazls views.
H. ARRANGING AND STRUCTURING HIS THOUGHTS IN A LOGICAL WAY:
The writings of al-Ghazl are easy to follow because they, in general, are
arranged and structured in a logical way. In addition, it is one of his stylistic habits
that he explains the logic behind the arrangement and the structure of the topics he
intends to discuss right at the introduction of his works and also at the beginning of
almost every chapter of his books. A case in point is the logic behind the structure of
40
41
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 24, 36, 47, 82, Vol. 2, p. 287, Vol. 3, pp. 09, 118,
171, & Vol. 4, p. 15.
42
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 284, Vol. 2, pp. 238, 245, Vol. 3, p. 62, & Vol. 4, p.
316.
43
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, p. 37, where he refers to his book al-Mustazhir, see also
Vol. 1, p. 40, where he refers to his book Qawid al-Itiqd and his three books of fiqh, al-Bast, al-
Wast, and al-Wajz, and also Vol. 1, p. 50, where he refers to his book Miyr al-Ilm.
213
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the whole Ihy which is explained by al-Ghazl in the introduction of the book as
follows:
What have made me to arrange this book in four parts is two things: The first,
which is the fundamental motive, is that this arrangement in establishing what is
true and in exposition is imperative; because the branch of knowledge by which
one approaches the next world is divided into the knowledge of the Praxis (ilm
al-mumalah) and the knowledge of the Unveiling (ilm al-mukshafah)This
book only concerns with the knowledge of the Praxis and not with the
knowledge of the Unveiling, which is not permitted to be recorded in
booksThe knowledge of the Praxis is divided into outward knowledge (ilm
zhir), I mean the knowledge of actions done by bodily members (ilm aml al-
jawrih), and inward knowledge (ilm btin), I mean the knowledge dealing with
the activities of the hearts (aml al-qulb)The outward part, which is
connected with the physical members, is subdivided into acts of worship
(ibdah) and habitual acts (dah). The inward part, which is connected with the
states of the heart and the characteristics of the soul, is subdivided into
blameworthy and praiseworthy states. So the total makes four divisionsThe
second motive is that I have noticed that the eager interest of students is in fiqh
(Islamic jurisprudence) which is set fourth in four divisions, and he who
follows the style of one who is beloved becomes beloved.44
I. ADOPTING CONSISTENT STYLE:
The considerable consistency in al-Ghazls style is another factor of his clarity.
This is also typical of al-Ghazl. The analysis of Lazarus-Yafeh of the expressions
and idioms which very frequently appear in al-Ghazls basic and authentic works
and thus can be considered, according to her,45 typical of al-Ghazls style shows that
there is a remarkable consistency in his style throughout his life.46
44
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 3f, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 10-2, and also
Fris, The Book of Knowledge, p. xv.
45
46
214
H TEACHINGS
J. USING LUCID AND UNSOPHISTICATED LANGUAGE:
A further element of al-Ghazls clarity is that the language of his writing is lucid
and free from sophisticated expressions. Thus, it is highly readable. This would be
very appreciated if al-Ghazls language is compared to, for example, that of his
teacher, al-Juwayn, which has been considered as mysterious even by early
established scholars such as al-Subk.47
5.4 Deepness:
Deepness is another strength of the islh teachings of al-Ghazl. I have
particularly noticed this in his diagnosis of fasd, which reflects a deep scrutiny of the
nature of the fasd in his time. As has been shown in the preceding chapter, he deeply
diagnosed not only various phenomena of fasd in his time, but also the roots of fasd
in general.
This aspect of al-Ghazls deepness has been highlighted in other studies on al-
Ghazl. With reference to the Ihy, al-Nadw, for instance, points out that al-Ghazl
examined therein the whole of the Muslim society at the time.48 Following his outline
of al-Ghazls wide and thorough examination of the society and its various classes,
al-Nadw assures that the Ihy shows that al-Ghazls observation is deep and that
he was expert in peoples ways of life.49
The deepness of al-Ghazl is also reflected on his scholarly approach in both his
diagnosis of fasd and his islh treatments. It is typical of al-Ghazl that when
tackling a particular issue, he does not satisfy himself with partial treatment of it, but
rather he amazingly gives careful attention to almost all the related aspects. In his
47
al-Subk, Tabaqt al-Shfiyh, Vol. 6, p. 243.
48
al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol. 1, p. 309.
49
al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol. 1, pp. 309-10.
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H TEACHINGS
discussion of the main roots of fasd, for example, we have seen how he pays close
attention to various aspects of these roots, explaining in detail what causes them and
what their consequences are.
Likewise, al-Ghazls deepness is evident in the scholarly methods, which he
adopted in his diagnosis of the phenomena of fasd. A good illustration of this is his
investigation of the reasons behind the phenomenon of widespread laxity of Imn. He
did not rely on his mere impression or quick observation, but rather he questioned for
a period of time a number of those who were affected by this phenomenon, as was
mentioned above.
What adds to al-Ghazls deepness is his insightful analysis. This is also typical
of his teachings, which are full of deep insights. A good illustration for this is his
profound psychological analysis of mans reality, as has been outlined above.
5.5 Balance between Individualism and Collectivism:
The question of whether al-Ghazl in his islh teachings balances between
individualism and collectivism, as a test of quality, is problematic and thus requires
careful examination.
To begin with, al-Ghazl has been seriously accused of failing to meet this
criterion. Commenting on al-Ghazls ethics, Muhammad Ms, for instance, has
strongly attacked al-Ghazl for not being concerned with the interest of the collective
in his school of ethics, and that he was solely concerned with the interest of the
individual, for he specifies as the ultimate goal of ethics, achieving the individuals
happiness and not the happiness of the community as a whole.50 Similarly, Sud al-
Hakm has condemned al-Ghazl for overemphasizing the salvation of the individual
50
Muhammad Y. Ms, Falsafat al-Akhlq f al-Islm, cited in al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp.
160-3.
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H TEACHINGS
whereas Islam, as she has described, commingled between the salvation of the
individual and that of the collective.51
It is true that what may be called individual-orientedness characterizes al-
Ghazls islh teachings in general, and by this it is meant that the utmost goal of his
teachings is the individual spiritual salvation of man and his attainment of the ultimate
happiness in the next world.52 It is also true that al-Ghazls emphasis on the
individual may create a sort of selfish spirit among his followers; by literally
following specific instructions in the Ihy, in particular, one may end up living a
selfish life in the meaning of being exclusively, and probably excessively, concerned
with the spiritual development of the self. For example, after warning from being
concerned with islh of others before finishing the task of islh of the self, al-Ghazl
explains in the Ihy what he means by finishing from the self-islh: When you have
finished purifying yourself and you have become able to forsake the outer and the
inner sins and that has become a habit and a second nature53 Now, since it is very
difficult, if not impossible, to reach that level of purification, the ardent follower of
this advice most likely will never become concerned with islh of others.
Although such instruction of explicitly individualistic nature strongly supports the
above criticism against al-Ghazl, it is difficult to form a definitive judgment on the
question in view. This is simply because there are several other instructions from al-
Ghazl which clearly show that caring for the collective and taking on
responsibilities towards them are two essential elements in his teachings. A good
51
Sud al-Hakm, Makanat al-Ghazl min al-Ulm al-Sfyah, in Majalat al-Turth al-Arab,
Damasqus: Itihd al-Kuttb al-Arab, Issue 22, year 6, Jan. 1996, cited online: http://www.awu-
dam.org/trath/22/turath22-009.htm, visited on 22/12/2006, no pagination.
52
Sherif has noticed this in his study on al- Ghazls theory of virtue; he states that his theory is
oriented towards the well-being of the individual. It concerns itself primarily with mans individual
spiritual salvation, the attainment of ultimate happiness in the Hereafter, (Sherif, al-Ghazalis
Theory of Virtue, p. 169).
53
217
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representative example for this is his teachings on the duties of brotherhood,
companionship, neighbourhood, relatives, and Muslims in general for which he
devoted a whole Kitb in the Ihy.54 A more self-evident example is his account on
the duty of commanding right and forbidding wrong (al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-
nahy an al-munkar).55 This account as a whole, and particularly his strong
argumentation against the view that uprightness (al-adlah) is one of the conditions
for performing the duty and that a transgressor (fsiq) cannot perform it,56 clearly
shows apparently opposite position on the issue of islh of others before the
completeness of islh of the self, in contrast with the above view.
Now, the difficult problem is how to resolve the apparent contradiction between
al-Ghazls teachings of individualistic spirit and those of collective nature. This, in
our view, is a very challenging problem and really deserves a separate study, but
meanwhile one cannot but affirm such contradiction and consider it a serious
weakness in his islh teachings. As a provisional attempt to interpret this apparent
contradiction, I may suggest that it is a partial contradiction between al-Ghazls
fiqh views and his teachings, which are based on Sufi tradition or legacy.
I would now like to discuss another criticism levelled against al-Ghazl, which is
not unrelated to the criterion in view. That is the accusation of being passive toward
the grave challenge of the Crusaders facing the Muslim Ummah in his time. It is a
popular criticism among contemporary critics of al-Ghazl that he kept silent on this
external crisis, as there is no reference to it in his works or fatw, although he
witnessed the Frankish invasion of some Muslim lands, namely Jerusalem in
492/1098.57
54
55
56
57
See, for example, al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 172f.
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There have been various theories on this unexpected silence. Al-Qaradw, for
example, while admitting that al-Ghazls position on this regard is puzzling, for a
man of his status knows what should have been said and done in such condition,58 he
offers two interpretations which can be paraphrased as follows. The first is that when
that external threat started and developed al-Ghazl was in seclusion during which
his main concern was self-purification and his own salvation; but even after his
abandonment of seclusion, there was no indication of being concerned with that issue,
which was related to the future of the whole Muslim Ummah.59 This, al-Qaradw
continues, has led some to say that Sufis, including al-Ghazl, believed that the
Crusader invasion was a Divine Punishment for Muslims as a result of their sins; and
thus, they were negative towards it.60 The second interpretation offered by al-
Qaradw, which is more apologetic, is that al-Ghazl was primarily preoccupied
with islh from within, for internal fasd paves the way for external invasion, as the
Qurn indicates.61
Similar to this second interpretation is the view of Abu-Sway who says:
In my opinion, Al-Ghazzliyy [sic.] realized that the Islamic Caliphate at the

time was corrupt and filled with social and ideological trends that ran against
Islamic Shariah. I think he was convinced that the disease was within the state,
and that the Crusaders were nothing but the symptoms. Al-Ghazzliyy [sic.]
understood that the core of the issue was moral. To solve this problem, he
wanted to educate people and to revive the role of the Shariah and its aims
(maqsid).62
58
al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 172.
59
60
al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 173f.
61
al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 174, referring to the opening of Q.17.
62
Mustafa Abu-Sway, al-Ghazzliyy [sic]: A Study in Islamic Epistemology, Kuala Lumpur: Diwan
Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1996, p. 14.
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What really matters to the present study is whether this criticism disproves the
classification of al-Ghazl as a muslh. In order to fairly answer this question, it is
important to consider the following points:
1. The real position of al-Ghazl on the challenge of the crusaders is not known
for certain. This is simply because it is difficult to claim that everything about
him was reported, especially during his seclusion period, about which only
little is known for sure, as stated above. The fact that nothing was reported as
a direct response from him to that challenge does not seem a sound proof to
base on it a positive view about his real position or to put in his mouth words
that he had not uttered. Silence alone is open to interpretation.
2. By recalling the historical context of the First Crusade and the overall Muslim
response, which I have been purposely illustrated in the appendix of this study,
it can be stated that one of the major reasons behind the defeat of Muslims by
the Crusaders was the internal conflicts among Muslim leaders in particular,
and lack of unity among Muslims in general. As Hillenbrand puts it in short:
It is a familiar tenet of Crusader history that the warriors of the First Crusade
succeeded because of Muslim disunity and weakness. Had the First Crusade
arrived even ten years earlier, it would have met strong, unified resistance
from the state then ruled by Malikshah, the last of the three so-called Great
Seljuq sultans.63
3. These internal conflicts mainly resulted from the struggle over worldly
interests, or according to al-Ghazls terminology in his islh teachings love
of the duny. So, by treating this particular reason behind the internal
conflicts, which was one of the major concerns of al-Ghazl as was shown
63
Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 33.
220
H TEACHINGS
previously, one can say that he was indirectly responding to the major cause of
the defeat of Muslims. In other words al-Ghazl was concerned with treating
what has been called by al-Kln becoming disposed to defeat (qbilat al-
hazmah).64
4. As was shown in the previous chapter, al-Ghazls attempts at islh focused
on several internal challenges of the Muslim Ummah, which were no less
serious than the external ones, not to mention the challenge of the Batins,
which contributed to the general weakness of Muslims. Now, even if he did
not directly respond to the challenge of the Crusader invasion, despite its
seriousness, this alone is not enough to discredit him as a muslh. It is not
necessary that one has to deal with all the challenges of ones time in order to
be considered as a muslh from the Islamic perspective, for not even every
prophet did so.
5.6 Realism and Practicality:
For the sake of convenience, realism and practicality are considered here as a dual
criterion because they are somehow related.
Making a general judgment on whether al-Ghazls islh teachings meet this
dual criterion is problematic. On one hand, there are various aspects of realism and
practicality clearly appearing in his teachings. To start with, it is very evident that al-
Ghazl in his islh teachings focuses on practical issues. This can be considered as a
characteristic of his religious and spiritual teachings in general. As Timothy Gianotti
has recently emphasised, when it comes to spiritual and religious direction, al-
64
221
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Ghazl is a most practical man.65 This, he further states, is nowhere more clearly
seen than in the Ihy itself, which is designed to be a step-by-step manual for
religious and spiritual formation.66 Gianotti has concluded his study on what he calls
al-Ghazls unspeakable doctrine of the soul by the following statement: In the
end, I argue that he was, above all else, a practical man, even in his mysticism.67
This characteristic appears right at the Introduction to the Ihy in which al-
Ghazl states that the book only concerns with the knowledge of the Praxis (ilm al-
mumalah) and not with the knowledge of the Unveiling (ilm al-mukshafah),
which is not permitted to be recorded in books.68 Commenting on this, Gianotti
says:
So, even though he touches on the knowledge of the Unveiling in this and many
other parts of the Ihy, he tells us in no uncertain terms that the work itself is
about the knowledge of Right Practicewhich is for everyoneand not about
the disclosure of the contents of mystical noesiswhich is beyond most peoples
ability to bear and is no way a requirement for salvation.69
Al-Ghazls practicality is also reflected in his continuous warning in the Ihy
from wasting time on issues that do not lead to actions, or issues for which there is no
actual need. For example, he blames the ulam, who rather than occupying
themselves with problems of their day and those of frequent occurrence, pursue the
unusual issues and exhaust themselves in dealing with problems which most likely
never occur.70
65
Timothy J. Gianotti, al-Ghazls Unspeakable Doctrine of the Soul: Unveiling the Esoteric
Psychology and Eschatology of the Ihy, Leiden: Koninklijke Brill Nv, 2001, p. 28.
66
Gianotti, al-Ghazls Unspeakable Doctrine, p. 28.
67
68
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 1, pp. 3f, trans., see McCall, The Book of Knowledge, pp. 10-2, and also
Fris, The Book of Knowledge, p. xv.
69
70
222
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In addition to being focused on practical issues, al-Ghazls islh teachings are
based on existing facts rather than visionary. All the problems which are mentioned in
the survey above existed in his time, and none of them can be classified as imaginary.
Furthermore, al-Ghazl often explicitly rejects impracticable thoughts and ideal
solutions. For instance, as has been shown previously, he does not necessitate a
complete suppression of desires in order to achieve goodness in character;71 and he
rejects the assumption of a group of Sufis that the purpose of spiritual struggling
(mujhadah) is to completely suppress all desires.72
On the other hand, there are elements of apparent idealism or extremeness voiced
in al-Ghazls islh teachings, and this has led students of Islamic thought to
evaluate some of al-Ghazls teachings as being impractical, and even harmful, in the
case of many people, if not the majority. Al-Hakm, for example, has condemned al-
Ghazls division in the Ihy of a twenty-four-hour Muslim day into specified parts
(awrd) and his arrangement of obligatory and voluntarily Islamic worship
accordingly,73 reserving that such an ideal pattern of Muslim day cannot be
followed except by very few Muslims, and blaming him of addressing himself to a
restricted group of Muslims, i.e., devoted worshipers (al-ubbd). In reference to the
Ihy also, al-Nadw, though he appraises the book in general, states that many of
those who restrict their reading to this book, or very often and avidly read in it, would
adopt an extreme attitude of asceticism, renouncement of permissible worldly
pleasure, and excessive disciplining to the extent that it would affect their health and
mind.74
71
72
73
74
al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol. 1, p. 314.
223
H TEACHINGS
To fairly deal with this problematic issue, it is important to consider the following
clarifying points about al-Ghazls teachings. First, his teachings are based on his
differentiation between the strong in religiousness (al-aqwiy f al-dn) or the select
few (al-khaws), who have high religious and spiritual qualities, and the weak (al-
duaf).75 In fact, he explicitly states in the Ihy that the aim of such a book as this
is that it be helpful to the aqwiy and established ulam, though he says that we
shall strive to make the duaf understand by means of giving examples so that it
may be close to their understandings.76 Thus, it is crucial to distinguish his teachings
which are merely directed to the aqwiy or the khaws from those which are intended
for the others. Failing to do this may lead to imprecise judgment.
Second, al-Ghazl usually takes into consideration the differences in the
circumstances of people in his teachings. He, for example, states that the method of
struggle (mujhadah) and discipline (riydah) varies from one person to the next, in
accordance with their circumstances.77 Therefore, applying his teachings without
considering the different circumstances of people may lead to unfavourable effects.
Third, he considers gradualness a condition for success in religious disciplining
and soul purification; and thus he continuously warns from ignoring gradualness for it
may lead to reversing results. For example, in his direction of breaking the greed of
the stomach, he highlights the harm of not applying gradualness by stating that the
constitution of a man who is accustomed to eating much, and who then changes all at
once to eating only a little, will not be able to sustain this, and will be weakened,
resulting in considerable hardship and distress.78
75
See, for example, al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 98, 318, 323 & 325.
76
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 6, trans., see McCarthy, Kitb Sharh Ajb al-Qalb, p. 315, and also
Skellie, The Religious Psychology, p. 18.
77
78
224
H TEACHINGS
Fourth, moderation is an essential general guiding principle in al-Ghazls
teachings for he clearly states that the most exalted desideratum in all matters and
morals is the mean (al-wasat), for the best of affairs is the middle course, and both
extremes in any matter are blameworthy,79 and that the mean is required in all traits
of character which have opposite,80 quoting the saying of the Prophet (S.A.A.W.),
the best of affairs is the middle course (khayr al-umr awsituh).81
Fifth, although al-Ghazl teaches that moderation should be aimed for, he at the
same time believes that following the middle course should be only after ones nature
has been set in equilibrium. A good illustration for this precise point is particularly
found in al-Ghazls Exposition of the Variance in the Rule and Merit of Hunger in
Accordance with Circumstances of Men (Bayn Ikhtilf Hukm al-J wa-Fatlatih
wa-Ikhtilf Ahwal al-Ns Fh).82 After his general statement about the mean (al-
wasat) quoted above, he goes on to say:
Our discourse concerning the merits which attach to hunger may have
suggested that extremeness is required in this regard, but this is certainly not the
case. For it is one of the secret wisdom of the Sharah that whenever mans
nature demands that he go to an unsound extreme, the Sharah also goes to
extreme in forbidding this, in a fashion which to an uninformed man might
suggest that it requires the complete opposite of what human nature (tab)
demands. The lim (the learned), however, realises that it is the mean that is
required. This is because human nature, demanding as it does the maximum of
satiety, must be countered by the Sharah with praise of extreme hunger, so that
the instincts of mans nature and the prohibitions of the Sharah stand opposite
one another, thereby bringing about an equilibrium. For it is unlikely thing that a
man might suppress his nature entirely, rather he will realise that he shall never
79
80
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 96, trans., see Winter, Disciplining, pp. 155f.
81
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, p. 96, trans., see Winter, Disciplining, pp. 155f.
82
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 96-8, trans., see Winter, Disciplining, pp. 154-60.
225
H TEACHINGS
reach this goal. Even were he to go to the greatest extreme in countering his
nature, the Sharah would indicate that he had erred. 83
Explaining the mean in eating for a man of moderate nature, he continues:
You should also know that the best course for a man of moderate nature is to
eat so that his stomach is not heavy, but without feeling the pangs of hunger. One
should forget ones belly, and not harbour any preference for hunger. For the
purpose of eating is the preservation of life and the gaining of strength for
worship: a heavy stomach is an obstruction to worship, and so are the pangs of
hunger, for they distract the heart.84
Al-Ghazl, however, makes the following exception for this general

principle:
This, however, comes about after ones nature has been set in equilibrium. At
the outset, should the soul have a tendency to bolt, crave the satisfaction of its
desire, and incline to excess, the mean (al-wasat) will yield it no advantage;
instead one must go to extreme lengths to hurt it with hunger, in the way that one
must employ hunger, blows and other things to hurt a riding beast that is not
broken in until it becomes moderate in its temperament. When it is broken in,
becomes balanced, and reverts to the equilibrium, one may cease training and
hurting it.85
Although this extreme disciplining is exception to the rule, the following
explanation from al-Ghazl indicates that he believes that it is the best way of
disciplining in most cases:
Since the dominant condition of the soul is one of greed, desire, rebellion, and
refusal to worship, the most profitable thing for it is hunger, the pain of which it
feels under most circumstances, and which leads to its subjugation. The intention
83
84
85
226
H TEACHINGS
is that the soul should be broken in this way until it becomes balanced, which
condition will abide even after it returns to its food.86
In his closing of this Exposition, al-Ghazl directly addresses those who

are in charge of disciplining wayfarers on the Path of the next world (slk
tarq al-khirah) by stating:
These secrets should not be unveiled by a Shaykh of the Path to his aspirants.
Instead he should confine himself to praising hunger, and not summon them to
moderation (al-itidl), for if he did so they would certainly fall short of it: he
should rather summon them towards the very extremes of hunger, in order that
such moderation might become easy for them. He should not tell them that the
prefect gnostic (al-rif) may dispense with self-discipline, for this would furnish
the devil with a pathway to their hearts, so that he would constantly be
whispering to each of them, You are a perfect gnostic; what more gnosis and
perfection could you need?The strong (i.e., in religiousness: al-qaw), when
he devotes himself to disciplining and islh of others, must descend to the level
of the weak in order that he might resemble them and be gentle when driving
them towards their saving felicity87
In the light of all the discussion above, I conclude that al-Ghazls islh
teachings are considerably realistic and practical, particularly his general
principles, but when it comes to matter of details, especially with regard to Soul
disciplining, there appear unrealistic and impractical aspects. This is mainly
because he necessitates extreme disciplining in most cases, though he believes
in moderation as a general rule. In our view, such extreme disciplining can
easily lead to alienation from the outset in the case of many people. Thus, I
consider it a major weakness in al-Ghazls islh teachings, regardless of his
attempt to justify it, simply because his way of justifying this particular point
does not stand criticism, as shall be further discussed below.
86
87
227
H TEACHINGS
5.7 Islamic-Justification:
In the main, al-Ghazls islh teachings are supported by proofs from the Islamic
fundamental sources, namely the Qurn and the Sunnah. This typifies the works of
al-Ghazl under study. Even in presenting his own insights and reflections in these
works, al-Ghazl almost always justifies them by quoting evidences from the Islamic
primary sources. As a general rule, any insight (istibsr), he explicitly states,
which cant be justified by (l-yashhad lah) the Qurn and the Sunnah is not
reliable.88 Thus, there is no wonder that his works are full of citation from these two
sources.
Al-Ghazls justification of his teachings, however, has been seriously challenged
by a number of distinguished Muslim scholars over the centuries. This will be further
discussed under the following three sub-headings: (1) the foreign elements in al-
Ghazls teachings, (2) al-Ghazl and the unjustified Sufi tradition, and (3) al-
Ghazls reliance on unsound ahdth.
5.7.1 The Foreign Elements in al-Ghazls Teachings:
This section focuses on the question of justification of what have been called
foreign elements presented in al-Ghazls works and which may be traced back
directly or indirectly to un-Islamic sources, namely the works of ancient philosophers.
Because of such elements, al-Ghazl has been criticized since his time. His
contemporary al-Mzir89 (d. 536/1141), the celebrated Malik scholar, is a good
representative early example of those who raised such criticism. In the course of his
reply to a question about his view on the Ihy, he accused al-Ghazl of (a) relying
88
89
Ab Abd Allh Muhammad b. Al al-Mzir.
228
H TEACHINGS
much on Ibn Sn (Avicenna) in his philosophical thought, (b) engaging in reading
Ikhwn al-Saf which, as he pointed out, a mixture of philosophy and knowledge of
Sharah, and (c) mingling between the knowledge of Sufis and the views of
philosophers.90
Al-Mzir was undoubtedly a distinguished Muslim scholar, but one cannot regard
his accusation as serious, though it has been continually repeated by the critics of al-
Ghazl, because of the following reasons. First, strangely enough, his view was based
on what he heard from al-Ghazls students and companions and not on his own
reading of the Ihy, as he admitted.91
Second, his accusation has been effectively challenged by other established
Muslim scholars, namely al-Subk (d. 771/1370).92 Deprecating the claim that the
Ihy includes un-Islamic philosophical thoughts, al-Subk, who unlike al-Mzir was
a close reader of al-Ghazls works, refuted the view of al-Mzir and stated that al-
Ghazl charged Ibn Sin and the philosophers with disbelief, so how can it be said
that he followed them and based his work on their teaching.93 In his view, the
difference in the school of jurisprudence (fiqh madhhab), the approach (tarqah), and
the disposition (mazj) of al-Mzir in contrast with al-Ghazl necessitated repulsion
between the two.94
Third, the criticism of al-Mzir is far from being as convincing as al-Ghazls
own detailed reply to some of his contemporaries who accused him of recording in
some of his books thoughts from the works of the ancient philosophers. He states in
the Munqidh, as a matter of fact, some of them [i.e., the claimed philosophical
thoughts] are the product of my own reflections and it is not improbable that ideas
90
Cited in al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 123.
91
Cited in al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, p. 122.
92
Cited in al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, pp. 124-6.
93
Cited in al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, pp. 126f.
94
Cited in al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol. 4, pp. 124f.
229
H TEACHINGS
should coincide, just as a horses hoof may fall on the print of another hoof.95 In
addition to the possibility of coincidence, al-Ghazl further clarifies that some of the
thoughts under question are found in the shar (religious) books and the sense of
most is found in the writings of the Sufis.96 Even with the assumption that a thought
is found only in the writings of the philosophers, al-Ghazl further states that if what
is said is reasonable in itself and corroborated by apodictic proof and not contrary to
the Qurn and the Sunnah, then why should it be shunned and rejected?97
This last statement reflects, to begin with, al-Ghazls open-mindness; as a
principle he did not totally reject a thought just because it was mentioned by the
philosophers. Thus, he, in the words of Winter, was not a crude fundamentalist,
opposed on principle to any possibility of learning from abroad.98 In fact one of al-
Ghazls concerns was to highlight the harm which may result from such tendency.
He states in the Munqidh that if we were to open this door and aim at forgoing every
truth which had been first formulated by the mind of one in error, we would have to
forgo much of what is true.99 He further says that such tendency would be an
invitation to those in error to wrest the truth from our hands by putting it into their
own books.100 This principle position of al-Ghazl agrees with the well-known
teaching of the Prophet of Islam who says: Wisdom is the lost animal of the believer;
wherever he finds it, it is he that has the most right to it.
95
al-Ghazl, al-Munqidh, p. 88, trans., see McCarthy, Deliverance, p. 69, and also Watt, The Faith,
p.p 40f.
96
41.
97
41.
98
Winter, Disciplining, p. XLVII.
99
41.
100
41.
230
H TEACHINGS
The above statement of al-Ghazl also shows his criteria for accepting foreign
elements. The first is that they have to be supported by justified proofs. The second
is that they do not contradict the Qurn and the Sunnah.
It is far beyond the limitation of the present study and the limitation of my own
knowledge too, however, to fully verify whether al-Ghazl complied with these
criteria in all his islh teachings which may be traced back to the works of
philosophers. Nevertheless, this can be partially proved by the finding of the
previously mentioned study of Sherif with regard to the compliance of al-Ghazl with
these criteria in his theory of virtue, which is very relevant to the present study. Sherif
has interestingly demonstrated how al-Ghazl justifies his employment of some
philosophic analysis, which he finds useful in synthesising his own theory of virtue
either by drawing upon direct related Islamic argument or at least by showing that
they do not contradict with Islamic teaching.101 Eliminating any possible wrong
assumption that al-Ghazls attitude is a superficial way of Islamization, Sherif has
concluded that,
unlike some other Muslim thinkers who welcome any device which can be used
to reconcile philosophic ethics with Islamic moral teachings, al-Ghazl does not
consider the partial modifications he introduces into philosophic virtues
sufficient to justify synthesizing those virtues with their Islamic counterparts; a
more comprehensive approach, transforming these virtues into an integral part of
a new, wider framework, is necessary. 102
5.7.2 Al-Ghazl and the Unjustified Sufi Tradition:
Another criticism which has been raised since a very early time against al-
Ghazls justification of his teachings is that he often relies on Sufi traditions which
101
Sherif, Ghazalis Theory of Virtue, pp. 24-76.
102
231
H TEACHINGS
contradict with Islamic principles found in Islamic primary sources, or at least cannot
be supported by Islamic evidence. One of the earliest holders of this criticism and a
well-known representative of it is Ibn al-Jawz (d. 597/1201) who strongly attacked
al-Ghazl in a number of his books, namely Talbs Ibls, and whose attack has been
noticeably repeated since his time. Because his criticism has been widely followed
and because it has been considered a very serious criticism, it deserves a detailed
discussion.
In Talbs Ibls, Ibn al-Jawz criticizes al-Ghazl in the context of his extreme
lengthy criticism against the approaches of the Sufis and his polemic against a number
of their teachings which in his view completely contradict with the Sharah.103
Concerning al-Ghazl, the starting point of his criticism is that he accused him of
composing the Ihy in the same approach of earlier Sufis chiefly al-Muhsib and
that he acknowledged their wrong teachings and strongly supported them.104 Ibn al-
Jawz mentions three reasons behind al-Ghazls support of such teachings:
Dispensing with fiqh and ignoring its law for the sake of Sufism.105
Becoming Sufi himself made him in fully support of the Sufi teachings.106
Relying on fabricated and unsound traditions attributed to the Prophet
(S.A.A.W.) without knowing that they are spurious.107
By examining the criticism of Ibn al-Jawz, the following comments regarding the
validity of his criticism can be made, excluding the point concerning al-Ghazls
reliance on fabricated prophetic traditions, which will be discussed in the following
sub-heading.
103
Ibn al-Jawz, Talbs Ibls, Riyadh: Dr al-Mughn, 2000, pp. 181-424.
104
Ibn al-Jawz, Talbs Ibls, p. 181.
105
Ibn al-Jawz, Talbs Ibls, pp. 397 & 399.
106
107
232
H TEACHINGS
First, there is a considerable misquoting of al-Ghazl by Ibn al-Jawzi; he quite
often omits some of al-Ghazls words which have crucial effect in understanding the
true position of al-Ghazl on the issues under question. For example, he denounces
al-Ghazl for writing the following statement in the Ihy: The disciple should not
concern himself with marriage,108 whereas the original text of the Ihy reads: The
disciple, in his beginning,109 should not concern himself with marriage.110
Noticeably and very strangely the phrase in his beginning is omitted in Ibn al-
Jawzs quoting, indicating that al-Ghazl discourages marriage in general and not in
a particular situation and for particular reasons as the original words as well as the
context clearly reveal.
Second, Ibn al-Jawz often disconnects al-Ghazls quotes from their respective
contexts and does not seem to consider these contexts in his criticism.111 This leads to
great misrepresentation of al-Ghazls views. Ibn al-Jawz, for example, attacks al-
Ghazls saying in the Ihy that some say: The Lordship has a secret if it was
112
unveiled, the Prophecy would become null, while unexpectedly he totally
ignores al-Ghazls comment immediately following this quote which says: The one
who says this if he did not mean by it that nullity of the Prophecy is with reference to
weak people due to their shortcoming in their understanding, then what he said is not
true and the reality is that there is no controversy on it [i.e., the Sharah].113
Third, similarly, the approach of Ibn al-Jawz in presenting the view of al-Ghazl
which he criticizes is very selective; he selects specific quotes from particular places
in the Ihy and ignores some related discussions either in the same context or
108
109
The emphasis here, and in the following quotes as well, is mine.
110
111
This attitude of Ibn al-Jawz has been noticed also by al-Shm, see al-Shm,al-Imm al-Ghazl,
pp. 175-9.
112
113
233
H TEACHINGS
elsewhere in the same book, which are important in understanding the true position of
al-Ghazl regarding the problems in view. This shortcoming of Ibn al-Jawz can be
perfectly illustrated in the following example.
In the context of his refutation of the wrong assumption of groups of Sufis who
think that having trust (tawakkul) in God necessitates giving up means (al-asbb), Ibn
al-Jawz accused al-Ghazl of being apologist to such groups by accepting the idea of
travelling in a desert without food with the intention of relying on God, though with
some conditions.114 This, however, does not precisely reflect the true view of al-
Ghazl on giving up means in the name of having trust in God or tawakkul. This is
because al-Ghazl in this particular context is just discussing the conditions that
should be met in order to make such travel lawful, as it obviously appears from the
context.115 Nevertheless, his true position from this issue is clearly stated after couple
of lines from the above quote where he clearly states that being away from all means
is in defiance of (murghamah) wisdom and an act of ignorant of the Norm
(sunnah) of Allh Almighty; for acting according to the Norm of Allh Almighty
with having trust in Him, and not the means, does not contradict with tawakkul.116
He further states that if one decides to live in a mountain where there is no water nor
grass and where no one normally passes by, then one would be sinful and leading
ones self to destruction.117
Furthermore, in another context in which al-Ghazl gives examples for self-
delusion (ghurr) among Sufis, he mentions the following example, which Ibn al-
Jawz entirely ignores:
114
115
116
117
234
H TEACHINGS
Among them [i.e., Sufis] one who travels in desert without food in order to
justify his claim of tawkkul, but he does not realize that this is innovation in
religion (bidah) and it has not been reported from the righteous previous
generations (al-salaf) nor the companions of the Prophet, who were more
knowledgeable in tawkkul than him, yet they did not understand tawkkul as an
act of risking life and giving up food....118
Fourth, it is difficult to follow Ibn al-Jawz without any reservation on fully
equating the approach of al-Ghazl in the Ihy with that of the previous Sufis on the
basis of al-Ghazls support for their views. In addition to what has been already
mentioned with regard to the originality of al-Ghazl with reference to his use of Sufi
works, the following reservation can be expressed over Ibn al-Jawzs opinion.
Although al-Ghazl in various places in the Ihy relies on the literature of earlier
distinguished Sufis, he does not restrict himself to their views, and does not simply
follow their teachings without critically examining them. In fact, he often highlights
the shortcomings of their views and adds essential remarks to their thoughts.119
Moreover, as a general evaluation, al-Ghazl characterizes the views of the Sufis as
deficient (qsir) because every one of them, he clarifies, habitually talks on the basis
of his own experience or condition (hl) only.120 This is why in various issues,
especially those which were debatable among the Sufis, al-Ghazl did not satisfy
himself with what had been said by the earlier Sufis, and thus made his independent
examination and came up with his own views on those issues.121
Fifth, Ibn al-Jawzs argument that al-Ghazl dispensed with the law of fiqh in the
Ihy in favour of Sufism is an unfair generalized judgment. Throughout the book, the
118
119
See, for example, his remark on the classification of Ab Tlib al-Makk of the major sins where he
states that it is not sufficient, see al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 4, p. 18.
120
121
See, for example, his examination in the Ihy of what is better: patience or thankfulness, Vol. 4, pp.
135-41.
235
H TEACHINGS
fiqh of al-Ghazl is distinctively voiced. In fact, even when he agrees with particular
views of earlier Sufis, including those which are quoted by Ibn al-Jawz, he normally
justifies his choice using the reasoning of fiqh, in addition to other sorts of reasoning,
regardless of whether we agree or disagree with his justification. A case in point is his
agreement with al-Muhsibs view that poverty is better than richness.122 Following
his long quote of al-Muhsibs argument on this issue, al-Ghazl states that this view
can be supported by all the traditions which he mentioned in the Book of
Condemnation of the Duny and the Book of Poverty and Abstinence of the Ihy,
in addition to other evidences, which he would further mention.123 Thus, he did not
follow the view of al-Muhsib just because al-Muhsib was a Sufi, but because al-
Ghazl was convinced that it could be justified by evidences from the Qurn and the
Sunnah, notwithstanding how sound his evidences were. It is worth noting that al-
Ghazl quotes al-Muhsib in this specific context because he wanted to show that
poverty is better than richness in general, but his detailed view on the issue is
presented in the Book of Poverty and Abstinence in which he discusses the
controversy on the issue and deeply examines it,124 which itself shows his deepness in
fiqh.
This, however, does not mean at all that the Ihy is free from Sufi tradition which
clearly contradict with fiqh rules. In fact, al-Ghazl himself does not deny this, as
shall be seen in a moment. This poses the challenging question about al-Ghazls true
position on such tradition. To adequately tackle this problem, there is a need for a
separate detailed study, but, meanwhile, I ought to sum up the controversy
surrounding this problem and then give a provisional assessment.
122
123
124
236
H TEACHINGS
A good representative example of the Sufi tradition contradicting fiqh rules
quoted in the Ihy is the following story. In his discussion of the practical part of
treating love of status (jh), and specifically in the course of describing how some
Sufis may treat their soul diseases by some methods which can be seen as unlawful
from a fiqh perspective, al-Ghazl recounts the incident of a Sufi whose well-known
abstinence had brought him high status and many followers; thus, he entered a bath-
house and intentionally wore the clothes of someone else, then, he stood outside on
the road; consequently, he was caught, and beaten, and the clothes were taken from
him, and as a result, people renounced him.125
Referring to this incident, but again not giving any attention to the related
discussion in the same context, Ibn al-Jawz severely condemns al-Ghazls telling of
such incidents and states:
Glorious is He who moved Ab Hmid from the circle of fiqh by his

composition of the book of the Ihy, I wish that he had not mentioned in it such
things which are unlawful. Strange enough from him to say them, praise them,
and call their people Arbb Ahwl (People of Spiritual States).126
Defending al-Ghazl, with reference to the same story, Murtad al-Zabd
(1205/1791) argues that Sufis are mujtahidn in the way of soul purification, so, what
they find most beneficial for their hearts they go for it; and that particular incident is
consistent with the Islamic principle which states that when two potential harms are in
dilemma, the less harmful should be committed.127
More convincing apologia for al-Ghazl and a recent strong counter-argument
against Ibn al-Jawz is that of al-Shm:
125
126
127
Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol. 1, p. 52.
237
H TEACHINGS
We side with Ibn al-Jawz on wishing that al-Ghazl had not mentioned that
story, but we dont side with him in disconnecting it from its immediately
preceding context in which al-Ghazl gives his fiqh opinion: al-Ghazl asserts
that the action of the Malmatyahthat is committing apparently disgraceful
deeds (al-fawhish) in order to lower their status in the eyes of peopleis
unlawful for every individual...Bu what is lawful is doing permissible acts (fil
al-mubht) which lower the status among people That is what al-Ghazl
has asserted and that is a clear legal opinion, free from ambiguity128
After emphasising that the story under question is mentioned in that particular context
and that al-Ghazl points out that such an act is questionable from a fiqh point view,
i.e., there is no agreement that it is lawful or unlawful, al-Shm states al-Ghazl,
then, mentions a fact that Sufi mashyikh sometimes treat their personal conditions
with different methods than that of faqh. So, what is wrong in al-Ghazls position,
and where did that cross him out from the circle of fiqh!?129
Now, I agree with al-Shm on the total importance of considering the context in
which al-Ghazl mentions such Sufi tradition, and I side with him on that al-
Ghazls telling of such incidents in such contexts does not bring him out of the
circle of fiqh, but I cannot agree with him that there is nothing wrong in al-Ghazls
approach. Instead, I may argue that al-Ghazls reporting of such deviant acts, of
which nothing similar seems to have been reported from the early Muslim
generations, which is one of al-Ghazls own criteria of justification, as has been
quoted above, despite his true position on them, is an unfortunate mistake. Such acts
are potentially harmful, for they may direct, though unintentionally, to excessive
religiousness among the eager readers of al-Ghazl. In addition, they can easily lead
to misunderstanding of the actual position of al-Ghazli, particularly because not
128
al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 177f.
129
al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 178.
238
H TEACHINGS
every reader of the Ihy has the ability to perform close and comprehensive reading,
bearing in mind the large size of the work. Lastly, these odd stories, as I have
personally experienced, often sidetrack the reader from the major principles of al-
Ghazls teachings.
5.7.3 Al-Ghazls Reliance on Unsound Ahdth:
A very popular criticism against al-Ghazls justification of his teachings, namely
in the Ihy, is that he heavily relies on weak and fabricated ahdth (traditions
attributed to the Prophet of Islam). On this, in the words of al-Shm, there is a
consensus among the critics.130 In his harsh criticism of the Ihy, Ibn al-Jawz, for
example, frankly accused al-Ghazl of filling the Ihy with spurious (btilah)
ahdth without knowing their spuriousness.131
Although no one can deny al-Ghazls reliance on such ahdth, this fact has
been greatly overstated, and thus it deserves a careful reassessment. As a humble
attempt to do so, I would like to highlight the following points.
First of all, it is a gross exaggeration and even a false accusation to say, as al-
Tartush reported claiming, that al-Ghazl filled the Ihy with lying upon the
Messenger of Allh, peace and blessing of Allh be upon him, for I do not know a
book over the face of the Earth which is more lying than it.132 To totally reject such a
puzzling claim, it is important to emphasise that al-Ghazl quoted the traditions
under question from earlier works without being aware of their falsity. Al-Subk
asserts that al-Ghazl in the Ihy did not report a single hadth on his own
130
131
132
al-Dhahab, Siyar Alm al-Nubal, Vol. 14, p. 321.
239
H TEACHINGS
authority.133 This means that al-Ghazl did not commit the crime of hdth
fabrication, and this can be supported by al-Ghazls strict view about that major sin:
Some presupposed that it is permissible to fabricate ahdth, encouraging

virtuous deeds and warning from sins, and they claim that such a purpose is
right; but it is an absolute wrong, for the Messenger of Allh, peace and blessing
of Allh be upon him, said: ((Whoever lies upon me, deliberately, should reserve
his seat in Hill-fire)) and that must not be committed except when there is an
absolute necessity; but there is no absolute necessity, for truthfulness is an
alternative to lying and the revealed yt and the reported traditions are enough.
Now, the word of that who says, those have been repeated and have become
ineffective, while what is new is more influential, is a mania (hawas) because
that is not a justified purpose in contrast with the harmful consequences of lying
upon the Prophet, peace and blessing of Allh be upon him, and upon Allh
Almighty, and that will open the door for things which confuse (tushawwish) the
Sharah, so, the intended good purpose does not resist the evilness of its
consequences. Moreover, lying upon the Messenger of Allh, peace and blessing
of Allh be upon him, is one of the major sins (min al-kabir)134
Secondly, there is a real need to revise what has been considered as a postulate
among the students of al-Ghazl that he ignored the study of the discipline of
Hadth.135 It is true that this has been supported by al-Ghazls utterance in his book
Qnn al-Tawl that his knowledge in lm al-Hadth is little (bitat f al-hadth
muzjh),136 but this should not be taken at its face value. The fresh and unique study
of al-Mahdal about al-Ghazls knowledge in the field of Hadth has interestingly
shown that he had a considerable interest in this discipline, and that he had a wide
study of it.137 By carefully studying al-Ghazls books, the Mankhl, the Ihy, and
133
al-Subk, Tabaqt al-Shfiyh, Vol. 6, p. 127.
134
135
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghazl wa-Ilm al-Hadth, Cairo: Dr al-Hadth, 1998, p. 28.
136
al-Ghazl, Qnn al-Tawl, ed. Mahmd Bj, Damascus: n.p. 1993, p. 30.
137
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghazl wa-Ilm al-Hadth, p. 14.
240
H TEACHINGS
the Mustasf, al-Mahdal has found thereupon expositions and allusions, which
clearly show that al-Ghazl had a knowledge of Hadth.138
Thirdly, the accusation of Ibn al-Jawz, and those who follow him, that al-Ghazl
filled the Ihy with such traditions139 is only an exaggeration,140 for it indicates that
the majority of the traditions in the Ihy are false, and that is incorrect, as has been
statistically proven in the study of al-Mahdal employing the following steps.141 As a
starting point, he counted the number of all the traditions in the Ihy for which al-
Subk could not find isnd142 (chain of narrators), and thus he found that they are
about a quarter of the total number of the quoted traditions in the Ihy.143 This, al-
Mahdal states, shows that most of the traditions of the Ihy have isnd, but not
finding isnd for the rest of the traditions does not necessarily mean that the rest do
not have isnd because al-Subks verification (takhrj) is not final.144 Next, based on
Mamdhs index of the ahdth of the Ihy,145 al-Mahdal has added up the total
number of these ahdth, which becomes four thousand eight hundred and forty eight
(4,848) traditions, excluding the repeated ones which are not included in the index.146
It is worth mentioning, as al-Mahdal clarifies, that there are other traditions in the
Ihy which are not included in the index, though they are few.147 Now, this total
number, al-Mahdal has concluded, shows the following:148
138
139
140
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghazl wa-Ilm al-Hadth, pp. 89f.
141
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghazl wa-Ilm al-Hadth, pp. 91-116.
142
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghazl wa-Ilm al-Hadth , p. 91.
143
144
145
See Mahmd Sad Mamdh, Isf al-Mulhhn bi-Tartb Ihy Ulm al-Dn, Beirut: Dr al-
Maarifah, n.d., pp. 3-75.
146
al-Mahdal, al-Imm al-Ghaz wa-Ilm al-Hadth, p. 116.
147
148
241
H TEACHINGS
1. Al-Ghazl quoted the ahdth of the Ihy from many sources, books of
Hadth in particular and other sources in general, because this number is not
found in the works of Sufis and fuqah, nor even half of it.
2. Al-Ghazl used to consult books of Hadth.
3. He had knowledge of Hadth and this is what led him to consult books of
Hadth, before and after the Ihy.
Finally, the important question which should be raised here is to what extent were
al-Ghazls teachings influenced by unsound or weak traditions? This is another
critical question which deserves a detailed study, but for the time being, I can offer
the following provisional answer.
I have noticed that at least a number of al-Ghazls teachings were influenced to a
considerable extent by such traditions and that is a serious weakness in his teachings.
To representatively illustrate this, I shall go back to the above discussion of his
Exposition of the Variance in the Rule and Merit of Hunger in Accordance with
Circumstances of Men (bayn ikhtilf hukm al-j wa-fatlatih wa-ikhtilf ahwal al-
ns fih).149 The starting point of his exposition, as has been quoted above, is the
following:
Our discourse concerning the merits which attach to hunger may have
suggested that extremeness is required in this regard, but this is certainly not the
case. For it is one of the secret wisdom of the Sharah that whenever mans
nature demands that he go to an unsound extreme, the Sharah also goes to
extreme in forbidding this150
Now, what is the basis of al-Ghazls argument that whenever mans nature
demands that he go to an unsound extreme, the Sharah also goes to extreme in
149
al-Ghazl, Ihy, Vol. 3, pp. 96-8, trans., see Winter, Disciplining, pp. 154-60.
150
242
H TEACHINGS
forbidding this? It seems that it is those traditions quoted by him at the beginning of
The Book of Breaking the Two Desires (Bb Kasr al-Shahwatayn) which
encourage hunger.151 Based on the verification (takhrj) of al-Irq152 and that of al-
Zabd as well,153 all these traditions are unsound.154 Thus, al-Ghazl was influenced
here by these unsound traditions. This renders his point on extreme disciplining,
discussed above, which is based on this argument, unjustified Islamically and that
proves our point.
151
152
See al-Irqs examination of these traditions in the footnotes of the Ihy, Vol. 4, pp. 80-2.
153
Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol. 9, pp. 8-17.
154
There are few sound traditions condemning satiety, but they are irrelevant to the present point.
243
6. THE EFFECTS OF AL-GHAZLS ATTEMPTS AT ISLH

CHAPTER SIX
**************
THE EFFECTS OF AL-GHAZLS ATTEMPTS AT

ISLH
6.1 Introduction:
The analytical definition of islh in the first chapter suggests that in order to fully
judge an effort from the islh perspective, one needs to know to what extent it has led
to the desired corrective change. Based on this, the present chapter attempts to study
the main effects of al-Ghazls islh efforts, in order to complete the task of
verifying the hypothesis of the present study.
Achieving this purpose in full, however, is almost an impossible dream. As Knysh
has pointed out a balanced account of the influence of al-Ghazl will probably not
be possible until there has been much more study of various religious movements
during the subsequent centuries.1 What intensifies the difficulty of such a balanced
evaluation is the nature of the historical sources. As al-Kln has correctly noticed,2
the mainly biographical nature of the historical sources has shattered the thematic
unity of many historical social phenomena, and thus it has become difficult to
reconstruct the whole pictures of these phenomena. In the words of Cook, speaking
about the limitation of the sources, it is notorious that we tend to know too much
about scholars in the pre-modern Islamic world and too little about anyone else
apart from rulers.3
1
2
3
Cook, Commanding Good, p. xiii
244

Despite the limitation of the sources, various phenomena have been considered as
effects of al-Ghazls efforts, but the evaluation of these effects has been very
controversial. I shall discuss below a number of such effects, and assess the main
controversial evaluations of them.
6.2 The Impact of al-Ghazls Islh Teachings on his Pupils:
A central aim of al-Ghazls islh efforts was to bring up and train a generation
of true ulam, as a major part of his attempt to renew the mission of true ulam, as
was shown above. I seek here to discuss the extent to which he achieved in this aim.
In his discussion of al-Ghazls effect, as a founder of an islh movement, al-
Kln stresses that he, through organized and independent teaching, was able to lend
his personality together with his line of thought to a large number of pupils, who
undertook his message and started to propagate it among all classes of society, and in
the schools and the mosques in which they held guiding positions.4 This argument,
however, has been insufficiently supported.5 In fact it seems almost impossible to
fully evaluate such an effect, because we neither know exactly all the pupils of al-
Ghazl, particularly in his islh stage, nor do we know to what extent his pupils
were influenced by his islh teachings, and what their exact role in the claimed islh
movement was. Therefore, it is difficult to fully and confidently accept al-Klns
overstated argument. Nevertheless, it may at least be partially supported by the
following historical data.
To begin with, we recall here that al-Ghazl returned to teaching in the
Nizmyah of Nishapur for some time, and in his private school in Ts afterwards,
4
al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, p. 172
5
As a support for this generalized argument, al-Kln strangely gives only three examples of al-
Ghazalis pupils and mentions too little information about them, see al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl
Salh al-Dn, pp. 172f.
245

until his death, as has been illustrated in chapter three. In that period, it is most likely
that many pupils were eager to be taught by al-Ghazl because of his previous great
reputation as an impressive teacher6 in addition to the reputation of his books,
particularly the Ihy, as has already been mentioned. As a matter of fact, al-Ghazl
mentioned in one of his late letters that there were one hundred and fifty students who
were studying under him at Ts.7
Some relevant information about at least a number of al-Ghazls pupils can be
highlighted by studying the biographical sources which mention some of them by
name. In his introduction to the Ithf, al-Zabd8 lists twenty three of al-Ghazls
pupils. At least four of them were taught by him in Ts,9 in which he spent his last
years teaching in his private school, one was taught in Nishapur,10 where he returned
to official teaching, and two accompanied him in al-Shm,11 where he started his self-
islh. Thus, they were certainly belonging to al-Ghazls islh stage, and as a result
they were most likely influenced highly by his islh teachings.
Even some of the pupils who were taught by al-Ghazl in the period earlier to his
islh stage became highly interested in his late works, including those of islh
nature, and consequently played a considerable role in popularizing them. Among
these were Ab Abd-Allh Muhammad b. Al b. Abd-Allh al-Irq al-Baghdd
6
In Baghdad, the number of students attending al-Ghazls lessons reached three hundred, as has been
mentioned above.
7
8
Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, pp. 60-2. By checking some biographical sources, namely al-
Subks Tabaqt al-Shfiyah al-Kubr, some of these names appear to be inaccurate or misspelled
in the Ithf, at least in the edition which I have used. Thus, the spelling which is given here is what I
think is more accurate.
9
These are Ab Nasr Ahmad b. Abd-Allah b. Abd-al-Rahmn al-Khamqar (d. 544/1149), Ab
Mansr Muhammad b. Asaad b. Muhammad al-Atr al-Ts (d. 573/1177-8), Abd-al-Rahmn b.
Al b. Ab al-Abbs al-Nam al-Muwaffaq (d. 542/1147) and Ab al-Hasan Al b. Muhammad b.
Hamawayh al-Juwayn (d. 539/1147), see Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, pp. 60-2.
10
His name is Ab Sad Muhammad b. Yah y b. Mansr al-Nsbr (d. 548/1153), see Murtad al-
Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, p. 61.
11
These are Ab Thir Ibrhim b. al-Muttahir al-Jurjn (d. 513/1119) and Ab al-Hasan Al b.
Muslim b. Muhammad al-Silm, titled Jaml al-Islm (d. 533/1139), see Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf,
Vol., 1, pp. 61f.
246

(d. 540f./1145) and Ab Sad Muhammad b. Al b. Abd-Allh al-Jwn (d. c.
560/1164) who both narrated al-Ghazls book Iljm al-Awm.12 Among them was
also Ab Tlib Abd-al-Karm b. Al al-Rz (d. c. 522/1128) who memorized the
Ihy by heart.13 In addition to al-Qd Ab Bakr Muhammad b. al-Arab (d.
543/1148) and Ab Sad Muhammad b. Asad b. Muhammad al-Nawaqn (d.
556/1161) who were both among those who orally received the Ihy from al-Ghazl,
and they in turn narrated it to others.14
Other than these, al-Zabd15 lists seven names of those who orally received the
Ihy from al-Ghazl and transmitted it to others. These names contributed to the
phenomenon of the continuous and wide narration of the book down the centuries, as
will be demonstrated in the following section.
By referring to the biographies of all these names,16 two further remarks are worth
making in this context. Firstly, some of these had certain qualities of high
righteousness, which shows that those who carried al-Ghazls teachings, particularly
in his islh stage, were in general of righteous qualities. Since the biographies do not
clearly state whether this was a result of al-Ghazls influence on them, we cannot be
certain on this particular point, but it is most likely that he played an essential role in
this. Secondly, a number of the above names became very distinguished scholars and
impressive intellectuals. This tentatively indicates that they played an effective role in
propagating the islh teachings of al-Ghazl.
Table (1) below summarizes the biographical notes about the standing and the
qualities of some of the above names.
12
al-Subk, Tabaqt,
13
al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol., 7, pp. 179f, and Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, p.62.
14
See Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, pp. 64-5.
15
16
For this purpose, I have consulted a number of biographical sources, see the table below.
247

TABLE (1): AL-GHAZLS PUPILS: SELECTED LIST
Name Biographical Notes

1. Ab al-Fath Ahmad b. Al b. - Became a model of knowledge.
Barhn (d. 518/1124) - One to whom crowds of pupils were bound.
- Taught in the Nizmyah for some time.
(al-Subk, Tabaqt)
2. Ab Nasr Ahmad b. Abd-Allh b. - Became a well-known faqh.
Abd-al-Rahmn al-Khamqar (d. - His preaching attracted many people.
544/1149) - A virtuous man.
(al-Subk, Tabaqt)
3. Ab Abd-Allh Muhammad b. Al - Became one of the most distinguished Shf
b. Abd-Allh al-Irq al-Baghdd scholars.
(d. 540f./1145) (al-Dhahb, Trkh al-Islm, Vol. of ys. 541-550, p. 85)
4. Ab Sad Muhammad b. Yahy b. - Became the head of the fuqah in Nsbr
Mansr al-Nsbr (d. 548/1153) and taught in its Nizmyah.
- His name became widely recognized.
- Unique in knowledge and asceticism at the
time.
- Even scholars used to travel to him, seeking
knowledge.
(al-Dhahb, Trkh al-Islm, Vol. of ys 541-550, p. 337)
5. Ab Thir Ibrhim b. al-Muttahir - Became one of the distinguished scholars.
al-Jurjn (d. 513/1119) - His teaching and preaching were widely
welcomed because of his virtuousness.
(Ibn Manzr, Mukhtasar Tarkh Dimashq)
6. Ab al-Hasan Al b. Muslim b. - Became an authoritative scholar.
Muhammad al-Silm, titled Jaml - Became in charge of teaching in the Amnyah
al-Islm (d. 533/1139) school in Damascus
(al-Subk, Tabaqt)
7. Abd-al-Rahmn b. Al b. Ab al- - Became an established faqh.
Abbs al-Nam al-Muwaffaq (d. - A pious and virtuous man.
542/1147) (al-Subk, Tabaqt)
8. Abd-al-Khliq b. Ahmad b. Abd- - A man of Hadth.
al-Qdir al-Baghdd (d. 548/1153) - A religious, virtuous, humble, and beneficial
man.
(al-Dhahb, al-Ibar f Khabar man Ghabar, Beirut: Dr
al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, n.d., Vol. 3, p. 6)
9. Muhammad b. Thbit b. al-Hasan - Became in charge of the Nizmyah of
al-Khjand (d. 483/1090f.) Asbahn.
- Was among the most well-known scholars at
the time.
- A well-mannered man
(al-Subk, Tabaqt)
10. al-Qd Ab Bakr Muhammad b. - Was very well-established in various sorts of
Abd-Allh b. al-Arab (d. knowledge.
543/1148) - A well-mannered man.
(al-Dhahb, Trkh al-Islm, Vol. of ys 541-550, p. 159)
11. Ab al-Thir Ahmad b. Muhammad - For whom pupils travel in long journeys.
al-Silaf (d. 576/1180) - Was in charge of a school in Alexandria.
(Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt al-Ayn, Vol. 1, p. 121)
248

6.3 The Claimed Studentship of Ibn Tmart under al-Ghazl:
Having discussed al-Ghazlis influence on his pupils, it is relevant to investigate
the conflicting claims about the effect of al-Ghazal on Ibn Tmart, who succeeded in
establishing a reformist movement in the Maghrib which resulted in the rise of the
dynasty of al-Muwahhidn (Almohads).
Within his outline of al-Ghazals positive effects as a founder of an islh
movement, al-Kln17 includes the claimed influence on Ibn Tmart. Relying solely
on Ibn Khaldns account about the claimed studentship of Ibn Tmart under al-
Ghazl in Baghdad, al-Kln plainly states that after being influenced by his
teachings, Ibn Tmart returned to the Maghrib in order to put these teachings into
practice.18
This positive claimed effect, on the contrary, has been negatively evaluated by
others. Al-Sallb in his book on al-Muwahhidn, for instance, presents Ibn Tmarts
movement as a deviated and oppressive school of preaching; and thus he criticizes
those who positively evaluate his studentship under al-Ghazl, arguing that al-
Ghazl was unsettled in his theological teachings.19
In both of these opposing evaluations, however, no attention at all has been given
to the doubtfulness connected with the story about Ibn Tmarts studentship under al-
Ghazl. Although the claimed meeting between the two appears in a number of
historical sources, it is still a very doubtful story. For example, Ibn Khaldn, on
whose account al-Kiln based his argument, reported the story, but his report denotes
uncertainty for he uses the phrase f m zaim20 (as they have claimed). Moreover,
17
al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, pp. 108 & 174.
18
19
Al Muhammad al-Sallb, Ilm Ahl al-Ilm wa-al-Dn bi-Ahwl Dawlat al-Muwahhidn, Sharjah:
Maktabat al-Sahbah, 2001, pp. 5 & 16.
20
Ibn Khaldn, al-Ibar, Vol. 6, p. 267.
249

some other early Muslim historians, such as Ibn Al-Athr,21 asserted that Ibn Tmart
never met al-Ghazl.22 This assertion can be supported by some historical evidences.
Historical sources agree that Ibn Tmarts trip to the Mashriq did not start before the
year 500 A.H., but by this time al-Ghazl had already permanently left Baghdad,
where the meeting between the two was claimed to have occurred.23
This strong doubt, nevertheless, may be questioned by the clear reference to Ibn
Tmart appearing in the introduction to Sir al-lamn, a book which has been
attributed to al-Ghazl. This reference, it has been argued, removes the doubts which
have been raised on the meeting between the two.24 Based on this, Hanash argues that
the book is considered the manifesto of Ibn Tmarts movement against the state of
al-Murbitn (Almoravids).25
However, this argument can be strongly challenged by the questionable
authenticity of the book under question. Several studies, which have discussed the
authenticity of the works attributed to al-Ghazl, have agreed that the book is almost
certainly not authentic.26 This is based on eternal evidences which may be
summarized in the following points:
1. The connection between al-Ghazl and Ibn Tmart mentioned in the
introduction is spurious.27
21
22
Cf. Rene` Basset, Ibn Tmart, in EI, Vol. 2, p. 426.
23
Cf. J. F. Hopkins, Ibn Tmart, in EI2, Vol. 3, p. 458.
24
See, for example, Muhammad Umrn Hanash, Shataht Lifuqah, electronic book:
http://www.alhiwar.org/ar/content/view/208/29/, no pagination, visited on 1/2/2007.
25
Hanash, Shataht Lifuqah, electronic book: http://www.alhiwar.org/ar/content/view/208/29/,
visited on 1/2/2007, no pagination,.
26
See, for example, M.Bouyges, Essai de chronologie des ouvres dal-Ghazl, Beirut: Librairie
Catholique, 1959, p. 75 (I am indebted to my friend, Mokhtar Ben Fredj, for translating the relevant
part of the cited work from French); W. Montogomery Watt, The Authenticity of the Works
Attributed to al-Ghazl, in JRAS (Journal of Royal Asietic Society), 1952, pp. 34f; Badaw,
Mullaft, pp. 271-2; and Mashad al-Allf, Tasnf al-Imm Hujjat al-Islm, 2002, electronic book:
http://www.ghazali.org/articles/ma2.htm#d, visited on 1/2/2007, p. 40.
27
Watt, The Authenticity, p. 34.
250

2. The book includes materials of superstition, which are almost impossible to be
written by a Muslim scholar in the weight of al-Ghazl.28
3. Contrary to al-Ghazls distinguished stylistic characteristic, which appears in
his genuine works, the materials distribution in this book is not that
systematic.29
4. The author makes references to some of his works, such as Nasm al-Tasnm,
which neither appears in any other authentic book of al-Ghazl, nor in the
sources listing his genuine works. 30
5. The book in general is biased against Umaws and this, as al-Allf states,
suggests that it was written by a Btin.31
In addition to these remarks, I may add that the purpose of the book which is to
provide a guide for kings to support them in their worldly purposes, as frankly stated
in the introduction,32 entirely conflicts with the interests and the teachings of al-
Ghazl at the time in which the book supposed to be written.
This strong doubt on the direct connection between al-Ghazl and Ibn Tmart
from the outset renders any judgment of direct effect of the former on the latter very
shakily founded. This of course does not eliminate the possibility of indirect influence
on Ibn Tmart by al-Ghazl, i.e., through the works of the latter, but that is another
issue which is beyond our present concern.
28
al-Allf, Tasnf, electronic book: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/ma2.htm#d, visited on 1/2/2007,
p. 40, and Watt, The Authenticity, p. 34.
29
Watt, The Authenticity, p. 34, quoting Asin.
30
Badaw, Muallaft al-Ghazl, p. 273; al-Allf, Tasnf, electronic book:
http://www.ghazali.org/articles/ma2.htm#d, visited on 1/2/2007, p. 40; and Watt, The Authenticity,
pp. 34f.
31
al-Allf, Tasnf, electronic book: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/ma2.htm#d, visited on 1/2/2007,
p. 40.
32
al-Ghazl?, Sir al-lamn, compacted with other works of al-Ghazl in Majmat Rasil al-Imm
al-Ghazl, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah, n.d., Part 6, p. 3.
251

6.4 The Influence of the Ihy:
As has been previously illustrated, the Ihy of al-Ghazl is his major project of
islh, and it includes most of his main islh teachings. Therefore, assessing the
influence of the book as a whole serves principally the purpose of the present chapter.
This is hoped to be achieved firstly by highlighting the great interest in the Ihy over
the centuries, and then by generally evaluating this interest.
6.4.1 The Great Interest in the Ihy:
Since al-Ghazls time and down the centuries, there has been exceptionally great
interest in the Ihy. This phenomenon can be supported by plentiful evidences. The
following are striking selective pieces of these evidences.
Firstly, there has been considerable eagerness with which the book was studied
and taught to others over centuries. A denoting early story illustrating this is that of
Ab al-Fath Ahmad b. Al b. Barhn (d. 518/1124), who was one of al-Ghazls
pupils for some time, and who then became a distinguished and hard-working teacher
to the extent that he had teaching circles from early dawn to after dark; when he was
once asked by a group of students to teach them the Ihy, he initially declined due to
lack of time, but at their insistence, he devoted a teaching circle on the book at
midnight.33
Secondly, down the generations, the Ihy has been transmitted by various chains
of narrators which go back to al-Ghazl himself. Murtad al-Zabd (d. 1205/1791)
was one of those who received the book via various asnd (chains of narrators by
whom the book was transmitted) which go back to the author. In the lengthy
introduction of his extensive commentary on the Ihy, al-Zabd lists a number of
33
252

these asnd starting from the ones who orally received the book from al-Ghazl all
the way down to him: several ones were through Jaml al-Islm Al b. al-Muslim al-
Salam (d. 533/1139), another was through Abd-al-Khliq b. Ahmad b. Abd-al-
Qdir al-Baghdd (d. 548/1153), two others were through Muhammad b. Thbit b. al-
Hasan al-Khjand (d. 483/1090f.), several others were through al-Qd Ab Bakr
Muhammad b. al-Arab (d. 543/1148), another was through Ab Thir Ahmad b.
Muhammad al-Silaf (d. 576/1180), and several more.34
Thirdly, there has been incredible attitude of people who learned the book by
heart. One of those who memorized the entire Ihy is Ab Tlib Abd-al-Karm b.
Al al-Rz (d. c. 522/1128) who was one of al-Ghazls pupils.35 In later centuries
there were people who had similar attitude towards the Ihy, indicating a continuous
remarkable interest in the book. At the beginning of the sixth/seventh century, the
Tunsian Sufi Abd al-Salm al-Tunis (d. 486/1093) succeeded in convincing the
intellectual circle in Tilimsen of the importance of the Ihy and consequently the
book began to be transcribed and memorised by the people of Tilimsen.36 In the
seventh/thirteen century, there was, for example, Sharaf al-Dn Ab al-Fadl Ahmad b.
al-Shaykh al-Mawsil (d. 622/1225) who was teaching the Ihy from memory.37
Similarly, in the nine/fifteenth century there was Shams al-Dn Muhammad b. Al al-
Bill (d. 820/1417), who was continuously reading from the Ihy until he developed
a special ability in it and almost memorized it all.38
34
35
See al-Subk, Tabaqt, Vol., 7, pp. 179f; and Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol., 1, p. 62.
36
al-Thir Bnb, Nashat wa-Tatwwur al-Adab al-Sf f al-Maghrib al-Awsat, in Hawlyat al-
Turth, Algeria: Mistiganim Univesity, Issue # 2, Sept. 2004, electronic version: http://annales.univ-
mosta.dz/texte/ap02/15bounabi.htm, visited on 17/11/2006, citing Ibn al-Zayyt, al-Tashawwuf il
Rijl al-Tasawwuf, al-Ribat, 1958, p. 158.
37
Ibn Khallikn, Wafayt al-Ayn, Vol., 1, p. 23.
38
al-Sakhw (d. 902/1497), al-Daw al-Lmi, Cairo: 1354 AH, 8:178, cited in Cook, Commanding
Good, p. 457, n. 211.
253

These particular reported examples, however, do not seem in any way enough to
say, as al-Kln puzzlingly claims, that all of al-Ghazls pupils down the centuries
had this attitude.39 They can, however, be used as additional examples for the
exceptional interest in the Ihy down the centuries.
Fourthly, the book has been very widely disseminated. This, as Cook has rightly
observed, is documented by a mass of evidence that remains largely unstudied.40 A
good representative of these is the multiple transcripts of the book available around
the globe. There are at least one hundred and nine manuscripts of the Ihy, which
have been written at different dates since the time of the author, available in various
cities around the world; they are listed and briefly described in Badaws work on al-
Ghazls books.41
Lastly, a vast number of summaries and customised versions of the Ihy have
been written over the centuries by people from different origins, sects, schools of
thought, and even different religions. To obtain a good idea of the multiplicity, as well
as the variety of the summaries and customised versions of the Ihy and the diversity
of their authors as well, it is worth listing in table (2) below, a number of these in
chronological order and highlight the sect, religion or school to which the authors
belong, in addition to their origins and places of residence.42
39
Although al-Kiln strangely claims that all al-Ghazalis pupils down the centuries had learned his
books by heart, he only mentions two examples, see al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, p.
173.
40
Cook, Commanding Good, pp. 450f
41
Abd al-Rahmn Badaw, Muallaft al-Ghazl, Kuwait: Waklat al-Matbct, 1977, pp. 98-112.
42
In this table I have benefited much from Cooks well-referenced outline of a number of the
summaries of the Ihy, both published and unpublished (Cook, Commanding Good, pp. 451-55).
However, I have not restricted myself with this outline for I have consulted other sources as well, and
I have mentioned more summaries than those mentioned by Cook.
254

TABLE (2): SUMMARIES AND CUSTOMISED VERSIONS OF THE IHY
# Title Author Category & Short Description

Origin of the
Author
1 Lubb al-Ihy Ahmad b. Muhammd Sufi-Shfi from He is al-Ghazls brother who, according to al-Zabd, was
al-Ghazl (d. Ts resided in the first who composed a summary of the Ihy. (Murtad al-
c.520/1126) Baghdad Zabd, Ithf, 1:56)
2 Unknown title Muhammad b. al-Wald Andalusian Mlik In this work, the renowned author is described as emulating
al-Fihr al-Turtsh (d. resided in (yurid bihi) the Ihy. (Cook, Commanding Good, p. 373 citing
520/1126) Alexandria Mann, Ihy, pp. 135-7, and others)
He states in the introduction that of the countless works on
piety (taqw), the Revival is the best, but that it suffers from
a number of faults which he proceeds to list. (Cook,
Commanding Good, pp. 453f, citing Mann, Ihy,p. 135.10)
3 Mukhatasar al-Ihy Yahy b. Ab al-Khayr Yemeni Shfi A second summary of the Ihy .(al-Subk, Tabaqt, 7:338.6.)
al-Imrn (d.
558/1163)
4 Unknown title Ibn al-Rammmah (d. Mlik who was A third summary of the Ihy. (Cook, Commanding Good, p. 373
567/1172) the judge of Fez citing Mann, Ihy, pp. 132f.)
5 Mukhatasar al-Ihy Muhammad b. Sad al- Shfi who was A fourth summary of the Ihy. (Cook, Commanding Good, 451-2)
Qurayz (d. 575/1179) the judge of Lahj
(Yemen)
6 Al-Tafakur Fm Tashtamil Ab Al al-Hasan b. Malik lived in It is reported that this book was written on the model of the
Alayh al-Suwar wa-al-yt Al al-Masl (d. late Bijy (which is Ihy and it became more popular than the Ihy particularly
min al-Mabdi wa-al- sixth/twelfth century) now in Algeria) in Bijy. (Bnb, Nashat, opcit, citing Ahmad Bb al-Timbikt,
Ghyt Nayl, p. 104; and al-Ghubrn (d. 704/1304f.), Unwn, p. 67)
7 Unknown title Muhammad b. Sad al- Yemeni A fifth summary. (al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol. 1, p.56)
Yaman (d. 595 A.H.)
255

TABLE (2) (CONT.): SUMMARIES AND CUSTOMISED VERSIONS OF THE IHY
# Title Author Category & Short Description

Origin of the
Author
8 Minhj al-Qsidn Ab al-Faraj Abd-al- Hanbal from As stated in his introduction, Ibn al-Jawz noticed that the true disciple
Rahmn b. Al, widely Baghdad resolving to live in spiritual seclusion and wanting a guiding book
known as Ibn al-Jawz would prefer the Ihy, claiming it to be unique of its type and valuable
(d. 597/1201) by itself (infirduh f jinsih wa-nafsatuh f nafsih), but since it has
faults known only to the scholars, he decided to compose for such a
person this work which, as he states, is free from the faults of the Ihy
but it preserves its sound elements. So this is a reworked summary of
the Ihy. (See the abridged version of this work made by Ahmad b. Abd-al-
Rahamn b. Qudmah al-Maqdis (d. 689/1290), Mukhtasar Minhj al-Qsidn, Beirut
& Damascus: Dr al-Khayr, 1998, p. 14)
9 Rh al-Ihy wa- Sharaf al-Dn Ab al- Shfi from A seventh summary of the Ihy. (Ibn Khallikn, Wafayyt al-Ayn, 1: 24. For
Rawh al-Ahy Fadl Ahmad b. al- Iraq a brief description of the manuscript of this summary, see Cook, Commanding Good,
Shaykh al-Mawsil (d. p. 452 n. 162.)
622/1225)
10 Unknown title `` `` `` `` An eighth summary by the previous author but a bigger size than Rh.
(See Ibn Khallikn, Wafayyt al-Ayn, 1:108.8.)
11 Dhukhr al-Muntah Jaml al-Dn Muhammad Sufi-Shfi A ninth summary. (See Cook, Commanding Good, 452 n. 163, including a
f al-Ilm al-Jl wa- b. Abd-Allh al- from Mecca description of the manuscript of this summary and some additional information about
al-Khf Khwrazm al-Shfi (d. the author.)
679/1280f?)
12 Ethicon Gregory Barhebraeus (d. Syrian Cook describes this book as a Christian recension of the Ihy and he
684/1286) Christian states that a characteristic feature of this book is its extensive
dependence on the Ihy (Cook, Commanding Good, pp. 455 & 601)
13 Tasfiyat al-Qulb al-Muayyad Yahy b. Yemeni Zayd This book, as Cook noticed, can fairly be considered as a Zayd
min Daran al-Awzr Hamzah (d. 749/1348f) recension of the Ihy. (Cook, Commanding Good, 246)
wa-al-Dhunb
256

# Title Author Category & Origin of Short Description

the Author
14 Qantir al-Khayrt Ab Thir Isml b. Ms Ibd from Jtl (now in This Ibd book was written on the model of the Ihy.
al-Jaytl (d. 750/1349f) Libya) (Cook, Commanding Good, p. 401)
15 Janat al-Marif or Shams al-Dn Muhammad Sufi-Shfi lived in A tenth summary which was written in 807/1405. (See Cook,
Ihy al-Ihy f al- b. Al al-Bill (d. Cairo Commanding Good, p. 457 n. 211) The
summary was widely
Tasawwuf 820/1417) beneficial especially for Maghribs. (al-Sakhw (d. 902/1497),
al-Daw al-Lmi, Cairo: 1353 AH, Vol. 8, p. 178)
16 Ayn al-Ilm wa- Muhammad b. Umar b. Indian Hanaf An eleventh summary for which the Meccan Hanaf al-
Zayn al-Hilm Uthmm al-Balkh (d. Mull Al al-Qr (d. 1014/1606) wrote a commentary
830/1426f.) entitled Sharh Ayn al-Ilm. (Hjj Khalfah (d. 1067/1657), Kashf
al-Zunn an Asm al-Kutub wa-al-Funn, Beirut: Dr al-Kutub al-
Ilmyah, 1992,)
17 Mukhatasar al- Jall al-Dn Abd-al- Shfi from Cairo A twelfth summary. (Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol. 1. p. 56)
Ihy Rahmn b. Ab Bakr al-
Suyt (d. 911/1505)
18 al-Mahajjah al- Muhammad Muhsin b. Persian Imm-Shi This is another recension of the Ihy but in Imm version.
Bayd f Tahdhb Murtad known as al-Fayd (Cook, Commanding Good, 246)
al-Ihy al-Kshn (d. 1091/1680)
19 Ithf al-Sdah al- Muhammad b.Muhammd Indian Sufi Hanaf lived This is an extensive commentary on the Ihy. In addition to
Mutaqn bi-Sharh al-Husayn al-Zabd, in Zabd (Yemen) for its lengthy explanations and comments on al-Ghazls
Ihy Ulm al-Dn widely known as Murtad long time and then in words, it includes the authors extended takharj (Hadith
al-Zabd (d. 1205/1791) Cairo where he died. verification) of the Prophetic traditions mentioned in the
Ihy. (See Murtad al-Zabd, Ithf, Vol. 1, p. 3)
20 Mawizat al- Muhamma Jaml al-Dn al- Syrian Salaf A thirteenth summary the author of which states in the
Muminn min Qsim (d. 1332/1914) introduction that in his long experience in teaching, he has
Ihy Ulm al-Dn found that the most useful source from which preaching
topics can be selected is the Ihy. (al-Qsim, Tahdhb Mawizat
al-Muminn, n.p., n.d., p. 31.)
257

# Title Author Category & Origin of Short Description

the Author
22 al-Mustakhlas f Sad Haww (d. One of the leaders of the A fourteenth summary but with modifications and rearrangement of
Tazkiyat al-Anfus 1409/1989) Syrian Muslim the selected materials. The author states in the introduction that he
Brotherhood in the last summarized from the Ihy the uncontroversial elements on purifying
century the soul for which there is a real need in the modern age with some
rearrangements and addition of some new topics. (Sad Haww, al-
Mustakhlas f Tazkiyat al-Anfus, Cairo: Dr al-Salm, 1984, p. 5)
23 Ihy Ulm al- Sud al-Hakm Lebanese academic This is a contemporary rewrite of the Ihy. The purpose of this work,
Dn f al-Qarn al- (contemprary specialized in Sufi as the author states, is to show that there is a consensus Islam (Islm
Whid wa-al- author) traditions particularly Ibn muttafaq alayh) which suits an absolute man (insn mutlaq). To
Ishrn al-Arabs thoughts achieve this purpose, she has put for herself a number of guidelines,
namely: (1) simplifying al-Ghazls wording, (2) omitting issues
which have been criticized by distinguished scholars, (3) rearranging
the topics of the Ihy, and (4) recording al-Irqs verification of the
Prophetic traditions cited in the Ihy. (Sud al-Hakm, Ihy Ulm al-Dn
f al-Qarn al-Whid wa-al-Ishrn, Cairo: Dr al-Shurq, 2004, pp. 8 & 45)
258

6.4.2 Evaluation of the Great Interest in the Ihy:
Although the above mass of evidence for the considerable interest in the Ihy
needs intense study in order to come out with a thorough assessment, the following
quick observations can be recorded as a provisional evaluation.
The first observation is that the Ihy has proven to be very successful across
different generations, different schools of thought, different sects and even different
religions.43 This can be used as a sufficient proof for Lazarus-Yafehs general
evaluation of al-Ghazls thoughts that they are expressed so convincingly that they
crossed the barriers of time and religion.44
This extraordinary success of the Ihy proves that the book, and consequently al-
Ghazls islh teachings, has been continuously very influential. It is interesting to
note that even the critics of al-Ghazl have been influenced by him to some extent.
This is clearly evident in the works of some of his critics, which are based on the
Ihy, and their admiration for the book in general, or at least in part, as shown in
table (2) above. It is possible to argue, though, that these works could be seen as
attempts from these critics to reduce or to stop the harm, which may result from what
they considered as faulty elements in the Ihy.
In fact the noticeable interest in the book may be used as evidence for accusing al-
Ghazl of being responsible for unfortunate phenomena, such as the wide publicity of
fabricated traditions quoted in it among Muslims. As al-Qaradw states, because of
the dignity of al-Ghazl among Muslims and the value of the Ihy, these weak and
fabricated traditions have spread among the Muslim masses.45
43
Cf. Cook, Commanding Good, p. 450.
44
45
259

Another evaluative observation about the great interest in the Ihy is that the
reproduction of the Ihy in various forms over centuries signifies that the book, in
general, has proven generally usable up to our present time. The imitations of al-
Ghazls Ihy, as Fierro points out, indicates that the work itself was considered as
catering for certain religious needs.46
However, it is important to bear in mind that the customized versions and
critically modified summaries, such as al-Turtshs and Ibn al-Jawzs, indicate
partial agreement only. Moreover, the omission and the partial modification of the
original materials in most of the above customised versions and reworked summaries
may indicate that there is an agreement among their authors that the teachings of al-
Ghazl cannot be taken in full and that they need partial modification or correction.
At the same time, nevertheless, it may be stated that they seem to admire the Ihy in
general since they considered the book as a model for their works.
In short, such continuing interest in the Ihy clearly shows that the book has
proven to be very influential, but on this alone we cannot confidently judge whether
the influence has been positive or negative and this is open to debate.
6.5 Al-Ghazls Effect on Sufism:
It seems pointless to show how relevant to the purpose of the present chapter is the
question of al-Ghazls effect on Sufism. So, without being detained by such
unnecessary activity, let us turn to the real business and say that al-Ghazls
announcement of being a champion of Sufism has been considered the greatest
victory which the movement has ever made.47 The rapid spread of Sufism in the
46
Maribel Fierro, Opposition to Sufism in al-Andalus, in Frederick De Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.)
Islamic Mysticism Contested, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 196.
47
See, Arberry, Sufism, p. 74.
260

successive centuries has been linked with his influence. In addition, after being
limited to particular distinguished scholars before al-Ghazl, Sufism, al-Ansr
argues, became popular also among general folks after al-Ghazl.48
The evaluation of al-Ghazls effect on Sufism, however, has been controversial.
On one hand, it has been evaluated as a great achievement by a number of students of
Islamic thought. Arberry, for example, states that al-Ghazl perfected the work of
earlier distinguished Sufis, and thus Sufism started to be accepted as a Muslim
science, as a reasonable and laudable way of life.49 In addition, a reconciliation and
assimilation of Sufism with Sunni theology and fiqh, Arberry further states, was
achieved by al-Ghazl.50 Similarly, Nicholson assures that through his work and
example the Sfistic interpretation of Islam has in no small measure been harmonised
with the rival claims of reasons and tradition.51
In addition, it has been positively argued that al-Ghazl largely succeeded in
making corrective changes to the movement of Sufism, namely the following:
1. Trying to set right some Sufi words and actions, so that they agree with the
Sharah.52
2. Transferring Sufism from being concerned solely with dhawq (mystical
intuition), tahlq (spiritual flying), shatah (ecstasy) and tahwl (exaggeration)
into a practical ethical science.53
3. Treating the causes of deviation through Sufism, such as ignorance and being
concerned with self-discipline before mastering knowledge.54
48
Fard al-Ansr, al-Tawhd wa-al-Wastah f al-Tarbyah al-Daawyah, Doha: Wazarat al-Awqf,
1995, Vol. 2, p. 63.
49
Arberry, Sufism, p. 83.
50
Arberry, Sufism, p. 74.
51
Reynold A. Nicholson, The Mystics of Islam, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul LTD, 1963, p. 25.
52
53
al-Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl., p. 135.
54
al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, pp. 132f.
261

On the other hand, al-Ghazls effect on Sufism has been negatively evaluated in
some studies; the emergence of deviated Sufi trends and thoughts has been traced
back, by some writers, to al-Ghazls influence to certain degree. Fard al-Ansr is a
good representative for this viewpoint. In the course of his criticism of what he calls
Sufi spiritual mediating (wastah rhyah), i.e., religiousness through a Sufi mediator
(wast), which in his view is a serious deviation from the original path of Islam, al-
Ansr seriously accuses al-Ghazl of being responsible for the publicity of such a
way of religiousness in the Muslim Ummah.55 Although al-Ansr states that al-
Ghazl did not explicitly necessitate the adherence to a mediator (wast) or paying
homage (mubyaah) to a shaykh and rather he asserted that it is wrong,56 he still
holds al-Ghazl responsible for implanting the idea of wastah through the
following:
(a) legitimizing the Sufi approach in general by considering Sufism as the essence of
Islam and the best of all methods, which was an extreme reaction that resulted from
his spiritual conversion; that was enough for people to adopt Sufism in that age which
was known for blind imitation (taqld maht) ; and thus, Sufism, with its pitfalls namely
the wastah, became widespread;57
(b) giving fiqh the name of ilm al-duny (worldly knowledge) while naming Sufism
ilm al-khirah (knowledge of the next world); and that is the beginning of implanting
the Sufi wastah, for naturally the followers would have inclined towards Sufism and
would have become disinterested in fiqh and even the fuqah themselves would have
sought Sufi mediators;58
55
al-Ansr, al-Tawhd wa-al-Wastah, Vol. 2, p. 63.
56
57
al-Ansr, al-Tawhd wa-al-Wastah, Vol. 2, pp. 68, & 71f.
58
262

(c) highly praising Sufism and Sufis, with exaggeration, which led to a negative effect
in the Ummah, for religiousness would have to be sought only through Sufis;59
(d) mentioning the spiritual importance and the high value of a Sufi Shaykh in the
Ihy.60
Having summarized the major controversy over the evaluation of al-Ghazls
effect on Sufism, I would like to make the following concluding remarks:
1. It is an overstatement to say that al-Ghazl succeeded in reconciling Sufism
and Sunni theology and fiqh, because firstly this argued reconciliation between
Sharah and Sufism, as Arthur has pointed out, could not put an end to the
debate on the authenticity of Sufism.61 Secondly, as Knysh points out, the
extent to which his teachings were responsible for reconciling Sunnism with
Sufi piety is difficult to ascertain.62 This is particularly because the tendency
to bring Sufism into the fold of Sunn Islam by demonstrating its consistency
with the ideas and practices of the pious ancestors63 had started before
al-Ghazl.
2. It is difficult to positively hold al-Ghazl responsible for the emergence of
deviated Sufi trends, for Sufism had been already established by his time, as
illustrated in chapter two above. In addition, Sufi deviated thoughts started
before al-Ghazl, who himself attacked some of them and attempted to
correct them, as illustrated in chapter four. It is equally difficult to deny that
some of his teachings, particularly those which can be regarded as an extreme
59
60
61
Buehler, Arthur F. Charismatic Versus Scriptual Authority: Naqshbad Response to Deniers of
Mediational Sufism in British India, in Frederick De Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.) Islamic Mysticism
Contested, Leiden: Brill, 1999, p. 491.
62
63
263

reaction resulting from his personal experience, can potentially lead to, or
justify, extreme Sufi trends.
3. The influence of al-Ghazl on the movement of Sufism cannot be denied
since his books of Sufi nature, namely the Ihy, have become main references
in the field. To make a balanced judgment, this influence, in our view, is two
sided, good and bad; the first is the result of the strengths of his teachings,
while the second is due to the pitfalls therein.
6.6 The Effect on the Movement of Philosophy:
Al-Ghazls study of philosophy undoubtedly had far-reaching results.64 What
concern us here, though, are the following two questions: the first is to what extent al-
Ghazls criticism affected the movement of philosophy in Islamdom and the second
is what the value of his effort in this regard is.
There have been noticeable controversies over these two questions. Although
there is some measure of agreement among the researchers that there was a sort of
decline in the movement of philosophy in Islamdom for some time after al-Ghazl,
there is a considerable dispute over whether this phenomenon can be linked to al-
Ghazls criticism of philosophy. This link, on one hand, has been asserted by a
number of researchers. According to Nakamura, philosophy declined in the Sunn
world after al-Ghazl, and his criticism of philosophy certainly accelerated this
decline.65 Even with the serious efforts of Ibn Rushd (Averroes) to resist this decline
by his refutation of al-Ghazls Tahfut, he, Nakamura further states, could not stop
64
Watt, Islamic Philosophy and Theology, Edinburgh: The University Press, 1985, p. 90.
65
Kojiro Nakamura, al-Ghazl, in Concise Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, London & New
York: Routledge, 2000, p. 314.
264

the trend.66 Similarly, Mclean asserts that despite Averroess reply in Tahfut al-
Tahfut some decades later, Ghazali succeeded in quite marginalizing philosophy,
especially in Sunnite Islam, and thereby terminating the tradition of Islamic work in
Greek philosophy.67 In a stronger expression al-Ghazls criticism has been widely
described as the fatal blow to philosophy.68
On the contrary, this claimed strong effect has been rejected by others. Badaw,69
for instance, argues that it is the most serious illusion about al-Ghazl, and he gives
two reasons for this. One is that al-Ghazls Tahfut, as Badaw has investigated,
does not appear in the works of those who dealt with philosophy in the Mashriq
during the four successive centuries after al-Ghazl, such as those of the killed al-
Sahrrd (d. 587/1191), al-Fakhr al-Raz (d. 606/1209), al-Shahristn (d. 548/1153),
Umar al-Ktib (d. 675/276), Adud al-Dn al-Ij (d. 675/1276), indicating, Badaw
argues, that they did not pay attention to the book and that it did not have the claimed
effect in turning people away from philosophy.70 The second reason is that it is very
naive to think that a single book or a criticism of a single authorregardless of how
great he wascould put an end to an established branch of knowledge such as
philosophy.71
Likewise, Watt states that the claim that philosophy was killed off by the effort of
al-Ghazl may be supported by the fact that there were no pure philosophical works
66
Nakamura, al-Ghazl, in Concise Routledge Encyclopaedia of Philosophy, p. 314.
67
George F. Mclean, in his introduction to the Deliverance From Error: A Translation of al-Munqidh
min al-Dall, translated by Muhammed Abulaylah, Council of Research in Values and Philosophy,
March 2002.
68
See, for example, al-Shm, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 82; al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol., 1, p. 287; and al-
Qaradw, al-Imm al-Ghazl, p. 38.
69
Badaw Awhm Hawl al-Ghazl, a paper presented in a conference on al-Ghazl in the University
of Muhammad al-Khmis, Rabat, 1988, cited online: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/bd-whm.pdf ,
visitied on 1/2/2007.
70
Badaw Awhm, cited online: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/bd-whm.pdf , visited on 1/2/2007.
71
Badaw Awhm, cited online: http://www.ghazali.org/articles/bd-whm.pdf , visited on 1/2/2007.
265

in the Islamic East after al-Ghazls time,72 but how far this decline of philosophy
was due to his critique or other factors is not evident.73 Since the distinguished
philosopher, Avicenna, had died twenty years before al-Ghazl, the decline of
74
philosophy, Watt concludes, may have started much earlier than the Tahfut. In
addition, since the traveller Ibn Jubayr (d. 1217) could still find people who
professed to follow al-Frb and Avicenna, then al-Ghazls critique, Watt argues,
did not put an end to philosophizing, but it may have contributed to the transformation
of its study into two new trends: the first was that philosophical conceptions and
methods became part of rational theology and Kalm, and the second was the fusion
of philosophy with Shiite views.75
The arguments of both sides of this dispute, however, do not seem that
satisfactory, and thus a conclusive study of the question under review is largely
needed in order to provide a definite conclusion. Provisionally, one may conclude that
no one can deny the effect of al-Ghazls criticism on the weakening of the
movement of philosophy to some extent, but it is hardly convincing that this criticism
put an end to philosophising in Islamdom.
This brings us to the second question regarding the value of this effect which is
also disputable. On the one hand, it has been seen as a great achievement by some.
According to al-Nadw,76 for example, al-Ghazl provided outstanding support for
the religion by putting down the scientific value of philosophy, which had been very
influential and prestigious, since the philosophy circle could not present a strong
refutation of his Tahfut till the time of Ibn Rushed. Similarly, al-Qaradw77 argues
72
Watt, Islamic Philosophy, p. 91.
73
Watt, al-Ghazl , in El2, Vol. 2, p. 1041.
74
75
76
al-Nadw, Rijl, Vol., 1, p. 287.
77
266

that al-Ghazl had won the battle against philosophy, and that his attack on it
succeeded in removing its past halo. In the same way, al-Sham78 considers al-
Ghazls attack as a victory for Islam, and that he succeeded at least to put
philosophy in a state of defence, after it had been in a state of attack.
On the other hand, the same effect has been negatively valued by others. Nasr, for
example, has accused al-Ghazl of being responsible to a large extent for the
destruction of rationalism as a major force in the Islamdom,79 which resulted from his
attack against rationalistic philosophers.80 Similarly, El-Ehwany argues that al-
Ghazl unintentionally shut the door on science by his enthusiastic defence of
religion, his attack on the doctrines of philosophers, and by his adaptation of the Sufis
method, which, in the view of El-Ehwany, is incompatible with rational methods of
science.81 Consequently, since he was considered the Proof of Islam (Hujjat al-Islm),
the Muslims, El-Ehway further argues, followed him and gradually neglected the
study of the sciences.82
It seems that this dispute is mainly due to the difference of the reference of
judgment. The reference of the negative evaluation seems to be the intellectual
movement, in general, regardless of whether it is incompatible with Islamic
justification. In contrast, the positive evaluation is judged by whether the effect was in
favour of Islamic religiousness. In our view, based on the Islamic criteria of islh
discussed in chapter one, this effect is obviously an islh outcome.
78
79
Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam, Cambridge: The Islamic Texts Society,
1987, pp. 307f.
80
Nasr, Science and Civilization, p. 27.
81
Ahmed Fouad El-Ehwany, Ibn Rushd, in History of Muslim Philosophy, Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz, 1963, p. 556.
82
El-Ehwany, Ibn Rushd, p. 556.
267

6.7 The Effect of al-Ghazls Quarrel with the Btins:
Unlike the case with his effect on philosophy, it does not seem that al-Ghazls
quarrel with the Btins has significantly attracted the attention of the researchers. In
my search for relevant literature, I have not been able to find sufficient discussions of
this effect. Therefore, only a few tentative remarks can be made here:
1. Al-Ghazls refutation of the Btinyah doctrine seems to be
successful, since there is no mention of noticeable counter-argument of al-
Ghazls refutation appears in the relevant sources.
2. The decline of the Btinyah movement is evident in the sources, but
how far al-Ghazls efforts contributed to it is not evident. However, by being
noticeably influential as shown above, it could be assumed that al-Ghazls
effort had a considerable effect on the trend.
3. Watt seems to be correct in the following provisional assessment of the
influence of al-Ghazls criticism of the Btinyah: [it] may have helped to
reduce the intellectual attractiveness of the movement, but its comparative
failure, after its success in capturing Alamt, is due to many other factors.83
6.8 The Influence of al-Ghazl on the Successive Islh Movement:
The most striking claimed outcome of al-Ghazls islh effort has been
enthusiastically argued by al-Kln; the main point in this argument is that the
reformed generation of Salh al-Dn, who succeeded in restoring Jerusalem to
Muslims, was an outcome of a reforming process started by al-Ghazls islh
efforts.84 As support for this claim, al-Kln has linked al-Ghazl to the rise of many
reforming madrasahs, mainly Sunn-Sufi, in the successive years which, in the view
83
Watt, al-Ghazl , in El2, Vol. 2, p. 1041.
84
al-Kln, Hkadh Zahra jl Salh al-Dn, pp. 26f & 101.
268

of al-Kln, reflect a Sufi islh movement, the fruit of which was the rise of that
generation.85 He further argues that these madrasahs were largely inspired by al-
Ghazls approach to islh.86 Foremost among these is the Qdiryah madrasah in
Baghdad, which was founded by Abd-al-Qdir al-Jiln who, as al-Kln states, was
largely influenced by al-Ghazl as appears in his works.87 Al-Ghazls influence on
al-Jiln, al-Kln further argues, appears also in his approach to self-islh which was
an adaptation of al-Ghazls attitude of withdrawal and return (al-insihb wa-al-
'awdah).88
Although the argument has been interestingly presented, it has some grave pitfalls.
The most crucial of which is that it includes some assumptions which lack sufficient
supports or proofs. A case in point is al-Klns central argument that all the
madrasahs mentioned by him had a unified curriculum, which is virtually identical to
that of al-Ghazalyah and al-Qadiriyyah madrasahs, an argument for which no
evidence has been given at all.89 Thus, the argued link cannot be regarded as a
postulate, because it has not been convincingly verified.
85
86
87
88
By this expression, al-Kiln refers to al-Ghazalis retirement from formal teaching in the Nizmyah
for the purpose of self-islh and his return to formal teaching afterwards, see Ibid, p.184.
89
269
CONCLUSION
CONCLUSION
*************
The significant findings of all the six chapters above, despite their limitations
which are quite unavoidable especially in a timed study like the present, are positive
enough to make us rather confidently say that our suggested hypothesis is reasonably
verified and that the intended purposes of the study are considerably accomplished.
To illustrate this in short, I shall conclude this challenging and time-consuming,
though worthwhile, study by summing up the key findings of all the discussion above
and add few fresh clarifying points, which have not found a proper place in the
previous chapters.
1. Based on the interesting results of the semantic analysis of the lexical,
Qurnic, and Prophetic usages of the term islh (1.2 & 1.3), islh, as an
Islamic concept, has been provisionally defined (1.4) as a human corrective
task in which any state of fasd is correctively changed into its opposite
Islamically justified state, where fasd means a state of loss of the benefit of a
thing, inexcusable detriment, or unjustified deviation from a moderate norm.
This has provided us with a very useful objective measure of classifying al-
Ghazl as a muslih; to attain a basic level of justifying such a classification,
one needs to know the extent of which he correctively responded to the states
of fasd at his time, and also the extent to which his response led to the
intended corrective change. This important finding has largely shaped the
entire study.
2. The examination of the degree of equivalence between this Islamic concept
and the meaning and usage of the English term reform, which is usually
270
CONCLUSION
considered as a rendering of islh, has shown that the gap between the two is
considerably wide; therefore, for the sake of preciseness and to avoid
confusion, I have concluded (1.5) that the term islh should not be replaced by
reform and instead needs to be transliterated and defined whenever it is
necessary, but when translation is unavoidable, then Islamic reform seems a
more precise and less confusing rendering.
3. By comparing and contrasting between the Islamic concept islh with the
following three concepts: tajdd (renewal or restoration), taghyr (change), and
al-amr bi-al-marf wa-al-nahy an al-munkar (commanding right and
forbidding wrong), it has become very evident that although there are some
similarities and partial overlapping between islh and these concepts, there are
considerably major differences between them (1.6). This confirms that islh is
a distinctive Islamic duty and thus it deserves to be studied as a separate topic,
without confusing it with other Islamic concepts.
4. The extended, and hopefully balanced, overview of the historical context at
the time of al-Ghazl (Ch. 2) has clearly demonstrated that he lived in an
exceptionally complex, diverse, changeable, and challenging age. Considering
that context throughout the study has proven to be crucially important, and has
really helped in dealing with the controversy surrounding al-Ghazls life and
thought.
5. The relatively lengthy discussion of al-Ghazls life-experience (Ch. 3) has
led to the following two main findings. The first is that his period of seclusion,
which was a dramatic turning point in his entire life, marked the starting point
of his determined islh efforts (3.7). This has been readily justified by the
following two successful islh outcomes of that period (3.7): (a) he went
271
CONCLUSION
through a fundamental self-islh or corrective conversion, which is a
necessary condition for desiring general islh, according to his teachings, and
(b) he formulated his main islh teachings in his most famous book, the Ihy
which is aimed to be a major islh project. These outcomes, as has been
shown (3.7), were asserted by al-Ghazls contemporary and associate, al-
Fris, whose eyewitness testimony renders the doubts which have been cast
on the truthfulness of al-Ghazls account in the Munqidh about his
conversion totally unreasonable. The second main finding is that the entire
period following al-Ghazls successful self-islh can be properly considered
as a stage in which he strived for general islh (3.8). This has been supported
by the following proofs (3.8): (a) al-Ghazls assertion in the Munqidh that
his sole desire at that stage was islh, (b) al-Friss biographical notices
concerning the same stage which back up the above classification, (c) and
almost all of al-Ghazls reported activities during that stage are of islh
nature. Based on these two very significant findings, the proceeding survey of
al-Ghazls islh efforts has been justifiably limited to that stage.
6. By surveying al-Ghazls main islh efforts during the stage in which he
devoted himself to islh (Ch. 4), it has become quite clear that the extent of
such efforts is remarkable. In light of the analysis of the concept of islh
performed in Chapter One, the extended, and hopefully objective, survey has
amply illustrated firstly al-Ghazls analysis of the major roots of fasd
(4.2.1), secondly his diagnosis of a number of widespread phenomena of fasd
at his time (4.2.2), thirdly his islh attempts to eradicate the roots of fasd
analysed by him (4.3), and lastly his islh treatments of the phenomena of
fasd diagnosed by him (4.4). Considering these enormous efforts, which all
272
CONCLUSION
appear to be of islh nature, is of crucial importance in verifying the
suggested hypothesis, but before giving our final judgment the following
findings need to be taken into account.
7. The focused assessment of al-Ghazls overall islh teachings, namely
those in the Ihy, has revealed that his teachings, generally speaking, are
highly original (5.2), abundantly clear and easy to follow (5.3), noticeably
deep (5.4), and considerably realistic and practical, particularly his general
principles (5.5). Besides these striking strengths, the assessment has shown
that his teachings have some serious weaknesses as well, namely: (a) the
apparent contradiction between his teachings of individualistic spirit and those
of collective nature (5.5), which is really problematic and thus deserves a
separate detailed study, (b) there are some elements of extremeness in his
teachings, though he believes in moderation as a general rule (5.6), (c) his
reporting of some Sufi practices which clearly contradict fiqh rules, regardless
of his true position which is also problematic and thus needs a separate
detailed study (5.7.2), (d) and a number of his views were considerably
influenced by unsound or weak traditions attributed to the Prophet (S.A.A.W.)
(5.7.3). Such weaknesses, in our view, can be easily singled out for valid
criticism.
8. By discussing a number of criticisms, which have been directed against al-
Ghazls teachings (Ch. 5), it has been found that most of them are not
convincingly justifiable and thus they cannot be considered as postulates,
though they have been continuously repeated and widely accepted. These are:
(a) the accusation of copying from earlier sources without crediting them; for
various reasons (5.2), it is difficult to follow such accusation, (b) the
273
CONCLUSION
accusation of implementing in his teachings un-Islamic or foreign elements,
which may be traced back directly or indirectly to the works of ancient
philosophers; but again for a number of reasons (5.7.1), this criticism cannot
be regarded as serious or convincing, (c) the criticism that he fully supported
Sufi tradition even those which contradict Islamic principles found in the
Islamic primary sources; yet various reservations can be raised against such a
criticism (5.7.2), (d) and the commonly repeated criticism that he relied
heavily on weak and fabricated ahdth, namely in the Ihy; but there is an
element of exaggeration on this criticism (5.7.3).
9. By discussing a number of phenomena which have been considered as effects
of al-Ghazls efforts and assessing the main controversial evaluations of
these (Ch. 6), the following results have been reached.
(a) Because of the limitations in the sources, it is almost impossible to
fully assess the effects of al-Ghazls islh attempts or his efforts in
general (6.1).
(b) Al-Ghazls islh teachings most likely influenced many pupils, but
the extent of this influence, the whole number of these pupils, and their
exact role in passing on his teachings cannot be known for certain
(6.2).
(c) The direct connection between al-Ghazl and Ibn Tmart, the founder
of Almohad dynasty, is extremely doubtful, if not a myth, and thus the
available evaluations of al-Ghazls direct effect on him are shakily
founded (6.3)
(d) The exceptionally great interest in the Ihy can be supported by ample
evidences (6.4.1). This clearly shows that the book, and thus its islh
274
CONCLUSION
teachings, has proven to be very successful, highly influential, and
largely useable over the centuries and across different generations,
despite their different schools of thought, sects, and even religions
(6.4.2). However, whether its influence has been positive or negative
remains debatable.
(e) Al-Ghazls effect on Sufism cannot be denied, but it has been
overstated by those who positively evaluated it as well as those who
negatively looked at it (6.5). In our view, this effect has both a positive
side and a negative one.
(f) It is difficult to totally reject that al-Ghazls criticism of philosophy
weakened its subsequent movement to some extent, but to claim that it
put an end to philosophising in Islamdom is far from being convincing
(6.6). The debate over the value of this effect is mainly because of the
difference on the reference of judgment; the negative evaluation seems
to disregard the Islamic justification, while the positive evaluation is
based on whether the effect was in favour of Islamic religiousness, but
looking at it from the islh perspective, it becomes evident that it is a
favourable islh effect (6.6).
(g) The effort of al-Ghazl with regard to the challenge of the Batinyah
movement seems to be fruitful, but how far it contributed to its decline
is not clear (6.7).
(h) The theory which links al-Ghazl to the emergence of the Muslim
generation which succeeded in freeing Muslim lands from the
Crusaders has not been convincingly supported, and thus this cannot be
positively regarded as one of al-Gahazls islh effects (6.8).
275
CONCLUSION
By weighing up all these findings, and considering in a balanced way all the
points for and against al-Ghazl, I can quite confidently assert that classifying al-
Ghazl as a muslih is fairly justified and that he significantly contributed to the rich
legacy of the muslihn. His remarkable islh efforts, the great strengths of his
islh teachings, and his favourable effects considerably outweigh his weaknesses and
his unappreciative effects, regardless of how serious they are. I believe that it is
gravely unfair to overstate his weaknesses, and disregard his impressive achievement.
In fact, it sounds very unreasonable to expect from a single person like al-Ghazl to
accomplish more than what he achieved in order to consider him as a muslih,
particularly in his extremely challenging and complex time.
276
APPENDIX
Appendix: The Chronological Sequence of the First Crusade and

the Muslim Response:
Through the determined and successful efforts of both Pope Urban II and the
Byzantine Emperor Alexius Commenus, large allied western European forces, under
various independent princes joined with several priests and assisted militarily and
logistically by the Emperor, devotedly launched a military campaignwhich has
become known as the First Crusadeaiming eventually to capture the sacred city of
Jerusalem from Muslims after freeing the way across Asia Minor and the Levant from
the Seljuk and any other Muslim rulers; and thus reoccupying the lands which had
been recently lost from the Christian Byzantine Empire following its grave defeat by
the Seljuks at Malazgirt in 463/1071.1
Unwilling to wait for the arrival of the main crusading forces and ignoring the
advice of the Byzantine Emperor, over 20,000 initial French, German and Italian
Crusader armies, called the Peoples Crusade in the sources, launched savage raids
into western Anatolia, plundered a number of villagestorturing and killing their
Greek Christian inhabitantsand drove to the gates of Nicaea, the capital city of the
Seljuk Sultan of al-Rm, Qilij-Arsaln. Eventually, however, they were completely
defeated by this Sultan towards the end of 489/1096.2
Underestimating the actual threat of the coming Crusades, and self-deluded by his
dazzling victory, Qilij-Arsaln left his capital city at that critical time and marched
eastwards to deal with his rival, the Emir Dnishmend, who had controlled north-
eastern Anatoliaafter the death of Qilij-Arsalns fatherand blockaded the
1
See, for instance, Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 1951, Vol. 1, pp. 110-18, 169 & 175; and
Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, Vol. 2, pp. 264f. For a discussion of the motives behind the First
Crusade based on Islamic chronicles, see Hillenbrand, The Crusades, pp. 50-4.
2
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 1951, Vol. 1, pp. 121-33; and Amn Malf, al-Hurb al-S
albyah Kam Rah al-Arab, trans., from French to Arabic by Aff Dimishqyah, Beirut: Dr al-
Frb, 1989, pp. 21-6.
277
APPENDIX
Armenian city Melitene.3 This was the ideal chance for the Crusaders to advance
towards Nicaea. When he received the news that the Franks had laid siege to Nicaea,
Qilij-Arsaln declared a truce with Dnishmend and rushed to save his capital.4 After
a valiant but unsuccessful attempt to break through the firm Crusader siege all around
the city, the Sultan helplessly withdrew eastward, leaving the garrison of Nicaea to
their own devices. They soon completely surrendered on 29-6-490/18-6-1097; and
Byzantine troops entered the city, and thus it came under the mercy of the Emperor,
which provoked the bitterness of the European Crusaders.5
Soon after his painful withdrawal, the Sultan Qilij-Arsaln started to prepare
seriously for undertaking jihd against the Christian invaders, gathering more Turkish
troops and even allying with his opponent the Emir Dnishmend against their
common enemies.6 On 12/7/490-30/6/1097, these joint Turkish troops set up an
ambush near Dorylaeum, and waited for the arrival of the Crusaders who had set out
from Nicaea in regiments.7 Shortly after a Crusading army set up camp close to
Dorylaeum, it was fully surrounded by the Turks and shot by hail of arrows which
killed many Christian soldiers.8 Unaware that the trapped army was just a group of the
Crusaders, the Turks were badly shocked as they saw another Crusading army come
to reinforce their fellow Christians.9 In a while, panic spread through the Turk camp
as a third Crusading army appeared suddenly from the rear, whereupon the Turkish
3
See Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 28.
4
5
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 179-81; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp.
30-1.
6
7
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 184-5; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp.
33f.
8
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 185-7; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 35.
9
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 185-6; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 35.
278
APPENDIX
troops put to flight in crucial defeat. 10 In his flight, Qilij-Arsaln met Syrian troops
who came to assist him, but it was too late.11
This decisive defeat of the Turkish forces opened the way for the Crusaders to
advance up to the frontiers of the Levant in a period which lasted from 15/7/490-
3/7/1097 to 6/11/490-20/10/1097, during which they entered several Anatolian cities,
ending the Turkish control over them, and these were restored to the Byzantine
Empire.12 This period did not witness Muslim resistance which is worth mentioning,
save occasional appearance of limited Turkish troops and garrisons which could not
withstand the Crusaders. Nevertheless, in particular parts of their expedition, the
Crusaders encountered severe difficulties due to scarcity of water and provisions, as
well as bad weather and road conditions, which caused the loss of many lives.
However, by having a number of refreshing rests in some relieving fertile lands on
their way, they eventually managed to approach to the walls of Antioch,13 which had
slipped from the Byzantines to the Seljuks in 477/1085.14
When the Crusaders crossed the frontiers of the Levant, time was on their side. As
shown above, the main Seljuk armies in the east, which were supposed to play an
effective role in resisting the Crusading invasion, were fully engaged in ongoing
internal warfare. Moreover, the Levant itself was a field of internal serious dispute
among various emirs, namely between the Seljuk Emir Ridwn b. Tutush of Aleppo
and his brother the Emir Duqq of Damascus.15
10
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 186; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 35.
11
12
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 188-193.
13
14
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 8, p. 435: trans., see Ricahards, The Annals, p. 217.
15
Not long before the advance of the Crusaders to Antioch, there was a bloody war between the Emir
Ridwn, supported by a large host of Turcomans under Suqmn b. Artuq of Saruj, on one side and the
Emir Duqq with the governor of Antioch, the Turcoman Emir Bagh-Siyn (or Yaghi-Siyan), who had
recently abandoned the Emir Ridwn and inclined towards his brother, and their forces on the other
side, which ended with the defeat of Duqq and his forces (see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 11:
trans., see Ricahards, The Annals, pp. 293f).
279
APPENDIX
On 6/11/490-20/10/1097 the Crusading armies arrived at the walls of Antioch,
and laid siege to the city, which was strongly fortified against attack and full of
supplies.16 As the blockaders almost ran out of provisions in about two months, the
Prince of Taranto, Bohemond I, and the Count of Flanders, Robert II, with 20,000
men were dispatched to raid the villages in the Orontes valley and to bring more
supplies.17 At the village of Albara, Robert with his men, who were in the vanguard,
were suddenly surrounded by Muslim forces, under Duqq b. Tutush of Damascus, to
whom Bagh-Siyn had sent his own son to directly appeal for rescuing his city, and
joined with the Emir of Hamh, who were in their way to relieve Antioch. However, a
surprising assault commanded by Bohemond on the rear of the Muslim forces, at the
last moment, rescued Roberts men and forced the Muslims to withdraw to Hamh
with more grievous losses than their enemies.18 Consequently, Bohemond and Robert
returned, with almost nothing but exhaustion caused by this clash, to their camp at
Antioch, which they found in an extremely depressing state due to the shock of a
night attack by a group of Turks from inside the blockaded city shortly after they had
left, followed by bad winter weather condition, in addition to the growing food and
health crisis.19
Following the withdrawal of Duqqs relief army, Bagh-Siyn of Antioch was
forced to urgently plead for help from the Emir Ridwn of Damascus, who had
remained extremely unresponsive to the threat of the Crusaders in short-sighted
revenge for Bagh-Siyns disloyalty during the previous war with his brother Duqq.
Nevertheless alarmed by the seriousness of the threat, he finally embarked on a
16
17
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 219f.
18
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 220f; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp.
44f.
19
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 220f; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p.
45.
280
APPENDIX
campaign to deal with the Crusaders supported by the Emir Suqmn b. Artuq of
Diyr-Bakr and the Emir of Hamh.20 Learning of their approach to Antioch, 700
knights among the Crusaders set up an ambush for the Ridwns joint forces between
the river and the lake of Antioch.21 On 28/2/491-8/2/1098, the knights took these
forces by surprise, and a fierce battle took place leading to the retreat of the Ridwns
forces to Aleppo in total disarray.22 Meanwhile, Bagh-Siyn suddenly attacked in
full-scale the Camp of the blockaders, forcing its defenders to be driven back, but by
seeing the victorious knights coming back, he ordered his soldiers to return to the
city.23
By the sixth month of the siege of Antioch, the Crusaders condition had been
eased, while the situation of their blockaded enemies had become more critical.
Provided by workmen and building materials from Constantinople, the blockaders had
built fortresses to completely prevent any access to the city.24 As a result, they had
succeeded in capturing large quantities of provisions destined for the people of
Antioch.25
While the situation in Antioch was getting worse, Karbugh26 of Mosul,
accompanied with other forces from various quarters under different emirs, was on his
way to rescue the city.27 Miscalculation led Karbugh, despite the reservation of other
army chiefs, to march first against Edessa, which had come under the rule of Count
Baldwin who had separated from the Crusaders to raid into Armenia. Karbugh was
unaware that Baldwin was too weak to attack him, yet was wholly secure in his strong
20
21
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 225.
22
23
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 226; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp.
47f.
24
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 226-9.
25
26
Also spelled Kerbogha and Kirbogha.
27
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 15; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 230; and
Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 51.
281
APPENDIX
fortresses; however, after wasting three critical weeks before the walls of Edessa, he
finally turned to Antioch.28 In the meantime, Bohemend, through top secret
communication, concluded an agreement with a senior commander in Antiochs
government on selling the city to the Crusaders.29
The approach of the Karbughs forces caused panic among the Crusaders to the
extent that many of them started to desert.30 Shortly before the actual arrival of the
relief forces, however, the city had suddenly fallen. Through the plot of the
treacherous commander who was in charge of guarding one of the Antiochs towers,
the Crusaders stormed into the city at the break of dawn of 25/6/491-3/6/1098,
massacring all the Turk population who they found, men and women alike; while
Bagh-Siyn with some of his men fled in terror; however, he was eventually killed by
a band of Armenians.31 Unlike Bagh-Siyn, his brave son Shams-al-Dawlah managed
to gather some soldiers and firmly hold the citadel of the city, repelling the assaults of
the invaders against it, but unable to mount any offensive attack.32
A few days after the fall of Antioch, Karbugh arrived and laid siege to the
invaded city.33 Shams-al-Dawlah sought help from Karbugh and requested that he
retain command, but the latter demanded that the citadel should be handed over to his
28
52f.
29
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 231; Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 54; and
30
31
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 233f; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp.
54f. The chronicler Ibn al-Athr narrated the fall of Antioch, mentioning the story of the treachery
and the retreat of Bagh-Siyn, but according to his narrative, the march of Karbugh started after the
city had fallen and his account does not include any of the previous rescue attempts (see Ibn al-Athr,
al-Kmil, Vol. 9, pp. 14f). In my description of this event, as well as other events mentioned in this
section, I have chiefly relied on the detailed account of the distinguished historian Steven Runciman
on the First Crusade which is an outcome of an in-depth scholarly research on numerous original
Western European, Latin, Greek, Arabic, Persian, Armenian, Syriac and Hebrew sources in addition
to many secondary sources, as appears in his rich footnotes and extensive bibliography.
32
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 234; Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 55f.
33
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 234; Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 56.
282
APPENDIX
commander Ahmad b. Marwn.34 To prevent any attempt to break into the city from
this most vulnerable part, the Frankish invaders had fortified it by constructing a
separate wall and by intensifying their defence there.35 These precautionary measures
proved successful. Ibn Marwn mounted an attack from the citadel, but was driven
back with heavy loss.36
As the siege continued, the blockaded city sank into gloom.37 Provisions were
growing scarce to the extent that the poor among the Franks started to eat carrion and
the leaves of trees, while the rich were eating their sumpters.38 The morale of the
Crusaders declined dramatically.39 However, at this juncture the spirits of the
Christians were raised by a series of events which seemed to them to show Gods
special favour,40 namely the finding of a lance which claimed to go back to the time
of Christ.41
Meanwhile, Karbughs coalition of forces started to look dangerously shaky. His
arrogance and mistreatment alienated the other commanders in the coalition and many
of them decided to desert him.42 Moreover, there was growing discord among
Karbughs own troops.43 Despite these worrying internal problems, Karbugh
refused a proposal for conditional surrender of the Franks and insisted on fighting.44
34
35
36
37
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 238.
38
39
40
41
Ibn al-Athr (al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 15) states that the lance was buried by a priest who was among the
Crusaders. For a discussion of this story, see Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 241-6.
42
Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 56f.
43
44
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 15; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 246f.
283
APPENDIX
Consequently, the Crusaders marched out on 20/7/491-28/6/1098, prepared for the
clash with high courage.45 While they were emerging in small groups, the Muslims
wanted to pick them off straight away but Karbugh forbade them, preferring to attack
all of them in one blow; however, when all the Franks came out and stood in a great
array, many of Karbughs troops deserted the battle field due to Karbughs
mistreatment and his order of delaying the attack.46 Shortly, Karbugh himself fled,
following other chief commanders, but a group of true mujhids stood firm, fighting
for the sake of God and aiming martyrdom.47 Thousands of these Muslims were killed
by the Franks.48 When the men in the citadel saw that the Muslims were defeated,
they surrendered and thus the Crusaders won unexpectedly a complete victory.49
Before the fall of Antioch, the Fatimids had come onto the scene of the Muslim-
Crusader conflict, but rather shamefully in a bad spot. During the Crusader siege of
Antioch, a suspicious embassy was dispatched by the Fatimid all-powerful Vizier and
actual ruler of Egypt, al-Afdal, to the Crusaders.50 The proposal of al-Afdal, as
Runciman points out, seems to have been that a division should be made of the
Seldjuk empire; the Franks should take northern Syria and Egypt should take
Palestine.51 The Franks, however, far from being willing to aid the Egyptians to
recover Palestine, had every intention of themselves marching on Jerusalem.52
45
46
Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 16. In her discussion of the fall of Antioch, Hillenbrand
unfortunately misrepresents Ibn al-Athrs account particularly on this quote by firstly mistranslating
the phrase tarab masfan azman as they attacked strongly, when it should be translated as
they stood in a great array, and secondly by omitting the reported reason behind the desertion of
the Muslim troops (Cf. Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 58).
47
48
49
50
This contact is clearly mentioned in the Western Crusader sources, see Runciman, A History of the
Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 229.
51
52
284
APPENDIX
Nevertheless, underestimating the actual plans of the Franks53 and profiting from the
weakness of the Turks, their traditional enemies, who had been recently defeated by
the Crusaders in Antioch, the Fatimid army under al-Afdal undertook an ill-timed
expedition to Jerusalem and after blockading it for more than forty days they
eventually recaptured it from the Seljuks,54 despite the initial resistance of its
population.55 Al-Afdal, however, would discover too late the real objectives of the
Crusaders,56 as we shall see shortly.
In addition to al-Afdal, there were other Muslim leaders who had unfortunate
contacts and forms of collaboration with the Crusaders against their fellow-Muslim
political opponents. For example, after the fall of Antioch, the Emir of Azz (Azaz),
Umar, who rebelled against the Emir Ridwn of Aleppo, sought the help of the
Franks when his old master intended to suppress his rebellion.57
Following the Franks complete victory in Antioch, there was a delay to the
Crusade for a couple of months due firstly to a serious disagreement among chief
Crusader princes, namely Bohemond I of Taranto and Raymond IV of Saint-Gilles,
over the possession of Antioch, and secondly to a major epidemic which broke out in
the city.58 An eminent victim of the epidemic was the Bishop of Le Puy, Adhemar,
who, as the Popes representative in the Crusade, had played a very significant role in
its success.59
Before the resumption of the march to Jerusalem, a number of successful small
but fierce raids into the lands nearby Antioch were conducted by segments of the
53
Cf. Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 47.
54
The city was in the actual hands of the two Turkman emirs: Suqmn b. Artuq and his brother Ilghz,
who had vowed homage to the Seljuk Emir of Damascus, Duqq, see Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9,
p. 19; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 265.
55
56
Cf. Hillenbrand, The Crusades, p. 47.
57
58
59
285
APPENDIX
Crusaders, securing provisions and capturing some Syrian towns including Rugia and
Albara.60 On 26/12/491-28/11/1098, a Frankish attack was launched against the town
of Marrat al-Numn but it was strongly resisted by its Arab population, whereupon
the city was entirely blockaded.61 After thirteen days of blockading the town, the
Franks, using a large movable wooden tower, forced their way into the town,
massacring thousands of its population62 and even engaging in cannibalism.63
In early 492/1099, Raymond and his army set out from Marrat al-Numn to
resume the Crusade independently, helplessly leaving Antioch in the full control of
the Prince Bohemond.64 Shortly, other Crusading leaders, save Baldwin and
Bohemond, decided to join Raymond and thus he became unchallenged leader of the
Crusade.65
As Raymond reached Kafartab, the Emir of Shayzar66 sent a delegation to him,
proposing to provide the Franks with provisions and guides on condition that they
would not invade his lands.67 By accepting the proposal, Raymond followed the
Emirs guides and led the Franks across the Orontes River.68 When they reached the
town of Masyaf on 22/2/492-22/1/1099, its head reluctantly entered into a treaty with
them.69 Next, they captured Hisn al-Akrd, taking considerable booty.70 At this
fortress, the Crusaders received envoys from the independent emirs of Hums and
Tripoli, helplessly offering precious gifts and proposing treaties.71 Despite the
60
61
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 16; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 259.
62
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 16; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 260.
63
See Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 63f.
64
65
66
Or Shaizar.
67
68
69
70
71
See Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 66f.
286
APPENDIX
initiative of the Emir of Tripoli, the Crusaders raided his territory and laid siege to the
city of Arqa on 15/3/492-14/2/1099.72
In the meantime, a detachment of the Crusaders, encouraged by Raymond, made a
surprise attack on the coastal port of Tortosa, which led to its evacuation and thus it
easily fell into the hands of the Crusading army, a key triumph for the Crusade; for it
opened up easy communications by sea with Antioch and Cyprus and with Europe.73
This accomplishment provoked feelings of jealousy among the Crusaders who had
remained in Antioch and consequently groups of them set out to follow Raymond.74
The siege of Arqa, however, was not successful, mainly because of its strong
fortifications and determined resistance of its garrison.75 After camping behind the
walls of the city for three months, Raymond disappointedly decided to lift the siege
and continue his march southwards.76
As the Crusaders drew near Tripoli, its Emir provided them with guides,
provisions and horses.77 On 20/6/492-19/5/1099, they entered the Fatimid northern
lands where they did not meet any resistance.78 When they approached Beirut, its
people offered them gifts and safe passage through, if they would leave their rich
gardens undamaged and so the Crusaders did.79 Unlike the case of Beirut, when the
Crusaders reached Sidon, they were daringly attacked by its garrison, but it was
repelled by the Crusaders who in return damaged the gardens in the suburbs.80
72
73
74
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 270f.
75
68f.
76
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 274f; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p.
69.
77
78
79
80
73f.
287
APPENDIX
Next, the Crusaders marched along the coast and passed by Tyre, Naqoura, Acre,
Haifa, Caesarea and Arsuf without any opposition worth mention.81 Then they turned
inland and by the time they reached the fully Muslim town, Ramleh, its inhabitants
had already fled, leaving the city to easily become a Christian prize.82
On 10/7/492-7/6/1099 the Crusaders arrived before the walls of Jerusalem and
besieged the Sacred City, which was a great fortress and which had been well
prepared for long siege by its Fatimid governor Iftikhr al-Dawlah.83 Soon the Franks
were in great hardship due to scarcity of water and food, in addition to the rough
summer weather.84 After their initial assault failed, they started to construct wooden
siege towers in order to enhance their attack.85 Meanwhile, the priest Peter Desiderius
played a considerable role in boosting the morale of the Crusades, which had been
sapped by the disappointing circumstances.86
Despite being continuously struck with stones and liquid fire from the defence, the
Crusaders succeeded in bringing their wooden towers right up to the walls and forced
entry into the city on 23/8/492-15/7/1099.87 Consequently, showing no mercy to its
inhabitants, even those who sought refuge in the mosque of al-Aqs, the Crusaders
horribly massacred a great number of Muslims and Jews alike.88
Similar to what happened after capturing Antioch, the fall of Jerusalem generated
tension among the remaining Crusader princes over the issue of the throne, but it was
finally released by the election of Godfrey of Bouillon as ruler and the hopeless
81
82
83
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 279-81; and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p.
74.
84
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 281 & 283.
85
See Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 75; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 282.
86
87
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 285f; Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 75f;
and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 19.
88
See Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 285f; Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, pp. 75f;
and Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 19.
288
APPENDIX
departure of other chief princes, namely Raymond, from the city.89 Despite this
tension, as the news came to them that a relieving Egyptian army under the Fatimid
Vizier, al-Afdal, had approached the Palestinian city of Ascalon, the Frankish princes
agreed to join together against this threat.90 On 22/9/492-12/8/1099, the Franks caught
the Egyptian army entirely by surprise as they suddenly attacked their camp near
Ascalon, killing many of them and taking a lot of booty.91 Al-Afdal and some of his
men, however, managed to flee back to Egypt, suffering a bitter defeat.92
Following the defeat of al-Afdal, the Muslims in the city of Ascalon, followed by
those in the town of Arsuf, offered to surrender to Raymond in person, because of his
reputation of keeping his word to those who had surrendered to him at Jerusalem;
however, the deal fell through as a result of the objection of Godfrey to such
surrender.93 Consequently, Raymond and other Frankish chief commanders, with their
men, angrily deserted Godfrey and thus he became too weak to attack the garrisons of
these two locations.94
Subsequently, Tancred, the Crusader leader who remained in Palestine after the
Battle of Ascalon, raided with his small army in the Palestinian central plateau, over
which there had been recent warfare between the Fatimids and the Emir Duqq of
Damascus.95 Profiting much from the disunity of the Muslims and the ongoing family
fights among the Turkish emirs, Tancred easily overran this region and established
himself as Prince of Galilee.96
89
See Hans Eberhard Mayer, The Crusades, translated from the German by John Gillingham, Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1988, pp. 56f; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 289-
95.
90
See Mayer, The Crusades, p. 57; and Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 289-95.
91
92
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 21; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, p. 296.
93
94
95
96
289
APPENDIX
By strengthening his armed power with many of the Frankish pilgrims who had
arrived at Jerusalem five months after its fall, the ruler of Jerusalem, Godfrey, was
able to extend his sway over new Palestinian lands.97 From April 1100 (5/493), the
emirs of Ascalon, Caesarea and Acre ended up paying monthly tributes to him.98
Shortly before Godfreys death on 9/9/493-18/7/1100, he had concluded a treaty
of alliance with a strong Venetian fleet at the port of Jaffa, agreeing to arrange a joint
expedition against the coastal cities of Acre and Haifa.99 His death postponed the
assault on Acre, but the expedition against Haifa was carried out under a number of
Crusader commanders with the support of the Venetian fleet.100 Despite the
determined resistance of its small Fatimid garrison and its inhabitants, who were
mainly Jews, which initially discouraged the Venetians, the city was finally captured
by the Franks, who massacred the majority of its Muslim and Jewish inhabitants.101
In the summer of 493/1100, the situation in northern Syria was developing
remarkably. Responding to an appeal for help from the ruler of Melitene, Gabriel,
against the threat of the Danishmend Emir Gmshtekin, who had been raiding
Gabriels territory, the Prince Bohemond set out from Antioch with a small army to
save Melitene.102 On his way, Bohemond was caught in ambush which had been set
up by the Danishmend Emir; Bohemonds army was routed and he was taken
captive.103
97
Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 303, & 307-9.
98
99
100
101
102
See Ibn al-Athr, al-Kmil, Vol. 9, p. 29; Runciman, A History of the Crusades, Vol. 1, pp. 320f;
and Malf, al-Hurb al-Salbyah, p. 88.
103
290
APPENDIX
Regardless of such occassional and limited successful resistance, the Muslims,
throughout al-Ghazls age, could not liberate their occupied lands from the
Crusaders.
291
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AL-GHAZL AS AN ISLAMIC REFORMER

MOHAMED ABUBAKR A AL-MUSLEH

Department of Theology & Religion

This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties.

Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in

attempts to shed some light on this legacy by evaluating the contribution of an

outstanding pre-modern Muslim scholar, al-Ghazl. Surprisingly, some studies create

an absolutely positive picture of him, while others portray him in an extremely

asserting that classifying him as a muslih appears to be fairly justified.

To the one who has sacrificed much for me; to the

Chapter 1: Analytical Definition of Islh 12

Chapter 2: Setting the Historical Context 41

Chapter 3: The Life-Experience of al-Ghazl 88

Chapter 4: Survey of al-Ghazls Islh Efforts 134

Chapter 5: Assessment of al-Ghazls Islh Teachings 201

Chapter 6: The effects of al-Ghazls Attempts at Islh 244

Appendix: The Chronological Sequence of the First

The transliteration system follows the Transliteration Scheme for Arabic

Romanization of Constants Romanization of Short Vowels

I.1 A Thematic Background:

opposite of islh, increases, because the spread of fasd5 (corruption) in a community

is a real threat to all its members, as the Qurn warns.6

am able (Q.11:88). Thus, islh is an essential duty in the Islamic doctrine.

By attempting to correct the aspects of fasd, the muslihn undertake a prophetic

their islh teachings, as well as their islh actions.

considered the main contributors to the early modern movement of islh.9

Muslim world at the beginning of the modern period.10

hoped that much of these controversial issues would be treated systematically.

distinctive Islamic duty by introducing the Imam Ab Hmid Muhammad al-Ghazl

(450/1059-505/1111) as a muslih (Islamic reformer), whose name springs to mind

efforts and teachings, from an islh perspective.

judging by the title.

I.2 The Literature on al-Ghazl:

following: one of the greatest intellectuals of the Islamic society,16 a great

one of the greatest thinkers Islam [has] ever produced.20

been considered a composite of great personalities [and] a master of various

disciplines.21 This explains why he has been introduced in a number of studies as a

Sufi (Muslim mystic),22 as a faqh (jurist),23 as a mutakallim (theologian),24 as a critic

of Kalm (Islamic theology),25 as a faylasf (philosopher)26 and as a critic of

philosophy27 at the same time.

among his critics since his age up to the present time.28

Although it is true that with this significant amount of studies, it is very

representative examples of his islh role.32 Similarly, al-Nadw, in a section of his

book Rijl al-Firkr wa-al-Dawah f al-Islm, presents him as a muslih ijtim

589/1193) belonged, which could defeat the Crusaders.35 Al-Ghazl, al-Kiln

be studied. Furthermore, some of his arguments, though positively presented, are

questionable, and thus need to be examined. Moreover, he completely ignores the

I.3 The Problem:

Besides the absolutely positive picture of al-Ghazl as a muslih created in the

writers. A good representative of these is al-Mahdw who considered al-Ghazl as a

Klns argument mentioned previously.

Ghazls thought. In the view of Lazarus-Yafeh, for example, al-Ghazls ideas

man have always seemed extremely modern to me and are expressed so

As a deliberate attempt to answer these controversial and challenging questions in

verify it in the course of subsequent chapters.

I.4 The Hypothesis:

The present study attempts to verify the following positive hypothesis:

is negative and unappreciative. Despite such weaknesses, and regardless of their

negative consequences, al-Ghazl can still be properly classified as a muslih.