Byrd - Transit of Empire PDF

s'*, h u H ^ i.
4 i :
a!
Hi
i M D i n E N r i u g
r
B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s :'N e w [
E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C ritiq u e s o f <
M in n e a p o lis , M N , U S A : U n iv e rs ity i
h ttp ://s ite .e b ra ry .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 1
C o p y rig h t 2 0 1 1 . U n iv e rs ity o f M in n e s o ta Press. A ll rig h ts
re s e rv e d .
M a y n o t b e re p ro d u c e d in a n y fo rm w ith o u t p e rm is s io n fro m th e
p u b lis h e r, e x c e p t fa ir u s e s p e rm itte d u n d e r U .S . o r a p p lic a b le
c o p y rig h t la w .
The Transit o f Empire
B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

o f C o lo n ia lis m .
M in n e a p o lis , M N , U S A : U n iv e rs ity o f M in n e s o ta Press, 2 0 1 1 . p 2.
h ttp ://s te .e b r a r y .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 2
C o p y rig h t 2 0 1 1 . U n iv e rs ity o f M in n e s o ta Press. A ll rig h ts re s e rv e d .
M a y n o t b e re p ro d u c e d in a n y fo rm w ith o u t p e rm is s io n fro m th e p u b lis h e r, e x c e p t fa ir u s e s
p e rm itte d u n d e r U .S . o r a p p lic a b le c o p y r ig h t la w .
This page intentionally left blank

The Transit of Empire
Indigenous Critiques o f Colonialism
Jodi A. Byrd
University oi M innesota Press

Minm;jjkjILe- | London
Fj r s t Pe o p l e s

P u b lic a tio n o f LLii r- Lujok w a s m a d i p o s s ib le , Ln p a r t, w ith a g r a n t fro m th e A n d re w W .
M d lo n F o u n d a tin iL
A version ofchapter 4 was piiilished aB"Reen lo ihe Nation, ]_ord. but ] CouLiin:t Stay
There': American Indian Saw rdgntyC herokee Freedman and chi. [~Luminensu.rabiJ:tv
of the Internal^ fntiej're.ijrwNs: International Journal of Postcolonral Studies L3hn o 1 (201L).
Copyright 2ULJ by the Regenii of the Universilyof Minnesota
All righls reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, ui tranBmi1tedhkn any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo
copying! recording, or otherwise, wdlhout ihe written permission of the publisher.
Published by the University o f Minnesota Press

11LThird Avenue South, Suite
Minneapolis MN 55401-2520
h11p:/ ,'www. up r a a .u m n.cd u
Library ct Congress Cataloging-in-Publication L\)ta
Byrd Jodi A.
The Ll of empire indigenous criliqnea o:l colonialism / |odi A. Byrd.
p. cm, (Flint peoples: new directions in indigenous studies.)
ISBN' (hardback: acid-fnM1piper)
[SEN J7B-0-SI66-761I-5 (paperback: add-free paper}
I. Indians of >Jonh AmericaGovernment relationsHistory. 1. Indians of North
AmericaColonizationUnited Stales. 1 ImperialismSocial aspectsUniled States,
t. SacisniUniled StatesHistory [.Title.
91.537 lull
323.1197<fc?3
2tHH23C23
Printed in the Uniled States of America on acid-free paper
The University of Minnesota is an etjual-opporhinity cducatnr and employer.
17 K 15 14 12 12 Ll IQ A 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

h ttp ://s ite .e b ra ry .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 5
For Jay


O nw ard, James, Lind rem em ber me as a goddess
od your tra n s it Let this trip be the transit of night
not the loss o f a faint speck Ln the w ilderness of sky . ..
go on J a m e s, and journey for the discovery
of great peoples . . . avoid the m isery
of ignorance and serm ons, James. Look to history
tor harm onyset out well as your acts precede you
harm ony, fames, be harm onious w ith these people:
[ am their star too. I know their mana,
their iikill in crossing oceans . ..
R o b e rt S u lliv a n , c a p t a in c o o k i n t h e U H D ettw o ftL D


Contents
Preface: FuD Fathom Five xi
Introduction: Indigenous Critical Theory and the

Diminishing Returns of Civilization xv
1. Is Lind Was: Poitstructural Indians without Ancestry ]
2. This Island's Mine": the Para]las Logics otCalibans Cacophony 39
3. 'the Masks of Conquest: Wilson Harris's fonestown and the

'thresholds of Grievahility 77
4. :,Been to the Nation, Lord, but I Couldiit Stay Ihere1:

Cherokee f-reedmen.. Internal Colonialism, and the
Racialization of Cit izenship ] ]7
5. Satisfied with Stones: Native Hawaiian Government

Reorganization and the Discourses oi Resistance 147
ti. Killing States; Removals, Other Americans, and the

:LPale Promise of Democracy11 ]
Conclusion: Zombie Imperialism 221
Acknowledgments 23]
Notes 235
Index 271

M in n e a p o lis , M N , U S A : U n iv e rs ity o f M in n e s o ta Press, 2 0 1 1 . p 10 .
h ttp ://s ite .e b ra r y .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 1 0

h ttp ://s te .e b r a r y .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 1 1
R-eface
Full Fathom Five
This book is my attempt to account for the traverse ot U.S. empire by res
urrecting indigenous presences within cultural, literary,and political con
texts. 'Ihi 5 project is very personal for me as well. My lather passed m y
one week before Barack Obama was elected president and as 1 was work
ing on this book. While his life had become uni Ivable through whatever it
was that chased him on the roads linking Iowa, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and
Texas, I always thought his struggle was, in the end,about home, place, and
belonging. We Chickasaws lost our country twiceonce through the re
movals Tocqueville described in Democracy in Atnerica, and then through
allotment and the creation of the state of Oklahoma in 1907. And though
the Chickasaw Nation lias certainly rebuilt: and is today just as unconquer
able and uiiconquered as it ever was, there is a difference between recov
ered and having never lost in the first place that stands in breach still for
those of us attempting to theorize the legacies ot colonialism within in
digenous worlds. For my dad, I think, that loss was unmappable, ungriev-
able, and unapproachable within the constraints oi U.S.settler society. And
though he spent his life as a medical doctor, a family practitioner trying to
heal American Indians and white settlers in Valentine, Nebraska, or m In
dian Health Service in the Sisseton-Wahpeton community, that loss flitted
on the edges, drove him crazy, haunted him, and prompted anger whether
toward those he loved or toward those towns and communities that built
up rural with a dogged determinism to never admit to any wrongdoing.
'lhat loss never allowed the United States to be home, even though the
lands the United States was built upon might in fact be so.
Before he died, my dad read parts ot my book and many of my articles,
and always he had opinions. He would call at 4 o'clock in the morning on
the road from the sandhills ot Nebraska or on his way back from his horses
in Thackerville, Oklahoma, to share his thoughts and insights on what this
book and my work should always be about. :,l)id you know Tocqueville
was there at removal?" he would ask, He was obsessed with TocqueviUes
ni

km F H E F IC L
description of the Choctaw dogs who threw themselves into the Missis
sippi to chase after their owners who were unable to take them oil the
boats into Indian Territory. But more often than not, hed tell me his phi
losophy about Indians in America. We didnt have time, m o n ito r power,11
he'd say more than once. You put that in your book, 'ihat's what your work
is missing.'3And then hed Laugh and tel] me lie couldnt wait to read more.
Since he last called, I have thought of Little else. Indians did. not have
time, money, or power, 'Ihe indigenous critical theory scholar in me wants
to argue with my dad, to point out all the ways the Chlckasaws and other
indigenous nations have always had power, time, and resources through
relationship with land, complicity in chattel slavery, negotiations with the
British, French, Spanish, and Americans, or in the very ability to rebuild
one more time out of the destruction the militaries, laws, and legislative
bodies left behind. But there is something also fundamentally true in what
my dad wanted me to say lor him, particularly In the ways Indians figure
and do not within the academic- literary, cultural, and political inquiries
that seek to delineate the problems lacing so many people, be they settlers,
dlasporic Immigrants, or natives in those lands stolen from indigenous
peoples. A book like this cannot do much in the way of power or money,
but the one thing it might be able to do is otter some of my time spent
thinking about theory, narrative, and politics and the place of indigenous
peoples ivithin contemporary theories of post colon iality, queerness, and
race. I hope that was what my dad had In mind when lie ottered me those
challenges to think through the syllogistic traps ot participatory democ
racy born out ot violent occupation of Lands.
'Ihis book, then, is a journey of sorts, its method mnemonic as it places
seemingly disparate histories, temporalities, and geographies into conver
sation in the hopes that through enjambment, it might be possible to per
ceive how Endianness functions as a transit within empire. My method here
suggests a reading praxis inspired by Blackfeet novelist Stephen (praham
Jones's Demon Iheory, in which he delineates genre as mnemonic device in
order to retell the Medea story through horror narrative.1 Ihe story of the
new world is horror, the story ot America a crime. To read mnenionically
is to connect the violences and genocides of colonization to cultural pro
ductions and political movements in order to disrupt the elisions ot multi
cultural liberal democracy that seek to rationalize the onginary historical
traumas that birthed settler colonialism through inclusion. Such a reading

h t tp ://s te .e b r a r y .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 1 3
Indian ness becomes a site through which L.;i. empire orients and repli
cates itself by transforming those to be colonized into Indians* through
continual reiterations of pioneer logics, whether in the Pacific, the Carib
bean, or the Middle East. 'Ihe lamiliarlty o f Tndianness is salve for the
liberal multicultural democracy within the settler societies that serve as
empire's constituency. In the wake of this transit* Lind indeed as its quality
as colonialist practice*one findo. discordant and competing representations
of diasporic arrivals and native lived experienceswhat I call cacophony
throughout this bookthat vie for hegemony within the discursive, cul
tural., and political processes of representation and Identity that form the
basis lor what Wendy Brown has identified as the states ot injury and Fou
cault and others haw termed biopolitics, Bringing indigeneity and Indians
front and center to discussions of U.S. empire as it has traversed across At
lantic and Pacific worlds is a necessary intervention at this historical mo
ment, precisely because it is through the elisions, erasures, enjambments,
and repetitions of Endianness that one might see the stakes in decolonial,
restorative justice tied to land, life, and grievability.
As Willow Rosenberg in Joss Whedons television series Buffy the Vam
pire Slayer once said, A vague disclaimer is nobody's triend.'11 'the Transit
oj Empire is built upon a number ot foundational premises that may or
may not be givens within critical theory but that are rapidly emerging as
founJalional to the disciplining of American Indian and indigenous stud
ies. First, that colonization matters. For indigenous peoples, place, land,
sovereignty and memory matter. In a world growing increasingly enam
ored with faster, flatter, imooili, where positionality doesn't matter so much
as how it is that we travel there> indigeneity matters. Second, this book
temp ora] li es U.S. empire to the birth of the United States, and within its
assumption of European colonialist agendas that sought to appropriate
indigenous lauds, knowledges, presences, and identities for its own use.
Third, that despite cautions against original and originary within post-

K it PREFACE
structuralist theorythis book asserts that there must be the possibility of

the originary in the new world, and tliat it is located ivithin the historical
experiences of new world colonizations, genocides, and violences. 'there
is a long Line ot continuity between the past and the present that has not
been disrupted despite the fcict that the stories we tell may or may not
acknowledge that continuity. And tourth, that indigenous peoples must
be central to any theorizations of the conditions of postcoloniality, em
pire, Lind death-dealing regimes that arise out of indigenous lands. We are
long-memoried peoples, and we remember what happened the last time
the world was tUit.11

Introduction
Indigenous Critical Theory and the

Diminishing Returns of Civilization
Such is our view o f those who we describe as savages or half-savages;

and their mental life must have a peculiar interestfor us if we are right
in seeing in it a well-preserved picture o f an early stage o f our own
development.
Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo
What does it mean to be in transit? Mass transit, certificates of transit, and

transits of planets across the sun denote movement, security, and ratio
nal explanation. Transit evokes the cacophony of traffic jams and exhaust
fumes of the everyday workday, or the elegance and easy silence of the
morning star rising and falling on the horizon in cycles that help navigators
move among islands and allow growers to determine seasons for planting
and harvesting. As a word, transit implies fluidity, noise, and instability.
In a world of increasing global capital and environmental change, transit
can also contradictorily mean responsibility, green liberalism, or the influx
of the global South into the global North as certain geographies bear the
catastrophes of nations addicted to oil. Transit also connotes death and the
impossibilities of grief in first world surveillances that police bodies, urns,
and caskets during their final return to family and earth. A certificate of
transit provides the authority to transport hazardous materials across state
lines; the transit authority is the first line of defense in the war on terror.
What it means to be in transit, then, is to be in motion, to exist liminally
in the ungrievable spaces of suspicion and unintelligibility. To be in transit
is to be made to move.
The Transit o f Empire begins with a network of conflicting definitions to
reflect upon the cultural and political modes of Indianness regulated and
produced by U.S. settler imperialism nee colonialism. Primarily, this book is
essayistic, provisional, and some of its readings and conclusions often defy
the expected affective common sense of liberal multiculturalism invested
in acknowledgements, recognitions, equality, and equivalences. Transit
xv
Byrd, Jodi A.. First Peoples : New Directions Indigenous : Transit of Empire : Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism.
: University of Minnesota Press, . p 16
http://site.ebrary.com/id/10502056?ppg=16
Copyright University of Minnesota Press. . All rights reserved.
May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher,
except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.
x v i INTRODUCTION
is slightly provocative, an incomplete point of entry, and its provenance

might be more suited to diaspora studies and border-crossings than to a
notion such as indigeneity that is often taken as rooted and static, located
in a discrete place. Steven Salaitas Ih e Holy Land in Transit denotes transit
alternately as the function of an alliance between United States and Israeli
settler colonialisms that map old world sacred names onto new world sa
cred sites, a comparative approach to American Indian and Palestinian lit
eratures, and finally a gesture towards the ways in which peoples have been
forced to move and relocate.1 Gerald Vizenors work offers another way to
frame modes of indigeneity in his concept of transmotion that he defines
as a sense of native motion and an active presence [that] is sui generis sov
ereignty. Native transmotion is survivance, a reciprocal use of nature, not
a monotheistic, territorial sovereignty. Native stories of survivance are the
creases of transmotion and sovereignty. Those creases, according to Vize-
nor, are apprehended in the complementarities of stories, associations, inti
macies, and reincarnations that resist absence and possession.2
The Chickasaws have a migration story that we tell. In search of a new
homeland, twin brothers, Chikasah and Chatah, were charged with lead
ing the people as they traveled across the land. Ababinili had given them
a sacred pole, the kohtafalaya, that would point the way. After each day of
travel, Chikasah would plant the long pole in the earth, and each morning
the brothers would rise to find the pole leaning eastward in the directionthey
needed to travel. Led by a white dog and the Milky Way, the brothers and the
people traveled for years, always following the direction of the pole. Until
one morning. At sunrise, the brothers awoke to find the pole standing almost
straight upright. Chatah insisted that the pole confirmed that their travels
were done, but Chikasah disagreed and argued that the pole still leaned, that
there was still further to go. After continued debate, the question was put to
the peoplethose who agreed with Chatah would stay and make a life there
as Choctaws, in the lands that would become central Mississippi, and those
who sided with Chikasah would travel further east to finally live in what is
now northern Mississippi. Chickasaw sovereignty is, according to our na
tional motto, unconquered and unconquerable. It is contrary and stubborn.
But the creases of Chickasaw movement demonstrate how sovereignty is
found in diplomacy and disagreement, through relation, kinship, and inti
macy. And in an act of interpretation.
To be in transit is to be active presence in a world of relational move-
INTRODUCTION x v ii
ments and countermovements. To be in transit is to exist relationally,

multiply.
There is more than one way to frame the concerns of The Transit o f
Empire and more than one way to enter into the possibilities that transit
might allow for comparative studies. On the one hand, I am seeking to join
ongoing conversations about sovereignty, power, and indigeneityand the
epistemological debates that each of these terms engenderwithin and
across disparate and at times incommensurable disciplines and geogra
phies. American studies, queer studies, postcolonial studies, American In
dian studies, and area studies have all attempted to apprehend injury and
redress, melancholy and grief that exist in the distances and sutures of state
recognitions and belongings. Those distances and sutures of recognitions
and belongings, melancholy and grief, take this book from the worlds of
Southeastern Indians to Hawai'i, from the Poston War Relocation Center
to Jonestown, Guyana, in order to consider how ideas of Indianness have
created conditions of possibility for U. S. empire to manifest its intent. As
liberal multicultural settler colonialism attempts to flex the exceptions and
exclusions that first constituted the United States to now provisionally in
clude those people othered and abjected from the nation-states origins, it
instead creates a cacophony of moral claims that help to deflect progres
sive and transformative activism from dismantling the ongoing conditions
of colonialism that continue to make the United States a desired state for
mation within which to be included. That cacophony of competing strug
gles for hegemony within and outside institutions of power, no matter how
those struggles might challenge the state through loci of race, class, gender,
and sexuality, serves to misdirect and cloud attention from the underlying
structures of settler colonialism that made the United States possible as
oppressor in the first place. As a result, the cacophony produced through
U.S. colonialism and imperialism domestically and abroad often coerces
struggles for social justice for queers, racial minorities, and immigrants
into complicity with settler colonialism.
This book, on the other hand, is also interested in the quandaries post
structuralism has left us: the traces of indigenous savagery and Indian-
ness that stand a priori prior to theorizations of origin, history, freedom,
constraint, and difference.3 These traces of Indianness are vitally impor
tant to understanding how power and domination have been articulated
and practiced by empire, and yet because they are traces, they have often
x v iii INTRODUCTION
remained deactivated as a point of critical inquiry as theory has transit

ed across disciplines and schools. Indianness can be felt and intuited as
a presence, and yet apprehending it as a process is difficult, if not impos
sible, precisely because Indianness has served as the field through which
structures have always already been produced. Within the matrix of criti
cal theory, Indianness moves not through absence but through reitera
tion, through meme, as theories circulate and fracture, quote and build.
The prior ontological concerns that interpellate Indianness and savagery
as ethnographic evidence and example, lamentable and tragic loss, are de
ferred through repetitions. How we have come to know intimacy, kinship,
and identity within an empire born out of settler colonialism is predicated
upon discourses of indigenous displacements that remain within the pres
ent everydayness of settler colonialism, even if its constellations have been
naturalized by hegemony and even as its oppressive logics are expanded to
contain more and more historical experiences. 1 hope to show through the
juridical, cultural, and literary readings within this book that indigenous
critical theory provides alternatives to the entanglements of race and colo
nialism, intimacy and relationship that continue to preoccupy poststruc
turalist and postcolonial studies.
The stakes could not be greater, given that currently U.S. empire has
manifested its face to the world as a war machine that strips life even as
it demands racialized and gendered normativities. The post-9/11 national
rhetorics of grief, homeland, pain, terrorism, and security have given rise
to what Judith Butler describes as a process through which the Other be
comes unreal. The derealization of theOther Butler writes, means that it
is neither alive nor dead, but interminably spectral. The infinite paranoia that
imagines the war against terrorism as a war without end will be one that jus
tifies itself endlessly in relation to the spectral infinity of its enemy, regardless
of whether or not there are established grounds to suspect the continuing
operation of terror cells with violent aims.4 But this process of derealization
that Butler marks in the post-9/11 grief that swept the United States, one
could argue, has been functioning in Atlantic and Pacific New Worlds since
1492. As Geonpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson argues, discourses of
security are deployed in response to a perceived threat of invasion and dis
possession from Indigenous people, and in the process, paranoid patriarchal
white sovereignty manages its anxiety over dispossession and threat through
a pathological relationship to indigenous sovereignty.5 In the United States,
the Indian is the original enemy combatant who cannot be grieved.
INTRODUCTION x ix
Within dominant discourses of postracial identity that depend on

the derealization of the Other, desires for amnesty and security from
the contradictory and violent occupations of colonialist wars exist in a
world where, as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak points out, metropolitan
multiculturalismthe latter phase of dominant postcolonialismpre
comprehends U.S. manifest destiny as transformed asylum for the rest of
the world.6 As a result, the Indian is left nowhere and everywhere within
the ontological premises through which U.S. empire orients, imagines, and
critiques itself. The Transit o f Empire, then, might best be understood as a
series of preliminary reflections on how ideas of Indians and Indianness
have served as the ontological ground through which U.S. settler colonial
ism enacts itself as settler imperialism at this crucial moment in history
when everything appears to be headed towards collapse.
Transiting Empire
As metropolitan multiculturalism and dominant postcolonialism promise

the United States as postracial asylum for the world, the diminishing returns
of that asylum meet exactly at the point where diaspora collides with settler
colonialism. Of particular concern is how to theorize the degrees to which
indigenous peoples, settlers, and arrivantsa term I borrow from African
Caribbean poet Kamau Brathwaite to signify those people forced into the
Americas through the violence of European and Anglo-American colonial
ism and imperialism around the globehave functioned within and have
resisted the historical project of the colonization of the New World. As the
administrative colonialisms of European empires dismantled after World
War II, the deep settler and arrivant colonialisms continued unabated within
the post- and neocolonial geographies of the global South that are now re
configured to bear the brunt of the economic, environmental, and militaris
tic needs of the global North. The emphasis in international law on nation
state formations predicates that indigenous peoples remain still colonized
liminally within and beside the established geopolitical and biopolitical bor
ders and institutions of (post)colonial governance as stateless entities. As a
result, the breakaway settler colonialisms that produced the global North,
particularly the United States, have created internally contradictory quag
mires where human rights, equal rights, and recognitions are predicated on
the very systems that propagate and maintain the dispossession of indige
nous peoples for the common good of the world.
x x ' INTRODUCTION
Although critical theory has focused much attention on the role of

frontiers and Manifest Destiny in the creation and rise of U.S. empire,
American Indians and other indigenous peoples have often been evoked
in such theorizations as past tense presences. Indians are typically spectral,
implied and felt, but remain as lamentable casualties o f national progress
who haunt the United States on the cusp of empire and are destined to
disappear with the frontier itself. Or American Indians are rendered as
melancholic citizens dissatisfied with the conditions of inclusion. All too
rarely outside American Indian and indigenous studies are American In
dians theorized as the field through which U.S. empire became possible
at all. Nor is the current multicultural settler colonialism that provides
the foundation for U.S. participatory democracy understood as precisely
thatthe colonization of indigenous peoples and lands by force. As Kahn
awake Mohawk scholar Audra Simpson has argued, the very notion of
indigenous nationhood which demarcates identity and seizes tradition in
ways that may be antagonistic to the encompassing frame o f the state, may
be simply unintelligible to the western and/or imperial ear.7
From the Pacific with the illegal overthrow of the kingdom of Hawai'i
to the Caribbean with Guantanamo Bay as a torture center for enemy
combatants, I argue throughout this book that U.S. cultural and political
preoccupations with indigeneity and the reproduction of Indianness serve
to facilitate, justify, and maintain Anglo-American hegemonic mastery
over the significations of justice, democracy, law, and terror. Through nine
teenth- and early twentieth-century logics of territorial rights and con
quest that have now morphed into late twentieth- and early twenty-first
century logics of civil rights and late capitalism, the United States has used
executive, legislative, and juridical means to make Indian those peoples
and nations who stand in the way of U.S. military and economic desires.
Activating the Indian as a foundational concept within poststructural
ist, postcolonial, and critical race theories leads to one of the overarching
questions of this book: How might the terms of current academic and po
litical debates change if the responsibilities of that very real lived condition
of colonialism were prioritized as a condition of possibility?
My use of transit refers to a rare astronomical event, the paired transits
of Venus across the sun, that served in 1761 and again in 1769 as global mo
ments that moved European conquest toward notions of imperialist plan-
etarity that provided the basis for Enlightenment liberalism.8 The impe
rial planetarity that sparked scientific rationalism and inspired humanist
INTRODUCTION x x i
articulations of freedom, sovereignty, and equality touched four continents

and a sea of islands in order to cohere itself. At its center were discourses of
savagery, Indianness, discovery, and mapping that served to survey a world
into European possession by transforming indigenous peoples into the
hom o nullius inhabitants of lands emptied and awaiting arrival. As I use
the term here, transit as a concept suggests the multiple subjectivities and
subjugations put into motion and made to move through notions of injury,
grievance, and grievability as the United States deploys a paradigmatic In
dianness to facilitate its imperial desires. This paradigm of Indianness that
functions as the transit of U.S. empire arises from how the United States
was constituted from the start, not just in the scientific racisms and territo
rial mappings inaugurated through Enlightenment voyages for knowledge,
but in the very constitutionality that produced the nation.
When read from this perspective, brief textual moments within U.S.
founding documents reveal the historical intent of a fledgling nation
that pursued happiness through the acquisition of indigenous lands. O f
the many grievances enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,
one stands out as particularly revealing: H e. .. has endeavored to bring
on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose
known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes,
and conditions.9 The non-discriminating, proto-inclusive merciless In
dian Savage stands as the terrorist, externalized from our frontiers, and
functions as abjected horror through whom civilization is articulated op
positionally. This non-recuperative category, a derealization of the Other,
serves as a paranoid foundation for what Jasbir K. Puar defines in Terrorist
Assemblages as Islamic monster-terrorist-fags, the affectively produced
and queered West Asian (including South Asian, Arab American, and Mus
lim) body that is targeted for surveillance and destruction by U.S. patriotic
pathology.10
Just as the Declaration of Independence evokes merciless Indian sav
ages" upon whom the violences of invasion are abjected in the pursuit of
lands, the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section
8, clause 3) invokes Indianness to operational ends in order to evacuate
sovereignty and international recognition from any nation or peoples the
United States may one day seek to invade. The clause states that Congress
shall have the right to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and
among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes. Supreme Court Jus
tice John Marshall used this clause in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831)
x x ii INTRODUCTION
to declare that, since Indian tribes were contradistinguished from both

foreign nations and the several states within the clause, Indian tribes
must instead be understood as domestic dependent nations whose re
lationship to the United States was that of wards in a state of pupilage.11
Essentially, Marshall concluded that because the Constitution delineated
Indian tribes as a category at all, they inhabited a different space than
foreign nations external to the United States and the several states in
ternal to and subject to U.S. federalism. Marshalls conclusion that such
definitional distinctions meant that American Indian nations, despite the
concrete evidence that they had entered into treaties with European na
tions as well as the United States as sovereigns within international law,
were somehow dependent on the United States for aboriginal title reveals
the larger colonialist agendato liberate Indians of their lives and lands.
According to Lenape scholar Joanne Barker, the entire self-fulfilling
narrative of legal, moral, and social superiority offered in such claims to
doctrine as Marshalls discovery reinvented a sovereignty for indigenous
peoples that was void of any of the associated rights to self-government,
territorial integrity, and cultural autonomy that would have been affili
ated with it in international law at the time.12 Marshalls juridical focus
on foreign nation, several states, and Indian tribes as the categories
for state formations internal and external to U.S. sovereignty elides the
contradistinctions of with and am ong that delineate relationality within
the commerce clause. Precisely because the clause delineates Congresss
regulatory power as with foreign nations and with Indian tribes as re
lational legal powers different than those among the several states that
give Congress federal power over the states of the union, its conjunctive
and prepositional logics of conquest over Indian tribes provide the United
States the means to assert extraterritorial sovereignty over foreign nations
as the need arises. The Commerce Clause, now interpreted as providing
the United States plenary power over indigenous peoples and nations,
has supplied, in the slip between with and among rather than foreign na
tions and Indian tribes, the rule of law through which the United States
enacts its imperialist agenda. This prepositional possibility that provides
the United States its imperialist historical intent is precisely how 1 define
transit throughout this book. As the ghost in the constituting machine of
empire, the paradigmatic Indian tribe that exists as a parallel to foreign
nation" is not an absence, but rather a sui generis presence that enables the
INTRODUCTION ' x x iii
founding of U.S. empire by creating a with that facilitates the colonialist

administration of foreign nations and Indian tribes alike.
In setting a precedent for U.S. empire through evocations of the doc
trine of discovery, the Marshall Trilogy sets into motion the transforma
tion of indigenous sovereign nations into domestic dependent nations
where, according to Joanne Barker, the erasure of the sovereign is the
racialization of the Indian.13 In order to pry apart the now ascendant
though contradictory paradigms of liberalism invested in transformative
multiculturalism and postracial politics, my book considers the entangle
ment of colonization and racialization. These two processes of domina
tion have often been conflated (making racism colonialism and vice versa)
within the critiques of empire by U.S. postcolonial, comparative area, and
queer studiesand for good reason. Racialization and colonization have
worked simultaneously to other and abject entire peoples so they can be
enslaved, excluded, removed, and killed in the name of progress and capi
talism. These historical and political processes have secured white prop
erty, citizenship, and privilege, creating a racial contract as Charles W.
Mills argues, that orders a world which has been foundationally shaped fo r
the past fiv e hundred years by the realities o f European domination and the
gradual consolidation o f global white supremacy."14 Racialization and colo
nization should thus be understood as concomitant global systems that
secure white dominance through time, property, and notions of self.
When these two historical processes are so enmeshed that racialization
in the United States now often evokes colonization as a metonym, such
discursive elisions obfuscate the distinctions between the two systems of
dominance and the coerced complicities amid both.15 'Ihe generally ac
cepted theorizations of racialization in the United States have, in the pur
suit of equal rights and enfranchisements, tended to be sited along the
axis of inclusion/exclusion as the affective critique of the larger project
of liberal multiculturalism. When the remediation of the colonization of
American Indians is framed through discourses of racialization that can
be redressed by further inclusion into the nation-state, there is a significant
failure to grapple with the fact that such discourses further reinscribe the
original colonial injury.16 As Kanaka Maoli scholar J. Kehaulani Kauanui,
White Earth Ojibwe scholar Jean M. OBrien, and other indigenous schol
ars have noted, the conflation of racialization into colonization and indi
geneity into racial categories dependent upon blood logics underwrites
x x iv INTRODUCTION
the institutions of settler colonialism when they proffer assimilation into

the colonizing nation as reparation for genocide and theft of lands and
nations.17 But the larger concern is that this conflation masks the territo
riality of conquest by assigning colonization to the racialized body, which
is then policed in its degrees from whiteness. Under this paradigm, Ameri
can Indian national assertions of sovereignty, self-determination, and land
rights disappear into U.S. terrioriality as indigenous identity becomes a ra
cial identity and citizens of colonized indigenous nations become internal
ethnic minorities within the colonizing nation-state.
As civil rights, queer rights, and other rights struggles have often ca-
thected liberal democracy as the best possible avenue to redress the histori
cal violences of and exclusions from the state, scholars and activists com
mitted to social justice have been left with impossible choices: to articulate
freedom at the expense of another, to seek power and recognition in the
hopes that we might avoid the syllogisms of democracy created through
colonialism. Lisa Lowe provides a useful caution as she reminds us that
the affirmation of the desire for freedom is so inhabited by the forgetting
of its condition of possibility that every narrative articulation of freedom
is haunted by its burial, by the violence of forgetting.18 The ethical mo
ment before us is to comprehend the particular loss of the intimacies of
four continents, to engage slavery, genocide, indenture, and liberalism as a
conjunction, as an actively acknowledged loss within the present.19
In attempting to people the intimacies of four continents, Lowe acti
vates the Chinese indentured laborer in the Caribbean just after Britain
abolished the slave trade in 1807 as the affective entry point into a range of
connections, the global intimacies out of which emerged not only modern
humanism but a modern racialized division of labor.20 Her turn to the
colonial racialized labor force in the Americas helps to reveal the degree
to which intimacyhere tracked through the spheres of spatial proximity,
privacy, and volatilityamong Africa, Asia, and Europe in the Americas
has served as the forgotten and disavowed constitutive means through
which liberal humanism defines freedom, family, equality, and humanity.
In fact, liberal humanism, according to Lowe, depends upon the econo
my of affirmation and forgetting not just of particular streams o f human
history, but of the loss of their geographies, histories, and subjectivities.21
In the indeterminacies between and among freedom, enslavement, inden-
tureship, interior, and exterior, the recovered Asian contract laborer, func
tioning as historical site for Lowe, can reveal the processes through which
INTRODUCTION x x v
liberalism asserts freedom and forgets enslavement as the condition of

possibility for what constitutes the human. Freedom was, Lowe stresses,
constituted through a narrative dialectic that rested simultaneously on
a spatialization of the unfree as exteriority and a temporal subsuming of
enslavement as internal difference or contradiction. The overcoming of
internal contradiction resolves in freedom within the modern Western po
litical sphere through displacement and elision of the coeval conditions of
slavery and indentureship in the Americas.22
But what seems to me to be further disavowed, even in Lowes impor
tant figuration of the history of labor in the intimacies of four continents,
is the settler colonialism that such labor underwrites. Asia, Africa, and
Europe all meet in the Americas to labor over the dialectics of free and
unfree, but what of the Americas themselves and the prior peoples upon
whom that labor took place? Lowe includes native peoples in her figura
tions as an addendum when she writes that she hopes to evoke the po
litical economic logics through which men and women from Africa and
Asia were forcibly transported to the Americas, who with native, mixed,
and creole peoples constituted slave societies, the profits of which gave
rise to bourgeois republican states in Europe and North America.2'1 By
positioning the conditions of slavery and indentureship in the Americas
as coeval contradictions through which Western freedom affirms and re
solves itself, and then by collapsing the indigenous Americas into slavery,
the fourth continent o f settler colonialism through which such intimacy is
made to labor is not just forgotten or elided; it becomes the very ground
through which the other three continents struggle intimately for freedom,
justice, and equality. Within Lowes formulation, the native peoples of the
Americas are collapsed into slavery; their only role within the disavowed
intimacies of racialization is either one equivalent to that of African slaves
or their ability to die so imported labor can make use of their lands. Thus,
within the intimacies of four continents, indigenous peoples in the new
world cannot, in this system, give rise to any historical agency or status
within the economy of affirmation and forgetting, because they are the
transit through which the dialectic of subject and object occurs.
In many ways, then, this book argues for a critical reevaluation of the
elaboration of these historical processes of oppression within postcolonial,
critical race, queer, and American studies at the beginning of the twenty-
first century. By foundationally accepting the general premise that raciali
zation (along with the concomitant interlocking oppressions of class, gender,
xxvi INTRODUCTION
and sexuality) causes the primary violences of U.S. politics in national and
international arenas, multicultural liberalism has aligned itself with settler
colonialism despite professing the goal to disrupt and intervene in global
forms of dominance through investments in colorblind equality. Simply
put, prevailing understandings of race and racialization within U.S. post
colonial, area, and queer studies depend upon an historical aphasia of the
conquest of indigenous peoples. Further, these framings have forgotten,
as Moreton-Robinson has argued, that the question of how anyone came
to be white or black in the United States is inextricably tied to the dispos
session of the original owners and the assumption of white possession.24
Calls to social justice for U.S. racialized, sexualized, immigrant, and dias-
poric queer communities that include indigenous peoples, if they are not
attuned to the ongoing conditions of settler colonialism o f indigenous
peoples, risk deeming colonialism in North America resolved, if not re
dressed, two cents for 100 billion dollars.
Haksuba, Cacophony, and Other Headaches
Given all these difficulties, how might we place the arrivals of peoples
through choice and by force into historical relationship with indigenous
peoples and theorize those arrivals in ways that are legible but still attuned
to the conditions of settler colonialism? These questions confront indige
nous peoples still engaged in anticolonial projects of resistance. Colonial
ism brought the world, its peoples, and their own structures of power and
hegemony to indigenous lands. Our contemporary challenge is to theorize
alternative methodologies to address the problems imperialism continues
to create. The conflation of racialization and colonization makes such dis
tinctions difficult precisely because discourses of humanism, enfranchise
ment, and freedom are so compelling within the smooth narrative curves
through which the state promises increasing liberty through pluralization.
Just as Indianness serves as a transit of empire, analyses of competing
oppressions reproduce colonialist discourses even when they attempt to
disrupt and transform participatory democracy away from its origins in
slavery, genocide, and indentureship. One reason why a postracial and
just democratic society is a lost cause in the United States is that it is al
ways already conceived through the prior disavowed and misremembered
colonization of indigenous lands that cannot be ended by further inclusion
or more participation.251 hope to disrupt this dilemma by placing indige-
INTRODUCTION ' x x v ii
nous phenomenologies into conversation with critical theory in order to

identify indigenous transits and consider possible alternative strategies for
legibility.
One such strategy is to read the cacophonies of colonialism as they
are rather than to attempt to hierarchize them into coeval or causal order.
Southeastern indigenous phenomenologies understand the Middle World
(the reality we all inhabit) as a bridge between Upper and Lower Worlds
of creation. When the boundaries between worlds break down and the
distinctive characteristics of each world begin to collapse upon and bleed
into the others, possibilities for rejuvenation and destruction emerge to
transform this world radically. The goal is to find balance. To understand
the dualistic pairings of this dynamic system is to understand, as Cherokee
scholar Daniel Heath Justice has argued, its necessary complementarity; it
is a dynamic and relational perspective, not an assumption of unitary su
premacy.26 Choctaw novelist and scholar LeAnne Howe demonstrates in
her writing the ways a phenomenology that draws upon traditional South
eastern cosmologies of balance between worlds might transform writ
ten narratives and theorizations to represent the passage of time and the
interactions of relationships and kinship differently. In her short story, A
Chaos of Angels, Howe explains that when the Upper and Lower Worlds
collide in the Between World, there are repercussions in this world.27 The
resultant chaos, or what she translates into Choctaw as "haksuba, is both
a generative, creative force as well as a potentially destructive one. Her
story focuses on the collision between the Choctaw, Chickasaw, French,
and British worldings that occur in the creation of New Orleans. "Haksuba
or chaos, she tells us, occurs when Indians and non-Indians bang their
heads together in search of cross-cultural understanding.28
When the French, Choctaw, Haitian, Creole, Chickasaw, indigenous,
slave, and free identities collide in the lands that will become Louisiana, the
banging together creates shockwaves that ripple outward from the colli
sion in time, space, and popular culture (so hard that Darth Vader himself
feels the impact). Throughout the story, Howes narrator is tracked by a
black Haitian woman and a bullfrog. Both characters taunt her and inces
santly remind her of connections and kinship relationships that she has
denied or refused. The frog turns out to be the Frenchman Jean-Baptiste
Le Moyne de Bienville, whose obsessions are responsible for erecting New
Orleans on the mosquito-infested swampland that the Choctaw gave him
as a joke; the Haitian woman is the narrators sister and cousin, a relative
x x v ii i INTRODUCTION
of Choctaws stolen by Bienville and sent as slaves to the Caribbean. The

haksuba that Howes story presents is not so much chaos as it is the inter-
contextual relations between histories and lived experiences. The reader
learns along with the narrator how to traverse the past and future worlds
that begin to bleed into the present through a rebuilding of kinship net
works as an interpretive strategy. Howes evocation of the tattooed, blue
lipped Ancient Ones who watch over the narrator as she floats naked in
a primordial swimming pool at the beginning of the story is simultane
ously a reference to the Choctaw womens tradition of tattooing their lips
with blue ink and a genealogical trace to the African and African-Choctaw
ancestors of the Haitian woman. Bienvilles presence attests to Choctaw
diplomacies in negotiating with those arriving from Europe and reminds
the narrator that New Orleans was originally Choctaw land. Through the
course of the story, the narrator struggles to understand the densities that
surround her and her place within them.
At the end, when the narrator is reunited with her dead grandmother
who has traversed life and death, past and future, in the living challenge
of a cross-cultural afterlife, the narrator is told, Never forget that we are
all alive! All people, all animals, all living things; and what you do here
affects all of us everywhere. What we do affects you, too.29 The haksuba
that Howes story describes provides a foundational ethos for indigenous
critical theories that emphasize the interconnectedness and grievability
embodied within and among relational kinships created by histories of op
pressions. The narrator learns throughout the story to see that those pieces
and elements banging together have deeper motivating logics that place
and connect them within already established and functioning Choctaw
worldings.
By privileging Southeastern indigenous philosophical understandings
and bringing them into conversation with Western philosophical tra
ditions, this book responds in part to calls Dale Turner (Teme-Augama
Anishnabai), Sandy Grande (Quechua), Robert Warrior (Osage), and Chris
Andersen (Michif) have made for an intellectual disciplining of American
Indian and indigenous studies with both an inward and outward turn.30
Ngati Pukenga scholar Brendan Hokowhitu has suggested that, as a ca
nonical field Indigenous studies does not exist. Its genesis, he continues,
has been a d hoc, yet organic, in the sense that the amorphous concept of
Indigenous studies has arisen out of pre-established local departments,
such as Maori studies in New Zealand, Aboriginal studies in Australia and
INTRODUCTION x x ix
Native studies departments in the US and Canada.31 The challenge fac

ing indigenous studies in the academy is not just the need to negotiate
the Western colonial biases that render indigenous peoples as precolonial
ethnographic purveyors of cultural authenticity instead of scholars ca
pable of research and insight, but also the need to respect the local speci
ficities, histories, and geographies that inform the concept of indigeneity.
Despite these pitfalls, however, indigenous critical theory as an emergent
undertaking has made strides in comparative indigenous studies attuned
to the local conditions of colonialism that might speak across geopolitical
boundaries.
Although the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Peoples
and the 2007 Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples have re
sisted defining indigenous peoples in order to prevent nation-states from
policing the category as a site of exception, Jeft Corntassel (Cherokee) and
Taiaiake Alfred (Kahnawake Mohawk) provide a useful provisional defini
tion in their essay Being Indigenous:
Indigenousness is an identity constructed, shaped, and lived in the

politicized context of contemporary colonialism. The communities,
clans, nations and tribes we call Indigenous peoples are just that:
Indigenous to the lands they inhabit, in contrast to and in conten
tion with the colonial societies and states that have spread out from
Europe and other centres of empire. It is this oppositional, place-
based existence, along with the consciousness of being in struggle
against the dispossessing and demeaning fact of colonization by
foreign peoples, that fundamentally distinguishes Indigenous
peoples from other peoples of the world.32
In their definition there emerges a contentious, oppositional identity

and existence to confront imperialism and colonialism. Indigenousness
also hinges, in Alfred and Corntassel, on certain Manichean allegories
of foreign/native and colonizer/colonized within reclamations of place-
based existence, and these can, at times, tip into a formulation that does
not challenge neoliberalism as much as it mirrors it. But despite these
potential pitfalls, indigenous critical theory could be said to exist in its
best form when it centers itself within indigenous epistemologies and the
specificities of the communities and cultures from which it emerges and
then looks outward to engage European philosophical, legal, and cultural
XXX INTRODUCTION
traditions in order to build upon all the allied tools available. Steeped in
anticolonial consciousness that deconstructs and confronts the colonial
logics of settler states carved out of and on top of indigenous usual and ac
customed lands, indigenous critical theory has the potential in this mode
to offer a transformative accountability.
From this vantage, indigenous critical theory might, then, provide a di
agnostic way of reading and interpreting the colonial logics that underpin
cultural, intellectual, and political discourses. But it asks that settler, na
tive, and arrivant each acknowledge their own positions within empire and
then reconceptualize space and history to make visible what imperialism
and its resultant settler colonialisms and diasporas have sought to obscure.
Within the continental United States, it means imagining an entirely dif
ferent map and understanding of territory and space: a map constituted by
over 565 sovereign indigenous nations, with their own borders and bound
aries, that transgress what has been naturalized as contiguous territory di
vided into 48 states.33 There is always, Aileen Moreton-Robinson writes
of indigenous peoples incommensurablity within the postcolonizing set
tler society, a subject position that can be thought of as fixed in its inalien
able relation to land. This subject position cannot be erased by colonizing
processes which seek to position the indigenous as object, inferior, other
and its origins are not tied to migration.34
While indigenous scholars such as Aileen Moreton-Robinson and
Chris Andersen make a compelling case for indigenous critical interven
tions situated within whiteness studies and scholars such as Craig Wom
ack (Muscogee Creek), Jace Weaver (Cherokee), Robert Warrior, LeAnne
Howe, Daniel Heath Justice and others argue for scholarship grounded
within local and national knowledges, my views on indigenous critical the
ory stem from my training in postcolonial studies. Admittedly, the field of
postcolonial studies has been met cautiously within American Indian and
indigenous studies because, as Robert Warrior has suggested,the object of
its study makes postcolonialism less compelling for Native scholars.35And
yet, despite how it may or may not have been coopted or transformed by its
incorporation into the academic metropoles of the global North, as schol
ars such as Aijaz Ahmad, E. San Juan Jr., Benita Parry, Anne McClintock,
Ella Shohat, and Arif Dirlik have contended, because postcolonial theory
arose as a politicized intervention to colonialist knowledge production, it
seems worth reconsidering some of its strategies for the continued devel-
INTRODUCTION x x x i
opment of indigenous critical theory. Certainly, though, there are reasons

for the hesitancy that I will discuss below.56
Indigenous Critical Theory amid the Posts
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak first posed her now-famous question Can the
Subaltern Speak? more than twenty-five years ago, and over the interven
ing years, the challenge of that question has prompted scholars to grapple
with, revise, answer, or completely reject her foundational inquiry as ab
surdor present themselves as its irrefutable disproof. Still, Spivaks query
continues to taunt even as the academy has transformed, however incre
mentally, to incorporate those very peoples marginalized within Western
and imperialist centers of knowledge. Spivak herself has revised and refor
mulated her essay over the years, and in A Critique o f Postcolonial Reason
she offers a thicker caution against the tendency within the academies of
the global North to depend upon those who would position themselves
as the native informant. She writes, The intellectual within globalizing
capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help consolidate the interna
tional division of labor by making one model of concrete experience the
m odel. .. we see the postcolonial migrant become the norm, thus occlud
ing the native once again.37 The question has now become how, and by
what and whom, is the subaltern silenced.
When Spivak began formulating her intervention in the then-emerging
field of postcolonial studies, American Indian studies had already begun
to surface fitfully in universities throughout the United States. As a field,
American Indian studieswhich shares provenance with the rise o f eth
nic studies in the United States and with indigenous studies programs in
Canada, Australia, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Central and South Amer
icafunctioned primarily as an intervention to the settler narratives of
multicultural liberal democracy that refuse to acknowledge that colonial
ism, genocide, and theft of lands, bodies, and cultures have defined the rise
of new world nation-states and empires. After more than forty years of
existence within the academy, American Indian studies has in many ways
come into its own, yet the intervention indigenous scholars offer to theo
ries of colonization and genocide remains marginal at best. Often those
outside the field perceive it as a project of recovery, culture, identity, and
polemic; indigenous studies is sometimes erroneously read as a nativist
x x x ii INTRODUCTION
project laced with xenophobia in a world that turns increasingly to the

potential liberatory spaces o f cosmopolitanism and diasporic movements,
where place is relinquished for reinvention. Despite the best efforts of in
digenous scholars, one thing that many outside the field do not perceive
it as (until recently) is a project of intellectual rigor and theory. For those
within American Indian and indigenous studies, postcolonial theory has
been especially verboten precisely because the post-, even though its con
tradictory temporal meanings are often debated, represents a condition of
futurity that has not yet been achieved as the United States continues to
colonize and occupy indigenous homelands.
Given that postcolonial theory and American Indian studies arose with
in the academy almost simultaneously and that both fields are concerned
with the ramifications of colonial legacies, it is still notable how little the
two fields have been in conversation, even though displacement, forced
diaspora, and arrival have often made the lands that compose the United
States, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada the ground that nurtures the
postcolonial scholar. Eric Cheyfitz suggests that the surprising, then, if not
complete scandal of postcolonial studies is that it has ignored the histo
ries of indigenous struggles within what is now the United States.38 But
why has indigeneity in the global North not taken root within the theories
critiquing the colonialist agendas of Europe and its colonies? One reason
Cheyfitz posits for the almost total eclipse of American Indians within
the firmament of the postcolonial is that the two fields arise from vastly
different geographical and political terrains, and that the contemporary
forms of the European nation-state [are] a model that does not apply to
the historic transformation of Native American kinship-based communi
ties under Euro-American imperialism." Another reason for the eclipse,
he speculates, may be the result, at least in part and with a few notable
exceptions, of a resistance to critical theory within Native American stud
ies itself39
However, indigenous scholars have been theorizing about colonialism
for a while now, although often from the antipodes and ruralities over
looked by the metropole. Teresia Teaiwa (Banaban/l-Kiribati) makes a
foundational critique that, within postcolonial and diaspora studies, the
indigenous Pacific is not brought to the table as an equal partner in any
conversation about the nature of humanity or society.40 Teaiwa goes even
further when she asserts that the postcolonial abandons the native.41
Often, in the work by white settler scholars located in Australia, Canada,
INTRODUCTION x x x iii
and New Zealand, postcolonial debate occurs at the site they define as set
tler oppression, where they see themselves caught between the European
metropole and indigenous peoples upon whose lands they reside.42 Such
a move has prompted Aileen Moreton-Robinson to respond that Australia
is a postcolonizing settler culture, in which the postcolonial settler de
pends upon a possessive whiteness whose ontological premises are tied to
dispossessing indigenous peoples of home, land, and sovereignty.43 Within
the global South, scholars such as Gayatri Spivak and Mahasweta Devi,
whose work passionately seeks to address the presence of tribals in India,
can occasionally refract indigenous peoples through the very discourses
their work attempts to disrupt. Spivak, for instance, speaks of indigenous
peoples as the impossible prehistoric pterodactyl, and Mahasweta Devi is
concerned that indigenous peoples in the United States are present only in
the names of places [where] the Native American legacy survives.44 While
each of these moments are certainly interpretable within the contexts of
their texts, they also demonstrate a colonialist trace that continues to pre
vent indigenous peoples from having agency to transform the assump
tions within postcolonial and poststuctrualist conversations, despite the
best work of postcolonial scholars to make room. These colonialist traces
have prompted Cherokee scholar Jace Weaver to observe that postcolonial
studies seems oddly detached when discussing indigenous peoples and
their lives. It often displaysas in the works of Mahasweta Devi about and
on behalf of tribal peoples in Indiathe same sense of patronizing care re
flected by those in the dominant, Western culture.45 At the very least, such
moments demonstrate the dualities of global frictions that Anna Tsing de
scribes when she cautions that universalism is implicated in both imperial
schemes to control the world and liberatory mobilizations for justice and
empowerment.46
Often, scholars who try to sustain a conversation between postcolo
nial studies and indigenous studies end with the assessment that the geo
graphic localities that fall within the purview of subaltern and indigenous
theories are too disparate, that the histories are too different to produce
meaningful or productive inroads, and that postcolonial scholars are too
imbricated within settler agendas when they speak from academic centers
in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, or the Caribbean.
And of course, the very idea of indigeneity can be too dangerous and xe
nophobic when combined with nationalism or anticolonial struggle in a
world shaped by forced diapsora, migration, hybridity, and movement.
x x x iv INTRODUCTION
As Sankaran Krishna illustrates, the problem of postcolonialism for in

digenous peoples has real world consequences: If identities such as the
nation or ethnicity, or notions such as traditional homelands of native
peoples, can be shown to be historical and social constructions or fictions,
governments and elites can use such ideas to deny their responsibility for
past crimes or to oppose current claims for reparation or redress.47 From
the other side, Gaurav Desai cautions that
the politics o f indigeneity and autochthony seem defensible

enoughhow can one reasonably deny the rights of indigenous
peoples who have been colonized to the fruits of their own labor
and land? On the other hand, in a world that has seen mass migra
tions across continents over a long period of time, is it reasonable
to allow for a strictly regulated indigenous politics, which in its
most exclusionary stance can lead to ethnic strife, mass expulsions,
civil wars, and genocide?48
If anything, bringing indigenous and tribal voices to the fore within post
colonial theory may help us elucidate how liberal colonialist discourses
depend upon sublimating indigenous cultures and histories into Active hy-
bridities and social constructions as they simultaneously trap indigenous
peoples within the dialectics of genocide, where the only conditions of
possibility imagined are either that indigenous peoples will die through
genocidal policies of colonial settler states (thus making room for more
open and liberatory societies) or that they will commit heinous genocides
in defense of lands and nations.49
Methodologically, an indigenous-centric approach to critical theory
helps to identify the processes that have kept indigenous peoples as a
necessary pre-conditional presence within theories of colonialism and its
post.50 To engage this point, I read moments of cacophony in political,
literary, and cultural productions. Identifying the competing interpreta
tions of geographical spatialities and historicities that inform racial and
decolonial identities depends upon an act of interpretation that decenters
the vertical interactions of colonizer and colonized and recenters the hori
zontal struggles among peoples with competing claims to historical op
pressions. Those vertical interactions continually foreground the arrival of
Europeans as the defining event within settler societies, consistently place
horizontal histories of oppressions into zero-sum struggles for hegemony,
INTRODUCTION x x x v
and distract from the complicities of colonialism and the possibilities for
anticolonial action that emerge outside and beyond the Manichean allego
ries that define oppression. O f particular interest to this book, then, is the
development of a more detailed analysis of how cultural, literary, and po
litical assemblages in the United States depend upon a desire to reconcile
through deferment the colonization of indigenous peoples within the hor
izontal scope of settler/arrivant colonialism, racism, homophobia, and sex
ism, a desire that implicates all those who reside on colonized indigenous
lands. The significance, I hope, for both postcolonial studies and American
Indian studies as disciplines, and for the nascent indigenous critical theory
arising from the work of native scholars grounded in the knowledges of
their communities, is to take seriously the lessons of the past and other
struggles for decolonization and to then transform how we approach these
issues through academic engagement so that our work and research ques
tions reflect the best of our governance and diplomatic traditions.
To that end, the first chapter interrogates the Indian errant at the heart
of poststructuralism and considers how that errant has rendered Indian
ness as the field through which empire transits itself within political, liter
ary, juridical, and cultural productions. Gerald Vizenor writes,The Indian
with an initial capital is a commemoration of an absenceevermore that
double absence of simulations by name and stories.51 But within post
structuralist theories, I argue, the Indian functions as a dense presence that
cannot be disrupted by deconstruction or Deleuzian lines of flight, because
the Indian is the ontological prior through which poststructuralism func
tions. Turning to the 1769 transit of Venus and the planetary parallax that
inaugurated an Enlightenment liberal empire coinciding with the forma
tion of the United States, this chapter reflects upon key thinkers in Ameri
can studies, queer theory, and poststructuralism to demonstrate that the
United States propagates empire not through frontiers but through the
production of a paradigmatic Indianness. In the process, U.S. empire dis
cursively and juridically figures American Indian lives as ungrievable in a
past tense lament that forecloses futurity. And out of the epistemological
logics o f possession, poststructuralism depends upon affective and distor-
tive parallactic effects within Slavoj Zizeks parallax gap that stretches a
partially apprehendableReal and ties critical theory back to its imperial
ist function. The transit of empire, then, depends upon the language, gram
mar, and ontological category of Indianness to enact itself as the United
States continues its global wars on terror, the environment, and livability.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION
The second chapter,This Islands Mine: The Parallax Logics of Cali

bans Cacophony, discusses the historical factors that complicated Coco
Fusco and Guillermo Gomez-Penas performance art piece, Two Undis
covered Amerindians Visit. . . and contributed finally to its failed engage
ment with the colonialist discourses that they sought to resist during the
1992 quincentennial celebrations of Columbuss discovery" Shakespeares
The Tempest and the character of Caliban have long served as touchstones
within the development of postcolonial theory. And yet, despite the new
world context of the play and Calibans claim that this islands mine, most
postcolonial engagements with this text have rendered the impact of the
indigenous Americas on Shakespeares colonial imagination as an archaic
artifact. By positioning Caliban as one of the first textual examples of what
I term colonial cacophony, 1 take up Gayatri Spivaks claim that Caliban
functions as a textual blankness that precludes subaltern representation
and argue instead that he is overfilled with consolidated and compet
ing discourses. Reading this character, then, as simultaneously African,
Irish, Carib, Arawak, Jewish, and Other, I suggest that Caliban serves as
a cacophonous textualization that does not traffic in absence but rather
oversignifies presence in informative ways that unravel colonial logics that
are dependent on binary constructions of settler/native, black/white, and
master/slave. Through this simultaneity, I suggest, we can see the complex
dynamics of colonial discourses that exist horizontally among histories
of oppression and inform continued complicities as historical narra
tives vie for ascendancy as the primary and originary oppression within
lands shaped by competing histories of slavery, colonialism, arrival, and
indigeneity.
The third chapter, The Masks of Conquest: Wilson Harriss Jonestown
and the Thresholds of Grievability, engages in a close reading of the Guy
anese novelists 1996 Jonestown. In this chapter, I focus on the narrative
strategies Wilson Harris employs to represent indigenous cultures in the
aftermath of the 1492 moment of contact. Unlike Jamaican poet Kamau
Brathwaite, who suggests in his theorization of creolization that African
slaves replaced indigenous peoples as the folk tradition o f the Caribbean,
Wilson Harris draws upon what he terms Amerindian influences as a
radical imagined source for Caribbean aesthetics and decolonial national
isms. His work suggests that the Caribbean continues to be influenced by
Amerindian traces lingering in the land to shape past and future historical
violences that haunt the Americas, from Jim Joness murderous utopia in
INTRODUCTION x x x v ii
Jonestown, Guyana, to 9/11. By reading the ways Harris imaginatively ac

cesses and represents indigeneity within fictions that break down the con
solidations of linear histories which inform the strategies of realism and
the divisions between self and other, I argue that uneasy tensions remain
in his work that keep indigenous peoples locked in the moment of con
tact and seen as the savage counter to the promises of liberal democracy.
Despite the colonial romanticism that underpins his radical imagination,
however, Harris gestures towards those deeper ethical issues that confront
the historical presences and violences within the Americas that infiltrate
and influence modern politics and aesthetics in order to provide potential
avenues for grievability of and accountability to history.
The fourth chapter,Been to the Nation, Lord, but I Couldnt Stay There,
examines the incommensurabilities of the internal for indigenous peoples
by providing a genealogy of the concept of internal colonialism and its
emergence as a descriptor for the relationship indigenous peoples have with
settler nation-states in conversation with Gramsci and subaltern studies.
On March 3,2007, the Cherokee Nation voted to disenfranchise approxi
mately 2,800 Cherokee Freedmen citizens (African-Cherokee descendants
of slaves held by the Cherokee Nation) in violation of the 1866 treaty with
the United States, a treaty that gave those freedmen the rights and status of
citizens within the Cherokee Nation. In the following months, the Congres
sional Black Caucus proposed in response legislation that would, in effect,
terminate the Cherokee Nation and eventually the Chickasaw, Choctaw,
Creek, and Seminole Nations if they did not abide by the rule of U.S. law.
Signaling the collision between discourses of race, slavery, colonization
and genocide, the problem of slavery and Freedmen status has haunted
Southeastern Indian nations since contact. In this chapter, I argue that these
competing discourses and histories of racialization and colonization sig
nal the incommensurabilities within the notions of internal indigenous
nations and disrupt tlie dialectics of settler/native, master/slave, colonizer/
colonized that all too often inform calls for reparations and decolonization.
Chapter 5, Satisfied with Stones: Native Hawaiian Government Re
organization and the Discourses of Resistance, focuses on how the Na
tive Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act of 2007 has been framed
both within Hawaii and on the continent as a way to understand how the
United States, as it develops and contorts federal law to colonize indige
nous nations, uses discourses of Indianness to solidify its presence in the
Pacific. For American Indians, the word reorganization calls to mind the
x x x v iii INTRODUCTION
Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, and this chapter examines how the con
tinual transformation and revision of federal Indian policy becomes, when
viewed from over 2,000 miles away in the Pacific, a coherent and inevitable
expansionist discourse orchestrated by a seemingly static United States. In
the face of these colonial processes that seek to mask the fractures within
U.S. boundaries among American Indian nations, it seems important to
examine how discourses of Indianness are used both by the imperial U.S.
government, which occupies Hawai'i, and by those Native Hawaiian activ
ists who frame Indianness as an infection threatening their rights and
status as an internationally recognized sovereign state.
The final chapter, Killing States: Removals, Other Americans, and the
Pale Promise of Democracy, considers Karen Tei Yamashitas Tropic o f
Orange and discussions of multiculturalism in Los Angeles at the end of
the twentieth century to understand how narratives of race and indigeneity
within the United States have been recycled to provide a justifying logic for
the transit o f empire mapped onto Asian American bodies. In this chapter,
I examine the ways indigenous peoples are discursively transformed into
immigrants, while Asian Americans simultaneously become both cowboys
and Indians as a means to police difference within liberal multicultural
settler colonialism. To demonstrate how these histories collide, 1 examine
John Colliers speech at Poston Relocation Center on the Colorado River
Indian Reservation. In the decade after the Indian Reorganization Act of
1934, John Collier, in his role as commissioner of Indian Affairs, was both
radically transforming the government structures of many native nations
as well as struggling with the War Relocation Authority for administra
tive control over Japanese American internment. As administrator for the
camp at Poston, Arizonaauthorized by the signing of Executive Order
9066John Collier advocated self-governance as a means to exclude and
then reincorporate Japanese Americans back into the citizenry of the
United States. The chapter ends with a close reading of Gerald Vizenors
Hiroshima Bugi. Vizenors novel considers the linkages between American
Indian history (and lands) and the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima
and Nagasaki to end World War II in order to reframe victim narratives
within colonial and imperial logics.
At its core, this book engages colonial discourses pertaining to indige
nous peoples, particularly American Indians, Native Hawaiians, and Am
erindians in Guyana. But in many ways my concern is much larger. It is
all too easy, in critiques of ongoing U.S. settler colonialism, to accuse dia-
INTRODUCTION x x x ix
sporic migrants, queers, and people of color for participating in and ben
efiting from indigenous loss of lands, cultures, and lives and subsequently
to position indigenous otherness as abject and all other Others as part of
the problem, as if they could always consent to or refuse such positions or
consequences of history. And though I do critique the elisions and logics
that have continued to inform settler colonial politics that have remained
deeply rooted within liberal humanisms investments in the individual, in
the singular, and in the racializations of white possession, I also want to
imagine cacophonously, to understand that the historical processes that
have created our contemporary moment have affected everyone at vari
ous points along their transits with and against empire. If colonialism has
forced the native to cathect the space of the Other on his home ground as
Spivak tells us, then imperialism has forced settlers and arrivants to cathect
the space of the native as their home.52 In drawing this distinction, my goal
is to first activate indigeneity as a condition of possibility within cultural
studies and critical theory and then deploy it to avoid the syllogistic traps
of equivalencies on the one hand and the economies of racism, homopho
bia, sexism, and classism that continue to order the place of peoples on
indigenous home grounds on the other. Such an approach, I hope, may
provide possible entry points into critical theories that do not sacrifice in
digenous worlds and futures in the pursuit of the now of the everyday.
The pole is still leaning, and there is still further to go. How we get there
depends on how we interpret the cacophonies colonialism has left us in the
transit of empire.
1
Is and Was
Poststructural Indians without Ancestry
But after all the only conclusion they made was that as we had so much
to do with the sun and the rest o f the planets whose motions we were
constantly watching by day and night, and which we had informed them
we were guided by on the ocean, we must either have comefrom thence, or
be some other way particularly connected with those objects. ..
John Ledyard, Journal of Captain Cooks Last Voyage
"Let the Stars Bear Trouble"

In 1768 Captain James Cook sailed towards the Pacific islands of Tahiti,
Aotearoa, and Australia on the good ship Endeavor in search of a south
ern continent and, perhaps more aspirationally, a way to map the universe.
While there is debate as to what colonial contrivance provided the pri
mal impetus to unfurl the sails of the Endeavor, Nicholas Thomas sug
gests that it was the Royal Societys desire to observe the transit of the
planet Venus across the face of the sun that served as the primary mo
tivation, at least initially, for the mission.1 The transit of Venus is a rare
occurrenceapproximately every one hundred and twenty years, Venus
will pass in front of the sun. A second transit occurs eight years later, and
then it is another one hundred and twenty years before the paired transits
reoccur. The eighteenth-century transit pair created a frenzy within the
scientific circles of the European enlightenment. The 1761 transit sent over
one hundred and twenty European astronomers to sixty-two sites around
the globe, including the island of St. Helena, the Cape of Good Hope, New
foundland, Siberia, and California, to observe the celestial event. Some
of the participants included John Winthrop, professor of mathematics at
Harvard; Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who would later demarcate
the eponymous boundary line between Pennsylvania and Maryland; and
2 ISANDWAS
Charles Green, who would later travel with Captain Cook into the Pacific.
The 1769 transit sent one hundred and fifty-one observers to seventy-seven
locations around the globe.2
The hope in the observation of the Venus transit was that it might help
unlock the key to the universes mapping and offer astronomers the ability
to calculate distances between celestial bodies in earths home galaxy. That
this was the purpose, or cover, for what followed Cook reveals, 1 think,
something telling about the nature of British and American colonialism
and imperialism that remained allied even during the family squabble that
was the American Revolution. The American colonists declared their in
dependence from Britain; but Benjamin Franklin and several other U.S.
founding fathers invested themselves and their future nation in Cooks Pa
cific voyages, going so far as to issue Cook an American passport in March
1779 that would allow him safe passage through the naval battles of the At
lantic. Not content with the boundaries imposed by gravity, oceans, or ice,
Europeans sought possession of all their eyes could see. This act of look
ing," Nicholas Thomas writes, was the chief purpose of Cooks voyage.3
There were other purposes for Cooks Pacific voyages, which took place
between 1768 and 1780. Launched under the auspices of scientific discov
erieswhether preventing once and for all the scurvy that plagued sailors
during the months-long voyages through the Pacific; mapping and filling
in the void that disturbed the need for a terra australis incognita revealed;
listening for evidence of polyphony within indigenous mele, waiata, and
chants; or opening negotiations with indigenous peoples to initiate colo
nial acquisition of lands and markets to underwrite future commercial
interestsCooks initial mission to record the transit of Venus inaugurat
ed a wave of Pacific invasions that would sweep missionaries, merchants,
convicts, and military occupations into the lives and lands of the Pacific
peoples. But before all that could happen, Captain Cook had to introduce
in those indigenous worlds a restructuring that would reshape the land,
law, and biopolitics to cater to and maintain the Barthean mythologies of
white subjectivity that Geonpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson has
identified as the rationalizing structures of governmentality and property
ownership within the logics of settler colonialism.4
Within imperial critical, literary, and cultural productions, Cook has
always been spectral. He is a haunted figure, deified by the Western mind
and fore-shrouded by his death even at the beginning of his journey to
chase after Venus in her sky. Debates in anthropology, historiography, and
IS AND WAS 3
cultural studies have overdetermined Cooks apotheosis, his so-called as

cension to god-like status in the eyes of the Hawaiians who reportedly
identified him as Lono, to the extent that the secondary meaning of the
wordto cross over into deathis forgotten or displaced in European at
tempts to anoint him a deity.5 In addressing Cooks oft-debated apotheo
sis, Kanaka Maoli scholar Noenoe K. Silva reminds us that the incom
mensurability of the two terms . . . could erase the debate over whether
or not Cook was perceived as a god: that is, Cook may or may not have
been perceived as the akua Lonoikamakahiki but this fact bears little rela
tion to what English-language speakers of the time meant by god.6 The
one thing that remains constant in the slip between English and Hawai
ian understandings of god and akua, however, is that Cooks apotheosis,
whether he was ever rendered a deity by Hawaiians or whether he just
imagined himself to be so in his own mind, resides in his liminality be
tween life and death.
Cooks expeditions haunt the nation-building logics of the age of En
lightenment, and although he is not usually considered to be tied to a
particularly American project of imperialism, his voyages began as pre
lude to the Declaration of Independence and his death heralded a world
transformed, in which Indians, savages, land, and possession would fig
ure across Atlantic and Pacific worlds and constrain and figure how race,
colonialism, and imperialism become the primary distinguishing features
of settler imperialisms born out of and invested in multicultural liberal
democracy. By tracing the mnemonic constellations that underwrite U.S.
imperialism and twenty-first-century wars, I hope to consider the prob
lem indigeneity poses to the analyses of a postcolonial and imperial
United States and to the larger field of poststructuralist theory. Indigenous
peoples, our ongoing colonization, and our historical dispossessions and
genocide continue to be pushed toward a vanishing point within critical
theory and diaspora studies at the same time that our presence calls into
question, disturbingly so for some, progressivist politics that continue to
produce race and equality as the primary sites for strategic engagement
within participatory democracy.
Part of the problem is that empire in the United States is pushed to
the vanishing point of the present. The United States sits on the precipice,
where empire either is now manifested in a deterritorialized sovereignty or
is on the verge of apocalyptic environmental collapse.7 Indeed, the ques
tion of empire within U.S.-based cultural studies, and especially when that
4 ISANDWAS
question has intersected with American postcolonial studies, has had a

pervasively conflicted provenance. After Edward Said published Oriental
ism in 1978, theories arose to confront the cultural legacies of racism and
colonialism, especially within the cosmopole, and scholars also returned to
question the demarcation of when, exactly, U.S. empire began. Or whether
it ever really did. Or whether that empire, if it had indeed emerged, was
such a bad thing after all. Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri an
nounce, is materializing before our very eyes.8
While there has been much debate about how, where, and upon whose
historical oppression to locate the rise of U.S. imperialism, most scholars
point to the Spanish-American War of 1898 and the U.S. acquisition of the
Philippines, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Guam; or perhaps they push along the
edges of that date back to 1865 and the end of the Civil War; or maybe they
identify 1846 and the Mexican-American War as the generally accepted his
torical moments when something significant shifted within U.S. cultures of
dominance, though Alexis de Tocqueville had even before that framed the
United States as exceptional in its project. What that shift entailed depends
upon the lens through which one approaches the question and definition
of empire. As postcolonial studies in the 1980s and 1990s challenged the
colonialist historiographies, cultural dominance, and literary canons of the
imperial centers, U.S.-based cultural studies began to locate colonialism
and imperialism within the United States as it played out on the bodies of
its citizens and those it excluded from citizenship, as metaphor and analogy
for systemic oppressions at the site of exception. What emerged as a punc
tuating refrain, however, was the pervasive idea that the United States could
be construed as imperialistic only at the moment it became interested in
militarily violating the borders of other nation-states or acquiring overseas
territories at the turn of the twentieth century. Simultaneously, and here
inflected by the intellectual and philosophical works of prominent non
white, queer, and feminist thinkers, scholars began to point to the ways the
United States transformed, albeit superficially at the end of the Civil War,
into a sovereign that imperialistically dominated those who were now its
own citizens.
While 1 am admittedly summarizing the debates about empire in the
United States rather broadly, 1 do so to draw attention to the recurrent
assumptions that inform discussions of imperialism and postcolonialism
within U.S. academic centers. Along the way, especially during the Colum
bian quincentennial in the 1990s, a number of notable scholars have chal-
ISANDWAS 5
lenged the first iterations of American studies that naturalized U.S. excep-
tionalism, formed within the frontier logics of Frederick Jackson Turner
and Theodore Roosevelt, as anything but colonization and empire. Amy
Kaplan is perhaps the most cited for her analysis of how American ex-
ceptionalism functions within the nation to deny the reality o f U.S. im
perialism, if not to recast the nation as anti-imperialist altogether.9 From
without, postcolonial theory reproduces exceptionalism, according to
Kaplan, by collapsing and reifying the United States into the West on the
one hand or by treating the continental expansion of the United States as
an entirely separate phenomenon from European colonialism of the nine
teenth century.10 For Peter Hulme exceptionalism serves as a perpetual
siting of the United States as future, new. The current preoccupations with
the neocolonial power the United States maintains within its hemisphere
of influence continue to inflect the place/non-place of the United States
within the purview of postcolonial studies. However, debates about its in
clusion into the field, according to Hulme, serve to challenge, trouble, and
stretch definitions of colonialism and comparative studies.11
Though the preceding discussion captures some of the assumptions
that have largely shaped the presence and absence of the United States
within the domain of postcolonial studies, another refrain has emerged
more recently to make empire a predominantly post-Cold War, postmod
ern phenomenon in what might properly be described as the fierce ur
gency of nowa phrase that originated with Martin Luther King Jr. and
defined Barack Obamas 2008 presidential campaign.12 As scholars articu
late rising concerns about how sovereignty functions at the sites of the
bio- and necropolitics that define the violences of late modernity, critiques
of U.S. empire are tied increasingly to an urgent twenty-first-century pres
ent.13 Embedded in the nation-states ability to justify states of exception
and global wars for democracy as well as to enact the security state against
terror are debates about the logics of civilization against savagery" and
the limits of that same state to redress injury. As the war against terror con
tinues unabated, the empire of the now is temporally tied to the twentieth
and twenty-first centuries, in part because the denouement of this long
century has seen the debates that emerged in Europe after World War I and
11 and the violences of totalitarianism that followed them, and it witnessed
the dismantling of European imperial holdings. It has also been defined by
antiracist, queer, and anticolonial scholarship and activism that linked the
international struggles against imperialism to the domestic struggles for
6 ISANDWAS
social justice within the nation-state. The twenty-first century has opened
with what Jasbir Puar has described as a commitment to the global domi
nant ascendancy of whiteness that is implicated in the propagation of the
United States as empire, a commitment that has underwritten post-9/11
affective homonationalist investment in the U.S. war on terror.14 Judith
Butler figures the barbarism of civilization not as aberrant, but rather the
cruel and spectacular logic of U.S. imperial culture as it operates in the
context of its current wars.15 Paul Gilroy moves the discussion of impe
rialism further into an anticipated post-empire frame even as he empha
sizes the necessity to continually refract how the imperial and colonial
past continues to shape political life in the overdeveloped-but-no-longer-
imperial countries in order to create a multiculture that resists what Gil
roy terms the race thinking of imperialist regimes and moves toward
planetary conviviality.16
It seems safe to say that this question of when has haunted post
colonial and American studies as much as the question of who and where
and has often foreclosed indigenous peoples in the Americas, Caribbean,
and Pacific as having already been acknowledged without actually mak
ing them active presences. 1 do not say this lightly, knowing that in fact
most people who study imperialism remember Christopher Columbuss
discovery, Robinson Crusoes shipwreck, Calibans swearing, and Captain
Cooks apotheosis as inaugural narratives on the imperial world stage that
set in motion the processes that underwrite current global politics. And
yet, perhaps because these representational logics are multiply constitutive,
indigenous peoples in Atlantic and Pacific new world geographies remain
colonized as an ongoing lived experience that is not commensurable with
the stories the postcolonial, pluralistic multiculture wants to tell of itself.
In other words, indigenous peoples are located outside temporality and
presence, even in the face of the very present and ongoing colonization of
indigenous lands, resources, and lives.
Despite scholars acknowledgments of the coterminous processes of
imperialism and colonialism located along the axes of racism, capitalism,
and territorial expansion, indigenous peoples, especially in lands now oc
cupied by the United States, continue to serve primarily as signposts and
grave markers along the roads of empire. At this point, the regrettable colo
nization and genocide of American Indians is a truth almost universally
acknowledged within postcolonial and American studies, and simulta
neously effaced and deferred, despite the work American Indian and in-
ISANDWAS 7
digenous scholars have done to change that fact. In the same essay that
critiques exceptionalism and the absence of empire in American studies,
Kaplan decenters Perry Millers discussion of the errand into the American
Indian wilderness to focus instead on the jungles in Africa that serve as
Millers crystallization of the meaning of America even as she notes how
other scholars tend to erase Indians from their scope of inquiry altogether.
And even as Peter Hulme argues for the inclusion of America within post
colonial studies because 1492 marked the advent of European settlement
in the new world, he writes that as a postcolonial nation, the United States
continued to colonize North America, completing the genocide of the Na
tive population begun by the Spanish and the British.17 The teleological
and eschatological narrative of postcolonial theory includes indigenous
peoples as the ultimate deferralthat of wilderness as metonymy for in
digenous presence on the one hand and that of past perfect completion
and death on the other.
This chapter is my attempt to consider how and why that might be the
case.
Between Chaos and the Untimely

Jacques Derrida begins Writing and Difference with a quotation from Gus
tave Flaubert: It might be that we are all tattooed savages since Sophocles.
But there is more to Art than the straightness of lines and the perfection of
surfaces. Plasticity of style is not as large as the entire idea__ We have too
many things and not enough forms.18 Derridas concern with Flaubert
in Force and Signification is a concern with phantoms of energy, ideas
larger than the plasticity of style where Flaubert is sighing, Alas! not
enough forms to contain all the things for which there are not forms.19
While Derrida is interested here in setting forth the interrelation between
reading and writing, form and meaning, creativity and criticism as a means
to push beyond structuralisms totality of form, which supposes meaning
is found in the lines that are drawn structurally, he is also setting the stage
for elaborating deconstruction as attention to enunciation and interpreta
tion. Meaning must await being said or written in order to inhabit itself,
and in order to become, by differing from itself, what it is: meaning.20 At
the same time, he begins to consider how presence and absence function
as acts of interpretation when he writes that only pure absencenot the
absence of this or that, but the absence of everything in which all presence
8 ISANDWAS
is announcedcan inspire, in other words, can work, and then make one
work.21 It is this notion of work that Gayatri Spivak uses to pull deconstruc
tion toward postcolonial critique as the active resistance to the inexorable
calculus of globalization.22 To understand difference and differance, differ
ence and deferral, within Derridas riposte to structuralism is to understand
that, according to Spivak, the elaboration of a definition as a theme or an
argument was a pushing away of all that is was not even as that which was
pushed away remains as trace or supplement.23 In Freud and the Scene of
Writing, Derrida links the supplement to the symptomatic return of the
repressed, defining it as what seems to be added as a plentitude to a plenti-
tude, is equally that which compensates for a lack (qui supplee)''24 In order
words, a surplus overcompensation.
But what of the tattooed savages that both Flaubert and Derrida an
nounce but who remain unacknowledged throughout the rest of the text?
How might we approach the present absence, the supplemental gap, of
their signification? Derridas body of work questions how Western thought
and philosophy have privileged logocentrism and speech as the founda
tional principles of meaningit is a system that, according to Derrida, has
depended upon the assumption that logos is linear, stable, and reliant upon
a master-signifier to order meaning. Derridas critique of logocentrism at
the heart of deconstruction opens for literary scholars instability, move
ment, doubling, and tension as it looks to how writing depends upon re
pression of that which threatens presence and the mastering of absence.25
The verb to be as the presence of the present within Western philosophy
gestures, Derrida suggests, toward something else, something prior to the
act of enunciation. That prior calls into tension the non-presence of that
present and the absent Other, past and future, against whom the present
aligns itself to come into Being. And it raises concerns about the stakes of
all presence that depends always already upon that which is absent. The
tattooed savages function as a prior to Writing and Difference, as an an
cillary presence that is necessary to make Western philosophy a possible
category of consideration. While tattooed savages may evoke and remain
as the trace of Claude Levi-Strausss work that Derrida discusses later in
the essay Structure, Sign, and Play as Gerald Vizenor observes, the In
dian, here in the guise of the tattooed savages, is a mundane romance,
the advertisement of the other in narratives.26 As presence and absence,
tattooed savages play on the edges of Derridas text as signs of raw, primal
irrationality, primitivism, and myths of dominance.
ISANDWAS 9
They might also be said, as savages, to signify the necessary supple

ment that continually haunts the edges of any evocation of civilization
or Western thought, whose destiny, Derrida says in Force and Significa
tion,is to extend its domains while the boundaries of the West are drawn
back.27 Alternatively, they might be said to serve, in Ziiekian terms, as
an element that is in excess of the global meaning o f the work. . . which
do[es] not fit this meaning, although it is not clear what additional mean
ing they bring.28 They stand at the site of lack. In other words, Derridas
tattooed savages (by way of Flaubert) remain as an impossible utterance
that, much like saying 1 am dead, is foreclosed.29 As David Kazanjian
observes, within Western philosophy, and Kant in particular, indigenous
peoples reside in the supplement, in the radical alterity of the deferred,
continually evoked as counterpoint and difference to an Enlightenment
that depends upon natural man and rights, speech and history to make
meaning and to underwrite dominance and discovery. Characterizing the
rhetorical consequence of Kants evocation of the Iroquois in The Cri
tique o f Judgment, Kazanjian argues that the verbal oscillation of the text
forges a certain, provisional equality between the authorial voice and the
examples of the cynic, the critic, and the utopian, with whom Kant deigns
to identify if only fleetingly, and a certain, matter-of-fact hierarchy be
tween that voice and the Iroquois sachem, in whose role the texts T prefers
not to imagine itself.30
At the borders between structuralism, poststructuralism, and decon
struction and in Derrida specifically, as Vizenor notes, the simulation of
the indian is the absence of the native, and that absence is a presence of
the other, the eternal scapegoat, but not a native past; the native is a trace
of presence.31 It is then not insignificant that as signifier, the word tattoo
entered European worlds and lexicons through Captain Cooks Pacific voy
ages that transliterated the Tahitian word into signification as tattow.32
As sign, tattoo bears its trace at the nexus between Western systems of
knowledge production that seek to solidify its onto-epistemological mean
ing into discovery,"mastery, and savagery and the Pacific ontologies of
genealogy, kinship, and embodied relationships. Its evocation in Flaubert
and Derrida is, to borrow from Aileen Moreton-Robinson, more about
western myth making than Pacific ontologies.33
As traces within twenty-first-century articulations of U.S. empire even
where they are always already foreclosed as already known, already com
pleted, indigenous peoples serve a similar mythological function to cohere
10 ISANDWAS
through deferral the United States as a multicultural liberal democracy

with anticolonial, anti-imperialist origins that continue on a smooth curve
of perfecting inclusivity. In this same vein, as Giorgio Agamben, Lauren
Berlant, Wendy Brown, Achille Mbembe, Elizabeth Povinelli, and Judith
Butler articulate in their theorizations of the logics of sovereignty that
enact and reproduce themselves through the exception, the camp, that dia
lectically links democracy and fascism, Flaubert, and Derrida by extension,
are also gesturing toward an after to Sophocles, to Antigone and Oedipus,
in which we might all be said to become savages now.34 This notion of
becoming savage is what 1 call the transit of empire, a site through which
the United States, with ties to Enlightenment and Victorian colonialisms,
propagates itself through a paradigmatic Indianness tied now to the
global ascendency of liberalism. As indigenous scholars have argued, in
clusion into the multicultural cosmopole, built on top of indigenous lands,
does not solve colonialism: that inclusion is the very site of the coloniza
tion that feeds U.S. empire. But the function of the tattooed savages after
Sophocles is more than just myth making and more than proof of the lie
of inclusion. The presence of the quote at the beginning of Derridas text
signifies a priori the idea of the savage and the Indian that serves as the
ground and pre-condition for structuralism and formalism, as well as their
posts-. The tattooed savage and Indian supplements persist as trace, and
become an undeconstructable core within critical theories that attempt to
dismantle how knowledge, power, and language function.
Despite the interventions of scholars in American studies and Ameri
can Indian studies, the American mythologies of a sequential narrative
that traverses wilderness to frontier to plantation to emancipation to
cosmopolitanism and finally to imperialism linger at the heart of other
discursive and philosophic fields. Philip J. Deloria, the first American In
dian scholar to become president of the American Studies Association,
made this analogy in his 2008 address: Mark Twain is to James Feni-
more Cooper as Amy Kaplan is to Perry Miller (and by extension, 1940s
and 1950s American studies).35 The sequential curve of progress where
subsequent generations advance and reflect back upon the past performs
a normative evolutionary progression, and yet within Delorias analogy,
a subtle critique lingers since each o f the analogical pairs depends upon
a reiteration of Indianness at its core within literary nationalism and aca
demic critique. The historical narrative American studies repeats to itself
is that of a journey into a wilderness defined by whiteness from which the
ISANDWAS 11
nation emerges as a multicultural, multihistorical cosmopole where con

vergences and divergences against normativity feed nonrepresentational
politics and resistances.
But in order to understand the foundational paradigmatic Indianness
that circulates within the narratives U.S. empire tells itself, even as it strives
to overcome and distance itself from such dependency, it is necessary to
turn here to another poststructuralist movement that has become ascen
dant within diasporic and queer studies. In A Thousand Plateaus, Gilles
Deleuze and Felix Guattari reframe Derridas concern with the verb to be
with the additional chain and . . . and . .. and.36 Their work maps out pos
sibilities for rhizomatic movements, de/re/territorializations, and nomadic
assemblages in flattening and smoothing plateaus that give way to new
lines of flight and new nomadologies as a way to resist the arborescence
of master-signifiers, /ogos-centered thought, and subjectified historiogra
phies. Drawing upon Leslie Fiedlers The Return o f the Vanishing American,
they write:
America is a special case__ directions in America are different: the

search for arboresence and the return to the Old World occur in
the East. But there is the rhizomatic West, with its Indians without
ancestry, its ever-receding limit, its shifting and displaced frontiers.
There is a whole American map in the West, where even the trees
form rhizomes. America reversed the directions: it put its Orient in
the West, as if it were precisely in America that the earth came full
circle, its West is the edge of the East.37
America proceeds, they argue, by internal exterminations and liquida

tions, in which capitalism is not just capitalism but neocapitalism by na
ture, and capital flows in channels to reorient profit in ways that touch
individuals no matter how they are invested in or divested of it. In the
process, it invents its eastern face and western face, and reshapes them
bothall for the worst.38
To their delineation of a Janus America that is rhizomatic as it pushes
westward and by supplement eastward, Amy Kaplans work provides
a necessary additive.39 In her book analyzing the rise o f U.S. imperial
ism, Kaplan attempts to provide a larger frame in which to contextual-
ize U.S. empire along a similarly Deleuzian frontier between foreign and
domestic, home assemblages and undifferentiated expanding horizons,
12 ISANDWAS
by reactivating black/white race relations and North/South axes as the

foundational intimate sites for U.S. representational logics of empire. To
focus on the westward march of the United States, according to Kaplan, is
to risk performing a teleological narrative of empire that overlooks how
intimately the issues of slavery and emancipation and relations between
blacks and whites were intertwined at each stage of U.S. imperial expan
sion.40 Her discussion of U.S. imperialism explores instead how the rep
resentations of U.S. imperialism were mapped not through a West/East
axis of frontier symbols, but instead through a North/South axis around
the issue of slavery, Reconstruction, and Jim Crow segregation.41 The
tensions between West/East, North/South, and East/West are instructive
here, because they are, ultimately, U.S. national geographies demarcated
by similar elisions and competing cacophonies of race, colonialism, and
imperialism that enjamb settlers, arrivants, and natives into a competition
for hegemonic signification.
Kaplans West/East, North/South mapping is telling here as well. If she
is read through Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Muscogee Creek, and
Seminole histories, it appears that Kaplan avoids considering that Indians
inhabited those Southern lands in her attempts to move towards a Grams-
cian subaltern critique that transforms West/East (and note Kaplan uses
that global construction rather than the East/West movement of U.S. co
lonial occupation of indigenous lands) into the North/South globalization
that is the hallmark of postcolonial theory. In her attempts to circumvent
the teleological trap of U.S. frontiers that elides, she claims, issues of race
at the heart of U.S. empire, Kaplan runs the risk of replicating another
teleology that affectively invests progressivism in the dialectics of race that
supersede colonialism as the site of originary violence. Her argument that
conquest cannot be understood separately from the expansion of slavery
and the struggle for freedom is in its reverse also true, that slavery cannot
be understood separately from the colonization and theft of indigenous
lands that provided struggles for freedom their staging ground.42 The dis
tinction here is not so much that one prohibits the other or that framing
the colonization of indigenous peoples as foundational to U.S. empire re
peats a teleological narrative of Manifest Destiny and racial erasure; it is
more that U.S. imperialism relied upon both horizontal and vertical axes
of colonization, slavery, racism, North, South, East, and West to structure
and suture itself to the notion that its very foundational democracy was
antithetical to colonialism and imperialism, slavery and incarceration.
ISANDWAS 13
Deleuze and Guattari also formulate America, and its becoming-

minor literatures, in surprisingly arborescent ways that reflect the narra
tive American studies still tells itself even as scholars critique the United
States and decenter the processes o f constructing and reconstructing the
field of study. Drawing on the paradigmatic Indian wilderness to encap
sulate an America in which arboresence becomes rhizomatic, A 'Ihousand
Plateaus performs a global, nomadic reframing in which the frontier be
comes, again, Frederick Jackson Turners site of transformation, possibil
ity, and mapping.43 As Michael J. Shapiro has noted, maps in their carto
graphic form represent the modern states persistent ontological project
that is by its very nature a violent encounter.44 And while Deleuze and
Guattaris thought requires what Shapiro describes as uncommon sense
and, as a result, positions mapping and frontiers within the rhizome as the
process through which to proliferate dominant and resistant overlapping
deterritorializations and reterritorializations into motion, and ultimately
smooth space out of striated hierarchical order, such processes, it must be
acknowledged, are also colonialist even in non-cartographic form.45 The
maps of settler colonialism were always already proliferative, the nation
states borders were always perforated, and the U.S. lines of flight across the
treaties with indigenous nations were always rhizomatic and fluid rather
than hierarchical, linear, and coherent, located not just in the nation-state
but within the individual settlers and arrivants who saw indigenous lands
as profit, fortune, and equality. In many ways, that is their point. Deleuze
and Guattari re/deterritorialize America as the world, coming full circle to
find its west in its east and its east in its west, a worlding anew, in Gayatri
Spivaks terms, that decenters all static, grounded belongings and locates
them instead in becomings: becoming-Indian, becoming-woman, becom
ing-America. At the least, it can be said that A Ihousand Plateaus answers
Cherokee, Choctaw, and Irish American scholar Louis Owenss concerns
with the geographic homonym of Indian in his critique of postcolonial
theory in As If an Indian Were Really an Indian with a Yes they are!46
But the matter of the rhizomatic American Wests Indians without an
cestry still lingers alongside Derridas tattooed savages." If they have no
genealogy and exist sui generis, how might we account for the historical
and colonialist traces that accompany their appearance in Deleuze and
Guattarris theory as sign, while retaining sympathy for the impulse to
nonrepresentational philosophy that aligns in a multiplicity of regimes of
signs? Elsewhere, Gilles Deleuze writes:
14 ISANDWAS
The pharaohs tomb, with its inert central chamber at the base of
the pyramid, gives way to more dynamic models: from the drift
ing of continents to the migrations of peoples, these are all means
through which the unconscious maps the universe. The Indian
model replaces the Egyptian: the Indians pass into the thickness of
the rocks themselves, where aesthetic form is no longer identified
with the commemoration of a departure or an arrival, but with the
creation of paths without memory.47
The Indian model, like the nomad, assembles for Deleuze the site of move
ment, escape, differenceit is a stateless war machine, existing outside of
and rupturing the state. The rhizome, which is described as an orchid in
relation with the wasp, their becomings and unbecomings, is transversal
scramble, antigenealogical and always proceeding through re/deterritoriali-
zations by both the orchid and the wasp.48 The rhizome, for Deleuze and
Guattari, stands in Eastern, Oceanic counterpoint to the linear tree
arborescenceof descent, seed, and Western agriculture, and is short-term
rather than long historical memory.49 One must remember, though, that
Gayatri Spivaks question Can the Subaltern Speak? was first posed as a
critique of Deleuze and Michel Foucault, who seemed in their theorizations
to suggest that the subaltern already was speaking through them, through
the ventriloquism of the left intellectual.50 In an aside about the ferocious
motif o fdeterritorialization in Deleuze and Guattari Spivak adds,we have
already spoken of the sanctioned ignorance that every critic of imperialism
must chart.51 The Indian model, which disappears into rocks and creates
paths without memory, serves as an ontological trap within theorizations
that follow those paths to articulate alternative spaces outside processes of
recognitions and states, arrivals and departures. What we imagine to be out
side of and rupturing to the state, through Deleuze, already depends upon
a paradigmatic Indianness that arises from colonialist discourses justifying
expropriation of lands through removals and genocide.
However, Deleuze and Guattaris Indians without ancestry and their
Indian model move contradictorily as doubles, multiples along other lines
of flight within their work and assemble, on the one hand, as nomads and
war machines and serve, on the other, as examples of regulating and norma-
tivizing faciality within imperialist signifying regimes of signs. For instance,
in Plateau 5 they evoke Robert Lowies assessment of Crow and Hopi ap
proaches to infidelity and Claude Levi-Strausss preface to Don Talayesvas
ISANDWAS 15
Sun C hief to discuss the paranoia of the circular, imperial despot-god who
brandishes the solar face that is his entire body, as the body of the sig-
nifier that is the hallmark of what they term the signifying regime of the
sign.52 Existing in relation to the primitive presignifying, the countersignify-
ing, and the postsignifying regimes (among others), the signifying regime is
the site of the master-signifier, the priest or psychoanalyst, who uses facial-
ity as masked deception and serves as the model for the surveillance of the
imperial despotic regime that orders concentric circles around the same
panoptic center of signification that reigns over every domestic squabble,
and in every State apparatus.55 It is applicable to all subjected, arborescent,
hierarchical, centered groups: political parties, literary movements, psycho
analytic associations, families, conjugal units, etc.54 It is the site of the spiral
that is not, for Deleuze and Guattari, rhizomatic but regulated:
The Hopi jump from one circle to another, or from one sign to
another on a different spiral. One leaves the village or the city, only
to return. The jumps may be regulated not only by presignifying
rituals but also by a whole imperial bureaucracy passing judgment
on their legitimacy.. .. Not only are they regulated, but some are
prohibited: Do not overstep the outermost circle, do not approach
the innermost circle .. .55
Christopher L. Miller has criticized Deleuze and Guattari for their ethno
graphic and representational authority here that allows them to speak as
and for the Hopi as if they . . . either were in total control of Hopi thought
or were Hopi themselves. Through the power of anthropological borrow
ing, the authors have achieved a mind-meld with an alien people.56 The
Hopi (who became the site of a national affective investment in multi
cultural liberal democracy as the 2008 U.S. presidential campaign circu
lated the faux-Hopi prophecy We are the ones weve been waiting for)
are transformed into the logocentric imperial order that cannot tolerate
any systemic line o f flight.57 As the logocentric regime, the Hopi can only
exclude, scapegoat, curse, or put to flight that which threatens their struc
tures.58 In other words, the Hopi in this plane become the colonizing, im
perial regime that sacrifices and expels. Your only choice in this system,
according to Deleuze and Guattari, will be between a goats ass and the
face of the god, between sorcerers and priests.59
Much can be made here of the ironies of the jumping Hopi who is made
16 ISANDWAS
to serve in Deleuzian thought as the example of the imperial, colonial pan

optic order that is abjected back onto the Hopi in order for Deleuze and
Guattari to provide a critique of Freud and the psychoanalytic mode of
interpretation. Perversely, however, Deleuze and Guattari, in their suspect
choice to frame the Hopi as an example of the imperial regime of signs,
acknowledge something that the colonizing United States has not, in spite
of the treaties and land holdings the Hopi have made and retainedthey
see the Hopi as a State. And certainly, Deleuze and Guattaris delineation
here could be deployed to demonstrate the degree to which indigenous na
tionalisms depend upon signifying regimes, normativities, and assertions
of sovereignty grounded in the ability to include/exclude that is found in
the executive and juridical pronunciations of the state of emergency that
Giorgio Agamben discusses in H omo Sacer.60 But that is not the function
of their Hopi example. Rather, the turn to the Hopi serves a structuralist
move that stands in the breach of the real of their own colonialist discur
sive evocation.
The Hopi, though, are not fixed and static in Deleuze and Guattari but
are found on other planes and in other assemblages that move among In
dians without ancestry,the Indian model that replaces the Egyptian one,
and the solar face of the imperial signifying regime that tortures and ex
pels. Returning to Leslie Fiedler, Deleuze and Guattari articulate the poles
of the American Dream: cornered between two nightmares, the genocide
of the Indians and the slavery of the blacks, Americans constructed a psy
chically repressed image of the black as force of affect, of the multiplication
of affects, but a socially repressed image of the Indian as subtlety of percep
tion, perception made increasingly keen and more finely divided, infinitely
slowed or accelerated.61 This infinitely slowed or accelerated perception
stems directly from their use of Carlos Castaneda for understanding the
socially repressed image of the Indian. Carlos Castaneda represents the
becoming-Indian as a pathological colonizing condition of faux-Indian, a
pathology that haunts any left intellectual who steps forward to ventrilo
quize the speaking Indian by transforming the becoming- into replacing-
Indian. And yet, Deleuze and Guattari invest the fraudulent indigenous,
drugged world of peyote and shamanism that is Castaneda with a presig
nifying real that has a curious ability.62 They write:
One of the many things of profound interest in Castanedas books,

under the influence of drugs, or other things, and of a change of
ISANDWAS 17
atmosphere, is precisely that they show how the Indian manages to

combat the mechanisms of interpretation and instill in the disciple
a presignifying semiotic, or even an asignifying diagram: Stop!
Youre making me tired! Experiment, dont signify and interpret!
Find your own places, territorialities, deterritorializations, regime,
lines of flight! Semiotize yourself instead of rooting around in your
prefab childhood and Western semiology.63
Further, the Indian has the ability to stop the world . . . [as] an appropri
ate rendition of certain awareness in which the reality of everyday life is
altered because the flow of interpretation, which ordinarily runs interrupt
edly, has been stopped by a set of circumstances alien to the flow.64 Deleuze
and Guattaris imagined Indian functions as a site of interruption through
eruption, the introduction of schizophrenia into psychoanalyis. The In
dian becomes an event, an alien, instilling the presignifying semiotic
into the despotic signifying regime. Despite its origins in the primitivist
thought of Western philosophy, the presignifying regime serves in A Thou
sand Plateaus as the delineation of a system of signs characterized by poly-
vocality, dance, proximity to nature, and a plurilinear, multidimensional
semiotic that wards oft any kind of signifying circularity.65
The Indianas a threshold of past and future, regimes of signs, alea,
becoming, and deathcombats mechanisms of interpretation through an
asignifying disruption that stops, alters, and redirects flow. This stopping of
the world of signification is the same as Derridas tattooed savage at the
beginning of deconstruction. The Indian sign is the field through which
poststructuralism makes its intervention, and as a result, this paradigmatic
and pathological Indianness cannot be circumvented as a colonialist trace.
In fact, this colonialist trace is exactly why the Indian is so disruptive to
flow and to experimentation. Every time flow or a line of flight approaches,
touches, or encounters Indianness, it also confronts the colonialist project
that has made that flow possible. The choice is to either confront that co
lonialism or to deflect it. And not being prepared to disrupt the logics of
settler colonialism necessary for the terra nullius through which to wander,
the entire system either freezes or reboots.
It seems slightly ironic, then, that many who pick up Deleuze and Guat
taris work use language similar to Experiment, dont signify and inter
pret! to describe the possibilities of reframing the world through affect
and affective relationships that move toward the states of enchantment,
18 ISANDWAS
ecstasy, and the everyday. Brian Massumis cultivation of deviation and

contagion to foster radicalism at the crossroads between science, hu
manities, and cultural studies contains similar Castanedian staccato im
peratives: Let it. Then reconnect it to other concepts, drawn from other
systems, until a whole new system of connection starts to form. Then, take
another example. See what happens. Follow the new growth. You end up
with many buds. Incipient systems.66 In a gesture towards a thousand tiny
races in which he provides an alternative future for race to that of Paul
Gilroys After Race, Arun Saldanha writes, Race should not be eliminated,
but proliferated, its many energies directed at multiplying racial differences
so as to render them joyfully cacophonic.67 Jasbir Puars delineation of the
biopolitics of the now in Terrorist Assemblages depends on
A cacophony of informational flows, energetic intensities, bodies,

and practices that undermine coherent identity and even queer
anti-identity narratives . .. assemblages allow for complicities of
privilege and the production of new normativities even as they
cannot anticipate spaces and moments of resistance, resistance that
is not primarily characterized by oppositional stances, but includes
frictional forces, discomfiting encounters, and spurts of unsyn
chronized delinquency.68
Each of these cultural studies moments flow from the phrase Experiment,
dont signify and interpret! that functions as a call for transformational
new worlds of relation and relationship that move us toward a joyously
cacophonic multiplicity and away from the lived colonial conditions of
indigeneity within the postcolonizing settler society.69
This Deleuzian and Guattarian motif, even if it acknowledges all the
divergent discourses that come into race, gender, sexual, and class assem
blages, smoothes once again into uncultivated wilderness that allows any
trajectory or cultivation to enter it, but not arise from it. By extension, and
even if one cannot access how these evocations of the Indian function
within the plateaus opened by Deleuze and Guattari, the Indian serves as
an errant return of the repressed that spreads along its own line of infec
tion once the theory is taken up.70 For example, Jasbir Puar, by restricting
her analysis to the biopolitics of the post-9/11 coming out of U.S. empire as
an event in the Deleuzian sense, privileging lines of flight, an assemblage
of spatial and temporal intensities, coming together, dispersing, reconverg-
ISANDWAS 19
ing, can discuss as sui generis the monster-terrorist-fag that emerges in

the twenty-first century as a new phenomenon, despite the Wanted post
ers in New York the week after 9/11 that compared Osama bin Laden to
Geronimo.71 Additionally, Puar discusses Jessica Lynch as a heroic girl-
next-door in conversation with a depraved, cigarette-toting, dark-haired,
pregnant and unmarried, racialized Lynndie England at Abu Ghraib. Puar
does not even acknowledge Hopi Lori Piestewa, reportedly the first Ameri
can Indian woman to die in combat while fighting fo r the United States.
Piestewa died in the same attack in which Jessica Lynch was captured, and
her absence is a telling amnesia within Puars discussion of how nostalgi
cally mourning the loss of the liberal feminist subject converges white
liberal feminists and white gay men and unwittingly reorganizes the Abu
Ghraib tragedy around their desires through the now racialized body of
the no longer white Lynndie England.'2 Piestewas absence is yet another
deferral that vanishes the violences done to indigenous women, and those
same indigenous soldiers cathexis of U.S. nationalism and imperialism
that signals an indigenationalism compatriot to the homonationalism that
Puar defines as the arrangements of U.S. sexual exceptionalisms [marked]
explicitly in relation to the nation that demobilize queer identities by nor-
mativizing certain bodies but not others within the enfranchisements of
the state.75
To phrase this slightly differently, the Indian is simultaneously, multiply,
a colonial, imperial referent that continues to produce knowledge about
the indigenous as primitive and savage otherness within poststructur
alist and postcolonial theory and philosophy. As a philosophical sign, the
Indian is the transit, the field through which presignifying polyvocality
is re/introduced into the signifying regime, and signs begin to prolifer
ate through a series of becomingsbecoming-animal, becoming-woman,
becoming-Indian, becoming-multiplicitythat serves all regimes of signs.
And the Indian is a ghost in the system, an errant or virus that disrupts
the virtual flows by stopping them, redirecting them, or revealing them
to be what they are and will have been all along: colonialist. The Indian,
then, is a Deleuzian event within poststructuralism: To the extent that
events are actualized in us, Deleuze writes, they wait for us and invite us
in.74 For Derrida, as he grieved and mourned the loss of his friend and
colleague, and saw in that loss the passing of a generation of thought, the
event in Deleuzes work becomes the Event, death, the paradox of humor
ous conformity of a leaping in place, an apotheosis of will. It is in this
2 0 ISANDWAS
sense that Amor fa ti is one with the struggle of free men, Derrida quotes
from Deleuze.75 Nietzsches love of fate, the invitation inherent in the will
of the event opposes the ressentiment of resignation to become the point
at which war is waged against war, the wound would be the living trace of
all wounds, and death turned on itself would be willed against all death.76
On the threshold, then, of the necessity with the aleatory, chaos and
the untimely" that is both the work of Derridas mourning of Deleuze and
the haksuba of Southeastern cosmologies that Choctaw scholar LeAnne
Howe defines in her work as headache, chaos, the collision of Upper and
Lower Worlds initiated by colonialism, the Indian wills against the signify
ing system.77 That the Indian represents the violent slamming of worlds
in what might otherwise be fluidity and flow helps us frame the problem
within a U.S. empire, with ties to Enlightenment liberalism, that contin
ues to transit itself globally along lines put to flight by the Indian without
ancestry that makes everyone its progeny. It is untimely as a site of the
death of signification. That haksuba can additionally mean to be stunned
with noise, confused, deafened signals the degree to which cacophony,
whether joyous or colonialist, hinges upon the disruptions caused when
the Indian collides with the racial, gendered, classed, and sexed norma-
tivities of an imperialism that has arisen out of an ongoing settler colo
nialism.78 The Southeastern cosmologies of the Chickasaw and Choctaw
imagine worlds with relational spirals and a center that does not so much
hold as stretches, links, and ties everything within to worlds that look in
all directions. It is an ontology that privileges balance, but understands
that we are constant movement and exist simultaneously among Upper
and Lower Worlds, this world and the next. In her poem The Place the
Musician Became a Bear, Mvskoke poet and musician Joy Harjo sings
about how Southeastern Indians have always known where to go to be
come ourselves again in the human comedy. / Its the how that baffles, the
saxophone can complicate things.79 Harjo reminds us that there is always
a prior becoming-human within Southeastern worlds that links us to the
complications and improvisations of stars, spirals, and jazz.
Much of the scholarship on U.S. imperialism and its possible postcolo-
niality sees it as enough to challenge the wilderness as anything but vacant;
to list the annihilation of indigenous nations, cultures, and languages in a
chain of -isms; and then still to relegate American Indians to the site of the
already-doneness that begins to linger as unwelcome guest to the future.
This last is particularly relevant to understanding how the United States
ISANDWAS 21
propagates itself as empire transhemispherically and transoceanically, not

just through whiteness, but through the continued settling and coloniz
ing of indigenous peoples lands, histories, identities, and very lives that
implicate all arrivants and settlers regardless of their own experiences of
race, class, gender, colonial, and imperial oppressions. My point in tracing
the Deleuzian wilderness and the Indian deferred is to detail the ways in
which the Indian is put to flight within Western philosophical traditions
in order to understand how the United States transits itself globally as an
imperial project. As Derrida and Deleuze are evoked within affect theories,
the Indian and tattooed savages remain as traces. Any assemblage that
arises from such horizons becomes a colonialist one, and it is the work of
indigenous critical theory both to rearticulate indigenous phenomenolo
gies and to provide (alter)native interpretative strategies through which to
apprehend the colonialist nostalgias that continue to shape affective liberal
democracys investment in state sovereignty as a source of violence, rem
edy, memory, and grievability.
States of Enchantment
While in Hawafi and standing on the edges of Kealakekua Bay in July 1866,
Mark Twain twinned himself to Captain Cook in an attempt to imagine the
violences and fear that the great circumnavigator must have felt strug
gling in the midst of the multitude o f exasperated savages.80 Just shy of the
one hundred year anniversary of Cooks death on February 14,1778, and in
the same month that the United States celebrated its ninetieth birthdaya
birthday that had been threatened the last few years by the Civil War
Twain tried to imagine Cook facing down savages, trapped at the edge of
the water. The, the sentence fragments. But 1 discovered that I could
not do it, he wrote in Roughing It. And though he protested too much his
inability to imagine such a scene, given that he spends the next few para
graphs explaining how Kanaka Maoli must have interpreted the event, the
fact that he cannot quite approach the violences done to the living Cook
is transferred into a fascination with the cannibalistic apotheosis that oc
curred in Cooks liminality between life and death, man and so-called god:
Perceiving that the people took him for the long vanished and lamented
god Lono, he encouraged them in the delusion for the sake of the limitless
power it gave him, Twain writes. Once he betrayed his earthly origin with
a groan, Twain continued, the Hawaiians killed him and his flesh was
22 ISANDWAS
stripped from the bones and burned (except nine pounds of it which were
sent on board the ships).81 Cook, whose own name even bears out the
trace of what Native Hawaiian poet Brandy Nalani McDougall plays as to
eat, to eat, exists as colonial specter throughout the Pacific and serves in
life and death to inaugurate the touristic fascinations and nationalistic nar
ratives that link the Pacific sea of islands to Atlantic imperial sites across
an intervening continent that is itself rhizome, oceanic.82 Cooks surname,
then, gives rise to the cannibalistic fetish the Western mind evokes when it
thinks of Pacific indigenous worlds.
Cooks expedition, according to Thomas, was not just a rational plan to
fill spaces on a map, but also a symptom of a state of enchantment.83 The
voyage, as well as the man himself, existed between the state of enchant
ment and the state of possession as a symptom and symptomatic conta
gion of that which served to first exalt the subjectivity of European na
tionalism and then project it into lands emptied of any subjectivity except
the will of the European imperialist. This idea of enchantment is informed
by Sunera Thobani, who explains that exaltation thus endows ontologi
cal coherence and cohesion to the subject in its nationality, grounding an
abstract humanity into particular governable forms.84 As exalted subject
within Western historiography, Cooks presence inaugurates, according to
Aileen Moreton-Robinson, the state of possession dependent on British
law to interpellate the exalted subject as the white possessing subject.85
This state of possession, in which Cooks exalted subjectivity possesses
land in the name of the British crown and possesses whiteness as preemi
nent ownership within the logics of capitalism, is the site of the dialectic
of sovereignty that functions similarly to Agambens state of exception
where the statein contradistinction to indigenous peoples own ontolo
gies of relationship and powerenacts sovereignty as ontological posses
sion, delineating what is and is not possessed. As death omen and as dead
man, Cook, in his state of enchantment as well as his state of possession,
exemplified the magical thinking of European imperialism that sought to
resurrect discovered lands into imperial ownership. The state of enchant
ment was ultimately the rational plan to empty lands of presence via the
discourses of terra nullius in order to refill them with British imperial law.
Mark Twain, standing on the flat rock pressed by Capt. Cooks feet
when the blow was dealt which took away his life, becomes a similar ex
alted subject who enacts a state of nationalistic possession, this time not
just through whiteness but through American enchantment.86 In his ac-
ISANDWAS 23
count of Cooks death detailed in his letters from Hawaii that serve as
drafts to Roughing It, Twain turned not to the official accounts of Cooks
death by James King and other British nationals who had accompanied the
circumnavigator, but instead to two American sources for his Hawaiian
historyJohn Ledyards account of Cooks third voyage and James Jack
son Jarvess History o f the Hawaiian or Sandwich Islands (1843). Marine
corporal Ledyard was from Connecticut, and before joining Captain Cook
on his third voyage, he had attended Dartmouth in the hopes of becoming
a missionary to Indians.87 Often identified as the United States first great
explorer, Ledyard served as inspirational precursor to Thomas Jeffersons
plans to send Lewis and Clark westward on the heels of the Louisiana Pur
chase. In fact, John Ledyard, who was the first Euroamerican to set foot
in the Pacific Northwest as Cook made his passage through the region,
had hoped to prove the Bering Strait theory shortly after he returned from
Hawai'i after Cooks death (and in the process set up a lucrative fur trading
business along the way) by walking across Russia, into Alaska, down into
the Pacific Northwest, and then eastward across the continent.
For Thomas Jefferson, who sought to secure him permission for such
traveling in 1786, Ledyard served as a West/East counterpoint to Lewis
and Clarks later voyage East/West into the heart of the continent, a bi
directional Janus imperialism that reflects Deleuze and Guattaris descrip
tion in A Thousand Plateaus ,88 Jeffersons plan would have worked, except
that Catherine the Great withdrew her permission when Ledyard was 200
miles away from Kamschatka and had Ledyard deported from the Russian
empire. Twains evocation of Ledyards accounts allows Twain to exalt and
cohere U.S. nationalistic subjectivity at the beginning of white imperial
contact with Hawai'i through Ledyard as proxy, and it naturalizes Hawai'i
as destined for U.S. dominion in 1866. Ledyard, Twain writes, was a Yan
kee sailor, who was with Cook, and whose journal is considered the most
just and reliable account of this eventful period of the voyage.89 As he con
siders Ledyard most just and most reliableread here most American
Twain assumes the mantle of American exceptionalism and imperialism
through evocations of the impartial justice that is putatively the hallmark
of the U.S. founding fathers democratic vision. In the process, Twain be
comes the literary personage who cathects U.S. imperialist investment in
multiculturalism sited along a black/white continuum, one that erases in
digenous colonization altogether.
Amy Kaplan has argued that Mark Twains investment in Hawaii caused
24 ISANDWAS
him to look eastward, and then southward across life and death to return
to the uncanny plantations that haunted his childhood in slaveholding
Missouri. Hawaii in fact Americanized Mark Twain, she argues.90 By al
lowing Twain to locate his Americanness in Hawaii through a layering
of racial expectation of Southern plantations and blackness into Hawaii,
Kaplan then argues that Twain both displaced and discovered the origins
of his own divided national identity at the intersecting global routes of
slavery and empire.91 Twains ambivalent literary representations of the
antebellum and post-reconstruction South serve as consonance and dis
sonance to his representations of Hawaiians, who stand as newly config
ured African Americans struggling with sovereignty, democratic inclusion,
enslavement, and savagery. Through his re/constructions of race, Twain
becomes the voice of an America struggling to reimagine itself as an in
clusive democracy in which all are created equal. In response to Kaplans
discussion of Twain, Western Shoshone scholar Ned Blackhawk has sug
gested that Twain be read across another imperial transit still function
ing alongside the enslaving and emancipatory visions that return to haunt
Twains America:
All right, then, Ill go to hell, Twains most famous character,

Huckleberry Finn, decides after deliberating on his friend Jims
continued enslavement; and generations have sought meaning in
these hopeful, yearning sentiments. However, as with his portrait
of Hawaiians, such visions of potential racial coexistence stand in
contradistinction to the nausea that Clemens experienced upon
encountering Goshute Shoshones__ Within a panoply of derisive
labels, the most common has been digger, a debasement of Sho
shone gathering practices with strong homophonic resonance with
Americas most powerful racial epithet, nigger.92
Twains reference to the Goshute Shoshoneswhom he labels Goshoot

Indians in Roughing Itcarries another homophone alongside digger
through which Twain cajoles his readers to go and shoot Indians who
stand in as the degraded real to James Fenimore Coopers imagined lit
erary red man. Whenever one finds an Indian tribe, Twain writes in
Roughing It and in rejection of Cooper, he has only found Goshoots more
or less modified by circumstances and surroundingsbut Goshoots, after
all.94 The racialized and genocidal homophones underscore the degree
ISANDWAS 25
to which Mark Twains imperial routes depended on a foundational In

dianness to help transit them and inaugurate them around affectability
achieved through inclusion and nausea cured by genocide.
At these intersections between postcolonial and U.S. imperial studies,
Twains attitudes towards African Americans and transnational routes of
travel are well-acknowledged as ambivalent, and trace through most of
his work. His deadpan humor and satirical sketches are typically read as
self-reflective and critical of the then-contemporary U.S. discourses about
primitivism, race, and regionalism. What is striking, however, is that his
affective response to Indians shifts only in relation to his critique of James
Fenimore Cooper, whom he ridicules for investing U.S. literary national
ism in an inaccurate portrait of the "noble red manat great peril, too, as
the plot to his unfinished Tom Sawyer and Huck Finn among the Indians at
tests. Although he was certainly anti-imperialist when it came to the ques
tion of the Philippines after the turn of the twentieth century, Twain often
asserted that Hawai'i, like the North American continent, was destined for
control by the United States. In part, this predestination had to do with
an innate ability that linked Hawaiian people to American Indianstheir
ability to die.
Just as Twain felt that it was a service to put Indians out of their des
titution through goshooting that would finally and fully trap them in a
sanitized and distant past, he observed in the many lectures he gave on
Our Fellow Savages of the Sandwich Isles that Kanakas are an odd sort
of people, too. They can die whenever they want to. Thats a fact. They dont
mind dying any more than a jilted Frenchman does. When they take a
notion to die they die, and it dont make any difference whether there is
anything the matter with them or not, and they cant be persuaded out of
it.94 Documenting the population decrease less than one hundred years
after the moment of Cooks arrival, Twain observes: It isnt the education
or civilization that has settled them; it is the imported diseases, and they
have all got the consumption and other reliable distempers, and to speak
figuratively, they are retiring from business pretty fast. When they pick up
and leave we will take possession as lawful heirs.95 His satire was quick
to point out how white civilization was not much different from the con
ditions o f savagery, and he acknowledged the impact missionaries and
other settlers had on indigenous peoples. But in the end, the demise of na
tive peoples was inevitable whether deserved or not, and as a result, lamen
table, and necessarily sanitized of any violent intentindigenous peoples
2 6 ISANDWAS
will have to retire from the business of living altogether so that Americans
may take up the mantle o f possession.
Though it is absolutely necessary to understand Twain through a re
fraction of southern black/white racial politics, his attitudes towards In
dians and other savages exist alongside and inform his interpretations
of U.S. colonial and imperial destinies. Approximately ninety years after
Cooks arrival in Hawaii, Mark Twain performs an important act of ra
cial and imperial alchemy that transforms the stakes for the racial poli
tics of whiteness within the United States. From 1768 to 1779, the British
and American colonial travelers who voyaged through the Pacific sailed
through a sea of islands inhabited by peoples they identified as Indians. In
Cooks journals, the term Indian is used interchangeably with Tahitian,
Maori, and Hawaiian. In John Ledyards account of Cooks death, Indians
attack and slay the circumnavigator:
Acquainting Cook in the mean time of the danger of his situation,

and that the Indians in a few minutes would attack him, that he
had overheard the man whom he had just stopped from rushing
in upon him say that our boats which were out in the harbour had
just killed his brother and he would be revenged. Cook attended to
what this man said, and desired him to shew him the Indian that
had dared to attempt a combat with him, and as soon as he was
pointed out Cook fired at him with a blank. The Indian perceived
he received no damage from the fire rushed from without the
croud a second time, and threatened any one that should oppose
him. Cook perceiving this fired a ball, which entering the Indians
groin he fell and was drawn off by the rest__ Cook having at length
reached the margin of the water between the fire of the boats waved
his hat to cease firing and come in, and while he was doing this a
chief from behind stabed him with one of our iron daggers just
under the shoulder blade, and passed quite through his body.
Cook fell with his face in the water and immediately expired.96
Ledyard, who was the first American settler to get a Polynesian tattoo
and who penned the account of Cooks demise that Twain felt was the
most accurate, wrote in his journal about a Pacific world filled with Indi
ans in a signification process that either attests to the same geographical
confusions that informed Christopher Columbuss narratives or speaks to
ISANDWAS 2 7
a foundational concept of Indianness that aligns it with the savage other

that functions as the constitutive rationale for imperial domination. I am
inclined to read Cooks and Ledyards Indians through the latter. The
racial casting of Pacific Islanders as Indians within the British/American
moment of possessive discovery serves as an intertextual signpost that
is errant from the start. Within Amy Kaplans North/South U.S. imperial
mappings, then, there remains a prior supplement, an a priori and para
digmatic Indianness. As Kaplan argues against the masculinist paradigms
of Richard Drinnon and Richard Slotkin, Perry Miller and Leslie Fiedler in
order to reorient and engender empire along internal/external domestici
ties, American empire does not replicate itself through a detachable and
remappable frontier or wilderness. Rather, I am arguing as an additive
here, it does so through the reproduction of Indianness that exists along
side racializing discourses that slip through the thresholds of whiteness
and blackness, inclusion and exclusion, internal and external, that are the
necessary conditions of settler colonial sovereignty.
As the night sky and stars themselves are remodeled into English
speaking phenomenologies as imperial and colonial constellations, evi
denced in the imperial reconstellating of the Mississippian Starry Hand
into Orion, it is fitting then to return to the transit of Venus that Cook set
out to observe in 1769 in order to understand how Indians function as
a transit within U.S. empire and how such an observation might serve to
open up methodological approaches for theorizing current global politics
sited through indigenous worlds.97 Not only did Cooks observation of the
planets transit across the face of the sun initiate the Pacifics collision with
the Enlightenment liberalisms defined by John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rous
seau, Thomas Hobbes, Thomas Paine, and Thomas Jefferson among other
Thomases, but the twenty-first century has seen its first transit on June 8,
2004, with the second occurring on June 6, 2012, in a pattern of visibility
and trajectory that twins the eighteenth centurys imperial transits. Cooks
1769 transit was the second of that century and the last chance for those
alive at the time to observe and record the event so they could develop
the measurements necessary to map the night sky. The eighteenth-century
transits also served to tie Europe to the Pacific Islands imaginatively by
linking Europe geographically with Tahiti, Hawai'i, Aotearoa, and Austra
lia through a shared cosmological telemetry and ideal viewing conditions.
Cooks observation of the transit from Tahitis Point Venus, which he named
for the occasion, made the globe a world of shared European humanistic
28 ISANDWAS
and scientific endeavor by providing one of the points on the baseline of

the earth necessary to calculate astronomical distances. It also inaugurated
a second wave of new world imperialism that depended upon already well-
established tropes of Indianness to facilitate the ordering of peoples into
imperial landscapes that would be mapped and owned through the log
ics of colonialism. Mary Louise Pratt describes this type of Enlightenment
travel as a process of developing a European planetary consciousness, and
the importance of Cook is that he marks the last formal voyage of external
discovery and the shift to interiors.98 However, those notions of interior-
ity, especially on the North American continent, are inflected already by
U.S. nationalistic mappings of lands that cohered and transformed external
lands into internal domestic space that now seamlessly exists from the mo
ment the American colonists declared their independence from England.
TheTransit of Empire and the Planetary Parallax
As an astronomical event, the transit of Venus is marked by an effect that,

given the limits of eighteenth-century astronomy, made it almost impos
sible to pinpoint the exact moment the transit began and ended. As Cook
and others around the world observed together the moment Venus began
its journey across the face of the sun, their notes reflected variations in
timedifferences of seconds to minutes even among viewers at the same
locationthat made precise calculations of astronomical units from the
data difficult. Thisblack-drop effect as it became known within those sci
entific communities, obscured the exact moment Venus fully entered into
the sphere of the sun in a distortion that seemed to stretch the planet into
a silhouetted band between its own edge and that of the sun. Many observ
ers at the time, Cook included, assumed that the momentary merging and
pulling of edges between the two bodies was visible evidence of Venuss
atmosphere. However, the effect of Venuss trailing touch of the edge of the
sun for moments after full ingress and again as it approaches the edge on
egress also results from a distortion that makes silhouetted objects that are
brightly backlit appear smaller than they are. The line between the edge
of the sun and the edge of Venus, assumed to be the result of atmospheric
disturbances and observed as a stretching of the darkened planet, is actually
the true size of the planet lingering as a trace.99 That silhouetted band that
stretches between the two bodies, then, is a fraction of the planet made visi
ble at the moment it fully enters into the space of the sun and the moment
ISANDWAS 2 9
before it begins the end of its transit. In the sticky stretch between sun and
Venus, the trace of the actual Venus remains in spite of the overwhelming
totality of the suns encapsulating embrace.
The second effect, and the one most useful to astronomical observa
tion, is that of parallaxa shift in an observers perspective of a distant
object based on a change in vantage point. By establishing a baseline whose
length is known, the unknown length to a distant object can be triangulat
ed based upon the angle of shift between two lines of sight on that known
baseline.100 Eighteenth-century astronomers hypothesized that they could
calculate the distance between the earth and the sun by observing the tran
sit of Venus from different points on the earth. Both the 1761 and 1769
transits became the occasion for a race around the globe to position Euro
pean observers at key locations, in the hopes that the data collected would
provide enough information to establish the angle of solar parallax across
the earths radius. Slavoj Z itek offers a different understanding of parallax
in his magnum opus The Parallax View, defining it as the illusion of being
able to use the same language for phenomena which are mutually un
translatable and can be grasped only in a kind of parallax view, constantly
shifting perspective between two points between which no synthesis or
mediation is possible. The two points, Zizek emphasizes, are two sides of
the same phenomenon which, precisely as two sides, can never meet.101
In other words, for Ziiek parallax is similar to a Mobius strip, where there
at first appear to be two sides, but as one traverses it, there is only one side
that feeds back into itself.
This parallax differential creates certain dialectical shiftsor what
Z iiek terms parallax gaps. He structures his argument around three sites
of parallaxontological difference as ultimate parallax (which condi
tions our access to reality), scientific parallax (which accounts for the gap
between phenomenology and scientific explanations), and political par
allax (which hinders the creation of common ground through which to
mobilize political resistances)as the sites through which to interrogate
biopolitics and class warfare.102 In order to perceive the difference and to
approach the Lacanian Real, Z itek argues that one has to shift perspective
to alternate viewing locations and approximate the Real in the gap. The
truth, Ziiek explains,
Is not the real state of things, that is, the direct view of the object
without perspectival distortion, but the very Real o f the antagonism
3 0 ISANDWAS
which causes perspectival distortion. The site of truth is not the way
things really are in themselves, beyond their perspectival distor
tions, but the very gap, passage, which separates one perspective
from another, the gap . . . which makes the two perspectives radi
cally incommensurable,103
The gap between two sides of the same phenomenon allows us to discern
its subversive core that cuts across the cosmopolitan hybrid/nomad and
acknowledges the lived conditions of violence, class, and oppression.104
Multiple viewing locations of the Real are created, though no single one
of them is capable of discerning the Real and there is no possibility of
triangulating the Real by taking into consideration all perspectives. In
stead, according to Jodi Dean,the distortion among the differing views . . .
indicates the Real of the event. The Realness of the event is what generates
the multiplicity, the impossibility of its being encompassed.105
Though Zitek wants to recover dialectical materialism through such
subversions and shifts, his own work bears a metonymical trace that ties
him back to the transit of Venus in pursuit of empire that functions as
an errant within the very structures of his own text and chapter headings
that depend upon stellar, solar, and lunar parallaxes that emerged from
Enlightenment colonialism to map, know, and own the earth and stars. It
is here that theorizing the planetary parallax might serve as a useful ad
ditive to Ziieks discussion of how ontological and dialectical differences
antagonize and oscillate between viewing locations in the gap of the Real.
As we have seen in Venuss planetary parallax, the distortive parallactic ef
fect created in the stretch between Venus and the sun serves to antagonize
further the perspectival parallax by revealing a sticky edge of the Real, par
tial though it may be. And that distortive parallactic effect distorts even the
distortion of the viewing locations by partially making visible that Real
to be apprehended. Within the planetary parallax gap, colonialist discourse
functions as a distortive effect within critical theory as it apprehends In-
dianness, where shifts across space and location serve to distort further
whatever trace of the Real lingers and make it even less likely to link such
moments back to their discursive colonialist core. For instance, in First as
Tragedy, Then as Farce, 2 iiek takes up the faux-Hopi prophecy that circu
lated in the 2008 U.S. presidential campaigns and proffers it as corrective
to leftist intellectuals who desperately await a new revolutionary agent
capable of instigating the long-expected radical social transformation. It
ISANDWAS 31
takes the form of the old Hopi saying, with a wonderful Hegelian twist
from substance to subject: We are the ones we have been waiting for. (This
is a version of Gandhis motto: Be yourself the change you want to see in
the world.)106 The planetary parallax between Indians (Hopi and Gandhi)
depends upon the faux-Hopi prophecy becoming the old Hopi saying, a
parallax transformation that shifts from fake to lived Real in an enuncia
tion of colonialist desire for the inviting Indian event that is fillable and
inhabitable by the European self. The consequences of this unexamined
distortive effect within the parallax gap signals the colonialist affective
need for Hopi wisdom that might radicalize leftist politics without having
to make those politics accountable to and actionable for ending the colo
nization of the Hopi and other American Indian peoples.
My use of transit to discuss both the trajectory of empire dependent
upon Indianness as well as indigeneity s challenge to critical theory is in
tended to be diagnostic. Though it would be tempting to develop a cor
relative theory that explains that Indians function as Venus or the sun and
that the United States serves the vice versa other, such a correlation would
miss the larger stakes of the parallax gap and its concomitant distortive ef
fects. Venus, the sun, and the earth are all in motion during the astronomi
cal event that is the transit o f Venus. Each body pulls gravitationally upon
the other to distort possible viewing locations and antagonizes any paral
lax angle to discern coequal or equivalent, static theories of how U.S. em
pire functions through its deployment of paradigmatic Indianness. Using a
concept like transit that has its origins in Enlightenment imperialism at the
dawning of Western democracy, and examining how Indianness serves as
the field through which lines of flight become possible as a mechanism
of U.S. imperialism, necessitates deploying parallax views attuned to the
miscalculations that the stretching of the real introduces into any attempt
to apprehend a subversive core that might mobilize transformative politics.
That distortive parallactic effect centers on the colonization of indigenous
peoples and, at key moments within the ingress or egress of critical theory,
reveals the colonialist discursive givens that continue to deny indigenous
peoples full agency to theorize the world and have that theorization mobi
lize change. Within the scope of such transits, indigeneity as an ontological
prior challenges postcolonial and critical theories because it serves as a
significant parallax viewthough certainly not the only onealong the
baseline of colonialism through which to trouble the dialectical processes
that underwrite colonialist hegemonies of racializations and normativities,
32 ISANDWAS
subjectivities and subjectifications. As radical alterity, indigeneity func

tions as a counterpoint that disrupts the fictions of multicultural settler
enfranchisement and diasporic arrivals; as event and as horizon, indigene
ity is temporal as well as spatial, structural as well as structuring. By detail
ing the constellations that underwrite U.S. imperialism and twenty-first
century wars, it may be possible to show that within the logics that have
ordered the United States out of indigenous lands, indigenous peoples can
be apprehended through parallax within critical theory that demonstrates
just how vital they are to any understanding of how difference orients U.S.
bio- and necropolitics.
Is and Was
I want to give you two scenes to hold in your imagination. The first is from
Alexis de Tocquevilles Democracy in America. In his eyewitness account of
the Choctaw removal from their homelands to Indian Territory, he writes:
At the end of the year 1831, whilst I was on the left bank of the
Mississippi at a place named by Europeans, Memphis, there ar
rived a numerous band of Choctaws . . . . These savages had left
their country, and were endeavoring to gain the right bank of
the Mississippi, where they hoped to find an asylum which had
been promised them by the American Government. It was then
the middle of winter, and the cold was unusually severe; the snow
had frozen hard upon the ground, and the river was drifting huge
masses of ice. The Indians had their families with them; and they
brought in their train the wounded and sick, with children newly
born, and old men upon the verge of death. They possessed neither
tents nor wagons, but only their arms and some provisions. I saw
them embark to pass the mighty river, and never will that solemn
spectacle fade from my remembrance. No cry, no sob was heard
amongst the assembled crowd; all were silent. Their calamities were
of ancient date, and they knew them to be irremediable. The Indi
ans had all stepped into the bark which was to carry them across,
but their dogs remained upon the bank. As soon as these animals
perceived that their masters were finally leaving the shore, they set
up a dismal howl, and, plunging all together into the icy waters of
the Mississippi, they swam after the boat.107
ISANDWAS 33
The second is from Michelle Obamas May 16,2009, commencement speech

at the University of California-Merced as she recognizes and applauds the
letter-writing campaigns the students used to get their campus builtand
to persuade the First Lady to attend their graduation ceremony:
This type of activism and optimism speaks volumes about the

students here, the faculty, the staff, but also about the character
and history of Merceda town built by laborers and immigrants
from all over the world: early settlers who came here as pioneers
and trailblazers in the late 1800s as part of the Gold Rush and
built the churches and businesses and schools that exist; African
Americans who escaped slavery and the racism of the South to
work on the railways and as truck drivers up and down Route 99;
Mexican Americans who traveled north to find work on the farms
and have since become the backbone of our agricultural indus
tryAsian Americans who arrived in San Francisco and have
slowly branched out to become a part of the community in the
San Joaquin Valley.108
The first scene speaks of a stoic desperation, dismal howls, ancient and
irremediable calamities, and an endeavoring hope for asylum in what was
once home; the second offers a celebration of the optimism of struggle, a
linking of students lives to the trailblazers who discovered gold, escaped
slavery, traveled north, labored on farms, or spread across California val
leys in the hope of making homes (with no mention here of the intern
ments that facilitated that spread during the early 1940s, the struggles to
end the inequities of the backbreaking work on those farms, or the origi-
nary genocide that resulted from the Gold Rush).
Though separated by more than 150 years, these two scenes taken to
gether say something profound about the nature of multicultural liberal
democracy and the conditions of empire at two distinct moments of transi
tion for the United States. They are both about the foundational violences
that created the towns and communities throughout the new world, and
they are both about land, labor, journey, and displacement. Yet in the span
between the two, a very significant elision occurs that, by the time First Lady
Michelle Obama gives that speech to college students in California, natural
izes narratives of overcoming adversity and links them to the very pioneer
spirit that drove the Chickasaw and Choctaw from their homelands.
34 ISANDWAS
Lauren Berlant tells us:
Cruel optimism names a relation of attachment to compromised

conditions of possibility. What is cruel about these attachments,
and not merely inconvenient or tragic, is that the subjects who
have x in their lives might not well endure the loss of the object or
scene of desire, even though its presence threatens their well-being,
because whatever the content of the attachment, the continuity of
the form of it provides something of the continuity of the subjects
sense of what it means to keep on living on and to look forward to
being in the world.109
And while one might be tempted to read the Choctaws experiences of

removal that Tocqueville witnesses as the basest form of optimism at its
crudestthe Choctaws Tocqueville describes have no hopeit seems
to me that the actual cruel optimism that Berlant describes resides in the
narrative of California history that Michelle Obama provides. Cruel opti
mism is, Berlant continues, the condition of maintaining an attachment
to a problematic object in advance of its loss.110 The loss to be had here is
the surety of colonialist mastery, the wealthy promises of Manifest Destiny,
and the possibility o f confrontation with the history Tocqueville assures
will never fade from his remembrance.
1 am fairly confident, however, that Berlant does not mean that when
she writes of cruel optimism and its role in forming and maintaining at
tachments in the face of the risks that come with reproducing and surviv
ing in zones of compromised ordinariness [that are part of the] impasse
of living in the overwhelmingly present moment.111 In fact, one might
read her delineations of cruel optimism as symptomatic of the very con
ditions she critiques. What constitutes the ordinary life in the overwhelm
ingly present moment for Berlant? And further, who gets to live that life?
Each of her textual examples provides what she sees as the suspension
of the reproduction of habituated or normative life, in which said life
has the possibility to break from the conditionsbe they homophobia,
race and class oppressions that turn people and things into exchange
value, or sexual traumathat produce the attachments to the promises
of bourgeois normativity, wealth, and education, but that ultimately fail
in doing so.112
Berlant is concerned with the processes of normativity and capitalism
ISANDWAS 35
that provide optimism in spite of lived conditions that are unlivablewhat

she has elsewhere described as slow death. And while 1 could focus on each
of her examples and delineate the aesthetics and politics of cruel optimism
as she explains them, for my purposes here, the best example is Geoff Ry-
mans Was, a novel that takes its name from L. Frank Baums Ih e Wizard o f
Oz and has as its four main characters Dorothy Gael as a historical figure
living in 1880s Kansas, Judy Garland as she plays Dorothy Gale (like the
wind) in the movie, a Midwestern mental health worker who encounters
the real Dorothy in a mental home near the end of her life, and a gay man
dying of AIDS who stars in a touring company of The Wizard o f Oz while
suffering from dementia. All of these stories, Berlant writes, are about the
cruelty of optimism for people without control over the material condi
tions of their lives and whose relation to fantasy is all that protects them
from being destroyed by other people and the nation.113 Berlant focuses
her essay on reading an exchange between the 1880s Dorothy Gael and
Frank Baum, in which Baum as a substitute teacher becomes a substitute
for home, caring, and desire for a Dorothy raped by her uncle and starved
by her aunt. The fantasy here for Dorothy, as Berlant interprets it, is the
thought that another person could care for her, and after she writes Baum
a story in which she describes a happy home with her dog Toto, she has a
breakdown in front of him and the rest of her classmates as she screams
out her rape, torture, and the brutalization o f her dog by her aunt, until
she can no longer speak. To protect her last iota of optimism, Berlant
writes, she goes crazy.114 In return, Baum provides Dorothy a substitute
life, a transplanted self who has family, friends, and Toto all with her as she
wanders the roads of Oz.
Though Berlant ends her analysis here with the observation that for
Dorothy the optimism of attachment to another living being is itself the
cruelest slap of all, she misses entirely the deeper attachment that provides
Dorothy her one link to optimism throughout it allIndians.115 After her
confrontation with Baum and her mental breakdown, the novel tells us,
she was invisible, like the Indians.116 A few pages later, Rymans narrative
explains, Dorothy no longer believed in Indians. Rather, she believed in
the hopeless, flat, beardless faces wearing dirty white mens clothes, like her
own. Dorothy wore britches and boots like a man.117 Throughout her life,
as things were falling apart, Dorothy held on to the hope that she could es
cape to the Territory, the Nation (Oklahoma), and become an Indianshe
achieves it instead in her abjected state of insanity.118 As she elaborates and
3 6 ISANDWAS
deepens the fantasy escape, Indians become invisible, live underground,

represent all the play and possibility of the childhood, freedom, and hope
that was stolen from her until finally, in the mental home near the end of
her life, she explains, All of us here she whispered,are either Indians or
f a i r i e s Even the title of the novel is pulled into her fantasy of Indian opti
mism as Dorothy explains how Was is a place: "You can step in and out of
it. Never goes away. Always there.119
Within Rymans novel, Indians become a transit, not only of the fron
tier violences done to children as they are forced into the stolid, colonial
lives that are unlivable under the weight of settler colonial responsibilities,
but of the non-normative, queered lives that cross gendered borders and
pair fairiesevoked as both ephemeral spirits and radical gay menwith
an affective Indianness that functions alongside a subsuming of Indian
identities. There is a final irony to explore. Where Berlant and Dorothy see
Frank Baum as providing a healing balm offering a substitute for home
and a better life, the historical author was full of U.S. genocidal normativ
ity. After the Wounded Knee Massacre on December 29,1890, Baum wrote
two infamous editorials in a South Dakota newspaper, the Aberdeen Sat
urday Pioneer, in which he asserted that it was better that [Indians] die
than live the miserable wretches that they are. He continues: The nobility
of the Redskin is extinguished, and what few are left are a pack of whining
curs who lick the hand that smites them__ the best safety o f the frontier
settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remain
ing Indians.120 To revise Berlants earlier statement about fantasy within
Was, then, the cruel optimism is that many of the characters inner lives
and identities revolve around an attachment to Indians as affective fantasy
that will somehow protect them from the destruction the United States
wreaked upon actual Indian lives. Their fantasy is constitutive of their
nation, and the cruelest cut is that Rymans children affectively grow into
what they most despised adults for being in the novelharsh, desperate
people who inhabit and live through a cruelty towards Indians and other
ness that can be escaped only through a radical breach with sanity and
signification. What Dorothy experiences as she finally escapes her own op
pression by running away from her Aunt Em and Uncle Gulch to Wichita
is that she has become invisible like Indians as she moves in and out of
Was on the transit of Indianness she has created in her own fantasy world.
In many ways, one might argue that this transit of Indianness is the
condition of possibility that informs even Berlants understanding of the
ISANDWAS 3 7
slow death of obesity that refers to the physical wearing out of a popula
tion and the deterioration of people in that population that is very nearly
a defining condition of their experience and historical existence.121 Here,
in the interstices of affect and queer theory, between Lauren Berlant and
Judith Butler, I want to elaborate on what indigenous critical theory might
offer to such understandings of bare life." According to Butler and Berlant,
the contemporary present is a necessary condition for affect and relation
to draw lives into commensurable vulnerability and may, they hope, re
structure governance and help make lives more livable. A core set of ques
tions emerges for me as I read Berlants discussions of cruel optimism
and slow death, and they revolve around her delineations of ordinary life.
Judith Butler in Precarious Life and Frames o f War takes up Berlants con
cerns with the ordinary life in the overwhelmingly present moment and
reframes them in the question When is life grievable? The concern for
me is to consider whether indigenous peoples are understood to be a part
of the present within liberal democracy and within the theories Butler and
Berlant are articulating to provide possible reframings of relation to recon
cile questions of citizenship, sovereignty, recognition, and nationalism. Do
Indians live the ordinary life in the contemporary now? Are Indians part
of the present tense? And finally, do Indians live grievable lives?
1 may be begging the question here, given that Butler does not really
consider Indians and that Berlant avoids indigeneity even when it is a the
matic concern within the text, as her reading of Was indicates. But because
their projects work to dismantle the normative state structures that also op
press indigenous peoples whether they actively involve indigenous peoples
in their theorizations or not, here we can see how indigenous critical theory
transforms queer theory and critical theory more broadly to intervene in
the colonialist structures that continue to underwrite racialized and gen
dered oppressions despite every attempt to disrupt or refuse those struc
tures. To return to Tocqueville and Michelle Obama, we can notice this
problem with tenses presentand that Indians are not present at all in the
case of the latter. As Tocqueville describes the Choctaw, their calamities
were of ancient date, and they knew them to be irremediable. Even in the
present of their removal, the Choctaws are always already past perfect: they
had left, they had stepped, they had been promised. According to Butler,
in order for life to be grievable, it needs to be faceable; to exist, it needs to
cast a face, a life, in the tense of the future anterior in what Barthes has
described as the present absolute pastness of the photograph. Butler writes:
38 ISANDWAS
The photograph relays less the present moment than the perspective, the
pathos, of a time in which this will have been.122 Even for Rymans Doro
thy, who perceives Indians in spite of their invisibility, Indians are Was.
So the most we can say, given the lack of possibility of an Indian future
anteriority in which Indians will have been decolonized, is that Indians are
lamentable, but not grievable. The dogs howl and throw themselves to their
deaths in the frozen waters of the Mississippi, but the humanity of the scene
is still: No cry, no sob was heard amongst the assembled crowd; all were
silent. The lamentable is pitiable, but not remediable. It is past and regret
table. Grieving, on the other hand, calls people to acknowledge, to see, and
to grapple with lived lives and the commensurable suffering, and in Butlers
frame apprehendin the sense of both its definitions that include to under
stand and to stopthe policies creating unlivable, ungrievable conditions
within the state-sponsored economies of slow death and letting die.
As the queer makes claims to an affective indigenous generosity that
can welcome all arrivants in the hope that those moves, those approxi
mations o f traditional kinship sovereignties and tribal affiliations will
transform the normative and transgress the dialectics of state sovereignty
that conscript, expel, and police whose bodies and lives count as full citi
zens in the United States, the indigenous must be absent both from the
contemporary now and from the spaces and tenses o f grief. In order to
transcend what many theorists engaged in confronting state-sponsored
violence perceive as a retrograde return to nativism, claims of indigeneity
are read as conservative neoliberal discourses of normativity rather than
a reassertion of the basic fundamental principles of restorative justice in
the face of colonization and genocide. Given the push toward kinship, af
fect, and futurity that queer theory troubles as a way to intervene within
and through discourses of sovereignty, nationalism, and citizenship, it
seems that indigenous strategies should not be just a return push that
demonstrates differencethat move is anticipated and already silenced.
Possible sites of intervention depend then on interrogating how the im
pulse to world is the setting-to-work of the colonizer, even if that work is
to reconfigure the world so that it might be kinder and gentler and be a
world more possible to live, and grieve, within. The future anterior of such
a world that exists outside the cruel optimisms and violences constitutive
of liberalisms very structures must also be a future in which indigenous
peoples will have been and will remain decolonized, if there is to be any
hope at all.
2
"This Island's Mine"
The Parallax Logics of Caliban's Cacophony
Be not afeard; the isle is full o f noises,

Sounds, and sweet airs that give delight and hurt not.
William Shakespeare, The Tempest
But would this same captain be competent to sit in judgment upon

Shakespeares seamanshipconsidering the changes in ships and ship-
talk that have necessarily taken place, unrecorded, unremembered, and
lost to history in the last three hundred years? It is my conviction that
Shakespeare's sailor-talk would be Choctaw to him.
MarkTwain,"ls Shakespeare Dead?"
How did the impulse to constellate the Americas into European colonial
alignment come to depend upon the lamentable but ungrievable Indian?
How do arrivants and other peoples forced to move through empire use
indigeneity as a transit to redress, grieve, and fill the fractures and ruptures
created through diaspora and exclusion? What happens to indigeneity
within liberal multicultural settler societies when a multitude of historical
experiences can each claim themselves as the real and autochthonous ex
perience of originary violence and oppression in lands stolen from original
inhabitants? And what happens to indigenous peoples and the stakes of
sovereignty, land, and decolonization when conquest is reframed through
the global historicities of race? Just as the Indian stops the Deleuzean
world and redirects flow in a rhizomatic imperative, Indianness, when
located in U.S. empire, unspools within postcolonial and poststructuralist
theories that seek from the outset to dismantle the colonial logics of ter-
ritorializations, racializations, and discursive figurations that render some
subject positions visible and heard, others absent and silent on the plateau
39
40 "THIS ISLAND'S MINE"
of difference. Within Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, and other Southeast

ern Indian cosmologies, the collision of Upper and Lower Worlds creates
haksuba, cacophony, in this world; the task is to discern how the noise of
competing claims, recognitions, and remediations function to naturalize
possession at the site of postracial inclusion, transformative multicultural
ism, and cruel optimism.
This chapter considers the representational logics at work in Shake
speares The Tempest to explore how colonialist discourses function pri
marily through the distortive effects of planetary parallax gaps that pro
duce, in the lingering stretch of the real between and among bodies in
motion, a series of deferrals that facilitate the transit of empire at the con
testing site of indigeneity. Understanding that system of competing and
antagonistic parallax views, which layer and resonate across temporal and
geographical localities within empire, as a cacophony of contesting experi
ences allows for the indigenous to become apprehendable within the dis
cursive and juridical logics that persist within liberal humanisms pursuit
of governmentality framed as equality, freedom, and progress. As Jacques
Ranciere observes, Politics and art, like forms of knowledge, construct fic
tions, that is to say m aterial rearrangements of signs and images, relation
ships between what is seen and what is said, between what is done and
what can be done.1Within postcolonial theory what is seen and said, what
is and can be done depend upon the materiality of the constructed fic
tions of colonialism, and upon a cathexis of liberal egalitarian distribution
of signs that serves to defer the colonization of the indigenous Americas
precisely because it is the mise en scene o f U.S. neocolonialism and impe
rialism around the world.
Undiscoveries and Other Sixth Acts

In 1987 Rob Nixon, in discussing how Shakespeares The Tempest func
tioned within anticolonial literary nationalisms, asserted that The Tem
pest's value . . . faded once the plot ran out. The play lacks a sixth act which
might have been enlisted for representing relations among Caliban, Ariel,
and Prospero once they entered a postcolonial era, or rather. . . an era of
imperialism without colonies.2 Yet only five years later, precisely because
none of these characters had entered an era of imperialism without colo
nies," a sixth act did indeed play out in postcolonial studies that exam
ined rI h e Tempest and its travels within the context of the Columbus quin-
'THIS ISLAND'S MINE" 41
centennial. As the historical convergences of the new world discovery

moment sparked impassioned debate, scholars, writers, and artists within
the global North and South returned once again to the island in the hopes
of listening to Caliban and gaining deeper insights into how colonial logics
dependent on ideas of race, indigeneity, and savagery circulated through
an early modern planetarity that constellated European imperial expan
sion. In gesturing toward possible sixth acts that might still emerge, Ania
Loomba cautions that the plasticity of the play presents problems at the site
of indigeneity across four continents, but especially because an American
focus narrows, not just our view of early modern race and colonialism as a
whole, but also the geographies and histories that resonate with 'The Tem
pest. The play speaks to Mediterranean, North African, and Irish, as well
as Atlantic contexts, often moving between these different regions.3 The
stakes in any return to Shakespeare and the diegetic parallaxes of his island
plot center on examining how effectively that American context has been
elaborated within the entanglements of colonial projects that stripped
humanity and agency from indigenous peoples and from those forced to
labor and move within the transatlantic and transpacific diasporas.
Cherokee speculative science fiction author William Sanders wrote his
short story The Undiscovered in 1993, though it did not appear in print
until 1996. The story invents an alternative past in which Shakespeare is
shipwrecked in Virginia and through a series of captivities ends up in a
Cherokee town where he is finally adopted into the kinship structures that
place him, now renamed Spearshaker, into relation with the narrator of the
story. In the story, Sanders imagines Shakespeare through Trinculos first
encounter with Caliban, describing him as:
Not the kind of fish-belly white that Id always imagined, when

people talked about white menat least where it showed. His face
was a strange reddish color, like a boiled crawfish, with little bits
of skin peeling from his nose. His arms and legs, where they stuck
out from under the single buckskin garment he wore, were so dirty
and covered with bruises that it was hard to tell what color the skin
was. Of course that was true of all the captives; Bigkiller and his
warriors had not been gentle.4
Sanderss inversion of the contact moment, which enacts a type of othering

in reverse, humorously narrates the Cherokee reaction to a half-wit relative
4 2 'THIS ISLAND'S MINE"
who speaks in tongues and writes pleis, and captures through fragments of
writing Shakespeares Elizabethean horror at his predicament. As the Chero
kee teach the white captive language, observe his abilities to carry firewood,
and delight in his songs and dancesthe favorite of which is Wid-a-he/
An-a-ho/An-a-he-na-ni-nothe story functions primarily to provide sub
jectivity to new world indigenous peoples who, within the literatures of em
pire, have been relegated to inarticulate savages. And it sets up a punchline
about the nature of Indian humor that culminates when Spearshaker learns
that, in the translocation from Denmark to Cherokee political and cultural
contexts, his masterpiece Hamlet is received as a comedy by his new friends
and family who laugh uproariously when everyone dies at the end. He never
writes another play.
With the specter of translocation shadowing the Columbian quin-
centennial and the captivity of the savage other haunting performativ-
ity as trace, Sanderss The Undiscovered satirizes colonial dialectics by
making the Cherokee master. Cuban American performance artist Coco
Fusco confronts those same translocations and performances inaugurated
by Columbus and commemorated in the quincentennial by inhabiting the
other side of the cage. In her collection of essays English Is Broken Here,
she describes the experiences she and her creative collaborator Guillermo
Gomez-Pena had when they toured various American and European cities
and museums as captured native specimens. The initial premise, as Fusco
describes it, was that they both would live in a cage and present themselves
as undiscovered Amerindians from an island in the Gulf of Mexico that
had somehow been overlooked by Europeans for five centuries.We called
our homeland Guatinau, Fusco writes, and ourselves Guatinauis.5 In the
cage with them was a pastiche of American icons, ranging from Coca-Cola
cans and Christopher Columbus coloring books to laptop computers, ste
reos, and TVs playing images of Hollywoods savages." Fusco wore a grass
skirt, shells, and a dog collar, while Gomez-Penas outfit consisted primarily
of a turkey feather headdress, a leopard skin Lucha Libre mask, and some
thing looking quasi-Aztecana hint of Quetzalcoatl crossed with bondage
gear. For a small fee, Fusco and Gomez-Pena would perform exotic dances,
recite prayers and stories in a gibberish language, reveal genitalia, and pose
for pictures. The venues for the performance ranged from public spaces that
included the Columbus Plaza of Madrid, Spain, to various art galleries and
natural history museums in cities such as Sydney, London, New York, Min
neapolis, and Chicago. It was a spectacle reveling in Otherness.
The project began in 1991 as a counter to the upcoming quincentennial

celebrations of Columbuss first voyage of discovery. It was designed as a
reverse ethnology through which Gomez-Pena and Fusco could draw at
tention to the myriad of problems associated with the unquestioning cele
brations of the five-hundredth year anniversary. Soon, however, the proj
ect evolved into an examination, according to Fusco, of the limits of the
happy multiculturalism that reigned in cultural institutions which linked
the exoticizing rhetoric o fworld beat multiculturalism with the racism
implicit in ethnographic paradigms of discovery.* The performance, en
titled Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . , was intended to lure audi
ences with a rare chance to participate in the discovery moment that the
quincentennial celebrated; once audiences became involved, the perfor
mance was supposed to reveal to them the European tradition of exhib
iting captive indigenous peoples from the Americas, Asia, and Africa for
either entertainment or scientific education. This tradition, which began
with Christopher Columbus, continued well into the nineteenth and twen
tieth centuries, culminating in the 1890s with the World Columbian Fair
held in Chicago. These ethnographic displays were, as Fusco writes, the
origins of intercultural performance in the West. The displays, she con
tinues, were living expressions of colonial fantasies and helped to forge
a special place in the European and Euro-American imagination for non
white peoples and their cultures.7
Despite the context of the performance, its conscious parody of impe
rial expectations of indigenous cultures, and its challenges to any notion
of authentic" museum display, Fusco and Gomez-Pena were surprised that
what they characterized as a self-conscious commentary on this practice
was frequently received as an authentic exhibition of native Guatinauis by
an eager and earnest public.8 On paper the irony of the piece was clear.
All the clues necessary to interpret the parody were there at the outset, in
cluding the juxtaposition of contemporary everyday technologies with the
expected signifiers o f primitiveness and the textual clues that ventrilo
quized the scientific racism of the nineteenth century. Barkers and museum
guards helped establish the parameters of behavior between the crowd and
the performers and also informed the interpretations available to the pub
lic. However, when the project they conceived finally became mediated by
a live performance, a setting, and an audience, the dynamic shifted; what
was originally clear irony was suddenly transformed into an authorized
and authoritative exhibition of exotic otherness that audiences willingly
4 4 "THIS ISLAND'S MINE"
accepted. What Fusco and Gomez-Pena learned as they toured galleries and
museums was that their audiences often lacked the historical knowledge
and context to interpret or read the parodic signs the artists believed to be
threaded throughout their performances. In fact, many in those audiences
left the performance believing that they had seen an authentic portrayal of
native peoples.
Why did the performance undergo such a transformation and how did
it sustain the radically different reactions of the audiences? What shared
knowledge (or lack thereof on the part of the participantsspectators
and artists) did the performance need to be successful? At some level, the
tensions between the desired interpretation and the one that many in the
audience had was a result of the projects own collision between the "truth
of the history the performance wanted to represent and the accepted truth
that its representations of otherness evoked for them. The problem that
emerged when these distortive parallactic effects collided within the space
of the performance exemplifies the dynamics within postcolonial analyses
that privilege the dichotomous relationship between the colonizer and the
colonized where the Manichean allegories between white and black, good
and evil, civilized and savage are first established and then resisted.
The master narrative of colonial history that Fusco and Gomez-Pena
sought to dismantle with their performance depended upon a presumed
erasure of indigenous peoples and the subsequent normalization of the
history of displaying them, dead or alive, in museums for the benefit of
future civilized generations. The performance intended to reveal to and
explode for the predominantly white audiences their own complicity with
these discourses of colonialism. At the same time, the performance sought
to invert those Manichean dichotomies between good and evil, civilized
and savage, so that the audiences were suddenly the objects of display and
their behaviors were documented and recorded as savage by the artists
performing as primitives inside the cage. But, while the performance
began with the lofty ideals of reflecting the faces of the audience back to
them as colonizers, the end result was much more ambiguous as the artists
stereotypical markers of Indianness transformed into authentic inauthen
ticities that could be rationalized as the effect of civilization upon the un
civilized by those wanting to resist essentialized understandings of iden
tity, race, and gender. The performance unraveled not so much because
audiences did not interpret it correctly, but because it was impossible to
interpret correctly at all.
Determining or demanding a correct reaction to the history that

Fusco and Gomez-Pena presented in their performance piece implies a
static interpretation that relies upon a set number of referents to consti
tute meaning. In the case of Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . , the
face paint, the invented gibberish language, and Fuscos tribal dancing to
rap music, for instance, were all supposed to create a postmodern pastiche
that would signal to the audience that the performance was mocking the
stereotypes Western colonial culture uses to delineate primitive and un
civilized at the site of race. However, the two artists did not anticipate
that these referents could perhaps speak as much to their own internal
ized ideas of Indianness, pre- and post-modern, as to the audiences. 1
am interested in distilling that moment of parallax between worldviews
that creates a melee of meanings for Fusco, Gomez-Pena, and their audi
ences because as one delves into the contradictions that the performance
engaged, it becomes clear that the meanings and worldviews at odds are
intricately dependent upon each other and that to engage one history runs
the very great risk of obscuring another.
But in order to understand how a performance that, according to Diana
Taylor, confronts the viewer with the unnatural and extremely violent his
tory of representation and exhibition of non-Western human beings, re
iterated and naturalized that history on the expected and already known
indigenous body, it is useful to track how Coco Fusco understood herself in
relation to the performance.9 In her essay El Diario de Miranda/Mirandas
Diary, Fusco documents her experiences as a Cuban exile living in the
United States. In the essay, Fusco presents her thoughts, as she struggles
with both U.S. officials and the Cuban government when she travels back
and forth between countries, as a performance artist, a family member, and
a friend. She named her travelogue El Diario de Miranda, she says, be
cause of the host of allusions to 'The Tempest in Latin American intellectual
history and postcolonial thought. Shakespeares drama, set on an island, is
thought to have been inspired by accounts of voyages and shipwrecks dur
ing the early colonial period.10 Although Fusco allies herself with Miranda,
writing that the Mirandas of the present, myself among them, continue to
undertake these journeys, straying far from the fictions of identity imparted
to us by our symbolic fathers, she performed the indigenous Caliban on
display in 1992.11 Perhaps the moment of distillation that sets the param
eters for misreading their staged intervention resides, in part, in the plane
tary parallax shifts between Miranda and Caliban, Caliban and Ariel, and
Ariel and Sycorax that circulate unstably at the edges of Two Undiscovered
Amerindians Visit. . . and signify the subjectifications of colonialism that
worlded empire into the globe.
Authority Effects and the Colonial Undead
Mikhail Bakhtins theories of polyphony and dialogism prove valuable in

isolating some of the difficulties that Fusco and Gomez-Pena faced when
they confronted audiences unaware of and invested in colonialist attitudes
towards natives. By its very nature, the piece was heteroglossic, as it in
volved not only the artists in the cage but evoked scientific discourses of
taxonomy and discovery. Even within the cage, Gomez-Pena and Fusco
were engaged in enunciating and parodying Western notions of the in
digenous other through their clothes, actions, dances, stories, language,
and silences. The Guatinauis, a word echoing Columbuss Guanahanf
that sounds like What now? demanded incredulity, Diana Taylor writes.
The point o f the performance was to highlight, rather than normalize,
the theatricality of colonialism.12 Parody, as Bakhtin asserts, is one of the
most ancient and widespread forms for representing the direct word of
another" and through mimicry rips the word away from the object. The
process of parodying, Bakhtin continues, forces us to experience those
sides of the object that are not otherwise included in a given corrective
of laughter, of a critique on the one-sided seriousness of the lofty, direct
word, the corrective of reality that is always richer, more fundamental and
most importantly too contradictory and heteroglot to be fit into a high and
straightforward genre.13 By transposing Guanahani, the indigenous name
for one of the islands Columbus first invaded, into Guatinau, Fusco and
Gomez-Pena ripped the naming away from the colonial archive to mimic
the desire for the original at the moment of signification with a well-placed
what now?
Several things are important here. First, the structural, formal (or di
rect) language of high or literary genres is ultimately monoglot. The act
of parodying those forms, according to Bakhtin, transforms [language]
from the absolute dogma it had been within the narrow framework o f a
sealed-off and impermeable monoglossia into a working hypothesis for
comprehending and expressing reality.14 Second, such parody is a func
tion of the carnivalesque, an exuberant outburst that ultimately strives to
break down the barriers between the different social strata and the lan-
guage that each uses. Parody is important in that it enters into a dialogue
with the object of parody and opens the structured and direct language of
the form or genre to a multitude of contexts and readings by bringing to
the fore forgotten libidinal desires. Bakhtins ultimate conclusion is that
words and speech acts exist in languages that are always in flux and are
always, and by nature, polyglot.
One could argue, then, that through parody Fusco and Gomez-Pena en
tered into a dialogue with the other history of intercultural performance
from inside the cage. In true carnivalesque fashion, the artists strove to in
vert the power dynamics so that the audience became the spectacle of the
interactive piece as they enacted their own colonialist attitudes towards the
native bodies they were viewing. This decentering of the colonial gaze,
the colonial power, allowed Fusco and Gomez-Pena to force into the open
the contradictory desires that artists of color be authentic, exotic, and
primitive, in what Jose Esteban Munoz delineates as the burden of live
ness, which encourages minoritarian subjects to perform and entertain,
especially when human and civil rights disintegrate.15 At the same time,
Fusco and Gomez-Pena intended that the experiences be a surprise or
uncanny encounter, one in which the audiences had to undergo their own
process of reflection as to what they were seeing, aided only by written
information and parodically didactic zoo guards.16As Bakhtin points out,
however, in order for a satire to work within grotesque realism, it is neces
sary to know the social phenomena that are being berated.17 Laughter,
parody, and mimicry have the potential to create a gap within a unified
language or genre to reveal the inherent heteroglossia within language,
even to the extent that any national language (i.e., the socially stratified
language that makes up any state) contains a struggle between meanings
that allows for parody to occur in the first place. Dissonance enters into
Bakhtins model of polyphony through parody, but it is a dissonance con
tained and determined again by the objects, discourses, and knowledges
that are parodied. Thus, within the polyphony of national stratified lan
guage, parody serves not only to introduce dissonance but also to make
coherent the object of parody.
That Fusco and Gomez-Pena engaged the histories and discourses sur
rounding displays of otherness in the United States and Europe is perhaps
the most appealing part of their project. And, as Diana Taylor explains
in response to the archived video record documenting the performance,
Two Underdiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . created affective pleasure in
the turning of the gaze back on the spectators. I personally feel gloriously
Latin American when I watch this video, very empowered knowing that
I get it and they dont. Thats what relajo is all about. Through a disrup
tive act, relajo creates a community of resistance, a community, as Mexican
theorist Jorge Portilla puts it, of underdogs.18 However, the chosen venues
for the performance, many of which were natural history museums, have
their own thorny relationship with issues of authority and ownership over
the cultural artifacts within their walls and may well have served to over
determine the available interpretations that their installation intended to
evoke. As Taylor also explains, the performance enacted a testlike quality.
Pleasure or anger in the face of the performance misses the point. No
matter what, she says, we fail. But we fail for different reasons depending
on transmission.19
Reflecting on the projects aftermath, Fusco states that both she and
Gomez-Pena had underestimated public faith in museums as bastions
of truth, and institutional investment in that role. Furthermore, we did
not anticipate that literalism would dominate the interpretation of our
work.20 Fusco tells of one instance during their tour when the director of
Native American programs for the Smithsonian noted that she was forced
to reflect on the rather disturbing revelation that while she made efforts
to provide the most accurate representation of Native cultures she could,
[their] fake sparked exactly the same reaction from audiences.21 Fusco
acknowledges, as she reflects upon the repercussion of the performance,
that Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . provided various museums
and institutions a pretext to discuss among themselves the extent to which
they could engage in self-critique, and whether there were ways to escape
the colonialist ideologies that permeate their claims of objectivity as bas
tions of knowledge.22
The performance itself, in an attempt to parody the problematic tradi
tions of such institutions, included fabricated maps where the island of
Guatinau was drawn into the Gulf of Mexico and informational placards
that mimicked the authoritative tone of those used to narrate museum
dioramas. The text included lines such as Anthropologists at the Smith
sonian observed (with the help of surveillance cameras) that the Gua-
tinauis enjoy gender role playing after dark, transforming many of their
functional objects in the cage into makeshift sex toys by night. Or [The
Guatinau] are a jovial and playful race, with a genuine affection for the
debris of Western industrialized popular culture. In former times, how-
ever, they committed frequent raids on Spanish ships, disguised as Brit

ish pirates, whence comes their familiarity with European culture.23 Such
lines, although meant to be a parodic exaggeration of the detached, objec
tive voice employed in such institutions, gained authority when they were
read in venues such as the Field Museum of Chicago or the Smithsonian
National Museum of Natural History. They also required a level of shared
knowledge and shared ethical priorities and moral responsibilities that
could provide clues on how to interpret the text and the performance. The
quote above, for instance, alludes to the Boston Tea Party and the colonists
use of Indianness as a disguise and outlet for subversive, rebellious pro
tests. The performance, then, walked a fine line from the beginning, and
the artists choice to stage the performance in museums tipped the scale
and unintentionally risked that such irony could and would be missed.
Fusco and Gomez-Pena, then, underestimated the extent to which the
physical spaces that housed their performance would control how the au
diences would interpret the piece. Linda Hutcheon ends her Ironys Edge
with a cautionary tale about the failed irony of the Royal Ontario Mu
seums 1989-90 exhibit Into the Heart o f Africa, and she poses a number of
questions about the efficacy of irony to advance political critiques. Much
of what she says about that installation applies to Fusco and Gomez-Penas
Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . and the ways in which their own
performance created such unexpected reactions. Hutcheon raises impor
tant questions about elitism, about the subject position of those making the
critique, about the ways institutions and museums assign and are assigned
authority, and the effect that each of these elements has on the reception
of irony. This authority effect resides within the architectural design of the
(often) imposing buildings themselves and in the fact that the museum
and the academy in Europe and North America have traditionally shared
an institutionalized faith in reason and method, not to mention an un
avoidable intersection with governmental agencies.24 The combination of
architecture with governmentality, then, justifies and authorizes the colo
nial practice of collecting, preserving, and displaying the cultural artifacts
of human civilizations, and provides the ideological framework that also
orders the evolution of said cultures in a trajectory towards what the Euro
centric mind deems civilized.
In 1987, five years before Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . , Luiseno
performance artist James Luna staged an intervention at the Museum of
Man in San Diego that sought to ally itself with the authority effect that
50 'THIS ISLAND'S MINE"
Hutcheon identifies to make living what museums have deemed artifact

and collectible. His Artifact Piece presented a quiet critique of the muse
ums fetish for the native body on display when he laid himself out in a
steel and glass case filled with sand; at various times throughout the ex
hibition, museum goers might find Luna or a ghost imprint of where his
body had lain moments before. Clad only in a loincloth, Luna presented
his own bodyand its ability to move, vanish, and reappearas documen
tation of the living Indian in the space of the expected dead one. To drive
home the emphasis on indigenous modernity, placards ran alongside his
body documenting his various scars from excessive drinking and from
the intimacies of family. Skin callus on ring finger remains, along with
assorted painful and happy memories, read one placard.25 Accompanying
him were cases that included his divorce papers and high school diploma,
juxtaposing a lived contemporary life, a name, and a possibility of agency
on his part to intervene in and interpret the narrative even as his body and
life were curated as merely artifact by the museum. According to Jean
Fisher, there is a diabolic humor in this parody of theIndian in the realm
of theundead.lf the purpose of the undead Indian of colonialism is, she
continues, to secure the self-identity of the onlooker, the shock of his real
presence and the possibility that he may indeed be watching and listening
disarms the voyeuristic gaze and denies it its structuring power.26
Lunas performance borrowed the institutions authority effect to affect
a response in the visitor/voyeur. As a result, Lunas piece disrupted both the
museums structuring power and the interpretative power of the gaze that
the institution directs and sanctions. In contrast, Fusco and Gomez-Pena
constructed a performance that allied the authority effect of the institution
with the voice of the parody to sanction and then frustrate the desire for
the uncontaminated, newly discovered and captured indigenous specimen.
They challenged their audience by using the authority effect of the institu
tion to guarantee the authenticity of the inauthentic postmodern pastiche.
Such a move thwarted and disrupted expectations for the real, but in the
process Fusco and Gomez-Penas performance courted the possibility that
it could be read incorrectly, that their pastiche might reify those stereo
types of indigenous peoples it was seeking to disrupt.
To bring irony into the authorized contexts of museumification is
to invite the very real possibility that meaning and intent could well be
constrained and transfigured by institutional power. While Hutcheon ac
knowledges that irony is a powerful tool, at least when used oppositionally
to confront issues of imperialism, racism, and colonialism, she also notes

that it is a double-edged sword that must be wielded cautiously. When and
if the institutions of modernity mediate the critiqueand with this Hutch
eon refers to universities, museums, libraries, etc.there is a sense that
the irony is directed at the imperialists at the expense of the natives.27 In
other words, Hutcheon suggests that when museums house critiques or
parodies of the Western worlds obsession with collecting and displaying
artifacts from conquered and colonized cultures, the use of the native is
merely a means to instigate yet another conversation about the colonialists.
The native remains an object, a metaphor through which these institu
tions can confront their complicity in colonialist practices, and is never
granted agency or presence beyond its usefulness as sign in the cosmopole
of the global North.
Thinking outside the Cage
There is a fine line, then, between deconstructing a process of signification

and reinscribing the discourses that continue to justify the codification of
knowledge production that orders the native as colonized. Part of the quan
dary for Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . may also have been that
the ideology evoked and the sources it operationalized depended upon the
colonialist and imperialist discourses that are still used to narrate the discov
ery moment in the Americas. The performance relied on what Akwesasne
Mohawk scholar Scott Manning Stevens has identified as the dysphasia of
encounter.28 Some of the text surrounding the display of the caged couple
included lines such as Although the term Amerindian suggests that they
were the original inhabitants of this continent, the oldest authorities (e.g.,
Christopher Columbus in his diaries, and more recently Paul Rivette) re
garded them as Asian immigrants, not Americans.29 Juxtaposing Christo
pher Columbus, who is still hailed in many quarters as the discoverer of the
Americas, with a scholar of ambiguous pedigree, who may or may not be
Paul Rivet, founder of the Musee de lHomme in Paris, to serve as the oldest
authorities for learned anthropological theories about the settlement of the
Americas reinforced for the audiences the naturalization of the discourses
that the performance piece engaged.30
In addition to tackling accepted scientific rationales for the peopling
of the Americas via the Bering Strait, the lines above complicate matters
further by evoking the history of anti-Asian immigration laws and the
yellow peril racisms that were particularly virulent in the early 1990s.31
Such amalgamations of anthropological discourses with the often unques
tioned foreignness of Asian Americans were intended to alert the aware
viewer to the calculated political intervention of the artists performance,
which sought to overturn not only the history of displaying native others
but also the racist and anti-immigrant xenophobias that have remained
since the formation of the United States. Instead, for those audience
members who were unaware of such critical resonances, the collapsing
of indigenous experience into immigrant experience reiterated those dis
courses that not only erase the indigeneity of the indigenous peoples of the
Americas but implicitly necessitate the reordering of their temporal arrival
into a post-conquest invasion that threatens white nativity. Such a turn
naturalizes the colonization of indigenous peoples into the state formation
of the United States, and reframes citizens of externally sovereign nations
into racialized ethnic minorities whose oppressions are then remediated
through an almost but not quite inclusion. It is a turn that progresses not
the promissory dream of a perfecting postracial United States but the colo
nialist and genocidal intent the nation-state has leveled against indigenous
peoples from its beginning. Fusco and Gomez-Penas Two Undiscovered
Amerindians Visit. . . relies on racial tropes to express otherness and pres
ents us with an elision between colonization and racialization.
Homi Bhabhas concept of colonial discourse as inherently split and
therefore ruptured is useful in understanding the ways in which hybridity
reveals the processes behind the discourses of colonialism, even as those
splits and ruptures undermine their authority in the place of enumera
tion that makes the structure of meaning and reference an ambivalent
process.32 While Bhabhas third space allows us to elude the politics of
polarity and emerge as the other to our selves, it also relies upon a breach
between the I and you, between colonizer and colonized.33 That third
space may open between and within a rupture, but it does not disrupt the
structure in which the third space originates. Such a schema does not em
phasize an escape from binaries; instead, even as a third space is opened
within the space of the slashed rupture, the dialectical life and death strug
gle between self/other occurs in the diametric opposites who must then
traverse that third space of enumeration to introduce ambivalence into
colonial discourses and their resistances.34 Focused as it is on the dialec
tics initiated by formal administrative colonialisms, Bhabhas ruptured dis-
course is more difficult to mobilize along the axes of other/others, where

racialized and colonized peoples, existing in the same geographical space,
interact with one another as well as the colonizer, in what is, essentially
a cacophonous proliferation of third spaces. Anne McClintock, in Im pe
rial Leather, touches briefly on such a criticism by pointing out the ways
in which Bhabhas theory, which centers on race, fails to fully address the
intersectional loci of class or gender.35
In geographical localities of the Americas, where histories of settlers
and arrivants map themselves into and on top of indigenous peoples, un
derstanding colonialism as a cacophony o f contradictorily hegemonic and
horizontal struggles offers an alternative way of formulating and address
ing the dynamics that continue to affect peoples as they move and are made
to move within empire. Not only are colonial discourses always caught in
a repetition that must propagate itself with a difference, as Bhabha has ar
gued, those discourses also contain discordant incommensurabilities and
misapplied representations that try to pass themselves off as coherent,
consistent, and real. As a critical term diagnosing the persistence of racial
ization, subjugation, and hierarchized subject positionalities within and
among those targeted and oppressed by the processes of imperialism and
colonialism, war and genocide, cacophony carries allegiances to Bhabhas
articulation of ambivalence, but as an intervention, cacophony focuses on
those moments where the representational logics of colonial discourses
break down in the forced application of them in settler colonial localities
that contain multiple colonial experiences grounded not only in race but
gender, indigeneity, conquest, and sexuality as well. When the processes of
colonialism are framed through the interactions of divergently targeted
peoples along the transit of empire, it is possible to see how colonial dis
courses rupture along the seams in the face of what Michael Rothberg has
identified as multidirectional memory: As subject to ongoing negotiation,
cross-referencing, and borrowing; as productive and not privative.36 This
multidirectionality creates the possibility for memory and resistance to
forge alliances across historical and cultural experiences in opposition to
the competitions upon which colonialism relies.
Framed in this way, then, cacophony exists not only in the desire and
fear of the colonizer who needs to continually and repeatedly articulate
true and real representations of the colonized, but it also resides with
in the ways historical oppressions created by liberal multicultural settler
colonies exist relationally and in collusion with the processes of racial,

gendered, and sexual otherings that seek to make contesting histories and
experiences resonate authochtonously through the lingering touch of the
real. Cacophony, therefore, focuses not only vertically on the interactions
between the colonizer and colonized, but horizontally between different
minority oppressions within settler and arrivant landscapes on the baseline
between racialization and conquest that stretches the real in the movement
between and among. Cacophony is a form of what Slavoj Zizek defines as
the parallax view, in which we should renounce all attempts to reduce one
aspect to the other (or, even more so, to enact a kind o fdialectical synthe
sis of opposites); on the contrary, we should assert antinomy as irreduci
ble, and conceive the point of radical critique not as a certain determinate
position as opposed to another position, but as the irreducible gap between
the positions themselves.37 This perspectival shift between colonization
and racialization exists in the interstices between parallax viewing loca
tions and is dynamic and relational in order to ascertain how differen
tiation functions within imperialism at the site of indigenous worlds that
interrupt the signifying regimes of domination.
O f course, colonization relies upon racialization to facilitate, justify,
and rationalize the state-sponsored violences that tear land, resources, and
sovereignty from indigenous peoples, but to reframe colonization as ra
cialization at the site of radical critique risks leaving those very colonial
structures intact on the one hand and allowing all experiences of oppres
sion within settler colonialism to step forward as colonized on the other.
This transitive fallacy of like can become like creates the conditions for
what Chadwick Allen has identified as the enduring struggle between na
tive indigeneity and settler indigeneity in which indigenous peoples in
the global North have been forced to compete for indigenous status with
European settlers and their descendants eager to construct new identities
that separate them from European antecedents.38 As the logics of multi
culturalism become ascendant within those same settler colonial societies,
that struggle between indigeneities multiplies to become arrivant indige
neity, homonational indigeneity,rural indigeneity,Tea Party indigene
ity, et cetera. Because settler colonialism arises from the forced domina
tion of indigenous lands that have been reconstellated as the metropole,
indigeneity itself becomes the site of inclusive remediation for all settlers
and arrivants.
"Peopled Else This Isle with Calibans"
This dynamic of cacophony should not be read as reiterating postmodern

aesthetics nor should it be seen as a joyous repetition of the recognition of
differences that is often reified into the happy multiculturalism Fusco cri
tiques. The simultaneous antinomic differentiations within the economy of
colonial representations that I call cacophony have existed from the begin
ning, when the discourses of discovery and mastery were first employed
in the Americas to conquer and enslave. Perhaps the best textual example
of such distortive parallactic effects can be found in Shakespeares Cali
ban, a character who, through interpretation, becomes an ontological gap
disturbed by the lingering traces of the real. Beginning with Trinculo and
Calibans first encounter, we can sketch a reading:
What have we here? a man or fish? dead or alive? A fish: he smells

like a fish; a very ancient and fish-like smell; a kind of, not of the
newest Poor-John. A strange fish! Were 1 in England now, as once
1 was, and had but this fish painted, not a holiday fool there but
would give a piece of silver: there would this monster make a man;
any strange beast there makes a man: when they will not give a doit
to relieve a lame beggar, they will lay out ten to see a dead Indian.
Leggd like a man! And his fins like arms! Warm o my troth! I do
now let loose my opinion, hold it no longer: this is no fish, but an
islander, that hath lately suffered by a thunderbolt.39
In this meeting, Trinculo takes great pains to categorize Caliban, naming

him first as fish, then as Poor-John or dried hake, and in the course of the
scene constructs a taxonomy that classifies Caliban as dead Indian, and
finally as an islander within a generic family. From the beginning of this
passage, Caliban exists in a liminal space between man and beast, food
and cannibal, alive and dead Indian. This indeterminacy in Trinculos first
encounter with Caliban is mediated further by his thoughts of using Cali
ban to make money on the streets of London. Whatever else he may be,
Caliban is profit.
Despite a separation of at least three hundred years, Fusco, Gomez-
Pena, and Shakespeare are referencing the same historical moment, the
same cultural obsession, albeit from very different subject positions within
empire. For that reason, if for no other, understanding how Caliban func
tions within Shakespeares play and within the colonialist discourses and
postcolonial rewritings of new world histories may help illuminate some
of the difficulties that resulted when Fusco and Gomez-Pena exhibited
themselves. It is first necessary to acknowledge that The Tempest, along
with Shakespeares other plays, even though his work has come to repre
sent high British imperial culture, was once part of the popular culture of
England engaged with the preoccupations of sixteenth- and seventeenth-
century Europe, much as Fusco is engaged with the political and social
issues that dominate the latter portion of the twentieth century. From the
moment The Tempest was first staged in England, the character of Caliban
has represented the native on display and in that vein could be said to
manifest the colonial unconscious that Fusco and Gomez-Pena addressed
in their performance when they caged themselves in museums. In out
lining the historical and cultural contexts for the performance, Fusco cites
The Tempest as one of the literary moments to which she and Gomez-Pena
responded.40 As Ronald Takaki has documented, before writing the play
Shakespeare had attended one such exhibition, where he encountered a
native named Epenew of the lands that were to be remapped as new Eng
land on display in the streets of London.41 The fact that Shakespeare, in
early seventeenth-century England, had at least one opportunity to see an
Indian on display is part of the material and historical conditions that are
at stake in revisiting The Tempest as an early textual example of the colo
nial representations that were being formulated soon after the discovery
and settlement of the new world.
That Shakespeares play has been read in light of the history of colonial
ism is well known. These readings have often used The Tempest to delve into
the psychology behind the colonizer and the colonized as scholars studied
the allegories of domination and resistance that are threaded through the
play. According to the authors of The Empire Writes Back, The Tempest
has been perhaps the most important text used to establish a paradigm
for post-colonial readings of canonical works.42 Returning to Ih e Tempest
and how it has been taken up in the Americas seems necessary in order to
put indigenous critical theory into a conversation with postcolonial theory
at the interstices of diaspora and autochthony. 1 am indebted to a host of
other scholars whose work to make visible the colonial contexts of the play
has provided the scaffolding through which to make an indigenous critical
intervention here at the moment Caliban starts the world rather than stops
it.43 While it is impossible to survey them all, critical readings of The Tem
pest can be broken down into two broad categories. The first tends to focus
on the material and cultural conditions surrounding the creation of the
characters, plot, setting, etc. These readings primarily focus on evidence
that allows one to read the play in terms of the Americas, Ireland, Africa,
and/or the Mediterranean. The second category relies upon the play as a
metaphor through which the text can be said to describe the experiences
of colonizer and colonized, master and slave, oppressor and oppressed.
The idea that The Tempest might be read through the new world did
not gain a strong foothold in American literary circles until the late nine
teenth century, when Sidney Lee argued unequivocally that Caliban was
Shakespeares portrayal of an American native.44 In the century prior to
Lees reading of Caliban, most critics focused on the incidental aspects of
the play, suggesting tentatively that some elements of the textCalibans
name as an anagram o f cannibal, the references to Bermuda, the indig
enous origins of Ariels songs, and Setebos as a name of an Amerindian
god, for instancemight re-place the play somewhere in the Americas,
but those readings were provisional.45 By the 1950s and 60s, Leo Marx
and Leslie Fiedler followed the trend established by Lee and argued that
the play should be connected to the Americas, though neither explicitly
connected Caliban to American Indians. The concern in these readings
was not so much that Caliban evoked European stereotypes of American
Indians per se, but that the text represented a uniquely American experi
ence and therefore was foundational in the creation of an American liter
ary national canon.46 In such readings, Shakespeare becomes the father
to the man in America and hence . . . a virtual founding father for U.S.
culture and identity.47
At the same time writers in the United States were claiming The Tem
pest as the first American text, South American, Caribbean, and African
scholars also began debating how the play might speak to their own ex
periences in the Americas beyond the boundaries of the U.S. imperial he
gemon. Of particular note are the works of Uruguayan philosopher Jose
Enrique Rodo, Madagascar scholar Octave Mannoni, Cuban poet Roberto
Fernandez Retamar, Barbadian writer George Lamming, and Martinique
playwright Aime Cesaire. Rodo, writing at the turn of the twentieth cen
tury, suggests that 'The Tempest could and should be read as a metaphor
for colonialism. In his essay Ariel (1900), Rodo adopts Shakespeares play
as a means to articulate the condition of South American civilization and
to cohere a hemispheric identity and literary tradition to counter a U.S.

exceptionalism that announces itself as a democracy even as it allies with
and promotes fascist regimes. To accomplish this task, Rodo relies upon an
allegorical reading in which Caliban represents the United States in a state
of brute sensuality and Ariel symbolizes the noble, soaring aspect of the
human spirit in a noble/savage dyad that reiterates rather than overcomes
the discourses of racializations.48
Fifty years later, Octave Mannoni takes from The Tempest allegories of
colonial encounters that he uses to discuss what was occurring in Mada
gascar at the time.49 His Prospero and Caliban provides a psychological
study of colonialism that, although not particularly concerned with Shake
speares play, is one of the first texts to associate Caliban with Africa. In
1971 Retamar draws upon such Calibanesque discourses to assert that our
symbol then is not Ariel, as Rodo thought, but rather Caliban.50 Retamar
provides an extensive survey of the ways Shakespeares play has been read
and used by Latin American scholars, as well as offering his own engage
ment with the metaphors of colonialism in Ih c Tempest. Caliban is our
Carib, Retamar writes in a defiant reframing of Jose Martfs Our Amer
ica, and recasts Caliban as a mestizo revolutionary in the vein of Fidel
Castro and Ernesto Che Guevara, among others.51 The fundamental tex
tual indeterminacies surrounding Calibans racial origins in Shakespeares
original text, then, allows critics, novelists, and poets to interpret Caliban
within recognizable historical and racialized subjectivities spanning the
Atltantic to the Mediterranean to Africa.
In the process, Ariel, who might correctly be identified in Shakespeares
text as the prior and rightful heir of the island who was displaced and
imprisoned in a tree by Sycorax upon her arrival, is displaced once again
within the political allegories that have arisen from the play. The shift from
Ariel to Caliban as the site of both indigeneity and slavery reveals how the
stakes of indigeneity fill the space of Caliban in ways that have lingered and
been repeated to the present. As Ariel receded from theoretical purview
within colonial and postcolonial analyses, Caliban solidified as an allegory
for the global conditions of colonialism at the site of race and nation, and
created the gateway through which settlers and arrivants articulate their
sense of status and belonging. Martinique writer Aime Cesaires A Tempest
dramatizes the affective shift from Ariel to Caliban by reframing Ariel as
the mulatto slave intellectual who works with Prospero and in Uncle Tom
opposition to the revolutionary Caliban.52 For Kamau Brathwaite, Cali-
bans original song,"Ban, Ban, Cacaliban / Has a new master:get a new

man becomes How many bangs how many revolutions? as Caliban, who
likes to play Pan at the carnival, re-members the Middle Passage through
limbo.53 Ariel exits stage right; Caliban steals the show.
Indeed, Ariel is abandoned in such formulations as a productive alle
gory for settler colonialism within twentieth-century deployments of the
play, and in the process, the translocation of indigeneity from the prior
Ariel to Caliban and his mother, Sycorax, enacts the machinations of set
tler discourses that detach indigeneity from the original inhabitants of the
Americas and relocate it on settlers and arrivants themselves. Caliban as
the embodiment of negritude black nationalism, of revolutionary con
sciousness, of radical difference within the master/slave dialectic draws
upon the settler eftacement of the indigenous to enunciate those radical
critiques as fulfilling and inhabiting the indigenous as a coming to sub
jectivity. And even in this moment of ontological translocation, there is a
multitude of abandonments that linger as trace. Were Ariel to substitute
for Caliban, the abusively violent realities of transatlantic and transpacific
slaveries and indentureships would be erased in the characters ascendency
as an allegorical model.
And then there is gender. Both Caliban and Ariel, according to Abena
Busia, become the site of prodigal sonships and they are held up in the
discussion exclusively as the representatives of the colonial subject, and
their maleness lies not only in the questionable conventional usage o f he
for the colonial subject but in those attributes which are generally celebrat
ed as quintessentially male. Sycoraxs unvoicing casts the womans voice
as void, and debates about Caliban and Ariel are in danger of continuing
the lie that tells the story as if Sycorax had no part, and as if her voice were
absent from the debate.54
Bearing in mind such cautions, I am locating Caliban here as a point
of inquiry to understand how race and colonialism map uniquely onto
this textual figure to track a slightly different lie that laying claim to and
recovering Ariel or Sycorax does not fully disrupt. Caliban serves as the
perspectival parallax of new world exceptions and exceptionalisms within
the logics of colonial discourse. To focus on his figuration is to understand
how indigeneity collapses into race at the beginning of empire and how
his centrality within discussions of postcolonial and poststructural de
bates continues to replicate the errant. That he, rather than Ariel, has come
to dominate the continued analyses of the racializations of colonization
in the Americas serves the larger function of indigenizing arrival to the

Americas and rendering indigenous peoples absent and foreign in their
own lands. Be not afeard , Caliban says late in the play as he plots against
Prospero, the isle is full of noises, / Sounds and sweet airs, that give de
light, and hurt not.55 In attempting to reorder the isle in the shape of Cali
bans own desires and anticolonial resistances, the indigenous is rendered
spectral, immaterial, and ineffectualAriels continued presence produces
the noise, but it cannot transform the island.
In The Pleasures o f Exile, George Lamming engages with the paradoxes
of The Tempest and the tensions between Prospero and all the inhabit
ants on the island. In his analysis, he stresses colonization as a reciprocal
process, in which to be a colonial is to be defined by ones position as
colonized or as colonizer. Prospero, like Caliban, is shaped and determined
by the colonial relationship, and both are a condition, a kind of Universal
that speaks to the relationship of exile that the colonial occupies.56 Lam
ming tells us that Caliban is the very climate in which men encounter
the nature of ambiguities, and in which, according to his desire, each man
attempts a resolution by trying to slay the past. Within the play, Caliban is
not seen as the possibility of spirit, though he is expected to fulfill Pros-
peros desires for mastery over the land and its peoples. When Lamming
speaks of Caliban as the climate in which to encounter ambiguities, he
suggests that Caliban is a fundamental indeterminacy within the play. He
lacks any ability to see or represent himself by the very nature of his skin
color and his position within the discourses of empire; though he may be
seen as an occasion, a state of existence which can be appropriated and
exploited for the purposes of anothers own development.. . . the difficulty
is to take from Caliban without suffering the pollution innate in his na
ture.57 Caliban is still without history and contaminated by his origins.
Yet in spite of all this, Caliban is still the state of existence that is fought
over, appropriated, and exploitedeither by Prospero as slave master or by
Calibans descendants and neighbors, who see in him a moment of context
in which to refigure their own futures.
What begins to emerge from this delineation of The Tempest criticism
is that as the twentieth century progressed and anticolonial movements
arose within the outposts of empire, writers and postcolonial critics de
manded that the play speak to their own specific historical conditions. The
play should either serve as a sign of the colonial oppression dramatized in
a text to which they could then write back, or it should be an intellectual
delineation of the conditions of colonialism that they could use to describe

the violence and damage caused by the imposition of history in their col
lision with modernity. Though Lamming warns against Calibans pollution
in his discussions of how he is appropriated, Shakespeares play provides
persistent, compelling representations of colonial experiences. Because
those representations within the play and the surrounding criticism are
marked by continual displacements and deferments of competing narra
tives of identification and appropriation within former colonies, respond
ing to the play becomes much more complex. At any given moment within
the criticism, we find that Caliban can be understood as Latin American
intellectual or militant, as African, as slave, or as founding father of the U.S.
literary canon. These continual displacements and reassertions of Calibans
position within empire serve to highlight the ways that Caliban is a projec
tion of the desires that each critic has of the character and the text.
Thus, reading The Tempest now opens up the possibility for contest
ing simultaneities of experiences and subject positions that could be em
bodied within the text. Whenever another scholar or writer asserts a new
meaning for Caliban and the play, the echoes of previous claims remain,
even as Caliban is refigured and recast as a postcolonial hero. At the very
least, these traces within the play continue to serve a similar function to
the displays of otherness that occurred (and still do) in the human diora
mas that were part of colonialism, imperialism, and nationalism. Writers
from all over the new and old worlds have used Caliban to understand
and to reject Prosperos dream of mastery over his island. But because Cali
ban is such a central figure in colonial, anticolonial, and even postcolonial
discourses, it is important to understand the competitive simultaneities
that burden him both as a character within the play and as a representation
of the colonial subject.
Caliban Deferred
In linking Caliban to the Caribbean, Peter Hulme has suggested in Colo

nial Encounters that Calibans struggle against Prospero in The Tempest is
one moment of a larger discursive conflict in which a Mediterranean dis
course is constantly stretched by the novelty of an Atlantic world.58 Cali
ban, caught somewhere between the Mediterranean and the Atlantic, is
doubly inscribed, a discursive monster, a compromise formation bearing
the imprint of the conflict that has produced him.59 He is Shakespeares
attempt to deal discursively and imaginatively with the discovery of the

new world while at the same time reconfiguring it within the old. Bar
bara Fuchs argues that the superimposition of the colonial contexts of
Ireland and the Mediterranean reflects the way colonialist ideology is
quoted from one contact zone to another in the sixteenth and early seven
teenth centuries. She builds on Hulmes first layer of a textual palimpsest
to unpack the condensed layers of colonialist ideology.60 Although she
states that her reading attempts to prevent Shakespeares island play from
itself becoming isolated somewhere in the Americas, I am particularly in
terested in how she discusses the layering of colonial expectations onto the
play and onto Caliban as a moment of quotational palimpsest from one
colonial moment to another.61 However, if we read the play not through
the lens of quotation but through a lens of cacophony, we can begin to
see the ramifications of the interactions between discourses or referents as
they touch and stretch in an attempt to apprehend the ontological gap of
the Real. Not only can we see that the British Empire was unoriginal in the
representations that it evoked to naturalize domination, but we can start
to perceive the beginnings of the justifying narratives of colonialism that
persist still today as Indianness is operationalized and appropriated as the
transit of U.S. empire.
This facet of colonial representations that determines Caliban in such
a way that he must bear competing burdens of meaning across colonial
histories, temporalities, and geographies can be found in Shakespeares
own projection of the character. In the original play, Caliban is the limi-
nal creature, hovering between man and beast, civilized and savage, life
and death, that Trinculo first encounters and attempts to classify. As each
critic and postcolonial intellectual writes back to Caliban, he becomes in
creasingly overdetermined. But what causes such a phenomenon? When
discussing her performance as an undiscovered Guatinau, Fusco observes
that the cage and the two artists within became a blank screen onto which
audiences projected their fantasies of who and what we are. Fusco con
tinues, as we assumed the stereotypical role of the domesticated savage,
many audience members felt entitled to assume the role of the colonizer,
only to find themselves uncomfortable with the game.62 This idea that
the native might serve as a blank screen to reflect the desires o f the colo
nizer exists along side Comanche scholar, essayist, and curator Paul Chaat
Smiths observation that too much of Indian art settles for the expected
protest, and the comforting, pastoral images that for the vast majority of
us originate in exactly the same place as they do for non-Indians. Our pre
determined role is to remain within the images of ecology, of anger, of easy
celebration.6*
An extension of this would be Edward Saids arguments in Orientalism
that signal the foundational role that ideas of the Orient in the West played
in Europes self-definition and self-representation. The mode of represen
tation that Said brands Orientalism codifies knowledge about the East
(and the language used to express it) into an easily recognized shorthand
that attests to the Wests ownership and mastery of all things Middle East
ern.64 Likewise, images o f American Indians in Western cultures, images
that reify savageness and primitiveness, rely upon emptying them of
any tribal manifestation of identity, history, and culture, then filling them
instead with those signifiers that assert mastery and control. Thus, Fusco
notes from inside the cage the moment of erasure and refiguration that
transfigured her parody of primitiveness into something real or some
thing desired by the colonial institutions and the colonizers themselves.
But the theoretical discussions outlined above focus primarily on the
ways in which the colonial and imperial centers have invested in their
own constructed images of colonized otherness to justify the structuring
and demarcating of social hierarchies. At some fundamental level, this dy
namic is different from that which compels postcolonial intellectuals to
engage with and write back to Shakespeare through reappropriations of
Caliban and the other characters of Shakespeares play. That postcolonial
rewritings of 'Hie Tempest rely upon some of the same strategies of colo
nial discourse to codify knowledge about the other, returns us to the core
argument of this book, which seeks to understand colonial discourses not
only as vertical impositions between colonizer and colonized but also as
horizontal interrelations between different colonized peoples within the
same geopolitical space. In this vein, Gayatri Spivak argues in A Critique
o f Postcolonial Reason that postcolonial critical claims to the status o f na
tive informant ultimately reflect the constructions of otherness that play
to reified notions of what constitutes the colonized subject. Fler argument
resonates with the discussion raised by Fuscos observation of blankness.
In her critique of Retamar, Gayatri Spivak makes the point that his engage
ment with Caliban, which den[ies] the possibility of an identifiable Latin
American Culture,recasts the model as Caliban [but]. . . still excludes any
specific consideration of the civilization of the Maya, the Aztecs, the Incas,
or the smaller nations of what is now called Latin America.65 She is right
to level this critique against Retamar, who is engaged in what she sees as
a conversation between Europe and Latin America (without a specific
consideration of the political economy of the worlding of the native).
Spivak continues: I f . . . we are driven by a nostalgia for lost origins, we
too run the risk of effacing thenative and stepping forth as the real Cali
ban of forgetting that he is a name in a play, an inaccessible blankness cir
cumscribed by an interpretable text. The stagings of Caliban work along
side the narrativization of history: claiming to be Caliban legitimizes the
very individualism that we must persistently attempt to undermine from
within.66
To extend Spivaks arguments, Caliban represents one of those textual
discursive moments through which Shakespeare is worlding the world
of the native. This worlding of the native stems from Heideggers essay
The Origin of the Work of Art and presents us, according to Spivak, with
the ethnocentric and reverse-ethnocentric benevolent double bind (that
is, considering the native as object for enthusiastic information-retrieval
and thus denying its own worlding).67 Here she gives us the example
of the work of the colonial, this time in the shape of a Captain Geoffrey
Birch who was assigned as an assistant to the governor in Calcutta; the
letters he writes back home have the discursive power to consolidate the
Self of Europe by obliging the native to cathect the space of the Other on
his home ground. Spivak argues further that Birch is worlding their own
world, which is far from mere uninscribed earth, anew, by obliging them to
domesticate the alien as Master. Spivak makes an important intervention
when she suggests that the necessary yet contradictory assumption of an
uninscribed earth that is the condition of possibility of the worlding of a
world generates the force to make the native see himself as other.68
At the most basic level, what Spivak identifies as the worlding of a
world is the discursive work of colonialism that enters lands already in
habited by peoples with their own laws, customs, languages, and orderings
of the world; declares said lands uninhabited; and then proceeds to estab
lish another alien world as the dominant order. Key to this discursive work
is the paradigmic uninscribed, uninhabited earth, the terra nullius conve
nient colonial construct that maintained lands were empty of meaning, of
language, of presence, and of history before the arrival of the European.
For a worlding to take place to such a degree that the native comes to ca
thect her/himself as other, the native must be rendered as an unknowable
blankness that can then be used to reflect back the colonizers desires and
fantasies. And such a worlding is accomplished by denying that an origi-

nary world or peoples exist. While extending Spivaks observations about
the discursive work of colonialism, I would stress further that echoes of
such worldings remain even when Caliban is recast as a postcolonial hero,
and according to Spivak any attempt to define or claim Caliban (a critique
she levels at Retamar in particular), who is always a deferment or erasure
of originary experience, only serves to cast oft the native yet again.
To pinpoint more exactly what Spivak is arguing against when she
warns us that to step forth as the real Caliban runs the risk of effacing the
native, we must return to a discussion of how language functions after
Derrida. According to Spivak, Derrida is interested primarily in the ways
that philosophical texts have failed to recognize how starting principles or
definitions function. The act of defining involves a setting off (differentia
tion) of meaning from all that it is not. It is possible to trace, according
to Spivaks reading of Derrida, how that which it is not has been pushed
away from a definition in order to establish meaning.69 Those traces that
exist as deferralthat which is cast offremain within a given definition
because they are precisely necessary in establishing a definition. Further,
in order to define the self there has to be the other against whom such
definitions occur; the self requires and bears the trace of that other as part
of its self. The problem with the search for origins is, according to Spivak,
that all institutions of origin concealed the splitting off from something
other than the origin, in order for the origin to be instituted. This was a
making indeterminate of any answer to questions of origin, as to what it
was from which the supposedly original thing or thought, in description
or definition, was being differentiated.70 According to Spivak, the work
of differance is a necessary yet impossible recognition that the moment
an institution or origin is defined, there is a split from that which is not
defined. The original Caliban always already contains within his definition
a differentiation of what he is not, a setting off and abjection of everything
that is un-Caliban. Any claim to Caliban then activates a definition of not
only what he is and what he originally was, but what he cannot be.
Understanding how Caliban functions as an inaccessible blankness
made possible through the parallactic entry points into the histories his
character charts might prove valuable in positing reasons why it was so
hard for Fusco and Gomez-Pena to escape the parameters of the discourses
that they engaged in their performance. Cacophony provides a methodology
of reading practice towards radicalized critique aimed at dismantling the
ontological prior of the colonization of indigenous peoples that is always

already deferred when claims to Caliban are made. Cacophony intervenes
into the erasures and elisions of indigenous presences that linger as trace
to The Tempest, especially as they occur within those deployments of criti
cal theories that intersect with the logics of recognition, inclusion, equal
ity, enfranchisement, and access within and to democratic national orders
made possible by settler colonialism. In the process of apprehending the
interrelationality of discursive figurations, cacophony takes as its scope the
contradictions and competitions as diagnostic of that multidirectionality
that makes the deferral of indigeneity possible at the start o f the coloniza
tion project.
The Chickasaw-Choctaw understanding of complementary worlds that
interact with and bleed into each other informs haksuba as an explosion
of additive meaning in which the interrelationships between and among
those worlds are made manifest to be diagnosed and addressed towards
decolonial justice. What happens if we view Caliban and the attempts to
claim him in this light, as not an attempt at exclusionary definition but
as addition? As outlined above, the cultural history and developments
in the criticism and the reappropriations of Caliban in the United States
and throughout the Caribbean, Latin America, and Africa suggest that
something other within the construction of Caliban and his position as a
part of colonialist discourses allows him to signify black, African, native,
Amerindian, Irish, U.S. settler, Latin American, Fidel Castro, and, and, and,
in a process of simultaneous signification that activates the Indian as the
field of transit and the field of the ontological justification that serves na
tionalist, anticolonial, and imperial projects.
If Caliban contains all these identities and histories collapsed in his
signification within the interpretable body of Ih e Tempest, one could argue
that he presents in microcosm the forces at work in settler colonialism,
which are marked by colonization, racialization, and slavery that have
served to multiply worldings that occur all at the sam e time. The effect, it
could be argued, is that within colonial manifestations and representations
there are worldings of the worlds of settlers, arrivants, and natives that
serve to other the other. Caliban, as the signification of one such locus of
colonial historicities, performs the tensions, the erasures, and the consoli
dations of cacophonous discourses. He embodies within the space of what
is interpreted as Caliban all the contradictions and subject positions pro
duced by conquest, slavery, and genocide. Thus, by reading the significant
postcolonial signposts of I he Tempest and specifically the character of Cali

ban as cacophonous, we can begin to trace how colonial discourses have
functioned in geographies where there are multiple interactions among
the different colonialisms, arrivals, and displacements at work. Moreover,
cacophony as a critical tool allows us to describe the ways in which, in
modern and postmodern cultural productions, representations become
so culture-deprived and decontextualized that it is difficult to trace their
distortive parallactic effects back to their beginnings as colonial manifesta
tions, let alone to their imperial or neocolonial implications.
The ramification of such consolidations is that every time a claim to
Caliban is made from within or without empire, that colonization is main
tained with a difference. When Caliban is claimed as a stepping forth of the
transatlantic slave trade at the site of the native, that stepping forth trans
locates new world indigeneity onto those forced labor diasporas (them
selves arising from African indigeneities) that made the colonization of
indigenous peoples on both sides of the Atlantic possible in the first place.
That history of forced plantation slavery becomes precisely an original and
autochthonous experience of violence in the conquest of the Americas, but
in the process of such recognitions, a secondary translocation occurs as
descendants of the Black Atlantic become, now, the real new world native
at the site of exception where indigenous peoples in the American South
and Caribbean are rendered fossils, specters, relics, or pushed from their
homes to the hinterlands and territories beyond. As a result, the distortive
parallactic effect of the Calibanesque gap reveals the trace of both indige
neities as they are cast off, disavowed, and misremembered.
Once again, Bakhtin is useful in opening up the cacophonous within
Shakespeares text. In writing of the carnivalesque, Bakhtin notes that the
grotesque body, which is a necessary component within literary conven
tions, serves as a means of satirical commentary on social phenomena.
As such, one of the fundamental tendencies of the grotesque image of
the body is to show two bodies in one, the one giving birth and dying, the
other conceived, generated, and born.71 Returning to the scene in which
Trinculo and Stephano first encounter Caliban will help chart how Caliban
becomes the discursive monster that sets in motion the transit o f empire
at the site of Indianness. The scene opens with Caliban cursing Prospero
and his tormenting spirits as he carries his burden of wood. As soon as
he hears Trinculo approaching, he hides himself under his gaberdine,
thinking that Prospero has set out another spirit to punish him. Trinculo
enters and spots Calibans body under the garment. Assuming that he is
dead, he first tries to classify Caliban taxonomically as either man, fish,
beast, or Indian, calculating how much a profit a dead Indian would turn
in the streets of England. A few moments later, he seeks shelter from the
storm with Caliban under the cloak, and the joke is begun when Stephano
finally enters the stage. Not only do Trinculo and Caliban form a beast
with two backs (with all the sexual innuendo that phrase implies), but
Trinculo must eventually emerge from the four-legged monster (Shake
speares word that conjures salvages or men of Ind) and finally separate
the civilized from the uncivilized.72 Caliban is in this scene referred to as
a moon-calf, a term that connotes abortion, monstrosity formed imper
fectly through the influence of the moon.75 If we agree with Bakhtin that
the grotesque image of the body has two bodies, one conceived, gener
ated and born while the other is dying, then the Indian event of the scene,
Trinculos identification of Caliban as dead Indian, performs a signifying
translocation of new world indigeneity onto Caliban at the moment it is
also deferred beyond signification as death. Trinculo is born again into
civilization, while Calibans figuration of salvage is aborted so that he can
pursue a state of freedom within the Hegelian dialectic that has Caliban
always needing a new master to be recognized as a new man at the site of
translocated Indianness that becomes the rationale for anticolonial nation
alism in postcolonizing settler states.
Calibans contagion, then, occurs under the cloak when Indianness is
both deferred and put to flight. Barbara Fuchs, in her reading o f this scene,
has interpreted Shakespeares use of Calibans gaberdine (as has Ronald
Takaki) as a reference to British colonial constructions of the Irish within
the literary conventions o f the time, suggesting that Calibans cloak plays a
central part in this complicated series of misrecognitions and discoveries,
especially as a signal of the plays Irish context. The presence of the cloak
does not prove such a context, but it suggests how English domination of
Ireland might take cover in the text under precisely such details. The cloak
provides the cover for British anxieties over distinguishing savage from
civilized, islander from colonizer in Ireland, so that natives of the new
world are read through the lens of that which was already known.74 Addi
tionally, in the sixteenth century and later, the use of the word gaberdine
to describe a persons garment evokes anti-Semitism; such covers in the
text create a series of resonances that fill and refill Caliban at the moment
of his reentry into the languages of imperialism.'5 At the threshold be-
tween giving birth and dying, then, everything under the cloak is translo
cated into new world indigeneities.
Caliban is a textual moment of dissonant collapse, his cloak the thresh
old of deferment through which settler colonial genocidal sovereignty en
acts itself in the Americas.
Indian Metonymy and the Errant of False Cartographies

With all these various discourses coming to bear on and collapsing within
The Tempest, spiraling from Africa, the New World, Ireland, the Mediter
ranean, and Europe, other questions linger that can perhaps be answered
before The Tempest plays out its usefulness for indigenous critical theory.
What happens when all these different discrete contexts are put together
in a single space? Who is dominated? Who is dominant? Have these colo
nized objects and colonial subjects become so overdetermined that they
fail to represent anything other than the colonizers desire to construct the
colonized? How does the emptying and reinscription of these referents
facilitate the processes of colonization and racialization in the Americas,
where the land had to be physically and psychically emptied of its prior
inhabitants and refilled with newly arrived natives who compete for sub
jectivity within the emptied referent? And finally, what do these represen
tational cacophonies mean for those who use the play as a metaphor for
understanding the colonial relationships that have shaped various islands
in the new world and its planetary reach? Though the focus of postcolonial
theory has been on theorizing the future anterior of Prosperos leaving, a
thornier question lingers: What happens when Caliban is forced to leave
the island so that other Calibans might arrive?
George Lamming pinpoints language as the site through which Pros
pero establishes mastery and Caliban struggles to make an intervention,
be it to escape the prison that the imposed language and culture represent,
to curse Prospero and the language learned, or to transform that language
into the means to overthrow Prosperos reign. Prospero has given Caliban
Language, Lamming writes, and this gift of Language meant not Eng
lish, in particular, but speech and concept as a way, a method, a necessary
avenue towards areas of the self which could not be reached in any other
way.76 More importantly, the gift of Language, speech and concept, opens
possibilities for Caliban and therefore risks Prosperos eventual downfall.
Language and the Word establish the Law of Prospero as he enters Calibans
garden and orders the worlding of the native. The risk to Prospero lies in
the fact that the language he employs to other the native is stretched to
incorporate typologies of race as well as geographical and political order
ings of lands in relation to the colonial center. In the economy of colonial
representations, categories and metaphors of race, identity, and otherness
come to inhabit single words that can then provide a shorthand for the
colonizers to codify and master knowledge of difference. These words ulti
mately contain fissures and antagonisms within colonial manifestations of
naming and representing that exist between and among colonial histories.
To model what such a tracing might enable within the transit of empire,
1 would like to unpack the myriad of distortive parallactic effects that exist
in Indian as a structuring event that has particular importance in this
discussion of both Two Undiscovered Amerindians Visit. . . and Caliban.
Spivak, in her many contributions to postcolonial studies, attempts to place
within the field Aboriginal issues, though American Indians and indige
nous peoples are not intended to be the center of her critique. And yet she
does reference indigenous and aboriginal issues at key moments through
out her argument, sometimes in brief asides and sometimes in a gesture to
a deeper logic and history of colonial worldings of worlds. In her Critique
o f Postcolonial Reason, for example, she makes three gestures against the
use of American Indian" as a mnemonic device to signal how misnaming
has functioned in the colonial archive. The first appears in a discussion of
sati and the way it commemorates a grammatical error on the part of
the British, quite as the nomenclature American Indian commemorates
a factual error on the part of Columbus.77 In another passage, a footnote
discussing, among other things, monotheist tradition, Spivak enacts, as she
admits in a parenthetical, a colonial misnaming: Latin American Indian
(what a multiple errant history in that naming).78
The third appears in her analysis of a geographical palimpsest in Baude
laires two poems Le Cygne" and A une Malabaraise, in which his rep
etition of lines from one poem to the next creates a cacophonous parallax
between the islands of Reunion and Mauritius oft the coast of Africa and
the Malabar coast of India. Spivak writes: The islands of Mauritius and
Reunion, terrains of military colonial exchange between France and Brit
ain, have a sizeable population of Indian origin as a result of the British
import of Indian indentured labor. These people are not necessarily, not
even largely, from Indias Malabar coast. Their naming is like American In
dian or turkey cock products of hegemonic false cartography.79 All these
instances of what she deems false cartography, whether the synecdoche in

the usage ofsatiwhich translates as good wifeas a British grammati
cal errant for the burning of the sati or metonymy for Columbuss errant
in which the only good Indian is a dead Indian, circulate within empire.
And though Spivak is primarily interested in the errant inherent within
the misnamings that create the impossibility of either origin or the real
within Baudelaires palimpsest between India and Africa in the two poems,
a refractive parallax occurs through which the Indian indentured laborer
and the native African oscillate as afterimage of each other, creating paral
lactic distortions that interpellate and stop the other, filling the space be
tween them with the possibility that both, instead of neither, are the real.80
Within the transits of empire, such cacophonous afterimages become the
space for coerced complicity within colonialist occupations, where the In
dian indentured laborer becomes the affective site of a critique of colonial
ism in Africa and the Indian in America becomes a geographical palimp
sest that carries the trace of indigenous peoples into postcolonial theory.
Such palimpsests within postcolonial theory have prompted Louis
Owens to ponder those conditions of impossibility in As If an Indian
Were Really an Indian. In this essay he asks, what must the colonial, or
postcolonial, writerin this case specifically the indigenous Native Ameri
can, mixedblood or fullblooddo to be allowed a voice like Shakespeares
cursing Caliban?81 Despite Spivaks own critique of stepping forth as
Caliban because he represents an inaccessible blankness inscribed by text,
she assumes an inherent stability in Indian, that it is, perhaps because of
international recognitions following decolonization, an identity one can
step forward and claim within and against the errant. Even here, the terms
of deconstruction are useful in making an intervention to Spivaks asides
that delineate and define Indian as errant outside certain geographies.
The minute Indian is defined within the transit of empire, there is a cast
ing oft at that moment of what is not Indian. Such moments in Spivaks
text, which serve to stabilize that identity by referencing a misnaming,
additionally raise important questions that are useful in understanding
cacophonous colonial discourses: What exactly is the proper use of In
dian in a world marked (and mapped) by European colonialism? How can
American Indians exist if they are always under erasure, always deferred
by Indian Americans?
To answer the first question, because the discovery of the new world
had to be reinterpreted within the old and within Western discourses, its
peoples had to be accounted for in terms that were already familiar. Not
only did Columbus misname the peoples he encountered, but intellectuals
have struggled through the years to determine exactly where they came
from, a debate that rages today in spite of indigenous peoples asserting
continually and repeatedly their scientific knowledges of origins. One of
the problems with Columbus is that it is not clear whether he believed
he had reached the East Indies. The well-known narrative of Columbuss
voyage is that he, in the name of Spain, set out for the East Indies and the
Kerala (Malabar) coast to open markets and establish trade, and though
there was no priest on board, to bring Christianity to the heathens. He
was primarily looking for a less dangerous route to India than the existing
ones: a land route that was rife with bandits and an oceanic route con
trolled by Portugal. When he sailed west and encountered land, we are told,
he thought he had reached his destination, a factual error he believed until
his death. Hence, the peoples he encountered were named Indians for
better or worse.
However, with the quincentennial scholars began to challenged that
assumption. There are glimmers of another narrative that suggests that,
first, the peoples Columbus encountered in the new world were famil
iar to him because indigenous peoples from the Americas had traveled
across the ocean many times and landed in the port cities of various na
tions.82 Second, there were already maps and word-of-mouth stories that
described islands such as Barbados in the Atlantic.83 By 1424 the Antil
les already existed on a map as a mythical island of refuge, and scholars
have suggested that the name derives from two Portuguese words, ante,
meaning before, in front of, and ilha, island. Such an etymology sug
gests that it was given the name Ante-ilha because they knew that behind
it lay something else, i.e., the American mainland.84 The question about
where Columbus thought he was when he reached land is not important
necessarilythe reality here is that the new world Columbus entered in
1492 had already been settled for tens o f thousands of years. What is im
portant is that the unquestioning dismissal of the term Indian when it is
used to signify indigenous peoples in the Americas at some level breaks
modern U.S. imperialism away from the legacy established by Columbus.
There was violence embedded in the naming. And slavery. And genocide. It
is today a marker of that legacy. Clarifying the use of Indian and Indies
in the old world and new suggests that these words were not merely a mis
naming or a factual error on the part of a deluded latecomer. They already
involved and evoked the narratives of Orientalism that were circulating

by the time Columbus set sail. It is an Orientalism transplanted and re
mapped onto the indigenous peoples of the Americas, and it carries with
it all the discursive attempts to control and to narrate the place of peoples
into an already established world.
At some level, it is beside the point to critique Spivak for her dismissal
of the errant naming of the indigenous peoples of North America. She
is right, after all, that the term is a misnomer. It is, as Gerald Vizenor has
stated, an occidental invention that became a bankable simulation; the
word has no referent in tribal languages or cultures.85 The very word
signifies a colonial enactment. The problem is that Native American is
equally untenable under the rubric of political correctness and posses
sion. Anyone who is born in the United States and is a citizen identifies
as Native American. And it does not even touch the reality that America
signifies landmasses that exist outside the U.S. geopolitical border. Further,
the landmasses were named for another Italian cartographer/explorer,
Amerigo Vespucci, and that naming as well has little to do with the names
indigenous peoples have for themselves or their lands.
All this still leaves a slight problem regarding the use of Indian in the
American context. Beyond the fact that it derives from a geographically
challenged explorer, it suggests a cultural and racial homogeneity that does
not exist. There are over five hundred and sixty indigneous nations and/or
communities and hundreds of language stocks within the lands that con
stitute the United States alone that would fall under the category Indian.
Jack Forbes suggests that the term Indian (or indio) has been applied to
many peoples including the Indians of South Asia as well as all groups
found in the West Indies (the Americas) and the East Indies (Filipinos,
Chinese, Japanese, etc.).86 The termNegro has been applied to Black Afri
cans, the Indians of India, Native Americans, Japanese, and slaves of what
ever ancestry.87 These slippages suggest that such usages before, during,
and after the discovery of the new world were flexible and indiscrimi
nant, that Indian signified non-Western or anything that was East; such
significations and indeterminacies remain as traces that can still be seen
and felt today.88 Indian, at least in the context of the United States, can
be seen simultaneously as an empty referentan errant as Spivak points
outand as overdetermined and therefore carrying multiple significa
tions that stretch and silhouette the real within the planetary parallax of
imperialism.
Within postcolonial theory, it brings an additional quandary to the fore,

given that South Asians have become the signposts of the condition of
postcoloniality within the academic centers of the global North. Within
an increasingly canonized discipline that is still innovating the language
to account for deep settler colonialism within (post)colonized localities,
the slippages inherent in Indian bear the complications of indigenous
peoples in the Americas, whether they are ever fully acknowledged. From
the beginning of this history the specialized vocabulary created by Euro
peans for Indians ensured our status as strange and primitive, Paul Chaat
Smith writes in Everything You Know about Indians Is Wrong. Language
became and remains a tool by which we are made the Other; the Lakota
name Tatanka lyotanka becomes Sitting Bull.*9
New World Borders
It would be easy to end the discussion of Two Undiscovered Amerindians

Visit. . . here with an accusation that when Fusco and Gomez-Pena placed
themselves as natives behind bars in a cage, they stepped forward as the
real Caliban and in the process, intentionally or not, deferred the native
history they were trying to represent. Fusco and Gomez-Pena, for all their
effort, conflated indigenous issues of sovereignty and self-determination,
which came to the fore during the quincentennial when the United Na
tions declared 1993 the Year of Indigenous Peoples, into issues of multi-
culturalism and racism so that, in the end, the bars symbolized for Fusco
the racism and sexism she experienced on a daily basis as an artist and a
woman of color. At the end of her essay, Fusco discusses the impact and
aftermath of the show:
Over the past year, I have felt trapped in a frightful chapter of

history that had resurfaced before my eyes. There were the circus
and freak show managers of yore, claiming that they had made
us into Guatinauis and that without them we were nothing. There
were the anthropologists of the early century insisting that we had
performed our identity without knowing, that we had no proper
concept of how to record our culture and represent ourselves and
therefore needed them to find an order in our madness. And there
were the myriad pseudo-liberal documentarians who believed that
the reality they capture is always spontaneously generated, only to

be formed into something meaningful by their magic touch.90
Fusco here reframes the history of human dioramas and museum exhibi
tions into a very personal assertion that, because the attitudes that arose
when she put herself on display as a form of performance and the attitudes
justifying the capturing, caging, and displaying of indigenous peoples are
linked, she therefore knows what it means to be an indigenous person
from a culture that anthropologists make careers of studying.
Throughout her essay on the performance, Fusco makes similar moves,
reducing the cage to a metaphor for racism and pointing out the need of
the audiences for authenticity and the savage, of which she is particularly
critical. Despite this critical distance, the slippages remain in her own un
derstanding of the piece. Even when she notes that the concern over their
realness revealed a need for reassurance that a true primitive did exist,
whether we fit the bill or not, and that she or he [be] visually identifiable,
there is a sense she and Gomez-Pena did fit the bill and there was some
thing real in their performance, despite its overt parody and inauthentic
ity.91 Those tensions between real and inauthentic, in and of themselves,
undermine Fuscos own position and reveal her own complicity with colo
nialist understandings of indigenous peoples.
By tracing the historical and cultural uses of the term Indian within
the discourses of discovery and Orientalism and by looking at Caliban
(who is simultaneously slave, Irish, African, Indian, and native), ca
cophony makes inroads into a parallactic postcolonial theory that could
then be used to critique ongoing settler colonialisms that coerce arriv-
ants into complicity through reifications of racism, rather than coloniza
tion, as the site for political intervention. Two Undiscovered Amerindians
Visit. . . ultimately unraveled precisely because it was too structured, too
controlled, and too insistent on a specific narrative where the lines be
tween colonizer and colonized were drawn too sharply. Despite allowing
multiplicity and polyphony in the discourses surrounding the history of
displaying others, Fusco and Gomez-Peiias project was ultimately mono
tonic because it all occurred under the rubric of oppression as defined
by a specific narrative timeline that allowed them to collapse the distinc
tions between divergent histories and colonialisms into a larger history of
European racism. It created exactly the response that was expectedand
although it confronted and resisted certain colonialist practices, it main

tained others, namely the subjugation of indigenous peoples. There was no
way for the cage to be torn down, no way for the audiences or the perform
ers to resist the dialectic that had been established so effectively. There was
no way for indigenous peoples to be anything other than dominated others
upon whom this history was enacted.
Thus, although Gomez-Pena stated that the only correct response to
their performance would be for the audience to let them out of the cage,
the only people who did try to open the cage door were the skinheads who
sought to kill him. Rather than revealing all the cacophonic histories and
resistances embedded within the colonialist practice of displaying other
ness either within museums or traveling exhibitions, in the end Two Un
discovered Amerindians Visit. . . unwittingly re-created discourses of colo
nialism that trap indigenous peoples within the other history of conquest,
death, and lamentable tragedy. One goal, then, for indigenous critical theory
as it intersects with postcolonial theory might be to develop critical read
ings that consider the complicities of racializations, where stepping forth to
fill the parallax gap of the other as the real reinscribes the colonization of
indigenous peoples through whom that real becomes unfixed and trans
ferable to settlers and arrivants alike. Indigenous critical theory is the nec
essary baseline from which to measure the violences produced as empire
transits through the field of Indianness.
3
The Masks of Conquest
Wilson Harris's Jonestown and the Thresholds ofGrievability
Conventionality is not morality; self-righteousness is not religion.
Charlotte Bronte, Jane Eyre
Parallax View
On November 18,1978, the United States and Guyana were shaken by news
that U.S. Congressman Leo Ryan and several of those traveling with him
had been assassinated on an airstrip in Port Kaituma shortly after hav
ing visited the Peoples Temple Agricultural Project in Jonestown, Guyana.
And while that event was shocking enough within the neocolonial inter
national relations between the two countries, a deeper horror emerged as
news came of the mass suicide and murder of over 900 people, most of
them U.S. citizens, who lived in Jonestown and followed the Reverend Jim
Joness teachings. On the twentieth anniversary of the Jonestown suicides,
Stabroek News reflected on the events meanings within the Guyanese
national imaginary, observing that to this day, Guyanese hardly regard
the mass suicide/murder as being part of their own local history, and in
a sense they are right. While the Jonestown residents occupied a portion
of Guyanas land space, they were not incorporated into its body politic.1
Jim Joness Peoples Temple played out as an American tragedy in a Guya
nese national space, an imperial imposition upon a postcolonial Carib
bean country. Neville Annibourne observed on the thirtieth anniversary of
the tragedy, however, that you really cannot make that kind of argument
when 912 people die suddenly and violently in your country having been
invited to settle there by the government of the day.2 Guyana has been
left to grapple with the complicities and realities of that American tragedy
which occurred within its borders.
77
7 8 THE MASKS OF CONQUEST
In the United States the lessons of that day have been harder to track.
Certainly Jonestown informed a growing public concern about cults and
charismatic leaders who had the power to brainwash susceptible believers
into dying for a self-proclaimed messiahs cause. In many ways, however,
the lessons of Jonestown have been repressed, cast to the fringes, and ex
ported to the emotional labor of other nations. The thirtieth anniversary
of the Jonestown deaths in 2008 passed unnoticed by a nation celebrat
ing the recent presidential election of Barack Obama. Jonestown, when
it was evoked at all, was misremembered in the form of a glib political
critique, the invocation of Kool-Aid drinkers who would believe any
thing Republican or Democratic candidates might promise in pursuit of
office.3 According to Rebecca Moore, professor of religious studies at San
Diego State University: It is unlikely that many people who use the ex
pression know of its origins in Jonestown, however. If they do, they have
dissociated the deaths of more than 900 people from their thinking. Or
they have consciously or unconsciously repressed the events so that they
can talk about Kool-Aid without evoking memories of Jonestown.4 As the
religious, political, and technological spheres collided in the public sphere,
Kool-Aid drinkers and drinking the Kool-Aid circulated as a meme
that challenged the hubris of politicians, dot-commers, and charismatic
cult leaders that enticed their followers to indoctrinated idealism and de
votion. As the United States grappled with the collision of historical events
that ultimately eclipsed Jonestown, the largest loss of U.S. civilian life prior
to 9/11,Kool-Aid drinkers deflected learning from and understanding of
the seductive narratives that culminate in disaster through an arch turn of
gallows humor that erased the human suffering and loss of life that is and
was Jonestown.
This chapter examines the compelling and contradictory impulses of
social justice within imperial contexts. How might Jonestown be placed
within the transits of empire arising out of abjected concerns in the United
States about Indianness, racial justice, and the ethics and morality under
pinning cultural and political practices and critiques of colonialism and
imperialism? What might it mean to be responsible to history and the tem
poral densities that the collision of old and new world philosophies set
in motion? The methodological frames of both cacophony and transit, I
argue, can provide tools with which to discuss Caribbean literary aesthet
ics that seek to reimagine the present through Amerindian presences. 1
begin with Jonestown as a location through which to parse its conflicting
THE MASKS OF CONQUEST 79
and disjunctive meanings. The implosion of Peoples Temple becomes a

gruesome reminder of the stakes for anticolonial justice and the strong
need for scholars to not only disrupt imperialist logics but imagine other
possible avenues of intervention attuned to the violences of the past and
resistant to the narratives of freedom and equality built on Enlightenment
enslavements and colonialisms. To that end, the chapter will read closely
Wilson Harriss novel Jonestown, which is located at the interstices of na
tional identity and postcolonial resistances that imagine a turn to the inte
rior as redemption for the world. What does the activation of indigenous
and tribal presences mean for interpretive strategies at the moment post
colonial multiculturalism fails?
The cacophonous competitions of what it might mean to remember
Jonestown transpire in the parallax between incommensurable national
imaginaries and colonial histories. In Guyanas national memory, Jones
town represents a U.S. state within their state, an unwanted global North
encampment of quasi-sovereignty that existed liminally between the bor
ders of the national and the international. For the United States, Jonestown
represents and remains an aberrant and maniacal utopian commune at
odds with the sanity and the rationality of the state. The repeated defer
rals of meanings created in the shift between and among irreconcilable
interpretations exist in the parallax gap of competing attempts to perceive
the Real. The versions of Jonestowns remembered and abjected across
colonial and international divides, following Slavoj Ziiek, are not con
secutive, [but] they should be read structurally.. . . The gap between the
two versions is irreducible, it is the truth of both of them, the traumatic
core around which they circulate; there is no way to resolve the tension,
to find a proper solution.5 Those competing Jonestowns, then, circulate
around a traumatic core in search of meaning within the planetary paral
lax of distortive effects; the truth touches and stretches between them
both but neither encapsulates nor reduces to that truth even though the
U.S. and Guyanese Jonestowns signify simultaneously the violent and ex
cess capitalistic accretion of imperialism that exports death and grief to
other nations and the colonialist violations of borders and boundaries that
overwrite and disrupt state sovereignties.
The continued search for meaning has produced a series of narratives
about Jonestown that remain irreducible and irreconcilable within the
United States and Guyana. For Moore, possible alternative narratives to
the canonized cult mindlessness plot include placing Peoples Temple in
the context of black religion in America. She suggests that its large African
American membership, coupled with its message of social justice and ra
cial equality, all reflected the activism of urban black churches in the 1960s
and 1970s.6 Moore reminds us that Peoples Temple was actively involved
in the political struggles for social justice in the heart of San Francisco and
drew support from Harvey Milk, Dianne Feinstein, Jane Fonda, and Rosa-
lynn Carter, as well as from members of the American Indian Movement
and the Black Panthers. Peoples Temple members were at the International
Hotel in 1977, adding their voices to the protests against the impending
evictions from a site that for many Asian Americans had been a staging
ground for Yellow Power consciousness in the face of diaspora, demolition,
and displacement. Jonestown is enormous, Moore concludes, by which
I mean it looms large in the repository of human consciousness, in the
history of religions, in the study of new religions, in the understanding of
religion in America, and in the consideration of ethics and morality.7
For others Jim Jones and Jonestown represent a culmination of impe
rial and racist trajectories that targeted African Americans and Korean
transnational adoptees left brutalized by segregation and war.8 Guyanese
poet Fred DAguiar critiques the false consciousness of Joness utopian
experiment in the long narrative poem Bill o f Rights, in which he writes,
Jim Jones doesnt know his okra / From his bora; / His guava from his
sapodilla; / His stinking-toe from his tamarind.9 In DAguiars work,
Joness project to create a socialist utopia within the Guyana hinterland
was inherently colonialist, an imperial imposition that replayed the U.S.
Thanksgiving holiday at the founding of Jonestown, where the inhabit
ants of the city upon the hill starved until the locals took pity on us and
brought food and skills to build the community.10 That the Jonestown
deaths occurred during Thanksgiving week in November 1978 underscores
the collision of the founding myths of the United States rewritten onto the
national space of Guyanaa nation that has its own errand into the wil
derness and its own colonialist agendas played out on top of and against
Amerindian communities, including the Arekuna, Akawaio, Arawak, Carib,
Macusi, Patamona, WaiWai, Warau, and Wapishiana.11
Discourses of Indianness circulate uneasily within and around Jones
town, but that might be expected because, as Moore explains, Peoples
Temple was not so much a cult as it was a home-grown religion and, at
its heart, reflected American institutions.12 Though Peoples Temple was
focused on racial justice in the face of the dissolution of Americas promise
to vast sectors of the population excluded from the purview of democ

racy and freedom, Jim Jones often claimed, according to Tim Reiterman,
Indian blood, sometimes attributing it to his mother, other times to his
father.13 Other sources said Jones claimed Cherokee ancestry through his
father, though they were quick to add that like many stories he told, it ap
parently was not true. There wasnt an ounce of Indian in our family, Bar
bara Shaffer, a cousin, said this week.14 American Indian Movement leader
Dennis Banks, a friend of Jim Jones who benefited from Peoples Temples
political activism in San Francisco, says Jones was part Choctaw and very
sympathetic to the Indian cause.15 Indeed, in 1976 Jim Jones and Peoples
Temple raised tens of thousands of dollars to help Dennis Banks post bail
for his wife Kamook and to fight extradition to South Dakota for trial on
weapons charges indirectly related to the 1973 Wounded Knee uprising.16
In Ojibwa Warrior, Banks reflects on Jim Joness Guyana experiment,
reporting that Jones had said:In Guyana Ill rebuild my temple and create
a community. Id like you to come with me. You can build your sweat lodge
down there and do whatever you want, but I need your help. I need your
spiritual support. All of these people are leaning on me, depending on me
as their spiritual guide. I cant carry this burden by myself. I need you as
a friend. Remember, Im Choctaw, so you must do this for me.17 Philip J.
Deloria has argued that playing Indian was endemic to the counter
culture movements and communes of the 1960s and 1970s, and certainly
Jim Joness assertions of an Indian identity exemplify Delorias point that
being Indian offered one an identity as a critic of empire.18 In the slip
pages between Indian, Cherokee, and Choctaw that circulate around
the traumatic core of that event, Jim Jones becomes what Anishinaabe
writer Gerald Vizenor describes as a simulation, an absence of the tribal
real in service to manifest manners of dominance.19 Such simulations are,
according to Vizenor, terminal creeds, static, death-dealing constructions
that stand counter to survivance, a word Vizenor uses to denote tribal sov
ereignties as more than survival, more than endurance or mere response;
the stories of survivance are an active presence.20
But Joness evocations of Indianness did not just provide an identity
for himself; they also served as the basis for his narratives that in the end
coerced over 900 members of Peoples Temple to follow him into death.
In Mary McCormick Maagas transcription of the death tapes from
Jonestowns final White Night, there is evidence that Jones deployed the
terminal creeds of Indian simulations to manage dissent and convince his
82 THE MASKS OF CONQUEST
followers that the only recourse available to them was revolutionary sui
cide. The tapes document an exchange between Jones and Christine Miller
as she tries to argue with him about the necessity for suicide. Scholars on
the tragedy at Jonestown have often highlighted this exchange as a heroic
moment in which only a single person opposed him, at least according to
the audiotape. Christine Miller, a sixty-year-old black woman, asked if it
was too late for Russia, in the hopes of preventing the suicides that night by
reminding him of his commitment to the Soviet Union as a possible haven
for Peoples Temple.21
In arguing for life, Miller tried to convince Jones that when we destroy
ourselves, were defeated. We let them, the enemies, defeat us.22 Jones re
sponded by asking Miller if she remembered I Will Fight No More Forever,
a 1976 made-for-television film about the Nez Perce and Chief Joseph that
takes its title from his speech of surrender to the U.S. military in 1877. That
film, along with over two hundred othersThe Parallax View (1974), The
Battle o f Algiers (1966), and Billy Jack (1971) among themwas included
in the Jonestown video inventories that Jim Jones screened in the months
prior to November 1978.23 In the chaos of that final White Night as mem
bers prepared the cyanide-laced Flavor Aid, Jones and Miller debated the
films meaning and the options facing Chief Josephs band as they attempt
ed to make it to the Canadian border with the U.S. military giving chase;
Miller argued that if the Nez Perce had not stopped for rest, they would
have reached Canada and safety. Jones countered that, because of the vio
lence at the Port Kaituma airstrip, the Peoples Temple was locked into an
inevitable plot. Predicting a U.S. invasion of the settlement, Jones implicitly
positions the members of Peoples Temple as Indians, and he uses as evi
dence the history of U.S. military massacres of Indians to justify his deci
sion that every child and adult at the settlement should die by her or his
own hand rather than wait for the death and destruction the U.S. govern
ment would instigate. These irreducible tensions reside at the interstices
of imperial transversals, where the charismatic promises of revolutionary
suicide collide with the imagined transits of empire that produce Indian-
ness as an anticipated genocidal outcome of a failed militant idealism.
Jigsaw Multitudes
What does it mean, David L. Eng asks in The Feeling o f Kinship, to take
responsibility for a historical event one never actually experienced?24 The
question frames exactly the problems posed to modernity in the face of

overthrows, genocides, internments, slavery, and removals. But it prompts
another question: How might one even begin to cohere a historical event
for which to be responsible, especially in the longue duree of slavery and
conquest that created the American South and the Caribbean? What does
it mean to take responsibility for a historical present dependent upon
Middle Passages, indentured labor, and the violences of conquest in which
the explicit goal was not just to rupture in the name of enforced labor, but
to chart the direct transit from life to death for certain peoples and not
for others? These questions haunt the islands and continents brought into
modernity through Atlantic forced diasporas, and they inform Caribbean
ontologies struggling with and against the need for origins. Such questions
also produce the need for more than just an affective turnthey depend
upon memory and imagination to grapple with and create the possibility
for grievability in the face of mass death. How might one redress such his
tories where dislocated arrivals facilitated dislocated removals? How might
one imagine radical justice that addresses the cacophonies of colonialism?
Guyanese author Wilson Harrisknighted by Queen Elizabeth II as
part of her Birthday Honours in June 2010attempts to answer such ques
tions by articulating the need to find new possibilities for narrative where
the paradoxes of emphasis born of necessity as sliced being revolves
nevertheless into a new configuration or complex evolution, complex re
generation, sound yet sight woven together. Weaving together sound yet
sight into configurations of grief that might address the sliced being that
emerged out of conquest and slavery, Harris seeks throughout his twenty-
five novels and numerous essays to generate a fiction that seeks to con
sume its own biases.25 It is essential to create a jigsaw, Harris writes, in
which pasts and presents and likely or unlikely futures are the pieces
that multitudes in the self employ in order to bridge chasms in historical
memory.26 Instead of playing out the expected alienated turns of post
modernism, where the fractured self struggles to cohere, Harris presents
us with characters struggling with intuitive knowledges and imagistic
worlds, in which it is possible to be deemed a terrorist and shot in the back
in the post-9/11, post-Katrina world, fall into a painting hung on a mu
seum wall, and find Christopher Columbus. Harriss philosophic fictions
tap the unconscious in order to consider the implications of the questions
posed above turned topsy-turvy. How can there be, Harris asks readers to
imagine, a historical event that one never actually experienced? This final
question stands on the precipice and marks a postcolonial Guyana caught

within the dialectics of mass death and suicide facilitated by U.S. imperial
ism on the one hand and generating the colonial discourses through which
to legitimate the continued colonization of Amerindians on the other.27
Wilson Harris is in many ways a unique figure within the canon of
Caribbean literature. His fictions resist easy categorization and interpre
tation and they often frustrate readers in search of linear narratives and
accessible literary allusions through which to read his texts. In a career
spanning over fifty years, he has helped to create what Paget Henry has de
fined as a mythopoetic phenomenology for a region struggling with the
legacies that liberal humanism brought to bear on the four continents of
British and American imperial hegemony.28 Each of his fictions rehearses
Harriss foundational ideas about imagination and the interventions that
can be made to articulate and grasp the forces shaping current modes of
consciousness and unconsciousness of self and Other in the Anglophone
Americas. And if Harris might be positioned as integral to discussions of
colonialisms and their aftermaths for those peoples impacted by Colum
buss arrival, then it would be at least in part due to his quest to transform
his own fictions to narrate the collisions between the histories and expe
riences of slavery, genocide, and colonization. His work serves as an ex
ample through which one might explore what an aesthetic that consciously
engages the conditions of colonial cacophony might entail. His narrative
transformations, or rehearsals as he terms them, fundamentally strive to
engage Caribbean history with all its competing struggles for hegemonic
representations. He writes to resolve the worldings of worlds that exist
among Amerindian, African, Asian, and European presences and arrivals.
To make such an intervention, Harris depends upon a decentered ontol
ogy in which quantum worlds merge seamlessly into each other, establish
ing and relativizing each other at the same time.29
Wilson Harriss 1996 Jonestown enters the historical event of Jim Joness
utopian nightmare with his own imaginative intervention when his pro
tagonist and narrator, Francisco Bonea fictional witness to and survivor
of the Jonestown massacreadds his voice to the archive in order to rec
oncile Joness own inevitable movement towards destruction with alterna
tive futures in what Harris narrates as a Memory Theatre. This theater of
memory, which Harris evokes in many of his novels, could be understood
as a performance of remembrance that offers, as Paula Burnett has stated,
an alternative to the annihilations which history records.30 These alterna-
tives manifest as repentance in Jonestown: the narrator rushes towards a

resolution and presents himself, at the end of the novel, as a sacrificial vic
tim to heal the contrapuntal responsibilities the self and other have to the
histories of slavery, conquest, and genocide. As far as plot goes, the story is
this: Francisco Bone, one of the Reverend Jonah Joness trusted advisors,
hides during the Jonestown suicides to cheat death. From the bushes at the
edge of the settlement, he watches as Joness second-in-command, Deacon,
shoots Jones with a gun, and in the process Bone is hit by the same bullet
and loses two fingers. He splits from his skeleton self (who falls into the
grave), and the living spirit Francisco (as narrator) begins a seven-year
spiral through quantum time back to himself as a child on the eve of his
mother Maries death in 1939, and then to Deacons marriage ceremony to
his wife Marie in 1954. These are not the same Maries (even though they
are), and a third Marie appears as Jonahs mistress Circe. In the process,
the boundaries between past/future, self/other, and Bone/Deacon break
down as the narrative tries to triangulate and measure the ontological gap
or void of Caribbean history.
But any plot summary of Harriss work is partial and limiting. Nor is
it even advisable, since the narrative exists in the experiential motion of
among and between. In Harriss novels, history cannot be accessed through
plot,fact, or realism, and responsibility to history has wide-reaching ram
ifications beyond assigning guilt or innocence, or reconciling victim and
oppressor. Mr. Mageye, Bones childhood teacher who serves as his Dan-
tean guide through the realms of memory and un-memory, tells Bone:
One is in the dark, Francisco. But I would venture to say that this is a
question that runs beyond all man-made frames or realisms or com
mandments. We need to adventure into intangible graces in coun
terpoint with terrors in nature. Not beauty for beautys sake, or real
ism for social realisms sake. These are often disguised kingdoms of
dominion that we would chart in nature and in history. There are
intangible graces that we cannot seize but whose tracery exists in a
web or a vein or the music of a bird or some other creature.31
Francisco Bone is in the process of documenting the intangible graces

within a Dream-book that explores the spiritual, cultural, and historical
counterpoints leading to and extending from Jonestown. These counter
points link through Memory Theatre and through imagination the
conquests and collapses of what Harris deems unknown civilizations be

fore and after the arrival of Europeans in the Americas. Jonestown is the
manifestation of that Dream-book, and while a finished document, it
might also be understood as an incarnation of processes ongoing. Harris
is interested in things larger than landscapes and geopolitical boundar
ies, and the events in the old world also have resonances within the new.
Jonestown becomes a utopian ripple from Atlantis; the fall of the Maya
empire echoes the fall of Rome; the deaths at Jonestown resonate with
other genocides of the twentieth century. All are connected within the
imaginative links that seek the prior within Harriss worlds of African, In
dian, Amerindian, and European active presences.
Harriss Jonestown is not so much concerned, then, with representing
the discrete actions and reasons that led up to and spiraled away from the
events at Jonestown on November 18,1978. Rather, his novel is more inter
ested in understanding the Events, the ontological nature of ego and con
sciousness that made Jim Jones possible within a Memory Theatre that
encompasses known and unknown, remembered and forgotten, grieved
and ungrievable histories that work on the unconsciousness of a collective
humanity and manifest themselves in art. Harris eschews realism in the
hopes of accessing the Real within a Jungian mythos that taps humanitys
unconscious genesis.
Tradition and the Limits of Realism
The faith Harris has in the imagination to grasp something deeper than
history or culture, something more fundamentally divine and humane,
compels and drives his explorations of language and narrative. It makes
his work exceptional and difficult to categorize, and critics continue to de
bate whether Harris should be classified as a modernist, postmodernist,
or postcolonial writer. Hena Maes-Jelinek and Stuart Murray both sug
gest that he might be, reservedly, characterized as a postcolonial writer,
while someone like Sandra Drake might place Harris more fully within
the modernist tradition.32 Others read Harris as a Caribbean science fic
tion author through his transformation of linear narrative to represent the
naturalized world outside the consideration of perceived space and time.
Admittedly, Harriss writing is such that it demands that the reader think,
reflect, perhaps even revere. To read Wilson Harris, as Mary Lou Emery
has described it, is to enter into an incomplete conversation in which one
improvises. Becomes more than onetwo readers, three readerswhose

hidden ties to others multiply, diffusing perceptions and activating ghosts
of other selves, who read excitedly or indulgently or confusedly or, at times,
are carried to a threshold, through a doorway.33 Through novelistic and
essayistic narrative, Harris has tried to create a way of writing (and seeing)
that, in his words,possesses a re-visionary capacity itself as if the text pos
sesses an intentionality of its own to uncover connections that lie in other
and deeper layers of what appears to be lost, areas that can be recovered to
assist us in reading reality in a new way.34 Such a re-vision of writing seeks
to embody the connections, the complexities, the voices, the histories, the
pasts, presents, and futures that have been called into motion in the Ameri
cas by greed, love, power, lust, and everything imaginable. Though it can
not and does not necessarily always escape the logics of enchantment and
possession, Harriss narrative strategies are often considered destabilizing
and disorientingthe reader and the critic focus on understanding and
interpreting rather than critiquing.
It is this last point that Glyne A. Griffith posits as he critiques Har
riss divergence of form as reifying the problems inherent in nineteenth-
century novels of empire. Griffith suggests that rather than challenging
how realism as narrative has, from the outset, depended upon bourgeois
ideologies of class and race, Harriss novels, in their textual distance from
recognizable forms and structures, often fall back into a reinscription of
imperialist assumptions.35 Thus, Griffith argues, the pitfall of writing out
side realisms conventions (as opposed to within and against them) results
in a failed engagement with imperialist hegemonies and the class interests
inherent in realisms conventions. By the end o f his investigation of decon
struction and the West Indian novel, Griffith concludes that Jean Rhyss
Wide Sargasso Sea achieves what few other Caribbean works can claim in
its recognition of and resistance to the dominant ideological structures of
imperialism. Rhyss novel, more than any of Harriss novels according to
Griffith, is the truly engaged West Indian text because of its rapprochement
with Charlotte Brontes Jane Eyre and its ability to address domination.
The force and presence of Caribbean obeah (orality and prophesy), he
tells us, engage the power of European obeah (literacy and the law) to de
stabilize the authority of the latter. He continues,[Rhyss] novel examines
the anti-hegemonic resistances which threaten the security o f dominant
ideology as it rewrites and rereads Jane Eyre.,b
According to Griffith, Harriss failure to achieve what Rhys accomplished
in Wide Sargasso Sea stems from his refusal to allow that realisms forms
influence and determine the narrative choices he is ultimately allowed
to make, even in his complete disavowal of those forms. When Harris
attempts to emphasise universal humanity by de-emphasising the stra
tegic positionings of realisms classifications, he misses an opportunity
to deconstruct the ideological foundation on which these classifications
are built.37 The insidious ramification of these missed opportunities,
Griffith continues, can be found in the ways in which the stereotypes that
ground realism go unchecked in Palace o f the Peacock and the tensions
between Donne and his crew. The aboriginal folk are constituted as the
repository of some essential innocence and redemptive spirit. This is an
unabashedly conventional and romanticised view of the folk. They exist
in the narrative as a stereotype, oppressed and hunted by the crew and
yet retaining the solution to the crews psychic conflicts.38 This view of
the folk, Griffith maintains, builds upon imperialist and colonialist he
gemonies that position them as noble savages outside civilization while
simultaneously investing them with the solution for all the problems of
Western society.
Griffiths final complaint is that Harriss refusal to recognize the degree
to which he himself is always already steeped within realisms trajectory
undermines any attempt he may make to break out of those narratives.
In Harriss essays, as in his fictions, there is a sense that the Amerindian
presence is not a fully realized one, that it (and it is always singular for
Harris, always the Amerindian legacy, the native presence) is a latency
that the conquering cultures and descendants of enslaved cultures must
learn to access, to channel, and to recognize in order to fully grapple with
modernity. That native presence has no agency of its own, in its own right.
It is forever frozen on the precipice of conquest, crouching over campfires,
sharing a morsel of flesh played, as Harris might write, on a scrap o f music
from a bone flute. The Carib and Arawak are forever trapped and doomed
by the catastrophic moment of European arrival, and that moment, in Har
riss work, forever exists as a possibility of difference that is accessible only
obliquelyor rather, opaquely.
1 agree with Griffith that Harris relies upon stereotypes about the Am
erindian other, but the question that remains is whether those stereotypes
are the result of realism in the first place. By approaching Harriss texts
through an expectation of and resistance to realism, Griffith sets his ar-
gument against and counter to the interventions that Harris attempts to

achieve in his fictions. Harris might respond that because the foundations
upon which realism has been builtnamely the consolidation of character
and narrativedepend a priori upon empire and death-dealing regimes, it
is impossible, therefore, to write within the form to critique realism. In his
essay Tradition and the West Indian Novel Harris writes:
The consolidation of character is, to a major extent, the preoccupa

tion of most novelists who work in the twentieth century within
the framework of the nineteenth-century novel. And this is not
surprising after all since the rise of the novel in its conventional
and historical mould coincides in Europe with states of society
which were involved in consolidating their class and other vested
interests__ The novel of persuasion rests on grounds of appar
ent common sense: a certain selection is made by the writer, the
selection of items, manners, uniform conversation, historical situa
tions, etc., all lending themselves to build and present an individual
span of life which yields self-conscious and fashionable judgments,
self-conscious and fashionable moralities.-19
Though Harris concludes that there is an apparent element of freedom

within realisms method, he determines that this freedomin the con
vention which distinguishes it, however liberal this may appearis an
illusion.40
In Harriss eyes, realism is always already rigid, selective, determinative,
and steeped in the residue of conquest. Realism as form denies associa
tive links that must be made to recover and reactivate lost histories, cul
tures, peoples, images, metaphors, and archetypes in order to understand
fully the consequences of colonialism. Harris would argue, then, that real
ism in the novel orders narrative to such a degree that its very structures
encode biases even before they could be employed to deconstruct them
selves. There is a conversation to be had between Harriss narrative choices
and the forms of realism; however, Harris is more interested in finding a
third and a fourth option to either existing within or outside of his literary
inheritances. He seeks to supplement and transform the British novel of
empire by existing within the space opened through deconstruction rather
than tracing the specter to which deconstruction gestures. At some level, to
read Wilson Harris is to take a leap of faith with him and enter the chasms
of narrative and space that Western civilization has struggled to sublimate
and hide. One must trust that there is an alternative.
The Shadow Texts of Counterpoint
But what alternative does Harris provide and how, more importantly, does
it depend upon indigeneity as the site of European imperial transits to
consume biases without cannibalizing the other? In writing about Wil
son Harriss Palace o f the Peacock, Antonio Benitez-Rojo suggests that the
novel performs, through Donnes and his crews expedition into interior,
the historic search of Guyanese society, looking for a root to link it to the
countrys vast and intricate land. The search for El Dorado, Benitez-Rojo
tells us, continues today in Guyana beneath the slogan o frepossessing the
interior, which refers to the economic exploitation of the inland territory,
potentially rich in natural resources, as well as to the discovery of a collec
tive psychic state which would allow a feeling of cultural identity, extended
toward the hinterland, which Guyanese society has lacked.41 For Harris,
who spent the 1940s in service to the possessing of the hinterland as a land
surveyor, the experiences he had in the interior of Guyana were transfor
mative and, according to Maes-Jelinek, served to stimulate his concep
tion o f the human personality as a cluster of inner selves. Futher, Maes-
Jelinek tells us, this experience in the Guyanese interior was the seed of
his original art of fiction, making him reject realism as inadequate to rep
resent its complex, living, ever-changing landscapes as well as the depths
of the human psyche.42 His obsession with the interior, and particularly
the quest for El Dorado (the quest on the one hand for wealth and mate
rial goods and on the other for the divine) that Guyana evokes as it looks
to the hinterlands to cohere a national identity, culminates in Jonestown's
reengagement with Jim Joness doomed and tragic agrarian experiment on
the border between Guyana and Venezuela.
Harriss notion that all the worlds cultures are partialities that are pre
sumed to be wholeness in themselves provides a foundation for conver
sations across and through traditions that have often been assumed to
be discrete and isolated, or framed within the logics of colonial politics
that suture worlds into hierarchies of access to capital and resources. His
work is situated within a kind of planetary conviviality that Paul Gilroy
imaginesone whose postracial, postimperial soundscapes are attuned to
historical violences but not determined by them.43 But also at play in Har
riss reconfiguration of historical events within the Caribbean are the indi
vidual characters connections to those histories, even if at first they seem
random and unrelated. Thus Harris, through a narrator like Francisco
Bone, can ask whether Jonestowns final destruction was the latest mani
festation of the breakdown of populations within the hidden flexibilities
and inflexibilities of pre-Columbian civilizations? at the same time that
he can link those breakdowns to his narrators witnessing of his mothers
death in 1939 or to Deacons wedding in 1954.44 Harriss sense that cultures
exist only partially, that they are neither whole, complete, or consolidated
in and of themselves, manifests itself in his fiction through his evocation
of quantum mechanics. Each character is incomplete and often split and
divided among other fractured and partial existences; the effect of such
fragmented partialities is that Harriss characters (like the cultures they
cross) seek fulfillment in relation to other characters and other histories
and moments. The challenge is to perform through language these inter
stitial connections of sidereal matter.
The Amerindian absent presence that links moments past and future
cannot necessarily be, Harris tells us, perceived visually nor felt physically
or tangibly. Rather, they are heard and experienced obliquely, at the mar
gins of sensory perception. As a result, Harris is interested in a critique of
realism that goes deeper than a dismantling of stereotypes. One of Harriss
significant contributions to Caribbean literature is his desire to reconfig
ure the legacies of colonial history by incorporating Amerindians into a
conversation that, through the work of writers such as Kamau Brathwaite,
C.L.R. James, George Lamming, and Derek Walcott, was already taking
place between Africa and Europe and within the Black Atlantic. His in
sistence on complicating identities of the self disrupts the binary that can
emerge when discussing Caribbean histories of colonization and slavery.
Within Caribbean and postcolonial studies, African signifies native,
and in the elision, such distortive parallactic effects, which stretch the
real between transatlantic indigeneities and diasporas and then evacuate
signifying agency from Amerindian perspectival points, inform Guyanas
nationalistic endeavors to control and incorporate indigenous lands and
peoples into the body politic of the settler-arrivant nation-state for the
good of all.
Harriss novels and critical work make it possible for Benitez-Rojo to
write:
O f course its always possible to try to wipe the Indian out, which
unfortunately would be nothing new in America. But nothing of
this kind could be the theme of a Caribbean novel. The ordinary
thing, the almost arithmetical constant in the Caribbean is never
a matter of subtracting, but always of adding, for the Caribbean
discourse carries, as Ive said before, a myth or desire for social,
cultural, and psychic integration to compensate for the fragmenta
tion and provisionality of the collective Being.45
Harris indeed takes to heart the lessons of addition within Caribbean liter
ature. But Benitez-Rojos observation that the subtraction of the Amerindian
is not a theme in Caribbean literature is not necessarily always truethe
theme is more the mathematical principle of substitution. Jamaica Kincaid
has in the past imaginatively rendered Amerindians as living fossils, and
Kamau Brathwaite, in Contradictory Omens, replaces the Amerindian in
digenous folk traditions with African native traditions when he deline
ates the distinctions within creolizations.46 One might at least allow, then,
that the stereotypical images of Amerindians that rest on the surface of
Harriss narrative discourse hint at a deeper commitment to apprehension,
a deeper responsibility to access (at least imaginatively) what he thinks is
lost or hidden from Caribbean society in order to first grieve and then be
transformed in the process. And in contradistinction to Deleuze and Guat-
taris Indians without ancestry who move along a line of flight without
memory, the Amerindian in Harris becomes the assemblage, the ancestral
machine within the transits of empire that created Caribbean national lit
eratures at the site of memory.47
Musical metaphors provide Harris with a tool to tap many of these
hidden landscapes, hidden densities. Songs, flutes, and chords/cords trace
throughout Harriss fictions and essays and have come to represent at some
level his attempts to distill discourses of colonialism and resolve them into
something that compensates for the fragmentation and provisionality of
the collective Being" that Benitez-Rojo identifies as part of the Caribbean
psychic wound. In his essay Merlin and Parsifal, Harris writes that music
in fiction, in my estimation, reaches through and beyond poetic orna
ment or metaphor into a real engagement with unfathomable coherency
in the body of an entire creation.48 In Jonestown Harris remains inter
ested in the coherency of creation, but what also emerges is the dissonance
between and among histories and cultures at the discrete levels of their
quantum partialities. It is the shadow o f music" that Harris emphasizes in

Jonestown, the ability to carry what is virtually unseen but not unhearable
or unseeable, even as sheer quantity and number lose their claustrophobic
tyranny.49
In his fiction Harris always rehearses a reading praxis that attempts to
engage the concordances and dissonances of the vocabulary of death-
dealing regimes and their interrelations that resulted when Renaissance
Europe encountered pre-Columbian civilizations.50 As he writes into and
through the thresholds of correspondence to show how one moment can
touch upon a multiplicity of other historical, cultural, and individual mo
ments, he attempts to narrate his fictions through the principles of musical
counterpoint as a mode of seeing through to the contextual and relational
dynamic between specific notes, histories, and cultures. In Culture and Im
perialism, Edward W. Said defines contrapuntal reading as a praxis that
must take account of both processes, that of imperialism and that of re
sistance to it, which can be done by extending our reading of the texts to
include what was once forcibly excluded.51 Harris deploys a related im
pulse to aesthetic ends where the unknown histories, the hidden texts that
underscore known texts, shadow each moment to reveal a deeper logic, a
more subtle disruptive pull. Harris writes that dissonances in music lie in
depth within all harmonies to acquaint us with unwritten relationships
that disturb our Sleep. Or else harmony would consolidate itself into an
illusion.52 For Harris, counterpoint is not just a matter of including what
was once excluded; it is a process of entering into the relational dialectic
that exists in cacophony, where deaths vocabulary is rooted in human
discourse . . as Francisco starts and Deacon finishes, in counterpoint
with the extra-human dissonances o f the victim soul, the long suppressed,
plaintive and wonderful music o f the victim soul."5i
As a musical form, counterpoint emphasizes dependent lines that exist
relationally with rules to resolve harmoniously; and though counterpoint
can entail secondary lines independent of the first, original line, counter
point always relies on tension with the original melody to determine its
existence and options. The imperial ear is trained to hear intervals and
chords as either harmonious or dissonant, with the melodic structure de
pendent on recognized harmonic progressions. Counterpoint can build
on scales of whole tones and semitones, but the additional voices in the
piece stay in the home tonic of a composition. Tensions and divergences
are controlled, predictable, and expected within intervals of whole and
semitones, major and minor progressions that in imperial musical tradi

tions determine which sounds are consonant in their interrelations. For
Harris, counterpoint is the tool with which to engage those seemingly
consolidated and coherent narratives of colonialism and imperialism and
force them into the parallactic breaches that exist on the margins of disso
nance. Harriss dream narratives are haunted by the dissonances that coun
terpoint linear narratives. And his emphasis on disruption provides his
characters the means to identify the conquistadorial logics underpinning
utopian projects and postcolonizing Caribbean societies alike.54 Joness
brand of religion, Joness split between the dead past (so-called) and the fu
ture (so-called), Joness irredeemable universe, can prove a killing dogma, a
killing manifesto directed at the heart of originality.55
Perhaps one should then approach Harriss fictions in Jonestown as re
hearsals of contrapuntal texts that seek to reflect within the linear narra
tives and arguments that are his inheritance from the Age of Reason. He
adds lines and perspectives to the structures of realism to seize and trans
form the impulse toward character consolidation into character fulfill
ment, from strictly controlled and coherent narrative into a more dialogic
interaction among partialities. There are a few ways to traverse the tensions
that emerge as Harris figures narrative in musical and cultural metaphors
of bone-spirit. The first comes from the very questions that Bone asks in
his Dream-book that he eventually sends to W.H. to publish: Does music
inhabit a quest for self-knowledge beyond all conventional framework?
This question is followed by the more elaborate rumination: Wherein lies
the mystery of music in the densities of space, the live fossil solidity of
music in the song of a blackbird or reflected rhythms and compositions
in the mirrored throat of a South American apparitional mocking-bird?
Did the bone in a wing of the mind, a wing of the brain, inhabit a treason
able space beyond fixtures which sanction extinguished species, poisoned
landscapes? (16). These questions, though ultimately left for the narrator
and reader alike to reflect upon, do advance Harriss own concerns with
the dialectic within and between self and other as they grapple with the ca
cophonies and deferments that we have seen emerge in figures like Shake
speares Caliban.
It is Deacon, however, who offers Bone a means to transform these
dialectical confines. He interrupts Bones musings to ask Is it not time
when time seems to be endingto unravel that counterpoint, varieties
of counterpoint between priest and sacrificial victim, between huntsman
and hunted species, between lovers and Virgins of the wild . . . ? (19). The
bone flute, which comes from, according to Harris, the Carib tradition of
consuming a morsel of enemy flesh in order to embody the enemy other
within the self, is finally transformed into a flute made of the enemys bone.
The resulting music bears not only the cannibal morsel, as Harris phrases
it, but performs the breakdown of the dialectic established when cultures
and peoples collide. The music played by the bone flute mirrors and twins
the act of consuming fleshthe song and notes themselves become the
morsel that the spirit and the ear cannibalize.
The Carib spirit twinsexists in counterpoint tothat o f the Euro
pean: The evil conquest in the invader smarts and exacerbates a sensation
of mutual horror in the Carib spirit which entertains an identical lust for
triumphal victory (54). For Harris, the true understanding of the horrors
of conquest are felt precisely because the Carib themselves seek victory
over their environment, over other native peoples, and (when they wash
up on shore) the Europeans. There is a moment, then, whether it is through
the eating of flesh or the listening to the bone-flute, in which the Carib
other merges with and corresponds to the European self as their desires
align in parallax. Despite the destruction and horror that resulted from
the collision between these cultures, Harris identifies a distinctly human
impulse to conquer and control; in that moment, neither side is victim. The
fundamental crisis of sameness rather than otherness that Harris identifies
as the chasm opened in the collision between old and new worldsthe
breach with all its seeming dissonancespresents a foundational harmony
to the cannibal bone flute music that traces throughout Harriss imagina
tion. Counterpoint becomes the means through which Harris is able to
deconsolidate the European and Amerindian selves and place them into
kinship. While neither side necessarily acknowledges the other, perceived
or heard together they provide fertile imaginative vistas for Harris to trace
other possible means of human interaction that do not depend upon geno
cide or slavery.
Thus, while Harris stresses the dissonances within harmonies and
counterpoints to break down the dialectics that exist within Caribbean
landscapes and between peoples and histories, a distinct relationship
emerges in his use of musical metaphors to transform consciousness. As
Deacon phrases it in Jonestown, there is counterpoint in the role of the
priest and the sacrificial victim, for example, so that their individual trajec
tories are to some extent independent of one another but simultaneously
are also fundamentally dependent upon each otherthe act of sacrificial

offering can only be understood through the counterpoint of both experi
ences. Both of these subject/subjected positions are intricately bound up
in each other and forever caught in that interaction. But the overall score
that encapsulates the contrapuntal ceremony bears other traces and calls
into the space of land and imagination the violence and terror of death and
sacrifice. Harris is concerned not just with the interpersonal relationships
between and among priest/sacrifice, master/slave, or colonizer/colonized.
He emphasizes the violence that those relationships activate in the land,
the traces and webs that extend beyond the mass destruction of Amer
indians by first the Spanish and then the British, the mass terror and op
pression that extends from British plantation economies and the Middle
Passage of peoples torn from families and forced into new worlds and new
relationships. Those violences themselves counterpoint each otherthe
destruction of Amerindian societies has a counterpoint in African slavery;
Jonestown has counterpoints in the sacrificial ceremonies of the Maya and
other unknown but still present violences that occurred centuries before
and are set to occur in the future.
Cities of Gold, Cities of God
In attempting to understand Jonestown on the quantum level of inter

spersed textual secretions, Harris, writing through his main character
Francisco Bone, seeks ways to break the composite epics of empires that
structure themselves through linearity and consolidation. Bone writes in
his Dream-book that models of fiction cemented in the eighteenth and
the nineteenth century are sacred in the twentieth. Sacred eighteenth-
century, nineteenth-century linearity. But I was attempting to rewrite the
past from the funny side of sacred, imperial time, from a futuristic angle
that breached linearity (89). An important aspect of Bones imaginative
work here is that he seeks to dissolve that monolithic linearity through a
fracturing of his Dream-book characters, by splitting and then doubling,
tripling, and twinning them. They enter an archetypal, mythic realm where
their individuality breaks down, as do the boundaries between historical
moments. What this means for Jonestown is that one becomes, it seems,
a vessel of composite epic, imbued with many voices, one is a multitude.
That multitude is housed paradoxically in the diminutive surviving entity
of community and self that one is (5). Francisco Bone, as a diminutive sur-
vivor of Jonestown, is, according to the Virgin Oracle from whom he seeks
guidance, the embodiment of lost tribes, or peoples, Atlantean peoples,
and such embodiments necessarily contain the extinction of peoplesit
is the extinctions of species that provide a mystical unity with all crea
tures" (131,132). Bones imaginative voyage through the history leading up
to and beyond Jonestown centers, in part, on Bones ability to apprehend
and see himself not only in, but through Jones and what he represents, to
see in his own near-death experiences a counterpoint to other extinctions,
other deaths.
The intimacies between and through characters are an important dy
namic in Harriss novel. Through the hidden and woven kinships between
characters, Harris creates composite archetypes with which to understand
the capacities for destructive and regenerative movements through space
and time. As composite characters built out of partial selves, partial others,
the people contained within the chasm between Jonestown and its pasts
and futures are fragments, broken and in some ways trapped between
being free and being determined by the events they are trying to escape,
or paradoxically, inescapably cause. Jonah Jones, the charismatic madman
who is trapped within the Classics of Anger that U.S. society feeds its citi
zens, is flanked by Francisco Bone, the idealist dreamer made flesh who is
haunted by past civilizations and by his own forgotten memories, and Dea
con, the fallen angel who is responsible for killing Jonah at the beginning
of the book and at the end, the figure who is held responsible for violating
the Arawak shamans ceremony that rendered him immune to scorpion
venom. For Jones, those Classics of Anger depend upon composite evoca
tions of the savage other as a stick with which to beat my cursed society.
Use the heathen savage as a clarion call when you wish to upbraid your
civilization. Pretend to be black, Jonah explains to Francisco, or red or
yellow. Say you understand what black South Africans have suffered under
apartheid regimes. Eskimos, South Sea islanders, whatever (118-19).
Francisco finds himself inexorably drawn to Joness anger, could see
Jonah in myself, suffer him in myself, with a dark humor. The push-pull
counterpoints that the novel charts allow Francisco to realize that Joness
ressentiment sought to mold Bone into Dickensian flesh-and-blood. A
liberality that made me invisible to him and ripe therefore (who knows)
for salvation! Such is the predicament of savage conscience in seeking to
lay bare the transgression and transfiguration of anger that I sought to
achieve in my Dream-book, the transgression of angers compulsive frame
to damn and use others forever (119). As Bone attempts to transgress and
transfigure anger away from the stick Jones created to Calibanesquely beat
at his society, Bones Dream-book seeks to use counterpoint to make visi
ble all that liberality seeks to hide in the name of salvation.
Each of these three archetypal men has a Marie, or a Virgin Goddess
(Animal Goddess or Fury) who accompanies, guides, and shapes their
composite journeys to, through, and beyond Jonestown and the moments
that determined its outcome. This archetypal trinity is a fragmented ver
sion or rehearsal of Jim Jones, who sets up a settlement in Guyanas in
terior only to watch it implode before he himself dies. Bone is central to
the novel, in some ways the word made fleshflesh because in the after
math that followed his survival at Jonestown, he dreamt [he] was dead.
A ghastly skeletal twin splits from Bone at the precipice of the grave that
Bone does not fall into, and Bone is told later in the novel by one of his
guides that you need that twin to orchestrate Bonethe Bone or survivor
that you areinto the Carnival news of a futher re-entry into Jonestown.
On that day of the holocaust you survived, Francisco Bone, but something
integral to the fabric of yourself remained behind within the trauma of the
grave (109). That act of escaping death, or more accurately, because Harris
never makes these things simple, the act of dying and splitting from his
dead self into his living self, transforms Bone into a diminutive survivor
and as such, he bears the sign of all who have narrowly escaped extinction
through genocide. Harris disrupts consolidation through exponentials,
and as a character Bone already embodies the partialities and counter
points that Harris seeks to representhis dead self corresponds to his live
self and both must be felt and perceived together in order to fulfill or or
chestrate the character struggling with survivors guilt.
The first section of the novel, entitled Virgin Ship, is mainly a philo
sophical engagement with what survival might mean in the aftermath of
unspeakable horror and the collapse of a utopian dream. How does one
understand survival of the self after so many others have vanished? For
seven years after his survival (what he terms his betrayal of Jonah Jones),
Bone wanders through memory and un-memory on the Virgin Ship until
his mental wanderings bring him to question and confront the meaning
of history, violence, terror, and the forces that separate self from strangers.
Such questions finally force Francisco from his self-imposed stasis, and
he realizes that the way through the legacies he inherited from his own
colonial ancestors and from Jonah Jones is to confront the terror that they
represent. He begins to understand that the first step beyond the survival
of the self is a recognition of that self embedded within others, a glim
mer of which Bone perceived during the final moments within Jonestown,
when he, Jones, and Deacon became one. He fired Deacons gun that killed
Jones and took two of his own fingers just as much as he realized that he
had died there on the forest floor with Jones.
In many ways, the recognition that he formed a deadly circuit con
necting himself to Deacon and Jones is the source of his initial break with
reality and the basis for his wanderings through his own personal history.
As the character recognizes that he is himself Jones and Deacon, this real
ization calls into question his own inactions, his own failure to prevent the
murders in Jonestown. This deadly circuit that Bone grasps at the thresh
old of the grave stems from the womb of space and creation that connects
all life: the reason Bone is set wandering at the beginning of the novel is
that he has refused to relinquish his self and give himself up to the void the
grave represents. That raging against the relinquishment of self to the abyss
prompts Bone to begin constructing his Virgin Ship. This vessel embod
ies both the womb of creation that Stephanos Stephanides articulates as
maternal necessity within Bones psyche, and the deeper evocation of the
Middle Passage and the arrival of peoples in the new world.56
To recover his lost self after the tragedy at Jonestown, Bone draws the
first nail in his Virgin Ship, a ship that he believes can be converted into a
new architecture born of profoundest self-confessional, self-judgmental
nails and materials and fabrics .. that will allow him to traverse without
losing himself to the void gaping before him.57 Maes-Jelinek has linked
Harriss use of the Virgin Ship throughout Jonestown to a quote by Nor
man O. Brown that appears as an epigraph to Harriss Ih e Carnival Trilogy:
The wanderings of the soul after death are prenatal adventures; a journey
by water, in a ship which is itself a Goddess, to the gates of rebirth....
According to Maes-Jelinek, Harriss use of the ship here in Jonestown vali
dates the saving role of the female.58 Harris too writes that the Virgin Ship
in his novel is a way of incorporating everything, for example, the en
ergy of the fire that destroys becomes regenerative.59 And while the ship
serves to transport Bone between 1939, when he witnessed his mothers
death, 1978 and his witnessing of the deaths at Jonestown, and 1954 when
he witnessed Deacons marriage (and when he revisits it, he himself be
comes the groom as masked Deacon) to Marie, a woman he also loved, the
Virgin Ship may also represent the arrival of Europeans within the new
1 0 0 THE MASKS OF CONQUEST
world when Christopher Columbus sailed out of Spain in 1492 on his flag
ship, the Santa Maria. The Marian trinity that forms between the Maries
associated with the three main players in the Memory Theatre (Marie
Antoinette, the Virgin Ship and Mother Marie, and virgin bride Marie)
counterpoints the trinity that Jones, Bone, and Deacon form as a deadly
circuit. The movement toward redemption that Bone seeks is presented
in the text as a composite epic; Bone must finally be held accountable not
only for his own action/inactions, but he must also be held accountable for
Deacons and Joness choices. Through fractures and through breaks, Bone
himself contains partialities of self that exist in counterpoint to each other;
the transubstantiation of self into multitude, of flesh into bone, bone into
flesh, gestures toward other composite characterizations that, when taken
only on their face as coherent, stagnate and control.
Through Bones incomplete understandings, Harris makes the point here
that the character lacks a fundamental ability at the beginning of the novel
to perceive the hidden shadow texts of his own experiences. Bone believes
he is a discrete individual at the beginning, and through the course of the
novel he must learn not only to fracture and represent himself/selves as
partialities, but also to see that his journey is a composite narrative of arri
vals and deferrals. Linking Bones transgressive recovery of memory of self
to the building of the Virgin Ship echoes the selfs struggle for coherence
within composite partialities within the new world arrival, an arrival that
shattered both new and old world historical trajectories and splintered them
into that random system chaos strives to resolve. The importance of the dis
covery moment, the arrival of the Europeans and the destruction that fol
lowed in their wake, cannot be underestimated in Harriss imaginative ex
plorations of cultures, myths, and narratives. The moment when Columbus
first set foot on one of the islands of the Caribbean delineates for Harris
a privileged moment of creation-through-destruction that set modernity
into motion; its haunting refrain in Harris is an elaboration of what was
lost and what was gained through that violent arrival. It is the transforma
tive moment within the Americas, and all Harriss novels and much of his
nonfiction engage this rupture in one way or another. In Jonestown, one
can see how the rupture that separates the pre-Columbian from the post-
emerges as the medium for imaginative engagement. The Virgin Ship, for
instance, evokes both the womb o f creation as well as Columbuss ship of
death named for the Virgin Mother. This narrative association is evidenced
as well when Bone writes that my fluctuations of memory, in my wander-
ings for seven years in the wake of the tragedy of Jonestown, are rooted
as well, I am sure, in the amnesiac fate that haunts the South and Central
and North Americas across many generations overshadowed by implicit
conquest.60
These seven years of wandering that separate Bone from the escaped
grave of Jonestown and the movement towards historical self-reflection
themselves bear the mark of conquestthe number seven here speaks not
just to the Christian story of creation but also to the seven generations that
have passed since conquest and the seven yet to come that perform Har
riss notion of life-in-death, creation-in-destruction. Bone reflects, The
Maya speak of Dateless Days that become a medium of living Shadows
in which history retrieves an emotionality, a Passion, to unveil the facts
and go deeper into processions into the body of the womb.61 Such reflec
tions spur Bone to retrieve a deeper past as he struggles to make meaning
from Jonestown, and as the narrative progresses, Jonestown is refigured as
Conquest Mission, a more recent manifestation of the violent and often
disastrous policies that the Europeans mission of civilization and Chris
tianization inflicted on indigenous peoples. Here, too, in Francisco Bones
name, are references to not only San Francisco, the city where he and Jones
first meet, but also the Spanish Franciscan priests who used enslaved In
dian labor to built their missions throughout Central, South, and North
America. Francisco Bone writes at the beginning of his Dream-book that
he was obsessedlet me confessby cities and settlements in the Central
and South Americas that are an enigma to many scholars, and one could
go so far as to say that Harriss narrative stalks these Columbian moments
that mark the transformation of the old world/Renaissance world and the
new world/Amerindian world. And then there is El Dorado, the mythic
City of Go(l)d that runs through all of Harriss writing. In Jonestown El
Dorado begins to take on a multifaceted dynamic as Harris plays with its
meaningEl Dorado, a place (Golden City) or a person (Golden King),
affects Bone-in-Deacon at the end of the novel as he becomes a tainted
Scorpion Midas.
But these associative gestures are not an end in and of themselvesthey
are not the sole justification Harris uses to break nineteenth-century con
solidated narratives into self- and inter-referential partialities. Harriss break
with linear, structured progressions within fiction lies in the foreground
ing of associations, conscious and unconscious, that exist relationally and
dependently on any other association that can be accessed imaginatively.
Harris strives to write fictions within the aesthetics of the parallax gap,
fictions that will represent differently and pull the reader to the margins,
where all the sublimated experiences and perspectives resistant to colo
nialism and destruction still reside. Associative resonances that are acti
vated once counterpoint intervenes in the nineteenth-century narrative
plainsong provide the foundation for cross-culturalism that is so central to
Harriss political interventions.
Harriss cross-culturalism differs significantly from multiculturalism.
Harris writes, multi-culturality at bestexercised by a reasonable estab
lishmentsignifies an umbrella of tolerance over many different cultures.
But reason at times wears thin and that umbrella may be dashed by vio
lent conflict. There is an incorrigible force in multi-culturality. Each cul
ture regards itself as intact (including the dominant establishment) and
the quest for wholeness lies solely within itself. This seeming coherence
isolates each culture within itself and that multicultural impulse masks
a fundamentally detached tolerance towards all as long as they keep to
themselves.Cross-culturality is utterly different, Harris continues.It is of
the conviction that cultures are partial in themselves.62 Harris has a strong
conviction, however, in the ability of these partialities to provide a larger
coherency: The Amerindian trace serves as the focal note for the counter
points that resist the consolidated linearity of dominant, imperial trajec
tories. I glued my eyes to Mr Mageyes global Camera, Bone confesses at
one point in Jonestown," in order to see the detail of Aboriginal genius in
sculpting the evolutions o f mutated holocaust, altered spectres of holo
caust into the sacrifices (voluntary and involuntary) that humanity makes
in striking a chord linking Devils Isle to Botany Bay to Port Mourant to
dread Jonestown.63 The indigenous trace in Harriss imagination provides
the transit between the nineteenth-century penal colony oft the coast of
French Guiana to Captain Cooks first landing o f the HMS Endeavour in
Australia to the birthplace of Cheddi Jagan to Jonestown.
The final section of the novel, entitled Roraimas Scorpions, performs
this distinction between multiculturalism and cross-culturalism as Fran
cisco Bone begins translating the Mayan Itza or Izte Oracle at Chichen
and other places of sacrifice.64 On his journey of dissolution of self in par
tiality, Bone has begun to see or unsee the hidden connections that Harris
identifies as key to fully grasping and transcending the monolithic lineari
ties that mask such interconnectedness between individuals and cultures.
Bone observes:
THE MASKS OF CONQUEST 1 03
In the hollow of Godwhether water or firethere is no discrimi

nation. Everyone arrives and departs in mutual body and mutual
ghost. This is the architecture of pilgrimages. The pilgrims come
and go seven times in a minute.
What is a minute or a number (whether seven or zero on the
Earth)? It is above and below, it is diversity and uncanny twinships,
in the creation and fall and rehabilitation of time.65
Bone here links his own Virgin Ship, the hollow of God, to the architec
ture of pilgrimages that is on a quantum, internal level, above and below
the large-scale movement of peoples. The seven and zero activate not only
the twinning between the teleology of Amerindian and Christian creation
stories but also the cross-culturalities that Harris demands his narrators
and readers make. The seven here, as I have said, refers both to Genesis
and to the conquest moment; the zero too speaks of destruction, of annihi
lation, of nothing, of void, but because it was a mathematical concept theo
rized by the Maya, it also represents another moment of creation. Rather
than viewing the zero as nothingness, there is again a cross-culturality that
originates with the Maya and allows zero" to achieve fulfillment as yet
another representation of creation-in-destruction that ghosts much of
Jonestown. For ancient Amerindians,zero was neither void nor emptiness
alone. Rather, it gestured to creation, the circular movement between life
and death, the repetitive progression of history that connects and inter
weaves past futures and future presents.
The passage quoted above appears near the end of the novel and testi
fies to the development in Bones comprehension of the events and cul
tures folding and unfolding around him as he sails on his ship through
time to return finally to 1954 and the scene of Deacons marriage to Marie.
Bone, in his journey through and on the Virgin Ship towards some kind of
re-membered Memory Theatre, dons the head and mask of Deacon and
finds himself fulfilling, and at the same time transforming, Deacons ac
tions prior to Jonestown. Bone finally apprehends his role in the counter
points and composite epics that have been shaping his journey all along:
he must fulfill Deacons crimes and redemptions because Deacon is unable
to do so. Deacon on his own cannot escape himself, but Deacon-in-Bone,
Bone-in-Deacon can accept full responsibility for past and future actions.
The scenes at the end of the novel culminate all the partialities of selves,
cultures, and histories that Bone has documented in his journey. The
Amerindian in the contact moment serves as the catalyst, the presence/

absence that can be used to activate other texualities within African and
European arrivals and set them into contextual motion. The culmination
of this reaction occurs in the text with the carnival circus performance
that represents the wedding between Deacon and Marie. The wedding is a
mess of images and associations within a chaotic orchestration of the final
score. Cross-culturalitiesbetween African Legba and Greek Hephaestus;
Amerindian prisoner/sacrificial victim and Prometheus; Christian, colo
nial Marie and Indian Kaliare all cacophonous, partial compositions in
the final masque that transforms Bone into Deacon and prepares him for
his final trial, judgment, and sacrifice.
All of these associative partialities exist relationally to Amerindian
conquests and destructions, but as the scene progresses, the Amerindian
catalytic presence that initiated the first movement slowly recedes as other
cultures come to the fore. If the Amerindian presence fractures realisms
linearity into thousands of partialities, then it is the African god Legba
who, Harris tells us, stands at the crossroads between India, Africa, and
the Caribbean to close the gap between rich nations and poor nations.66
Harris invokes other African tricksters in the wedding ceremony, includ
ing Anansi, to force Bone to comprehend finally his own responsibility
in the plot that has already unfolded. He has slept with the Virgin and
must therefore pay the price, force society into a redemptive mode to test
every fragment of a biased humanities, [to] break the Void by sifting the
fabric of ruin for living doorways into an open universe.67 Through the
transformative moment of the wedding night, when Marie manifests as a
Virgin Goddess guarded by and containing Kali, Bone himself has become
a trickster within the narratives of, around, and through Jonestown, and as
a result, Mr. Mageye reminds him, he has entered into pacts not only with
Jonah Jones and Deacon, but with other realms and other gods, including
at this point Anansi, Legba, Kali, Hephaestus, and Prometheus. Bone had
already violated the pact with Jones at the beginning of the book, when he
did not die in Jonestown. Bone, because of terror and dread, has through
out the course of the novel and his journeys through time, limbo, and the
netherworld, refused repeatedly the Void for fear that it would consume
him entirely and require of him the final relinquishment of conquest that
underpins his own distinctive individuality.
The last few pages of the novel accompany Bone in the Dream-book
of Memory Theatre to Mount Roraima, a tepui or geological formation of
sandstone deposits that rises into the air 9,094 feet and sits on the border
between Guyana, Venezuela, and Brazil.68 Supposedly its name translates
as mother of all waters, and Harriss description of the place as an Eagles
fierce perch, within and upon the watershed between the floodwaters of
the Amazon and the torrential rapids of the Orinoco evokes such a hid
den text.69 The Roraima within Harriss imagination is infested with scor
pions that parallel the constellation Scorpio, and in order to climb to its
summit in 1954, Deacon had undergone a ceremony to inoculate himself
against their venom. Bone-in-Deacon shares in that inoculation at the end
of the novel when he sets out to climb Roraima, and he traces Deacons
actions after the wedding and banquet. Mr. Mageye, before he is finally
consumed by the narrative of the novel, tells Bone:
Society is adamant. It rarely forgives. One has to start from within

in order to bestowas each garment fallsanother page in Memory
theatres Dream-book on which to assemble new traces or traceries
of repentance in the fictionality and actuality of the Dark soul. That
is why, Francisco, I shall leave you the skin of the Predator when
1 go. Write upon it, Francisco. Write the last (or is it the first?) epic
of repentance. Society tends to be unforgiving. Murderers never
change, do they? They must be punished to the end of time. Under
lock and key if not on the gallows or the electric chair. [ . . . ] You
are a diminutive survivor, Francisco, in whom live multitudes, prey
and predators and victims alike. [ . . . ] We are unconscious of the
debts we owe others in history, we are unconscious of the crimes
that we have committed in ourselves or through our antecedents.
No medium can help us except life in the Precipice of the Dark.
No word can help us except another music that we blindly see or
hear in the computerized grave of the globe or cape of rhythmic
numbers. (215-16)
Mr. Mageyes final gift to Bone is the skin of the Predator upon which to write
the redemptive fictions that will transform the world, a skin that will allow
Bone to write upon the walls of rotting, colonial institutions, [to] test every
fragment of a biased humanities, [to] break the Void by sifting the fabric
for living doorways into an open universe (216). The final moments of the
novel gesture towards these redemptive narratives and return to some of the
themes common in Harriss other fictions. Bone-as-Deacon finds himself on
a Virgin Ship transformed through the Wedding Banquet into the Ship of
Breada ship which finally at the end of the novel invokes Christian com
munion and transubstantiation as well as symbolizes the moment of tran
scendence that occurs when the host is taken into the body and consumed,
and a moment in which otherness becomes self through remembrance.
This trope of cannibal communion has appeared before in the novel.
At the beginning, before his escape from death and before his first jour
ney on the Virgin Ship, Bone remembers the eve of the holocaust where
he, Jones, and Deacon consumed a Carib morsel in order to gain insight
into and awareness about themselves and their enemies. Jones rejected the
sacrament, though Bone found it terrifying and ecstatic (and here Harris
refers to the idea of ecstasy that results from spiritual transcendence). That
Carib morsel that Bone consumed and Jones rejected bears a terrifying
conscience within the furies of history. It is one of the things Bone has
forgotten but finally remembers: I had forgotten that the Caribs were the
authors of the American feast beneath the Virgin statue of Liberty, authors
of asymmetric hospitality granted to aliens and strangers despite their sus
picion of, and antagonism to, one another (18). In the associative realm
that Harriss imaginative canvas creates, the Last Supper before Bone,
Deacon, and Jones confront each other on the battlefield of the Jonestown
genocide is a contrapuntal Thanksgiving, a Carib feast beneath the Vir
gin statue of Liberty. He performs Judass betrayal against the charismatic
leader he had joined, even as he shares in the Caribs feast as they offer
hospitality to strangers from across the ocean.
The novel begins with Bones violation; that violation haunts Bone as he
tries to outrun the Huntsman and to outsail the void as he resists and fears
fulfillment (of the pact, of character, of fate). I am tempted to say that the
course of the novelthe trajectory of the associative counterpoints that
reveal hidden histories and consume the biases of narrative and empireis
an allegory for Bones passage from refusal of to acceptance of fate. Bones
survival at Jonestown at some level unsettled the frames of reality and in
troduced chaos (in the mathematical sense) into the patterns of history
that had emerged before and since conquest. All histories, all moments,
all events are, for Harris, in flux; they are contextual and relational and
therefore accessible. Bones violation of his pact with Jones unleashes the
threshold void of the novel, a void that symbolizes both destruction and
creation, fulfillment and rejection of character, a void first called into being
THE MASKS OF CONQUEST 1 0 7
by the arrival o f Europeans. The redemptive motion of the novel resides in

Bones struggle to comprehend the forces at work in events that shape him.
The final accessible point within the Jonestown composite is Deacons
betrayal of the Amerindians. Forty years before the start of the novel, Dea
con had traveled to Roraima in search of wealth, and the natives, who re
turn to judge Bone-in-Deacon at the end of the novel, helped him gain his
wealth from Roraima by performing a ceremony to inoculate him from the
scorpion venom. We learn that one hidden text within Jonestowns history
is Deacons climb and fall, Deacons ultimate betrayal of the pact he had
made with the native shaman of Roraima who performed that ceremony:
Oh my God, 1 cried to heaven.7 remember now. I see now through

Deacons blind eyes in the Play on the other side of Dream. Fie
forgot the shamans warning. 1 remember. I see through his blind
eyes in the Play. The Plays the thing, the real world beyond all real
worlds. That is the innermost, outermost vocation o f trial and judg
ment in fiction. Or else fiction is dead. One must re-imagine death
as a live fossil apparition. Imagination Dead Imagine. Deacon re
turned on the day that the Child was born, he lifted it into his arms.
He felt himself superior to all curses. And the infant stiffened in his
arms. A stone leaf grew where its face was, the face of the Child at
the edge of Roraima. (232)
The judges as chorus tell Bone that someone in the Play must step forward
to be tried and judged, someone must be held accountable and responsible.
With startling clarity Bone realizes that he has come to the other side of
Dream, and has in a way run head on into the histories that earlier, he had
been warned by the Giants of Chaos, were necessary for self-confessional,
self-judgmental art (161). Deacon, the Giants who twin the judicial cho
rus at the end tell Bone, fell from the stars to expose centuries and genera
tions in conquistadorial regimes in which populations were decimated and
buried yet liberated in colonial history books. The legacy is strong. Bone
responds in counterpoint that everything depends. . . on how we shoulder
such legacies in order to take responsibility for our own fate enmeshed
into the fate of others in ourselves (160).
At the time, he did not understand why the Giants mocked his naivete,
but by the end of the novel, when he is confronted by the masked indigenous
judges on Roraima, Bone finally understands the questions that had been
posed to him in response by the Giants of Chaos. They had asked:
How can the rich save the poor, they demanded, the poor the
rich, the thief the saint, the saint the thief, the judge the judged,
the judged the judge, unless they discard contentment, or self-
righteous creed, self-righteous parasitism, and build dimensions of
self-confessional, self-judgmental art, that take them into recesses
and spaces that may pull them into and beyond themselves? Unless
this happens in the theatre of civilizations evolution remains a
WASTE LAND and religion contracts into a Void. Yes, the Prisoner
sometimes seems the architect of the Void in his uncertainties as to
the nature of freedom in art, in science. (160-61)
When Bone faces his masked accusers, his masked judges at the end, he
remarks that he is poor, that he has nothing, that it is no accident. And
he understands that he was a mere Colonial. Not an Imperialist___Are
Colonials the only potential creators of the genius of Memory? (233). His
moment of self-understanding, of willingness to pay Deacons debt, ful
fills the Giants of Chaoss call for self-confessional, self-judgmental art that
takes humanity into recesses and spaces that may pull them into and be
yond themselves. Bones fulfillment of character comes when he submits
himself to Arawak judgment and is held responsible for Deacons crimes,
regardless of whether he was the diminutive survivor of holocausts or
the embodiment of aboriginal survivors and histories. The native judges
on Roraima accept his confession and push him over the edge and into the
void of creation-destruction through which he moves closer and closer to
the far removed body of the Creator. The novel ends with Bone finally
succumbing to the void he had been trying to escape all alongin that
moment he learns that his willing descent was not so much the relinquish
ment of self, but an offering of himself to cosmic nets of music that capture
him and allow him to finally open new doorways and thresholds beyond
the Void and into the ineffable of creation.
Plainsong Counterpoints to the Void
Maes-Jelinek has read the final moment of Bones descent as the re

enactment of the fall of man, experiencing what Harris calls the gravity of
THE MASKS OF CONQUEST 1 0 9
freedom at once its serious, sometimes terrifying responsibilities and a fall

into the womb of space and the unfinished genesis of space.70 She notes
that Bone is the first of all Harriss characters to take the leap into the void
of his own accord, though I find myself wondering what it means here that
Bone is judged for the conquest of El Dorado through Deacon by the Amer
indians, for whom Mount Roraima is sacred. Should this moment be read as
a self-motivated leap into the void when he is tried, convicted, and pushed
over the edge for his crimes? Perhaps Bone might be understood as the sac
rificial victim that twins the Maya cultural traditions Harris evoked earlier
in the novel. But there is an implied interconnectedness between priest and
victim within Harriss text, a tension between the one who performs the
sacrifice and the one who is sacrificed. I would argue that an interpretation
that suggests that Bone descends into the void of his own volition misreads
the significance of the reciprocity that the narrative within Jonestown seeks.
Bone does indeed submit himself to judgment by the Arawak court, and in
that act recognizes the moral if not sovereign authority of that court to judge
him as Deacon.
It is important to note here that the Arawak judges hold the agency
and power to determine the price Bone will pay and not the other way
around. If there is a leap that Bone takes, it is a leap of recognition counter
to the imperialist agendas of Hegelian dialectics. To say Bones submission
to judgment is a casting of himself into the void, then, implies a paternal
istic attitude towards Amerindian agency. It suggests that the Amerindians
themselves are a void, merely an absence. And that equivalence is possible
only from and within the imperial worlding of Amerindians, in which they
gain validity only through the sanction of the colonial juridical order. Fur
ther, it is in that moment of judgment that Bone must recognize he is
only a mere colonial and relinquish himself to the other side of the dream
where he can finally be fulfilled through judgment. The indigenous judges
ask: Who then is to be tried and judged? If not Deacon, who? Does no
one claim the part? Is everyone innocent, no one guilty or responsible?
In response, Bone relinquishes his self in a moment of being-for-the-other
that reconciles that past through the centrality of indigenous agency to
demand and enact judgment counter to the desires of Enlightenment lib
eralisms constituted subject when he says Judge me.71
In many ways, Harriss fictions call for an accountability within reading
and writing inasmuch as he seeks to consume biases" within language and
within narrative. Such a task is daunting, not just for Harris but for the
reader, who must enter into her/his own pact with Harriss vision and trust
the imaginative and latent possibilities that he opens up and then offers as
redemptive resurrections. Part of Harriss intervention lies in his invocation
of counterpoints to challenge accepted Caribbean narratives of arrival, be
they European discovery or African Middle Passage, in which the Black
Atlantic figures as the active colonial native experience in layered histo
ries of indigenous, African, Asian, and European interactions that leave, as
Elizabeth DeLoughrey has observed, a residue of social stratification in
the imagined historical landscape.72 These historical arrivals serve in the
consolidation of Caribbean identityas colonial, creole, or descendants of
slaves and indentured laborersthat stems, Harris would argue, from the
disavowal of other hidden traces that originate in Amerindian absences
and remain in the indigenous prior of land, languages, and cultures. That
precolonial past has been sublimated to such a degree that even to gesture
towards its effect upon Guyanese presents and futures is a transgressive
move, especially as the Guyana nation-state targets the indigenous inte
rior for resource development and seeks to wrest indigeneity away from
the Amerindian communities and peoples who continue to live in their
traditional lands.71
More than any other Caribbean author of his generation, Harris is com
mitted to accessing imaginatively and narratively those Amerindian pasts
that, for him, were significant in resisting consolidations of self and other.
In many ways, the triads that Harris uses in his fictions attest to his own
sense that the Caribbean is shaped primarily by the interactions among
European, African, and Asian/Amerindian histories, even before other cul
tures and nationalities arrived to complicate Caribbean identities further.
Harris posits that the imagination must engage each of these cross-cultural
interactions in order to disrupt the consolidation of nationality and racial
identity that gains its coherency through an abjection of the Amerindian
and an Indianization of the Caribbean nation-state that, in DeLoughrey s
reading of Edouard Glissant, runs the risk of displacing African origins
and slavery, and supplanting African heritage within the Caribbean.74 But
the Indianization of postcolonizing settler and arrivant nation-states in
the Americas not only elides and effaces the histories of African slaver
ies and resistances; Indianization serves to cohere the settler and arriv
ant nation-state around a supplanted indigeneity that elides and effaces
the indigenous peoples upon whose lands the nation-state is now located.
Signifiers and representations arising in colonial momentsespecially
within Anglophone settler coloniesbear resonances and discourses that

exist simultaneously as they vie for primacy to determine indigenous ab
sences and presences. Those cacophonous discourses render indigenous
peoples and referents simultaneously blank and distorted within the paral
lax of competing narratives of arrival, indigeneity, and otherness. Harris
seeks to write fictions that can interrogate densities within densities and
access the native within the colonial discourses that shape nineteenth- and
twentieth-century narratives. Often he returns to the colonial referents
that stem from his British literary and educational inheritances, depict
ing Amerindians as bucks, as noble savages, and as the primal solution
to the dissolutions of modern, colonial society. He evokes repeatedly the
Bering Strait theory in his fiction and essays as he struggles to extend the
1492 rupture in a gesture to older and, for him, unfathomable movements
of peoples.
For instance, in I he D ark Jester he writes that the In cas. . . had de
scended into the Amazon in Brazil or in Resurrection at Sorrow Hill, he
links the migration narrative of mongoloid peoples across the Siberian
land bridge to the arrival of English pilgrims when he notes that the earli
est pilgrim fathers and mothers from Siberia in the gateway of the New
World were bitten by ice and fire and were subject to dismemberment.75
The fictions Harris writes are in unfinished genesis and infinite rehears
al as he repeats again and again an evocation of an originary movement
southwards of peoples across an ice bridge. It is a trajectory that unfet
ters the other monolithic movements of more modern peoples even as
it resists the inheritances of realism, which deny that such linearities are
truly associative and contrapuntal. When Harris leaves Amerindian arriv
als within a set narrative in which movements of people only occur north
to south across a narrow ice age bridge connecting America and Asia, it
hints to deeper biases that Harris has only begun to access and engage
about Amerindian presences prior to European arrivals. They remain un
consumed within his text as he grapples with the void created in the dis-
tortive parallactic effects that attempt to apprehend the Real in those mo
ments when it is partially discernable. The possibility of other migrations,
other narratives, other origins, and other knowledges are excluded from his
imaginative rehearsals even as he reconfigures presences for native peoples
within the Americas prior to contact. This point does not so much dimin
ish the strength of Harriss intervention as it posits the limitations of the
individual imagination to consume bias fully.
Harris tries to write himself out of the narratives of consolidation, the

condensation of histories that emphasize linearity and favor imperialist
agendas, and we are to understand his Guyanese imaginative landscape
as a primordial blending o f past, present, and future by referencing Amer
indian horizons and trajectories that were disrupted by the arrival of the
European. Harriss Amerindians are indeed presences that activate other
cultures into more complicated cross-culturalities, but to some degree
they remain in the pre-/post-Columbian schism that opens in 1492. Amer
indians must always be incorporated into the self and into a Caribbean
cross-culturality and never the other way around. The transformative al
chemy that Harris performs in his writing to achieve the cauda pavonis
(the peacocks tail)which according to Harris may be equated with
all the variable possibilities or colours of fulfillment we can never totally
realizedepends upon a host native to precipitate transformations, to
transit possibilities within the trajectories of empire.76 This host native or
paradigmatic Indianness that is the transit of empire allows transforma
tions to take place, but Amerindians, it must be stressed, precipitate out of
the transformations they facilitate and are not a part of the future perfect
of postcolonizing Caribbean societies.
Thus Amerindians serve as the catalyst for Harriss imaginative inter
ventions, but as such they remain trapped in the past as new culturalities
are formed to propel Caribbean identities into the future. It is this tension
in Harris, this notion that Amerindian legacies are at some level present
but still absent and unknowable, that undermines his ability to break fully
from the narratives of colonialism. However much Harris seeks to incor
porate the self into being-for-the-native-other, the fact remains that the
native remains always othered. In his fiction Harris does not or cannot rep
resent an imaginative space that allows for Amerindian horizons of know
ing to determine the possibilities of imagination. Amerindian peoples are
always descending across the Bering Strait into the Caribbeanthey are
always part of a past, always determined by the threshold of discovery.
Such imaginings leave Amerindians within a narrative of a priori arrival
that does not and cannot activate, as Shona N. Jackson argues, any agency
for indigenous peoples within the contemporary Guyana nation-state.
Since prior arrival theory can only be understood as a racial essential-
ist theory, they must as the original indigenes, be kept in their place in
order for subsequent ethnic groupsthe former majority black and In
dian groups during British ruleto justify their present claims to land and
power.77 As indigenous peoples struggle for agency and authority on their

own lands through discourses of antecedent and originary rights, such ar
ticulations are perceived by others as exclusionary, essentialist, and coun
ter to a pluralistic society that proffers indigenous peoples cohabitation
within a liberal nation-state on the lands that had been stolen from them
as remediation for their ongoing colonization. What is seen and what is
said, what is heard and not heard continue to haunt the imagined posts of
settler colonialisms in the Americas.
The end of Jonestown illustrates this threshold between the imagined
and unimaginable with Francisco Bone standing on the precipice awaiting
judgment. In a letter that Francisco Bone sends to W.H. on a dateless day
from somewhere on Trinity Street in New Amsterdam, he writes of his ob
session with cities and settlements in the Central and South Americas that
are an enigma to many scholars. In a precipitate breakdown, the Caribs
disappeared mysteriously from British Guiana, and their absence remains
an unsolved riddle that still haunts the land according to Harris. But what
Bone is most fascinated by is the amazing story of the Arekuna Indian
Awakaipu. Awakaipu, Bone tells W.H. and us in the letter, persuaded rep
resentatives from many Indian peoples to offer themselves as a sacrifice at
the foot of Mount Roraima in order to recover an enchanted kingdom.78
In the counterpoint that Harris seeks to elucidate, that Arekuna sacrifice
prefigures and coincides with the suicide that the victims at Jonestown
committed to attain paradise. But on a deeper level, Harris is himself ob
sessed by what that possible enchanted kingdom might have looked like
from the other side. That Harris imagines Awakaipus call in the 1840s
to his people to sacrifice themselves to be a similar call answered by the
members of the Peoples Temple in the 1970s illustrates his own imagi
native struggles to formulate what might lead people to kill themselves.
But while the movement of both Bone and Jones towards death remains
central to Jonestowns narrative, Awakaipus sacrifice remains inaccessible.
It serves as a shadow, or perhaps a catalyst that initiates Bones own em
brace of the void. Bone is both priest/sacrifice, predator/prey in that mo
ment, both Awakaipu/Jim Jones and the Arekuna/members of Peoples
Temple who sacrificed themselves. But is the enchanted kingdom that, in
Awakaipus promise, waited on the other side the same as the afterlife that
Jones sought?
Such observations, then, lead me to a fundamental concern about how
Harris is using Amerindians within his imagination and how his readers
imaginations interact with them. If readers are asked to relinquish and

suspend their disbelief for the course of a novel, there is a deeper, more
heavily fraught demand that Harris makes as well. The reader, through the
course of interpreting Harriss work, must accept the imaginative terms
that Harris presents. And to accept the transformations Harris seeks to
narrate, the reader must agree with Harris that Amerindian histories are
hidden and inaccessible, unknowable and lost, or knowable and accessible
only through counterpoint and twinning. As a result, critics often fail to
engage the Amerindian at all in Harriss writing, or if they do, they refer
to Amerindians in paternalistic and colonialist ways. Hena Maes-Jelineks
reading of the ending of Jonestown is one example of this unfinished trans
formation. It occurs elsewhere in her work. She writes of Harriss idea of
cross-culturalism that it is deeply rooted in a perception in depth of lost,
alien experience, of vanished, supposedly savage cultures (e.g. the pre
Columbian) with which the civilized must enter into a dialogue as they re
trieve them from the abyss o f oblivion.79 Alfred J. Lopez identifies Harriss
boundaries and abysses as fissures that propel us through and beyond free
dom, fissures that, Lopez finally explains, are the frontier . *0 It is a space,
Lopez writes, fully informed by Harriss need to find a space within the
monolithic categorizations and taxonomies of Western thought in which
to reinscribe the alterity always suppressed with such systemsto find a
place, in other words, in which to begin to address the Other.81 While
Lopez acknowledges the frontiers highly suspicious history of meanings,
it also becomes a replacement for margin in his argument, a reappropria
tion of the undiscovered space and place up ahead in which we have at
least found a place to begin, a space or index from which to start reading
and writing a future for Africa, the Caribbean, and the rest of the post
colonial world which may reconcile Harriss term meaningful paradox to
its contradictorily coherent parts.82 But that undiscovered space of the
frontier, at least in the Americas and within Harriss own imagination, has
always already been inhabited by Amerindians.
On its surface, such a beginning for a space from which to read futures
for Africa, the Caribbean, and the rest of the postcolonial world seems
utopic. However, when Maes-Jelineks argument that what Harris seeks
to resolve in the breach between postmodernism and postcolonialism are
those lost, vanished, and savage cultures is juxtaposed with Lopezs identi
fication of that breach as frontier, the juxtaposition illuminates another
meaningful paradox within the disconnect between Harriss own acknowl-
edgments of the limits of his imagination and his readerss assumptions:

the belief that because they can see that Amerindians are now present, they
are finally knowable and accessibleand that the ongoing present of set
tler colonialism is finally a part of the past that is reconciled through a past
tensing o f those presences. And here we begin to see what is at stake for my
arguments about cacophony and colonialism within deep settler and arriv-
ant landscapes. If Harriss works ineffably challenge and embody a nuance
heretofore never experienced, why do discussions of Amerindian pres
ences continue to be framed within terms delineatedhowever much they
are also under erasureas alien, lost, and vanished? Alien to whom?
Lost to whom? Vanished by whom? How could the introduction to a col
lection of Wilson Harriss essays suggest that for Harris, the indigenous
peoples and their habitat would make definitive ingress in his language
and literary imagination without recognizing the degree to which habi
tat dehumanizes Amerindians?83 There is already embedded in certain
discussions within Harris scholarship a presumed center from which these
experiences have been lost or vanished. The tensions that emerge in the
critical engagements with Harriss writings stem from naturalized biases
that have yet to be consumed.
Harris himself is aware of the limits of his own narrative to achieve
fully such a goalit is why his fictions are unfinished and rehearsals.
At the end of Jonestown, the void that Bone finally embraces is both the
Arekuna enchanted kingdom and the void in which, by the time that
Harris writes The D ark Jester, Atahualpa is a supreme being.84 The abyss
is a space that is completely unimaginable at the same time that it is, Har
riss fictions insist, necessary for true transformation. Jonestown ends at the
moment Bone finally relinquishes his own biases and embraces the contra
puntal sacrifices that Awakaipu promised and Jim Jones inflicted as shad
ows of one another. Harriss imagination leaves us upon the precipice, at
the threshold, that Bone is able to move beyond. There is a promised trans
formation within Harriss fictions, but it exists in the work we as scholars
and readers do with the tools Harris has given us to dismantle biases and
revise rehearsals. He opens the door, and the question that faces those who
read after him is where do we go from here?
4
"Been to the Nation, Lord, but I Couldn't Stay There"
Cherokee Freedmen, Internal Colonialism, and the Racialization of Citizenship
Butfreedom was also to be found in the West o f the old Indian Territory.
Bessie Smith gave voice to this knowledge when she sang of'Goiri to
the Nation, Going to the Terrtor,and it is no accident that much of
the symbolism o f our folklore is rooted in the imagery o f geography.. . .
Long before it became the State o f Oklahoma the Territory had been
a sanctuary for runaway slaves who sought there the protection o f the
Five Great Indian Nations.
Ralph Ellison, "Going to the Territory"
Blues Nation
In 1924 physicist Niels Bohr reportedly remarked upon his visit to Kron-
borg Castle in Demark, Isnt it strange how this castle changes as soon as
one imagines that Hamlet lived here?1 The possibility of transformation,
of retrospective world-building based upon the usual suspects of narra
tive and remembrancethe who, what, why, and when of a locationis
something that Keith Basso discusses in his analysis of Western Apache
spatial knowledges as place-making. Basso writes, What is remembered
about a particular placeincluding, prominently, verbal and visual ac
counts of what has transpired thereguides and constrains how it will
be imagined by delimiting a field of workable possibilities. These place-
makings, according to Basso, consist in an adventitious fleshing out of
historical material that culminates in a posited state of affairs, a particular
universe of objects and eventsin short, a place-worldwherein portions
of the past are brought into being.2 But what is remembered about a place
is itself a location, a site within a series of locatable historical processes that
stage, particularly in lands shaped and mapped by a Western European
settler colonialism dependent upon slavery and plantation economies, a
117
1 1 8 BEEN TO THE NATION, LORD, BUT I COULDN'T STAY THERE"
contest of remembrances that each strive to bring a past into being as the
real past.
Within American Indian epistemologies where something takes place is
more important than when, and the land itself, according to Cree scholar
Winona Wheeler, is mnemonic, it has it own set of memories.5 A land
that remembers is a land that constructs kinship relations with all living
beings who inhabit it, creating what Abenaki scholar Lisa Brooks has de
scribed as the common pot, a reciprocal conceptualization of land de
pendent on shared resources and responsibility.4 For American Indians,
who have lived for tens of thousands of years on the lands that became the
United States two hundred and thirty years ago, the land both remembers
life and its loss and serves itself as a mnemonic device that triggers the
ethics of relationality with the sacred geographies that constitute indige
nous peoples histories. Such mnemonics inform Joy Harjos poetry when
she writes, I think of the lush stillness of the end of a world, sung into
place by /singers and the rattle of turtles in the dark morning.5 Her poem
The Place the Musician Became a Bear is dedicated to Creek saxophonist
Jim Pepper and reflects on the processes of renewing a place-world defined
through spatial relations brought into being by aurality.
In the notes that follow the poem, Joy Harjo writes, Ive always be
lieved us Creeks (Creek is the more common name for the Muscogee
people) had something to do with the origins of jazz. After all, when the
African peoples were forced here for slavery they were brought to the tra
ditional lands of the Muscogee peoples. Of course there was interaction
between Africans and Muscogees.6 And yet, most of the history books
and musicologists who discuss the birth of the blues (and later, its in
fluence in the creation of jazz) understand it as primarily emerging out
of the crucible of slavery that filled a Mississippi Delta emptied of any
prior indigenous presences to link West African traditions with European
Christianity.7 The blues that surfaced out of this specific land and history
fused trauma and redemption with the harsh lived experiences of slavery
and Jim Crow oppression. The expansion of what Clyde Woods delineates
as blues epistemology was the full expression of the rise of an African
American culture that was self-conscious o f its space and time and, there
fore, fully indigenous. The South was a space of origin, the African Ameri
can hearth.8 Building off a model that positions African American folk
culture as fully indigenous to the Mississippi Delta, he argues that If we
are to build a society where working-class knowledge and participatory
'BEEN TO THE NATION, LORD, BUT I COULDN'T STAY THERE' 119
democracy are truly treasured we must understand that the South is the
center of African American culture, not its periphery. The Delta then be
comes understood as a Mecca.9
One of the earliest descriptions of the blues comes from archaeologist
Charles Peabody who in 1901 traveled on a mission from the Harvard Pea
body Museum to Coahoma County, Mississippi, to grave rob Southeastern
mounds, most likely Chickasaw and Choctaw, at the Dorr and Edwards
sites south of Clarksdale.10 Those mounds Peabody excavated were part
of the larger Mississippian Ceremonial Complex and represented huge
earthworksthe Dorr Mound had a north-south length of 90 feet, an east-
west width of 60 feet and rose 9 feet, 6 V2 inches above the surrounding
ground. The largest of the twenty-three mounds at the Edwards site mea
sured 190 feet north to south, 180 feet east to west, and was 26 feet high.11
The mounds date from at least 3500 BCE to DeSotos arrival in the 1530s,
though Peabodys excavations found contemporary burials, which dem
onstrate that the Choctaws and Chickasaws continued to use the mounds
until they were forcibly removed to Indian Territory in the 1830s. Accord
ing to Southeastern cosmologies, Mississippian mounds played a significant
cultural and symbolic role, representing in the case of the Nanih Waiya
mound the site of creation itself for the Choctaw. Other mounds served as
navels, sites of birth, death, and renewal that linked the Upper and Lower
Worlds of complementary balance to manifest in this world.
The black workers Peabody hired in Clarksdale, Mississippi, sang as they
performed the labor of cutting into the mounds with their shovels and
stirring up those who rested there. Peabody found himself fascinated by
what he heardso much so that he published an essay in 1903 in the Jour
nal o f American Folk-Lore that documented some of the lyrics and music
that those laborers sang as they worked. Though he referred to what he was
hearing as ragtime, most scholars now suggest that what he documented
was the blues, and what is fascinating about his essay is the underlying
signifying heteroglossia and improvisation that Peabody narrated with
out realizing. In the brief essay documenting the birth of the blues into
white academic consideration, he attempts to catalog and remark upon the
function of the music he was hearing, figuring it as alternating between
spirituals and work songs to distract from the back-breaking labor he was
demanding. Organized as call and response with leaders improvising and
rifling on identity, history, community, and politics, the songs gesture to prior
forms of musical presences in the South that tie to African traditions and
1 2 0 "BEEN TO THE NATION, LORD, BUT I COULDN'T STAY THERE"
to Southeastern Indian stomp dance songs that are also call and response,
with leaders singing about the politics, concerns, and spiritual matters of
the community.
Predictably, Peabodys discussion in his essay abjects the labor and the
performances as well as infantilizes the African American men working
for him. However, the laborers themselves leave a trace of critical interven
tion to Peabodys presence and task. For instance, when Peabody describes
the last day of work, when he and a friend are sitting outside their tent
playing mumble-the-peg, from the trenches in the mounds he hears the
lyrics:Im so tired Im most dead /Sittin up there playin mumbley-peg.12
The song leaders and their improvisational play here make a critical com
ment upon Peabody and pointedly reflect that he must be so tired [hes]
almost dead, from sitting and tossing a jackknife into the ground with
his friend while they are the ones digging through the mounds in the hot,
humid Mississippi sun.
Even more suggestive are the lyrics from the only whole song that Pea
body documents in his essay:
Some folks say preachers wont steal;

But I found two in my cornfield.
One with a shovel and tother with a hoe,
A-diggin up my taters row by row.
Old Brudder Jones setten on de log.

His hand on de trigger and his eyes on the hog.
Old Dan Tucker he got drunk,

Fell in de fire and kicked up a chunk.
1 dont gamble but I dont see

How my money gets away from me.
When I look up over my head

Makes me think of my corn and bread.13
Though Peabody does not provide much (if any) context for the song he
records, the lyrics are an improvisation upon The Paterroller Song, the ori
gins of which trace back to plantation slaves singing about the white slave
patrols that surveilled the South after Nat Turners 1831 rebellion and how
fast one needed to run in order to escape them. Over time the song became
reinscribed within Tin Pan Alley minstrelsy that emphasizes the violence of
capture rather than hope of escape, and by the twentieth century, the song
transforms yet again into Run Children Run or Run Johnny Run. The
lyrics recorded by Peabody, however, document another turn in the song
where the laborers locate preachers as the source of theft and comment
directly upon Peabodys project in the mounds. There is evidence within the
evocations of corn and fire on the one hand, and a critique of the preach
ers in the cornfield digging up taters row by row on the other, that those
laborers and their songs provide resistant traces that acknowledge the dese
cration that is occurringand a positioning of themselves as tied to the
people buried in the mounds. The corn and potatoes reveal the bundles of
bodies and skulls of those Choctaws buried at the site. As Peabody forced
the laborers to disinter the mounds through terraced rows, each blow of
the shovel exposed the dirt-encrusted whiteness of human bones that are
evoked so provocatively by these singers as the white flesh of shovel-scored
potatoes in the ground.
Such lyrical play, which depends upon a linking of corn to look[ing]
up over my head, also acknowledges the possibility that those singers ref
erence Chickasaw and Choctaw stories such as those about Ohoyo Osh
Chishba (or Ohoyo Chishba Osh), the mysterious, unknown woman who
brought corn to the Choctaws by leaving seeds on top of the mounds.14
Horatio Bardwell Cushman published a version of the story in 1899 that
detailed how two Choctaw hunters encounter a mysterious woman who
appears on the top of one of the nearby mounds. She tells them she is hun
gry, and when they give her the hawk they have just cooked for themselves,
despite their own gnawing hunger, she eats only a small amount, thanks
them, and then tells them to look for her at the exact spot she is stand
ing next year. When they return a year later, at first they cannot find her.
After they remember the charge to return to the exact spot, they find the
top of the mound covered in a strange plant which yielded an excellent
food, which was ever afterwards cultivated by the Choctaws and named
by them Tunchi (corn).15 Within the different versions of the story, the
hunters are drawn by strange noises, low but distinct tones, strange yet
soft and plaintive as the melancholy notes of the dove, but produced by what
they were unable to even conjecture. At different intervals it broke the deep
silence of the early night with its seemingly muffled notes of woe.16 That
those mounds that linked Chickasaws and Choctaws in the Mississippi

Delta back to ancestors and sacred geographies could serve as the site of
food, grief, and perhaps, evocatively, the birth of the blues echoes Bohrs
remarks on Kronborg Castle.
The intertextual play and resistance, in which the African American
men hired by Peabody sing back to the violences of his jackknife tossing
and surveillance of their labor at the same time that they provide a musi
cal reflection on the actual labor of disturbing burial sites they have been
hired to do, testify to the agency of those workers and their resistance to
violating the sacred space of the mounds. Clyde Woodss construction of
the Mississippi Delta that contains these mounds and sites of creation for
Southeastern Indians as a Mecca for African American culture that refills a
newly made terra nullius, however, hints at a rising antagonistic cacophony
that figures these spaces as the affective site for participatory democracy.
And it speaks to a deeper caution that emerges in Steven Salaitas dis
cussion of The Holy Land in Transit that pulls out comparisons between
Palestinian and American Indian literatures to analyze the problems of
settler colonialism born out of the competing claims to indigeneity, the
mapping of settler and arrivant sacred sites onto prior indigenous ones,
and the violent expulsions of the other.17 My point here is not to make a
prior claim to the blues for Southeastern Indians. Rather, I am interested
in the lessons that blues epistemologies and blues aesthetics might teach us
in order to transform the participatory democracy that Woods evokes into
a radical reimagining of how peoples exist relationally within the place-
worlds located in the stories we tell and the songs we sing. What sorts of
possibilities might the blues gesture toward as our communitiessettler,
arrivant, and American Indiantry to come to terms with the histories
of violence, slavery, and removal? How might the blues epistemology of
grievability teach us to rethink how indigenous articulations of sovereign
ty have been sutured to and cut away from the dictates o f the colonizing
nation-state, where indigenous nations now police the imperial transit of
Indianness as the only way to enact the real?
Pride and Prejudice

That the continued colonization of American Indian nations, peoples, and
lands provides the United States the economic and material resources
needed to cast its imperialist gaze globally is a fact that is simultaneously
obvious withinand yet continually obscured bywhat is essentially a set

tler colonys national construction of itself as an ever more perfect multi
cultural, multiracial democracy. As the United States constructs a Mani-
chean allegory of settler democracy through which imperialism can finally
be brought humanely and justifiably to the world through discourses of
fighting them there so we dont fight them here, the status of American
Indians as sovereign nations colonized by the United States continues to
haunt and inflect its raison detre. Or as American Indian scholar Elizabeth
Cook-Lynn explains:
The current mission of the United States to become the center of

political enlightenment to be taught to the rest of the world began
with the Indian wars and has become the dangerous provocation of
this nations historical intent. The historical connection between the
Little Big Horn event and the uprising in Baghdad must become
part of the political dialogue of America if the fiction of decolo
nization is to happen and the hoped-for deconstruction of the
colonial story is to come about.18
Cook-Lynn here refers at least in part to the invasive military intent of

Custers Seventh Cavalry that confronted and then lost to Cheyenne and
Lakota warriors at the Battle of the Little Bighorn in 1876, went on to massa
cre Big Foots band at Wounded Knee in 1890, stayed in Japan as part of the
occupation after World War II, participated in U.S. military engagements in
Vietnam, and most recently helped secure the March 20,2003, invasion of
Iraq. The Third Infantry Division-Seventh Cavalry was one of the first mili
tary units to reach Baghdad in the initial push into Iraq during spring 2003,
and throughout late March and April of that year, CNN ran reports from
embedded journalists who traveled with them to highlight the shock and
awe of U.S. military prowess. The continued presence of the 7th Cavalry,
which was constituted in 1866 for the express purpose of fighting Indians,
demonstrates the degree to which the United States twenty-first-century
imperialist-military desires the world over depend upon discourses and
policies that were catalyzed in the nineteenth-century campaigns to colo
nize and domesticate external American Indian nations within a United
States that consumed a wide swath of the North American continent.19
Drawing upon that historical memory, which arises from indigenous
lived experiences of colonization and genocide and which links those
experiences with globalization and imperialism, indigenous critical theory

prioritizes indigenous ontologies to read symptomatically against the co
lonialist discourses of settler societies. By foregrounding how colonialist
discourses justify the legal, political, economic, and physical dispossession
of American Indian lives, lands, and cultures, and by centering indigenous
subjectivities and epistemologies through which we might theorize the
violences of the United Statesmanifest destiny, scholars interested in de
veloping a conversation among postcolonial, subaltern, and transnational
indigenous studies might begin by understanding how the United States
global imperialist projects are underwritten by the continued colonization
of American Indian, Alaska Native, and Hawaiian lands. Here, I would sug
gest, indigenous critical theory might make some important contributions
to critical race and postcolonial studies through a sustained exploration
of the incommensurability of the internal for the over 560 sovereign In
digenous nations that consolidate under the U.S. umbrella designation as
Native American. As Gayatri Spivak argues, the work of the colonizer is
at some level consolidating the Self of Europe by obliging the native to
cathect the space of the Other on his home ground. Within the context
of indigenous nations in North America, that cathexis of the space of the
Other demands at the same time a capitulation to the self as assimilated
possibility, an obligation, in Spivaks words, to domesticate the alien [set
tler] as Master. In other words, according to Spivak, colonialism functions
dialectically as a process o f worlding that obliges the native to imagine
and invest herself counter to her own world.20 As indigenous nations colo
nized by the United States are continually worlded into the more perfect
union, the United Stateswhich has only existed as fifty states for just over
fifty yearsgains hegemonic authority to enact paternalistic policies that
seek to protect U.S. homelands by expanding control and markets in an
ever-widening net of influence.
In this chapter, I am particularly interested in how the idea of internal
as modifier to colonialism has emerged as a critical race and postcolonial
theoretical category through which to engage U.S. systems of disenfran
chisement on the North American continent. Taking the Cherokee Nation
of Oklahomas 2007 popular vote to disenfranchise descendants of Chero
kee slavessome who and some who do not have Cherokee bloodas
my occasion to elucidate the dialectics of race and colonialism still at play
in the United States, I hope to begin to provide a means through which
the radical inclusion of the Cherokee Freedmen in the Cherokee Nation
does not have to result in the radical exclusion of the Cherokee Nation
from itself. The problem is that, as the concept of internal colonialism to
discuss race in the United States continues to circulate, the distinctions be
tween indigenous political sovereignty recognized by treaties and the in
dividual sovereignty that forms the basis for inclusive personhood within
U.S. multicultural democracy collapse as the United States is cathected as
master.21 Thus, when colonialism is used to describe indigenous peoples
experiences of land loss and genocide, often the internal is layered as
supplement onto such discussions by a U.S. hegemony that asserts the in
ternal within the symbolic order of juridical colonization at the expense of
the externalreal for indigenous nations. Interrogating the emergence of
and limits to internal colonialism, which many scholars acknowledge as a
not always sufficient analogy even for race, may allow a site of intervention
through which scholars might center indigenous experiences of U.S. colo
nialism as that which exceeds discussions of race. Doing so may help point
the way for more robust intersections between postcolonial, subaltern, and
indigenous worlds.
In many ways, then, one might argue that the idea of internal colo
nialism services the construction of the United States as a multicultural
nation that is struggling with the legacies of racism rather than as a
colonialist power engaged in territorial expansion since its beginning.
Seen in this light, American Indians might be apprehended as subaltern
if we take Antonio Gramscis Some Aspects of the Southern Question
as one of the theoretical genealogical entry points for subaltern studies,
especially given that the theoretical notion of internal colonialism" stems
from that same discussion of North/South divisions within a states terri
tory. However, the emphasis on the in as condition of subalternity presents
fundamental problems when applied to understanding American Indian
nations vis-a-vis the United States, precisely because that in reifies the
United States as the overarching state authority and is always already a co
lonial spatialization.22 This transformation of more than five hundred and
sixty indigenous nations into a single racial minority within the national
borders of the United States is folded a priori into postcolonial and racial
critiques of what Patrick Wolfe has identified as regimes of difference
within deep settler societies.23 This presumed self-evidentiary process of
minoritization, of making racial what is international, continues to infect
competing understandings of citizenship, identity, inclusion, and exclusion
with, among, and outside the intersections of sovereignty, race, land, and
labor. The processes by which citizens of American Indian nations become

minorities within the United States, with no prior claim to nation or terri
tory that exceeds the U.S.s will, further inform current struggles over citi
zenship and historical reconciliation within the indigenous nations colo
nized by the United States and is nowhere more striking than in Indian
Territorywhat is now Oklahomawhere unresolved histories of remov
al, slavery, racialization, allotment, settlement, and sovereignty threaten to
make internal once and for all that which is external: native space.
As citizens of the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Creek, and Semi
nole Nationsoften identified as the Five Civilized Tribescontinue to
struggle with the legacies of colonialism and racism that also inform their
refusals to recognize the status of African American Freedmen Indians,
those Southeastern Freedmen find themselves triangulated by histories
of race, colonialism, and slavery and expelled from the very nations they
call home.14 The problem for indigenous nations colonized by the United
States and in the face of the continual forced migrations and diasporas
arising from U.S. capitalistic and militaristic policies abroad is that the
worldits problems, complicities, and oppressionshas been brought to
our lands. If, as Cook-Lynn says, we need to make the connections be
tween Iraq and federal Indian relations part of the political dialogue, then
I would add that indigenous nations on lands that are now currently part
of U.S.-controlled territories need also to address the world in ways that do
not replicate the fictions of U.S. multicultural settler democracy and rein
scribe the very discourses and policies we seek to overcome for ourselves.
These incommensurabilities are particularly relevant as they continue
to play out over the one hundred and fifty years of struggles among the
Southeastern Indian nations to define not only who counts as citizens in
their own nations but how those nations will continue to assert sovereign
ty tied to land after the radical breaches of removal and allotment as well
as address their own national complicities with the historical violences
of slavery. The most recent development in this long historical struggle
emerged in 2007. On March 3 of that year, the Cherokee Nation voted to
disenfranchise approximately 2,800 Cherokee Freedmen citizens, in viola
tion of the 1866 treaty with the United States that gave Freedmen the rights
and status as citizens within the Cherokee nation. That status was in per
petuity and extended not only to the slaves the Cherokee had owned, but
to those Freedmen born in the Cherokee Nation as well as any descendants
they would have.25 The March 2007 vote amended the Cherokee Constitu-
tion to define Cherokee citizenship through the 1906 Dawes rolls that pur
ported to document the blood quantum of Cherokee citizens at the time,
and those who can now trace ancestry to those rolls. As a result, the Nation
expelled the Freedmen who traced their citizenship through the Freedmen
rolls that listed the former slaves living within the nation at the time of en
rollment even though, as many scholars have noted, there were a number
of Cherokee descendants with black ancestry who, because of racism, were
placed on the Freedmen rolls instead of the Cherokee by blood rolls.26
In the months that followed the Cherokee vote in March 2007 and the
resultant disenfranchisement of the Freedmen, a number of Congressional
leaders and members of the Congressional Black Caucus worked to draw
U.S. legislative attention to the Cherokee Nations decision.27 Melvin Watt,
a Democratic representative from North Carolina, proposed an amend
ment to HR 2786, the Native American Housing Assistance and Self
Determination Reauthorization Act of 2007, that provided for funding ap
propriations to support housing assistance for American Indians, Alaska
Natives, and Native Hawaiians. Representative Watts amendment sought
to prevent allocation of funds provided by the act from being extended to
the Cherokee Nation until it complied fully with the Treaty of 1866, and
on October 14, 2008, that amendment became law when President Bush
signed the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination
Reauthorization Act of 2008. Title VIII, Section 801 of Public Law 110-411
affirms that no funds authorized under this Act, or the amendments made
by this Act. ..shall be expended for the Cherokee Nation pending the con
tinuance of the temporary injunction reinstating Freedmen citizenship
rights, a restoration of citizenship to the Freedmen, or a settlement of the
issue within the Cherokee courts.28
In addition, on June 21,2007, Representative Diane Watson of Califor
nias 33rd District introduced legislation in the form of HR 2824 to sever
the United States governments relationship with the Cherokee Nation of
Oklahoma until they restored full tribal citizenship to the Cherokee Freed
men. Watsons bill sought to stop the expenditure of $300 million in federal
funding to support the health care, education, and housing services the
Cherokee Nation provides, and to subsequently terminate their recognized
status as a nation until they comply with the terms of the 1866 treaty.29
Though Representative Watsons bill never made it out of committee in
the 110th Congress, she reintroduced the bill as House Resolution 2761 on
June 8,2009, and while her legislation stalled again, and she has since not
sought reelection, Watson has continued to call publicly for governmental

sanctions against the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole
Nations.50
The Cherokee decision and the legislation proposed in the U.S. Con
gress have created a maelstrom of responses within the U.S. and American
Indian media. Responses both inside and outside Indian Country have
ranged from assertions that, while unfortunate, the Cherokee Nation of
Oklahoma as a sovereign political entity has the right to define its own
citizenship to outcries in major news outlets that the Cherokees are unre
formed neoconfederates who have enacted policies of ethnic cleansing
and Jim Crow segregation against the Freedmen.51 More nuanced opin
ions emerged within publications such as Indian Country Today and News
from Indian Country as Eric Cheyfitz and Robert Warrior discussed the
decision and the U.S. Congressional response. Warrior explains how the
Cherokee have fle[d] the moral high ground when he writes, morality,
however, has been the missing topic in the wrangling thus far, and I would
argue is the basis for why it is important for everyone, especially American
Indian people who have been silent thus far, to support efforts like those
of Representative Watt. Warrior continues: The moral case against the
Cherokee is straightforward. As a duly constituted nation in the nineteenth
century, they legally embraced and promoted African slavery, a position
they maintained after Removal to Indian Territory in the 1830s.52 For Eric
Cheyfitz, the Cherokee Nations decision is a moral and legal issue that
concerns us all. And both morally and legally the issue is quite clear: the
Cherokee stand in violation of their own rule of law and ethics. However,
Cheyfitz points out, the irony of the U.S. Congressional legislation is that
the relationship between the federal government and the Cherokee Na
tion is a colonial one. One can only understand [HR 2824], then, if one
understands that the history driving it is not only the violent and troubled
history of race in the United States but also the violent and troubled his
tory of the struggle for sovereignty of colonized Indian nations with the
colonizer.55
The censuring of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma for its historical
and continual racist complicities with the legacies of slavery coincided
with the centenary celebration of the creation of the state of Oklahoma
in 1907 that also marks one of the most disastrous federal Indian policies
in the history of disastrous policies. The 1887 Dawes General Allotment
Act, followed by the 1898 Curtis Act, broke up the collective land hold-
ings of the nations in Indian Territory and allotted lands to individuals in

an attempt to transform the citizens of those nations into farmers within
the United States. In the nineteenth century, Freedmens struggle for rights
within those nations collided with those nations struggles against colo
nialism, now in the form of allotment and termination that would lead to
incorporation into the United States. What ultimately emerges is a com
petition between racist ideologies of exclusion that deny Southeastern
Freedmen within the Five Civilized Tribes and colonialist hegemonies
of inclusion to the United States that seek to deny utterly those nations
inherent rights to sovereignty and land. Part of the problem is that, caught
within the incommensurable binds of colonialism/racism, indigenous/
minority, and external/internal, the calls for sovereignty by the Cherokee
Nation o f Oklahoma are heard by the colonizing nation as the mimesis
of white Southern demands for states rights that immorally justified Jim
Crow segregationist policies. Meanwhile, Democratic members of Con
gress are heard by the colonized Cherokee Nation as the ventriloquism of
U.S. colonial policies that led to termination and assimilation when they
frame the Cherokee Nation and Freedmen within the teleology of racial
struggle within the United States. In a letter to U.S. Attorney General Eric
Holder, members of Congress wrote in May 2009: Over forty years after
the enactment of the landmark Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts, there
is a place in the United States that African Americans cannot vote or re
ceive federal benefits as a matter of law.34 There are in fact currently over
565 places in the United States where African Americans, Euro-Americans,
Asian Americans, Latino/as and citizens of at least 564 indigenous nations
cannot vote as a matter of law, and those are the indigenous nations in
which they are not citizens. But that is not what they mean. The problem
is that these perceived mimeses and ventriloquisms foreclose the radical
alterity of Indianness as site of identity and sovereignty for the Freed
men, who become African American, and for the Five Civilized Tribes of
Oklahoma, who become the United States.
North/South Divides: Definitions and Origins of'lnternal Colonialism"
Following Cheyfitzs observation that the histories of race and colonial

ism collide within the U.S. federal response to the Cherokees vote, then, it
seems important to examine the discourses within conceptual models of
internal colonialism that maintain a racialized multiculturalism at the
heart o f U.S. liberal democracy. Gayatri Spivak provides us with a meth

odological starting point when she calls for us to learn to distinguish be
tweeninternal colonizationthe patterns of exploitation and domination
of disenfranchised groups within a metropolitan country like the United
States or Britainand the colonization of other spaces, of which Robin
son Crusoes island is a pure example.35 But she leaves open the ques
tion of whether American Indians, who are currently circumscribed by
the boundaries of the United States, are located within the metropole or
whether they constitute the pure colonization of other spaces. Spivaks
methodological concern as it is phrased presents us with the originary
double bind that has heretofore silenced American Indian histories, pres
ences, and lived conditions in subaltern and postcolonial studies. Particu
larly when we consider that Robinson Crusoes island is imaginatively situ
ated in the Americas off the coast of what is now Brazil, this unanswered
question becomes especially frustrating for an American Indian scholar
committed to understanding the colonial discourses that postcolonial
studies interrogates.
Most of the current scholarship defining internal colonialism within
the United States begins by tracing the origins of the term as it was de
fined first by Marxism and then transformed through civil rights activ
ism. Standard delineations of the concepts origins assert that it is a term
used first in late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century Europe
and appeared in writings by Vladimir Ilyich Lenin and Antonio Gramsci.
Their use of internal colonialism articulated the systemic economic and
political inequalities that emerged within a state and were used to extract
resources from the margins/peripheries/souths to the center/core/norths
of a single polity. According to Michael Hechter, Lenin first evokes the con
cept, though not the actual phrase, in 'Ihe Development o f Capitalism in
Russia as a means to investigate economic disparities that emerge between
regions and affect nationalisms among different classes within a nation.36
With the attribution to Gramsci, most scholars look to his Some Aspects
of the Southern Question, in which the concept of internal colonies in
forms how the northern bourgeoisie has reduced the southern Italian
proletariat to exploitable colonies.37 He uses the concept to spatialize the
ways in which the north continued to draw resources and wealth from
the south to maintain control by limiting access to power. His analysis
of economic exploitation between regions has shaped current debates in
subaltern studies and arguments that shift the First World/Third World
divide to a global North/South paradigm of exploitation, capital, and im

perialism. In the United States, the echoes of the global North/South di
vide are reiterated through the lingering regionalisms of the Civil War that
continue to underscore current discourses of racism as well as frame U.S.
dominant cultures attempts to grapple with and disavow the legacies of
slavery, segregation, and Jim Crow abject racism. And in many ways, this
doubly inflected North/South might help inform how the Five Civilized
nations, whose original lands in what is now Tennessee, Mississippi, North
Carolina, and Georgia were stolen to create the U.S. regional South, are
disavowed in relation to their historic land claims and reframed in relation
to their own attempts to reconcile their participation in and maintenance
of slavery up to and after removal in the late 1830s, in what is their triply
inflected North/South divides.
Perhaps the most extended engagement with the concept of internal
colonization emerged in Michael Hechters Internal Colonialism: Ih c Celtic
Fringe in British National Development. While the work looks primarily
at how the Irish, Scottish, and Welsh continue to assert oppositional eth
nic identities to British nationalism, his work has also been influential
for scholars in critical race and postcolonial studies in North America. In
his text, Hechter defines the model of internal colonialism as a process
through which the national development of a states economic power pro
gresses unevenly and disparately, with the center dominating the periphery
and the periphery remaining within a condition of economic dependency.
The spatially uneven wave of modernization over state territory, Hechter
writes, creates relatively advanced and less advanced groups.38 Accord
ing to Hechter, it is through this process of consolidating the stratification
and institutionalization of modernization and technology that ethnic and
cultural markers begin to emerge to define those with power and those
without, those with access to institutions and those without. Part of what
has made internal colonialism appealing as a model to describe the eco
nomic and political inequities that develop within a state is that it is largely
a spatial model that stretches not only to incorporate uneven access to
resources, markets, and exchanges, but also accounts for emergent and sus
tained cultural and ethnic identity markers to stand as signs of economic
oppressions.
While Hechter is primarily interested in defining internal colonialism
within the Western European context as a means to analogize Englands
domination of Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, the subtext of some of the
sources he works with suggests a clear connection with overseas projects of

colonialism that shaped European nation-states through the seventeenth,
eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. It is important here to notice that
the metaphors Hechter uses to explain the process of industrialization and
modernization in Europe rely upon U.S. notions of what Perry Miller has
described as an errand into the wilderness. The internal campaigns were
not in any sense Hechter assures us, coincidental to overseas coloniza
tion.39 Drawing upon Fernand Braudels discussion of the Mediterranean
struggle against the wilderness in which he observes the Mediterranean
found its new world, its own Americas in the plains, Hechter refers to the
internal process of colonialism in Europe as a quest for internal Ameri
cas.40 This parallax view within the scholarship engaging the processes
through which the economic periphery is oppressed politically and cultur
ally ties internal colonialism to the quest for new worlds and frontiers, or
in Hechters terms, the internal peripheral hinterlands that make up the
endogenous colonies within a nation-state who lack sovereignty to affect
their own economic development.41
What emerges out of this transit of meaning is a colonialist recursive.
And it seems, then, that after Lenin and Gramsci, internal colonialism
as a concept was an also-and that mapped the imperial European proj
ects of colonialism in the Americas back into Europe itself, creating in
ternal Americas out of the very hinterlands that provided Europe with
the means to colonize the Americas in the first place. It fundamentally
acknowledges the colonization of indigenous peoples at the same time
that it disavows that colonization by making economic disparities stand
in for Indians within the newly analogized frontier mythos of Europe.
These nascent links that draw an analogy between internal colonialism
as operational model and internal Americas as a European metaphor for
regional economic disparities were inspired by the social justice move
ments of the 1960s and 1970s, including activists such as Malcolm X, Mar
tin Luther King Jr., Che Guevara, and Stokely Carmichael.42 And it is here
that a second recursion begins to emerge and gives shape to the racial
ized discourses that, as I will argue below, inflect the national debates over
the Cherokee Nations decision to disenfranchise the Cherokee Freedmen.
For Hechter, understanding the lasting ethnic identities embedded with
in Irish, Scottish, and Welsh articulations of national struggle within the
larger frame of British national (colonialist) development stemmed from
his own observations of the growing debate surrounding nationalism or
assimilationism as modes of resistance within the political mobilization

of ethnic groups, particularly African Americans, within the United States.
While most scholars at the time Hechter wrote his text might have ex
pected discourses of inclusion and access to emerge as a primary mode
of resistance, what came to the fore were black, Chicano, and American
Indian nationalist movements. The radicalism of the late 1960s certainly
shapes his analysis, and he acknowledges that much of his insight on Brit
ish nationalism comes from observing how ethnic groups in the United
States defined their situation as that of an internal colony.43
This idea that racial minorities are internally colonized by the United
States is further elaborated by sociologist Robert Blauner, who argues
that the U.S. white-black relationship is an exceptional form of internal
colonization. Distinguishing it from classical colonialism, Blauner asserts
that white colonization of blacks in urban centers functions as a process
of racism as internal colonialism that retains features of the classic form
centering on land, natural resources, and sovereignty. Because both forms,
according to Blauner, developed out of a similar balance of technologi
cal, cultural, and power relations, a common process of social oppression
characterized the racial patterns in the two contextsdespite the variation
in political and social structure.44 Though Blauner briefly acknowledges
that American Indians occupied the land and fall more fully under the
categorization o f classic colonialism, he is more concerned with delineat
ing a kind of exceptionalism that might be used to address the processes
of political, social, and economic exploitation that continue to persist due
to white racism and disrupt the possible avenues for African Americans to
gain access to power within the United States. Internal colonialism then,
in the U.S. context, refers primarily and originally to African American
oppression that then over the course of time serves to erase indigenous
peoples altogether as it is thought to account for the indigenous within the
racial paradigms it critiques.
Building oft ideas that African Americans are internally colonized with
in the United States, but eschewing land as the sign o f difference between
classic and internal colonialism, bell hooks writes that even though Afri
can Americans in the United States had no country, whites took over and
colonized; as a structure of domination that is defined as ownership of a
people by another, colonialism aptly describes the process by which blacks
were and continue to be subordinated by white supremacy.45 By identify
ing slavery as the original sin of the United States colonialist project, bell
hooks is able to foreground how racism continues to perpetuate the eco

nomic, social, and political oppressions African Americans face every day
within the United States, but in the process she perpetuates the colonialist
narratives that deny that the land ever belonged to anyone prior to the
United States. Over the last thirty years, theories of internal colonialism
shifted from locating it first as an analysis of the economic processes that
necessitated the maintenance of ethnic difference to a primarily racial
ized analysis of how economic, social, and political inequalities came to
be naturalized. To come at this another way, internal colonialism was ini
tially operationalized in Europe to describe the economic disparities that
serve to make ethnic identities within a nation-state matter. Within U.S.
critical race studies, internal colonialism describes how racial and ethnic
identities create economic and political disparities and in the process rac
ism becomes homologous to U.S. colonialism in North America. It is this
shift that allows bell hooks to write:
Just as many white Americans deny both the prevalence of rac

ism in the United States and the role they play in perpetuating
and maintaining white supremacy, non-white, non-black groups,
Native, Asian, Hispanic Americans, all deny their investment in
anti-black sentiment even as they consistently seek to distance
themselves from blackness so that they will not be seen as residing
at the bottom of this societys totem pole, in the category reserved
for the most despised group.46
Native here is grouped with Asian and Hispanic Americans, and

through the enjambment American Indians are made newcomers in
hookss racial paradigms that create a white/black binary in the United
States. As Aileen Moreton-Robinson has shown in her critique of white
ness studies, blackness becomes an epistemological possession . . . which
forecloses the possibility that the dispossession of Native Americans was
tied to migration and the establishment of slavery driven by the logics of
capital.47 Ironically, hookss framings of white/black paradigms refract a
similar foreclosure with regards to indigenous dispossession. But certainly,
in the case o f the Southeastern Indian nations and their continued dis
enfranchisement and oppression of Freedmen, those indigenous nations
have denied their investment in the logics of capital underscoring slav
ery and in anti-black racism. Often, this denial evolves out of fears that
blackness will somehow undermine indigenous claims of sovereignty and

authenticity and will allow further U.S. encroachments on land, culture,
and identity. However, indigenous dispossession is foreclosed for hooks,
given that her metaphor for understanding the hierarchies of oppression
in the U.S. is projected on top of a stereotypical reference to totem pole,
which in indigenous worlds is neither hierarchical nor oppressive. It is this
turn that finally allows hooks to reposition African American bodies as
the foundational site of colonization rather than American Indian lands.
The justification for framing the colonization of American Indians as
internal, despite the problems that emerge, might have been that it resists
the United Nations definitions of colonialism that depend upon the blue
water or salt water thesis, which states that the colony must be separated
from the colonizing country by water or noncontiguous territory.48 In the
United States, where the dominant society and much of dominant aca
demia disavow that American Indians faced any colonialism, internal or
otherwise, the use of internal has often allowed indigenous scholars a
means to analyze the ongoing logics of colonialism still functioning for the
United States. The internal, however, reifies colonized indigenous peoples
as minorities within countries such as New Zealand, Canada, Australia,
and the United States, and according to Will Kymlicka, n o t. . . as sepa
rate peoples with their own right of self-determination, even if they have
been subject to similar processes of territorial conquest and colonization
as overseas colonies.49 And given that the colonization of American Indi
ans has, particularly within postcolonial theoretical models, been glossed
or ignored in what Anne McClintock has framed as historical amnesia,
understanding the ongoing processes of colonialism that continue to af
fect American Indians and other indigenous peoples in break-away settler
societies has been useful in driving the point home that the post- has not
yet arrived.50
It is then, with some amount of that historical amnesia yet with an
awareness of the problems inherent within Hechter, Blauner, hooks, and
others who have tried to frame race as colonialism in the U.S., that Jenny
Sharpe reminds us in her essay, Is the United States Postcolonial? that
internal colonialism is only an analogy for describing the economic mar
ginalization of racial minorities.51 However, she herself reintroduces
the same problems of those scholars she critiques, as she collapses Na
tive Americans into a list of racial minorities that now include voluntary
and involuntary migrants to the United States. The postcolonial, if it can
diagnose the United States at all, according to Sharpe, does so only uneas
ily and inadequately because the colonial is an inaccurate metaphor to
describe the internal workings of the United States. Rather, postcolonial
for Sharpe must transform to be theorized as the point at which internal
social relations intersect with global capital and the international division
of labor. In other words, I want us to define the after to colonialism as the
neocolonial relations into which the United States entered with decolo
nized nations.52 Nativism, along with the notion that ethnic minorities
constitute a nation of nations, is a growing concern for Sharpe as she
argues that the nation of nations paradigm blurs the distinction between
a racial identity formed in opposition to the idea of the United States as a
nation of immigrants and an ethnic identity formed around the idea of the
United States as a nation of unmeltable immigrants.53 The incommensu
rability of the internal for American Indians resides now in an irresolvable
dialectic that always already evokes anti-immigrant nativism whenever
indigenous rights to sovereign nations are asserted. Moreover, the only
after to colonialism that Sharpe provides is not the decolonization of in
digenous nations that made the United States possible in the first place
and that Elizabeth Cook-Lynn defines as the hoped-for deconstruction of
colonialist stories, but the United States neocolonial relationship with al
ready decolonized nations in the global South.
Since the creation of the United States as a political entity, American
Indians have existed in a space o f liminality, where what was external was
repeatedly and violently reimagined and remade as internal in order to
disavow the ongoing colonization of indigenous peoples that is necessary
for the United States to exist. Kevin Bruyneel brings postcolonial theory
into conversation with indigenous critical theory to argue that colonialism
in the United States and indigenous struggles against it produce a third
space of sovereignty that resides in the borders neither inside nor outside
the United States.54 Though Bruyneel locates the postcolonial third space
spatially and temporally in the United States after the Civil War, the legal
processes through which this liminality is enacted are tied directly to the
removal of the Cherokees from the South. In the 1831 ruling on the legal
ity of the Indian Removal Act, Chief Justice John Marshall opined that
American Indians constituted domestic dependent nations and through
that ruling transformed the foreign sovereign status of native nations that
the U.S. had previously recognized into the internal domestic within the
United States.55 In 1832 Marshall reiterated the external as he affirmed that
tribes maintained the sovereign right to protect their homelands from

intrusions.56
These tensions and slippages within the law continue to haunt federal
legislation and court rulings, and yet within dominant cultural imagin
ings, the borders between the United States and native nations are end
lessly transgressable to the point that native peoples no longer exist as
political entities at all. Transforming American Indians into a minority
within a country of minorities is the fait accompli of the colonial project
that disappears sovereignty, land rights, and self-governance as American
Indians are finally, if not quite fully, assimilated into the United States. As
a theoretical concept within critical race and postcolonial theories, inter
nal colonialism continually stretches from the United States to Europe
and back again, fulfilling in the transit the need for internal Americas
and frontiers. It creates the conditions for the internal to emerge as a
modifier to colonization in the first place and then provides the discur
sive means through which internal colonialism becomes analogy for race
and class differentials within a nation-state. As a result,internal colonial
ism becomes an empty referent that can be claimed by any marginalized
group; to use it to describe the historical and spatial positionality of in
digenous nations is a colonial violence that undermines sovereignty and
self-determination.
Going to the Territory: Muiticulturalism vs. Sovereignty, Round 150 Years
The process through which the borders of the United States become in
eluctable or natural is the same process through which American Indians
become invisibilized and minoritorized within the United States. And this
might, in part, be understood as a process of colonialist expansion founded
upon legal ideologies that continually oscillate between recognizing and
disavowing the presence of the native other internal and external to the
imperial project. As Ann Laura Stoler argues, the politics of comparison,
in which the commonalities particular (racialized) entities . . . were m ade
to share and that made such comparisons pertinent and possible, also risk
flattening out historical specificities.57 One might argue that the incom
mensurability of the internal stems in part from the concept of Native
Nation which directly contradicts nationalist ideals of justice, democracy,
and civilization that are foundational to the image the United States cur
rently has of itself. Through this assimilationist mode of made to share,
U.S. slavery, as a colonial institution that stripped the bodies o f Africans

away from themselves to facilitate European and U.S. colonization of the
New World, becomes commensurable with the loss of lands that stripped
native nations away from the peoples who had lived upon those lands for
tens of thousands of years, and in turn, casts both as equally internal to the
United States. Neither balances the other, nor can they account fully for the
historical violences embedded within the Cherokees institution of slavery
within their own colonized nation and the Cherokees 2007 decision to
disenfranchise the Freedmen and refusal to recognize their own agency
and responsibility in perpetuating racist ideologies.
The incommensurabilities of the internal stem in part, too, from the
competitions embedded within the politics of comparison that Stoler
cautions against. Bell hookss metaphor of totem pole to rank hierarchi
cal oppressions performs a spatial reorganization that accounts for how
the Cherokee have benefited from and perpetuated racism against African
Americans. Flowever, the analogy breaks down because, by figuring black
oppression as foundational, it cannot address colonialist gestures within
the paradigmatic Indianness upon which it relies. The difficulty in the
case of the Cherokee Freedmen is that within these hierarchical models of
racial and colonialist imaginings, and like hookss totem pole, the myths of
multiculturalism and racial inclusion deconstruct in the face of the mate
rial body of the Cherokee Freedmen who historically carry the supple
mental traces of Indian and slave and who then slip between the two, de
pending upon the agenda of the colonizing and enslaving discourses that
the Freedmens presence confronts. Such analogies leave the Southeastern
Freedmen with nowhere to stand, with no claim, and with no recognition.
Because the Cherokee Nation is in violation of the U.S. national imagi
nary of its own racial inclusions and multiculturalism as well as the 1866
treaty, and because its principal chief has argued in essence the Nations
sovereign right to make immoral decisions, Congress has responded by
threatening to cease all federal recognition of the tribe in what is, in ef
fect, termination of their status under federal law. Included within Repre
sentative Watsons HR 2761 is a further provision that, should such a bill
ever pass, will allow the United States to initiate six months later a similar
process with the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, and Seminole, each of whom
have very different colonial histories and treaties addressing the Freed
men question. Discursively, the legislation Watson has proposed delineates
a one-size-fits-all response to the Southeastern Indian nations and con-
ceptually denies their distinct national and cultural sovereignties from the
start, collapsing all five nations into the treaty the Cherokee negotiated in
1866, and then into the United States itself. At the same time, the issue is
framed as one over which all Americans have a say, because monies ap
propriated to provide services to the Cherokees are, according to standard
politician rhetoric, taxpayer s dollars. The tensions and competitions be
tween racist and colonialist ideologies refracting around the Cherokees
vote and the U.S. congressional response have brought the impossibilities
of domestic sovereign nations into sharp focus, along with all the dis
courses of race and identity, sovereignty and colonization, civilization and
savagery that fuel dominant notions of Indianness, which have haunted
native and African native peoples for centuries.
Further, the questions that continue to surround the Cherokees deci
sion to define identity through citizenship based on certain rolls and not
others underscore the competing understandings of how native identity is
articulated. When the Cherokee Nation argues that you have to be Indian
to be Indian, embedded within that statement is an essentialism that runs
counter to prevailing U.S. understandings of self and race.58 Does an In
dian ancestor, whether or not that person can be documented within the
historical record, constitute a valid claim to a tribal identity? How are kin
ship and relation traditionally understood within tribal ontologies? And
are they shaped in any way by the colonial imposition of the Dawes rolls
that transformed community identity into an individualistic self traced
through a paper trail? Alternatively, does African American ancestry in
validate any other claims to what is now, at its core, an indigenous identity
defined as citizenship within the Cherokee Nation?
The ways in which the U.S. colonial, national, and racial imaginary has
framed this issue are further elucidated by Representative Diane Watson
who, when asked during an interview on National Public Radio why she,
as a California congresswoman, had any interest or right to intervene in
the Cherokee Nation of Oklahomas political decisions, responded: Be
cause I have Indian blood. Were descendants of Pocahontas. Not the
Pocahontas thats part of the Cherokees, but since we have Indian blood,
it could happen among our nation as well.59 One could read this moment
as an example of playing Indian, where claiming Indianness is part of a
core process through which U.S. nonnative national identities form.60 But
a fear that it could happen among our nation as well seems to compli
cate such an interpretation. Though one assumes she is referring here to
1 4 0 "BEEN TO THE NATION, LORD, BUT I COULDN'T STAY THERE"
Pocahontass nationthe Powhatanto whom Watson traces her Indian

blood, her delineation o f a nation refers back to the Pocahontas that is not
part of the Cherokees. The Pocahontas in the Cherokee Nation to whom
she refers through deferral could be interpreted as a reference to the In
dian Womens Cherokee Pocahontas Club, but that would not constitute
an indigenous identity nor would it provide a historical person through
whom one might trace ancestry within the Cherokee Nation.
While Representative Watsons ellipsis is telling in that it reveals a claim
to Indian blood based on an incomplete story that then provides an expla
nation for her congressional activism on the part of Cherokee Freedmen,
more interesting and significant, I think, is her slippage at the end when she
refers to our nation. Given the context of her answer, it seems she is ex
pressing concern about the possibility of African American disenfranchise
ment from the nation to which Pocahontas belonged. However, the turn to
our nation also resonates with her role as an elected U.S. Representative
and member of the Congressional Black Caucus who is committed to pass
ing socially just legislation within the United States. Such an elision in the
ways she articulates what is at stake for her might be read as an implicit
acknowledgement that such disenfranchisement, which has already hap
pened in her nationthe United Statesduring the 2000 and 2004 presi
dential elections, has yet to be confronted and dealt with morally or legally.
In many ways, the call for sanctions against the Cherokee might be said
to function additionally as a call for social justice in the face of the same
disenfranchisement that occurs within the U.S. liberal multicultural state.
The controversy around the Cherokee Nations decision to disenfran
chise Freedmen who were citizens is framed as a moral issue for the
United States to address precisely because it adheres to the constitutive
hegemonic illusion of the U.S. myth of multicultural inclusion in which
Freedmen, within the logics of the incommensurable internal, are first
African American and then Indian. In its projection of itself as civilized
and civilizing, the United States propagates the fiction that it has already
resolved these issues for itself by sanctioning the Cherokees for their rac
ism and participation in slavery. In the process, the Cherokee Nation, once
referred to as one of the Five Civilized Tribes and now reframed as one of
the Five Slaveholding Tribes, is rewritten back into the discourses of sav
agery as Congress chastises them for violating the rule of law, even though
in the summer of 2007 the Cherokee Court issued an injunction against
the Cherokee Nation, temporarily halting the disenfranchisement of the
Freedmen as it considered the constitutionality of the vote. The sense of

Cherokee lawlessness must at some level be redressed in order to redeem
the larger colonizing United States. Meanwhile, the Cherokee who voted
to disenfranchise the Freedmen are in the process of mirroring the colo
nial racisms embedded within discourses of multiculturalism as a means
to deny their own immoral and racist disenfranchisement of a group of
people because they are descendants of their forebears slaves. They justify
the North/South divisions within their own nation through a cathexis of
U.S. rhetorics of multicultural inclusion:
The Cherokee Nation is a great Indian nation that embraces our

mixed-race heritage. We are proud of our thousands of citizens
who share African-American, Latino, Asian, Caucasian and other
ancestry. Our sole purpose is to weave together a great Indian
nation, made up of many ethnic groups which are knit together
through one common cultural threada shared bond to an Indian
ancestor on the base roll.61
In their attempts to weave a thread of diversity to knit a defense of

the indefensible, repeating the great Indian nation twice and echoing U.S.
evocations of patriotic founding documents, the Cherokee here deploy
this lofty language only to uphold as a cultural thread the base roll that
was used to dispossess Cherokee of their lands during the allotment pe
riod and create the by blood racial category in the first place.
Gayatri Spivak significantly warns about nationalism when she argues
that just as nationalism in many ways is a displaced or reversed legiti
mation of colonialism, this approach is a displacement of what we have,
metonymically, named Hegel.62 In other words, for Spivak, colonialism
produces nationalism in the ways in which anticolonialist action comes
into the world and that action, moreover, reifies that colonialism even in
its resistances. Within Spivakian theoretical figurations, positing hybridity
as salve for the excessive thresholds of exclusions that form the basis for
calls to national identity results in another problem: too uncritical a cele
bration of the hybrid . . . inadvertently legitimizes the pure by reversal.
In many ways, Spivaks observation that hybridity creates purity, especially
for what she terms the generalized indigenous soul, seems particularly
relevant to the disenfranchisement of the Cherokee Freedmen. Despite all
attempts to stave oft Manichean dichotomies of authentic/inauthentic,
142 BEEN TO THE NATION, LORD, BUT I COULDN'T STAY THERE"
mixed/full, hybrid/pure we are still caught in a Hegelian dialectic of

self/other that has already occurred through colonization.63 One can read
this as a caution, as 1 think Spivak intends, over a zero-sum game. In this
dialectic, one discovers that one can only counter hybridity with claims to
pureness or wholeness that lead to totalitarianism as one possible disas
trous outcome of nationalism.
Nowhere do the problematics of nationalism become more evident
than in the ways in which the United States constructed for itself a national
literature. In 1818 British critic Sidney Smith wrote:
Literature the Americans have noneno native literature, we mean.

It is aLI imported. They had a Franklin, indeed; and may afford to
live for half a century on his fame.. . . There is also a small account
of Virginia, by Jefferson, and an epic by Joel Barlow; and some pieces
of pleasantry by Mr. Irving. But why should the Americans write
books, when a six weeks passage brings them, in their own tongue,
our sense, science, and genius, in bales and hogsheads?64
In many ways, Smiths imperialist critique of American literary culture (or

rather the lack thereof) draws upon already well-established colonialist
discourses that figure the emergent United States as American, a crucible
of naming transformations that ultimately serves to supplant indigenous
peoples with settlers and figures colonialists as the natives of the land, all
the while erasing American Indians from consciousness at all in a process
Jean M. OBrien has described as firsting and lasting.65 Smiths dismissal
of the uncultured American creates the need for a nativist national lit
erature, and in October 1837 journalist and nationalist John L. OSullivan
takes up the cause of wedding literature and politics in his inaugural issue
of 'Ihe United States Democratic Review, when he writes:
But a more potent influence than any yet noticed is that of our
national literature. Or rather we have no national literature. We
depend almost wholly on Europe, and particularly England, to
think and write for us, or at least to furnish materials and models
after which we shall mold our own humble attempts. We have a
considerable number of writers; but not in that consists a national
literature. The vital principle of an American national literature
must be democracy.66
This essay, which also famously included the phrase The best govern
ment is that which governs least that Thoreau espoused over a decade
later, begins a monthly magazine that, according to Robert Scholnick,
serves as a unique site to explore the interconnections and contradictions
of politics, rhetoric, literature, race, empire, and print culture during the
antebellum years.67 Part of the Young America movement, OSullivans
monthly published writings and essays by Henry David Thoreau, Walt
Whitman, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Nathaniel Hawthorne in addition
to reflections upon the political struggles of the Democratic Partyit is
in the pages of this magazine that OSullivan coins the phrase manifest
destiny in 1845. In 1858 Whitman reflects back on its contribution as a
monthly magazine of profounder quality of talent than any since.68 In
spite of such praise, however, the larger cultural work was, Scholnick re
minds us,to legitimize and naturalize a social order that included slavery,
Indian extermination, and territorial conquest.69
Scholnick is particularly concerned with the ways in which periodicals
underwrote political power in the antebellum United States and as a result
focuses primarily on the ways in which the Democratic Review's politi
cal commentary supported the gag rule to keep Congress from debating
slavery, in addition to praising the minority judges Johnson and Baldwin
in opposition to Marshall in his decision in Worcester v. Georgia as dis
sentient against a minatory opinion, which rather brandished than hurled
the veto; but next session the lightning went with the thunder, striking a
sovereign State lifeless, at the feet of a savage tribe adjudged a nation.70
That the magazine emanated out of Jacksonian politics and the entire proj
ect was undergirded by ideologies of slavery and celebrations of removal
underscores what is key to understand here in relation to literary nation
alism. If, as Craig Womack argues in Red on Red, Tribal literatures are
not some branch waiting to be grafted onto the main trunk [of American
literature]. Tribal literatures are the tree, the oldest literatures in the Ameri
cas, the most American of American literatures. We are the canon, then
how should we understand the implications of these competing visions of
literary nationalism, especially when they intersect with the politics of
disenfrachisement and exclusion within indigenous nations and the larger
colonizing one?71
Linda Tuhiwai Smith compellingly argues that we, indigenous peo
ples, people of colour the Other, however we are named, have a presence
in the Western imagination, in its fibre and texture, in its sense of itself, in
its language, in its silences and shadows, its margins and intersections.72
OSullivans manifest destiny and literary nationalism exist simultaneously
to Chickasaw, Choctaw, Creek, Seminole, and Cherokee struggles to re
tain sovereignty in the face of an overriding U.S. nation that ultimately
legislates and enforces removal. I am not trying to overdetermine how
OSullivans magazine functions as doppelganger in calls for nationalism,
but it seems to create, in that moment of deconstruction, the native re
sponse. OSullivans assertion of a U.S. literary nationalism as justification
and rationale for removal creates the possibility that there is another na
tionalism or other nationalisms that exist as shadow because the anteced
ent nationalism arose exactly to carve out and ennunciate the United States
in relation to native peoples and lands. And through adaptation as resis
tance strategy, the Five Civilized Tribes are swept up in the recognitions
and misrecognitions that not only provide the United States its fibre and
texture but finally compel removal and genocide juridically and militarily.
A troubling trend within indigenous nationalism has been the reifi
cation of colonization and imperialism that situates outsiders, and any
one who might be identified as such depending on political agendas, as
always already oppressive others, and here I am thinking specifically of
the ways in which indigenous arrivants enter other indigenous lands as
a consequence of colonization and diaspora. One of the key components
of national self-determination and sovereignty involves the nations ability
to define for itself the self and other, the inside and out. These bound
aries are absolutely necessary, first and foremost for indigenous peoples
because of the genocidal ethnic fraud, and the concomitant speaking as,
not to mention the exploitation and mining of indigenous intellectual and
cultural subjectivities. However, as Robert Warriors essay Native Critics
in the World points out, there have always been intellectual epistemolo-
gies within tribal communities that work against such otherings and that
strive to define responsible and right relations that reframe recognitions
and ethical encounters that are not dependent upon what Giorgio Agam-
ben has delimited as the state of exception.73
The racial and colonial discourses arising from the Cherokee Freed
men issue reveal some of the incommensurabilities embedded within the
concept of U.S. internal colonialism, because the Freedmen themselves
represent impossible internals within the United States and Cherokee na
tion. As Diane Watsons proposed legislation demonstrates, the fact that
the Cherokee Freedmen are black and descendants of slaves places them
firmly within the tautology of American progress towards racial equality

and therefore constructs them first and foremost as citizens of the United
States. Their alterity stems from the fact that they seek citizenship within
a sovereign, though colonized, nation that transforms them into refugees
from their own histories and identities. Such multicultural poses cannot
hold up to the question of how Indian identity is constituted culturally or
juridically, nor can those poses ever enact justice within a system through
which the ongoing colonization of North America depends upon all the
inhabitants on the continent cathecting the United States as home.
Away to a World Unknown
The title of this chapter is taken from Charley Pattons 1929 song, Down
the Dirt Road Blues, in which he sings about the liminality of his own Afri
can, Mississippi Choctaw, and white ancestry.74 With lyrics such as Im
going away to a world unknownIve been to the Nation, mmm Lord, but
I couldnt stay there, Some people say them overseas blues aint bad, and
Every day seem like murder here, the song is structured around stanzas
about the impossible triple binds of his own history. The song testifies to
his inability to be at home in this world, be it the Nation or Indian Terri
tory, living overseas, or surviving the murder that is the Mississippi Delta.
While the song engages the incommensurabilites of identity, place, and be
longing for an African American whose identity triangulates internally and
externally to the United States, Europe, and indigenous nations, a subtler
subtext plays out within the song and the ways it attempts to resolve some
possibility of finding community through musical structure and the call
and response that arise out of the confluence between slaves and Choc
taws within the Mississippi Delta where he was born. Tuscarora artist Pura
Fe sings back to Charley Patton and other African Indian blues musicians
in her song, Going Home/Stomp Dance. Recalling Patton as a Choctaw
blues musician, she attempts to sing him home by linking Southeastern In
dian stomp dance music with the other musical influences that gave birth
to the blues. Tell the world the blues where it comes from, she sings. I hear
Nigerian chains, they say are buried real deep. Tobacco fields, Trail of Tears,
stolen people on stolen lands.75 The syncretic exchanges that arise from
the interpellations of racial and colonial identities within the United States
provide both Patton and Pura Fe a vibrant soundscape through which to re-
imagine community that transcends the current limitations of a landscape
mapped and owned through colonization. While Pattons search for identity
and belonging never reaches resolution in the song, he initiates a journey to
a world unknown in the hopes that it might someday be.
Though the Cherokee Nation and its Principal Chief Chad Smith argue
that Freedmen citizenship is a matter of sovereignty and a matter for the
Cherokees to handle themselves through their own legislative and juridical
systems of governance, the Nation could equally resolve the issue through
a radical act of sovereignty that restores the Freedmen to full citizenship
status immediately. As Robert Warrior rejoins, Chad Smith could save us
all the trouble by following some of the best examples of Cherokee history
rather than the morally corrupting and exclusionary ones he and his sup
porters have chosen thus far.76 Instead, on February 3, 2009, the Chero
kee Nation filed a lawsuit in the U.S. federal court in Tulsa, listing several
Freedmen, Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar, and the Department of
the Interior as defendants and asking the court to rule that the Five Tribes
Act of 1906 amended the 1866 Treaty to strip non-Indian Freedmen of
their rights to citizenship. In a statement about the case, Chad Smith said,
The Cherokee Nation [is] keeping its word, and letting the federal courts
have a clear path to reaching a decision on the merits without compromis
ing the nations sovereign immunity.7' On January 14, 2011, a Cherokee
Nation district court judge overruled the 2007 vote and reaffirmed that
the Treaty of 1866 granted full citizenship rights to Freedmen and their
descendants. As the federal cases still pend, an attorney for the Cherokee
Nation has indicated that they are considering an appeal to the Chero
kee Nations district court decision.78 The inclusion of the Freedmen in
the Five Southeastern Nations, however, does not need to be framed as an
issue of competition over scarce resources, an attack on indigenous sover
eignty, or a reenactment of the removal from traditional homelands that
casts Freedmen as intruders threatening the rights and lands of traditional
peoples. Rather, it is a unique opportunity for the colonized Southeastern
Indian nations to enact the kinship sovereignties that have for so long been
part of our governance structures in order to form the kind of relations
that will not only reconcile the violences of the past but move us towards a
decolonial future where we can finally go to the nation and know that we
can stay.
5
Satisfied w ith Stones
Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization and the Discourses of Resistance
Ua lawa makou i ka pdhaku,

I ka 'ai kamaha'o o ka aina.
(We are satisfied with the stones,
Astonishingfood o f the land.)
Ellen Wright Prendergast, "Kaulana Na Pua"
Sin of Annexation
For a while now, as discussed in the first chapter, literary scholars, histo
rians, and American studies scholars have perennially debated when and
how U.S. empire emerged to reveal its face to the rest of the world. Often
in these discussions, 1898 circulates, Victor Bascara explains in Model-
Minority Imperialism, as aberration, a moment of decision to take up
imperialism and an unburdening of empire, the removal of the ideologi
cal and material encumbrances that make expansion hard to legitimate.1
The nineteenth-century fin de siecle marked, Bascara says, the moment
the United States first became an old-style empire, forcibly acquiring
lands beyond its borders and unfurling Old Glory conspicuously above
them.2 Within such formulations, the year 1898 signals the point at which
the United States nascent ability to militarily slip from the internal oc
cupations of race to external overthrows and annexations of Pacific and
Caribbean islands, and that year stands as time-stamp despite the work of
scholars to reframe 1898 through the Mexican-American War, the Civil
War, and other burgeoning imperialist endeavors. It is a date that accom
modates, certainly, Native Hawaiian critiques of U.S. empire, and one that
obscures and denies what American Indian nations have known and expe
rienced since the onset of the United States. Such recurrent tendencies to
147
1 4 8 SATISFIED WITH STONES
mark the United States as imperial only after it encounters salt water stem
from a foundational U.S. exceptionalism that declared the lands between
the Atlantic and the Pacific to be somehow uninhabited and miraculously
part of the United States whether any citizen of that nation had ever set
foot on the soil there. As Manifest Destiny declared its intent to slide from
one shining city upon a hill to the next as it progressed westward towards
Hawai'i and the Philippines, those intervening lands initially deemed ex
ternal and terrifying were continually remade and remapped as internal in
an attempt to obliterate any other possible spatial, historical, or sovereign
memory.
One feature of U.S. imperialism (if one wants to phrase it as if mar
keting a new product for purchase) has been the discursive machinery it
has deployed to confront, contain, and abject difference and alterity. As we
all know, upon those external-made-internal lands that predate the crea
tion of U.S. empire live those indigenous nations who have, for centuries,
fought, negotiated, and struggled to remain in charge of their own destinies
in spite of the overarching wave of colonialism that swept over and across
North America. Simultaneously, the constructed Indian became a utili
tarian transit of empire within U.S. discoursesthose against the United
States at the turn of the twentieth century or the turn of the twenty-first
century are always already savage,terrifying,"heathen,uncivilized, or
inhabitants o f Indian Country. While such examples can be discussed
across the U.S. military-industrial complex from Okinawa and Vietnam to
Iraq and Nicaragua, this chapter centers on Hawaii and the ways in which
Indianness functions as imperial sign and infection within the contact
zones of what have become, through colonization and occupation, U.S.
indigeneities. Taking as my entry point, then, the current debates over fed
eral recognition for Native Hawaiians that continue to play out in the local
politics of Hawaii and that have stretched into U.S. continental presiden
tial and congressional elections, 1 interrogate how the United States has
deployed Indianness as a function of colonial incorporation at the same
time that I consider the ways in which resistance to those discourses of
Indianness further entrench U.S. control over American Indian nations.
For American Indians and scholars familiar with U.S. federal Indian
policies, the word reorganization most likely calls to mind the Indian
Reorganization Act, also known as the Wheeler-Howard Act, of 1934.
That act, under the guidance of John Collier, has sometimes been dubbed
the Indian New Deal. In the most generous reading, it halted the disas-
SATISFIED WITH STONES 1 4 9
trous allotment policies of the late nineteenth century, reestablished gov-

ernment-to-government relationships between Indian nations and the
United States, and granted authority to the Department of the Interior to
reconstruct tribal governance against traditional forms of government to
reflect the United States model of liberal democracy as a means of civi
lizing through self-governance. Though the principles of the Act shaped
a broad legislative agenda for the U.S. Congress in the 1930s and 1940s,
ultimately less than half o f American Indian nations reorganized under
its auspices. Yet in Hawai'i, where the proposed Native Hawaiian Govern
ment Reorganization Act is more commonly referred to as the Akaka bill,
that context and layering on of continental federal Indian policy is often
sublimated or forgotten even as the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, court cases
such as Rice v. Cayetano (2000) and Doe v. Kam eham eha (2005), and the
U.S. Congress debate whether Hawaiians have the same status as Ameri
can Indian nations under the commerce clause of the U.S. Constitution.3
Sometimes, and understandably, attempts to contextualize U.S. coloniza
tion of Hawai'i through American Indian histories are criticized as yet
another form of U.S. hegemonic imperialism that seeks to transform sub
jects of an independent Hawaiian kingdom into Native Americans. Many
Hawaiian activists, and especially kingdom sovereignty nationalists, focus
on understanding the Hawaiian archipelago as the site of exceptionalism
within the trajectory of U.S. empire-building. Hawaii is in this view a mili
tarily occupied territory logically outside the bounds of American control,
while American Indian nations are naturalized as wholly belonging to and
within the colonizing logics of the United States.4
This chapter will focus particularly on how the Native Hawaiian Gov
ernment Reorganization Act of 2007 has been framed discursively within
Hawaii and within the continental United States as a way to understand how
the United States, as it develops and contorts its own federal laws to control
indigenous nations, uses discourses of Indianness to solidify and extend its
boundaries. In the face of these colonial processes that seek to mask the frac
tures within the United States boundaries at the site where they overlap and
overwrite American Indian nations, it seems important to relocate the pend
ing legislation within the larger history of U.S. concerns about where Indian
nations figure, whether internal or external, as the United States extends its
imperialist gaze towards Hawai'i. Foundationally,the United Statescoloniza
tion of American Indian nations throughout the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries provided the impetus for the imperial turn that stretched and then
naturalized the United States across the continent and into the Pacific. Na
tive Hawaiian activists, more frequently than they intend, mirror U.S. hege
monic and colonizing discourses used to maintain control over American
Indian lands and resources as they struggle to find a way out of that imperial
grasp for their own island nation and kingdom.
What is at stake for me in this chapter is twofold. First, I want to em
phasize in unequivocal terms my abiding support for Hawaiian indepen
dence struggles against the United States as they are argued in interna
tional forums. There is no singular indigenous sovereignty, nor is there a
singular history that contains the specificities of U.S. imperialism as it has
affected Alaska Native villages, American Indian nations, unincorporated,
insular, and incorporated territories, Hawai'i, Iraq, Okinawa, and Afghani
stan, to name just a few. There is, however, a United States government that
uses precedent and the rule of law to colonize through the unification of
the bureaucratic and militaristic systems of colonial administration and
control. 1 argue for the decolonization of Hawai'i, but 1 also argue for the
decolonization of North America, which leads me to the second concern
of this chapter: to find ways for activists and scholars to resist the pro
cesses through which the U.S. government pits indigenous and Hawaiian
struggles against each other in what Taiaiake Alfred and Jeff Corntassel
have identified as the politics of distraction.5 Such politics emerge in the
context of certain discourses of Indianness, constructed juridically and
legislatively by U.S. law to further underwrite U.S. empire and ensure that
the forms of protest that rise up in resistance to that empire are limited,
constrained by affective normativities, and self-policing. By pitting in
digenous peoples against each other, or making them fight for scraps to
avoid the larger structuring problems of settler colonialism, the politics of
distraction that I want to interrogate serve to maintain U.S. control over
colonized indigenous peoples, lands, and resources on the continent and
in the Pacific by naturalizing that control as the a priori condition to any
anticolonial critique. To that end, this chapter examines the cacophony
of Indianness underscoring the legal logics of various iterations of the
Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act considered by the U.S.
Congress and the state of Hawafi. In addition 1 will consider how a para
digmatic Indianness has functioned within resistances, indigenous and
haole, radical and conservative, to that legislationresistances that pull
between racial and national identities, threat and contagion, and the inter
nal and external imaginings upon which U.S. colonialist discourses transit.
SATISFIED WITH STONES 151
Unexpected Hawaiians in Indian Places
In the March 16,1935, issue of the New Yorker, a short vignette appears in
the Talk of the Town, a section that reports gossip on happenings around
town, functioning much the same way then as now. The piece reported
on the opening of a new restaurant called the Versailles, and while news
of a new French restaurant is not usually cause for gossip, the restaurants
featured specialty was. The authors decided to investigate, and when they
arrived, they found the scene exactly as it had been reported to them. The
restaurant, to distinguish itself from others in the area, was featuring an
Indian dish, prepared by a real Indian. The Indian in this moment was a
woman dressed in beaded buckskin, complete with braids and moccasins.
The writers, curious as to what an Indian dish might beand they could
only imagine corn-meal mushdecided to give the cook carte blanche to
prepare whatever she liked for them. As soon as the meal was presented, the
piece continues, they were struck by the fact that it was indeed an Indian
dishan excellent meal featuring curried lamb, rice, chutney, and grated
coconut. Disturbed by the discrepancy between Indians, but not willing to
challenge anyone in person, the writers headed across the street to call the
restaurant under the assumed identity of a curator at the Museum of the
American Indian. They asked the headwaiter if he could inform them what
tribe the woman belonged to; when he returned, he told them, Well, shes
Hawaiian, but she looks Indian. With the mystery deepening, they contin
ued to push the waiter until they got the full story: The lady in question is
Miss Alice Tong. She was born in Hawaii, the gateway to the Far East and
naturally picked up a thorough knowledge of Indian cooking. When she
went to work at the Versailles, they sent her to a costumers to get an Indian
costume, and she came back rigged out as a squaw. She looked so nice in
the outfit, and seemed so pleased with it, that the management didnt have
the courage to tell her anything was wrong.6
By the time that this squib appeared in 1935, John Collier and Frank
lin D. Roosevelt had successfully passed the Indian New Deal and had
begun reorganizing American Indian governments. Hawaii had already
been annexed as a U.S. territory for thirty-seven years, and debates had
been under way for almost as long about admitting the islands as a state.
However, since the 1900s, Republican senators and their southern Demo
cratic allies blocked such proposals for fear of admitting a state with such
a strong ethnic minority composed primarily of Asians, particularly after
several Chinese exclusion acts had been passed starting in 1882.7 The scene
exemplifies the discourses and confusions of race, nation, and Indianness
spiraling around the colonization of Hawai'i. There are a number of ways
to unpack these historical collisions, but for my purposes, what is inter
esting is the ways in which Native Hawaiians are seemingly haunted by
an Indianness that simultaneously includes and excludes them within U.S.
modernity. Moreover, that Indianness in which Asians and Hawaiians
collapsed into the form of Miss Alice Tong who could be either one or a
combination of both (the story never clarifies)pass as exotic domestic
foreignness within the fractures played out upon the signification of In
dian, continues to ghost Hawaiians as they slip between Asian, American,
and Indian as well as between a racial and political identity in the decades
leading up to the admission of Hawai'i as the fiftieth state.
As all these anxieties about internal and external, indigenous and do
mestic foreignness play out on the body of a woman identified as Hawai
ian passing as Indian, the story in the New Yorker speaks to deeper con
cerns about authenticity, the real, and performativity. What emerges in
the parallax gap between and among Hawaiians, Asians, and American
Indians, as well as their potential interchangeability, is not so much a dy
namic between native and arrivant per se, but rather the product of colo
nial discourses, in which the particulars of distinct colonial encounters
are flattened into equivalencies that then pit one colonial history against
another as each tries to claim a parallactic real from which to resist. Rather
than understanding those histories as absolutely interconnected by United
States imperialism, what occurs, not only in the story but in Native Hawai
ian resistance some seventy years later, is the seemingly absolute incom
mensurability of the historical processes that created Indians as domestic
dependents belonging to the United States and Native Hawaiians as some
thing else entirely. Through the tensions between vying claims to indige
nous colonial positionalitypulled out into competition in the reification
and creation of a Native American that Native Hawaiians now resist as
they assert their rights to self-determination and sovereigntywe can see
how the stages of U.S. policies that transformed American Indian nations
from foreign nations into domestic peoples become stabilized and natural
ized in the distance between the mainland and its Pacific colonies.
In 1993, one hundred years after the U.S.-backed overthrow of Queen
Lilfuokalani by local white businessmen and missionaries and one year
after the triumphalism of the Columbus quincentennial, President Clinton
SATISFIED WITH STONES 1 53
signed into law the Apology Resolution, in which the U.S. acknowledged
its role in the dissolution of the Hawaiian kingdom. While the apology,
like much the United States does, is not legally binding and served only as
a mea culpa, it did set the stage and indeed called for a process of recon
ciliation between the United States and citizens of the Hawaiian kingdom.
It was also an attempt to acknowledge a formal relationship between the
United States government and the indigenous people of Hawaii through
a recognition that the United States had deprived Hawaiians of their in
nate rights to sovereignty and self-determination. However, the 1993 Apol
ogy Bill did nothing to redress the legal indeterminacies swirling around
Hawai'i and did not resolve the question about where Hawaiians fit within
or outside of the larger U.S. imperial society or colonialist legal structures.8
And because the Apology Resolution did nothing to restore the Hawai
ian kingdom, nor did it even attempt to resolve the legal indetermina
cies of race, indigeneity, and sovereignty affecting Native Hawaiians and
their relationship to the United States, Hawai'i senators Daniel Inouye and
Daniel Akaka proposed a bill in 2000, initially conceived as a form of fed
eral recognition, that would incorporate Native Hawaiians into the same
legal category of domestic dependence that subsumes American Indian
sovereignties. Senators Inouye and Akaka framed the bill as a legislative
initiative to follow up on the process of reconciliation between the United
States and Native Hawaiians begun with the Apology Resolution. Part of
President Clintons 1993 "Acknowledgement and Apology expressed a
commitment to acknowledge the ramifications of the overthrow of the
Kingdom of Hawai'i, in addition to acknowledging that the agents and
citizens of the United States deprived Native Hawaiians of their rights to
self-determination.9 However, much of the initial urgency to move forward
on federal recognition seven years after the official U.S. apology stemmed
from the then recent rulings in cases such as Rice v. Cayetano and the
legal challenges facing other programs administered by Kanaka Maoli in
Hawai'i, including the administration of Hawaiian Homelands. In the late
1990s and early 2000s, the state of Hawai'i became a test ground for viru
lent anti-affirmative action cases that sought to establish precedent within
U.S. law by taking advantage of those legal indeterminacies that left Native
Hawaiians somewhere between a racial category and a political entity. The
first blow came in the 2000 Rice v. Cayetano case when the U.S. Supreme
Court ruled in favor of Harold F. Rice, a fourth-generation nonnative resi
dent of the Hawaiian islands who challenged the legality of a native-only
vote, arguing that the exclusionary, race-based vote for representatives

in the Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA) that oversees Native Hawaiian
trusts violated the Fifteenth Amendment.10 That ruling, along with cases
challenging the right of Kamehameha Schools to use race as a basis for
admission and the legality of Hawaiian Homelands to lease lands only to
native Hawaiians, Kanaka Maoli with 50 percent blood quantum or more,
provides some of the impetus for federal recognition and reorganization.
Support for the Akaka bill has spanned the political spectrum in Wash
ington and in the Hawai'i state legislature. Both Republican and Demo
cratic members of Congress have backed the bill, and at various times
during her tenure as the Republican governor of Hawai'i, Linda Lingle
promised to push the Bush II and Obama administrations to move for
ward on the bill with the weight of full White House approval. However,
some Republicans such as John McCain, who has served as chairman of
the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, have expressed reservations
concerning the impact of the bill on current federal Indian law and the
future possibility of gaming within Hawai'i, while still other Republicans
object to the creation of a separate government in the state of Hawai'i on
the grounds that it is unconstitutional.11 The core political concern ex
pressed by Republicans who oppose the bill is that it would, in their view,
create a distinct and sovereign government within an already established
state in the United States whose rights and power would ultimately su
persede those of the state. Further, they argue, establishing a government
based solely upon what they see to be claims to ethnic identity excludes
outsiders from any access to lands, funds, resources, and decision-making
power while also creating special rights for a racial, in this case Native
Hawaiian, minority.12
The bill itself provides the structure through which the United States
recognizes that despite the overthrow of the government of the Kingdom
of Hawai'i, Native Hawaiians have continued to maintain their separate
identity as a distinct native community through cultural, social, and politi
cal institutions, and to give expression to their rights as native people to
self-determination, self-governance, and economic self-sufficiency.13 In
order to further those claims to self-determination and self-governance,
the Akaka bill authorizes the establishment of additional bureaucracies
(and here bureaucracy is indeed the point) that outnumber those that cur
rently exist to administer Indian trusts and treaty annuities. Some of the
departments that would be created by the Akaka bill include the United
States Office for Native Hawaiian Relations within the Office of the Secre
tary of the Interior, as well as the Native Hawaiian Interagency Coordinat
ing Group within the Department of the Interior.
Additionally, the bill provides a mind-numbingly latticed framework
through which Native Hawaiians will establish a Native Hawaiian Gov
erning Entity (NHGE) that will work closely with the Office for Native
Hawaiian Relations and the Native Hawaiian Interagency Coordinat
ing Group to maintain and facilitate the special relationship between
the United States and the reorganized Hawaiian government. In order to
establish such a governing entity, the bill provides for the creation of a
commission of nine adult members of the Native Hawaiian community
who would oversee the creation and maintenance of a roll, similar to those
created as part o f the Dawes Act, of each adult member of the Native Ha
waiian community who elects to participate in the reorganization of the
Native Hawaiian governing entity.14 The bill further defines Native Ha
waiians eligible for enrollment as
(i) An individual who is one of the indigenous, native people of

Hawaii and who is a direct lineal descendant of the aboriginal, in
digenous people who (I) resided in the islands that now comprise
the State of Hawaii on or before January 1,1893; and (II) occupied
and exercised sovereignty in the Hawaiian archipelago, including
the area that now constitutes the State of Hawaii; or (ii) an indi
vidual who is 1 of the indigenous, native people of Hawaii and who
was eligible in 1921 for the programs authorized by the Hawaiian
Homes Commission Act (42 Stat. 108, chapter 42) or a direct lineal
descendant of that individual.15
Although the Akaka bill does not impose a blood quantum per se, the Ha
waiian Homes Commission Act did set blood requirements for those who
could be awarded lands at 50 percent or more (referred to in state law
as native Hawaiians in distinction from the generalized Native Hawai
ian who traces direct lineal descent regardless of blood quantum). Any
movement towards membership rolls raises fears of blood quantum re
quirements that, should they be instituted within the Native Hawaiian
governing entity would violate Hawaiian cultural protocols of descent and
genealogy.16 Once the community of Native Hawaiians enrolls and the
Secretary of the Interior approves the final document, they will then be
authorized to establish a governing council whose duties will include the

creation of the organic documents of governance that will form the basis
for the NHGE. The intricacies of interoperative agencies and government
offices hint at the number of vested interests jockeying for power in the
structures that federal recognition will create. OHA, for instance, assumes
that its agency will quickly transform into the new Office of Native Hawai
ian Relations that will supposedly have similar responsibilities as the Bu
reau of Indian Affairs (BIA). What is notable, and a bit stunning, is the
number of interagency groups that will be created and exist alongside the
BIA within the Department of the Interior should such a bill ever pass.
The racial and legal indeterminacies that haunt Native Hawaiians with
in the current logics of U.S. colonialism and threaten to impose a specter
of additionally bureaucratized federal policy upon them have prompted
Senator Jon Kyi from Arizona to complain that Native Hawaiian reorgani
zation is a preferential and unconstitutional creation of a race-based gov
ernment that will balkanize the United States when, he fears, other racial
groups like Mexican Americans, Asian Americans, and African Americans
will follow suit and claim rights to establish for themselves sovereign na
tions within the U.S. based upon historical oppression.17 Radically refram
ing the recognition of American Indian sovereignty that is at the heart of
the impetus to recognize Hawai'i as a form of racial special rights, Kyi
signals a deeper fear that somehow Indianness in the form of indige
nous sovereignty and self-determination will spread to other minorities,
who will then argue for similar recognitions and thereby break the United
States into pockets of racial nations in the pursuit for social justice.
As the specter of federal Indian policy looms for Senator Kyi as a trope
of historical and special racial entitlement rather than a long history of
treaty recognitions and state diplomacies with and among indigenous na
tions, what accompanies the layering of federal Indian policy into the Pa
cific is a similar sense of contagion. Senator Daniel Inouye, in a report
on the Akaka Bill to the 107th Congress ten days after the events of 9/11,
went to great lengths to argue that words like Indian and tribe within
the Commerce Clause and the Indians not Taxed clause of the Constitu
tion denote an understanding of the place of aboriginal nations within
U.S. borders and laws. In effect, Inouye argues that Hawaiians are Indians"
that the Framers of the Constitution did not import a meaning to those
terms as a limitation upon the authority o f Congress, but as descriptions
of the native people who occupied and possessed the lands that were later
to become the United States.18 As such, Inouye continues, Hawaiians fall

under the jurisdiction of the federal government, where a formal acknowl
edgment of the domestic dependent nature of Hawaiians living within the
United States is the same as American Indians.
Within Hawaii, Kanaka Maoli resistance to the bill prompted commu
nity member Anna Reeves to state at the initial public hearings regarding
the possibility of federal recognition that 1 express my ohana, because
of the changes. We have to do this. I stand before the committee, and I
am born and raised in Hawai'i for generations. 1 am 100 percent Hawai
ian, kanaka maoli. I do not have any other blood, not even Indian. 1 want
the committee to know you are not going to inject Indian in my blood.19
Reevess resistances to being injected with Indian blood diagnoses U.S.
imperialism as depending upon a catchable Indianness to justify con
tinued colonial occupation of and control over others lands and bodies.
But what is troublesome to me is that such constructions of Indianness as
infection depend upon a series of misrecognitions about federal Indian
law and the diverse histories of American Indian nations that in these dis
cussions are both feared and contaminating.
Indian, as the radical otherness structuring the multicultural liber
al settler state, threatens the entire foundation of the United States pre
cisely because it is the ongoing colonization of indigenous nations and
their lands that made the U.S. possible at all. Senator Kyis fear that non-
indigenous minorities will somehow catch Indianness to become sover
eign themselves as a means to disrupt the coherency of white dominance
over the naturalized borders of the North American continent speaks not
just to the deeper colonial architecture of those borders, but to a sense
that colonial coherency is only maintained through white supremacy. 'Ihe
creation of non-indigenous minority nations" that Kyi fears would not end
colonization in North America, it would proliferate it. Indianness as an
injected contagion serves to erase the transnational distinctions of all the
peoples who collapse under its sign and as it is refied, the sign itselfwhich
now bears indigeneity, sovereignty, and racial minoritybecomes the site
of contention as indigenous and occupied peoples throughout the em
pire struggle to resist U.S. hegemony. In the process, and precisely because
Indianness serves as the ontological scaffolding for colonialist domina
tion, anticolonial resistances such as those articulated by Anna Reeves
outside the continental United States, which align themselves against In
dianness as a manifestation of empire, risk reflecting and reinscribing the
very colonialist discourses used to possess and contain American Indian

nations back onto the abjected Indian yet again.
Reorganization not Recognition
Indian as sign within U.S. colonial discourses, then, serves as a deracinat

ed supplement that signifies the underside of imperial dominance. As a re
sult, in the midst of all these concerns about Indian contagion, an uniden
tified American Indian man, attending the same hearings as Anna Reeves
and given the floor by Harry Wasson a few minutes after she spoke, is re
corded as saying in response, 1 understand everybody here does not want
to be Indian. 1 do not know anybody who wants to be Indian. It is not easy
being Indian. Why you would want to be Indian, 1 do not know.20 The rest
of the unidentified mans words are recorded in the hearing documents as
inaudible, and Senator Inouye quickly closes the floor to his statement. It
is difficult to interpret exactly what Why you would want to be Indian, I
do not know means in its context. And such interpretation would depend
upon tone. But one possible meaning that emerges from this moment in
the testimonies is that Indianness has been abjected into a category that
no one would want to claim.21 Certainly, the United States, by discursively
forcing peoples into the objectified category of Indian, signals its intent to
exploit at the same time that it reinscribes its own mastery over indigenous
nations on the continent. As long as the United States continues to con
struct itself as cowboy, it must designate or infect those to be vanquished
as Indiansnot an easy position of subjectification within empire. The
consequence of such infections is that they disrupt the possibility of form
ing what Leela Gandhi has identified as the improbable affective commu
nities that emerge on the horizontal trajectories within and across empire
that might, through friendship and shared political resistances, disrupt
self/other and other/other binaries and forge new transits of resistance.22
In a government that looks to precedent in order to effectively and le
gally colonize a people, it is not a coincidence that the Native Hawaiian
Government Reorganization Act that was initially proposed as a recogni
tion bill now carries the sign of reorganization rather than the federal
recognition title that many people associate with it when the Akaka bill is
discussed in Hawai'i.23 In fact, it is striking how blatantly both namings
which solidified to reorganization" as the bill moved from the House to the
Senate between February 14,2001, and April 6,2001locate the bill within
the history o f federal Indian policy and provide important insights into
the legal and colonial oscillations that Native Hawaiian struggles for sover
eignty now resist. The language of federal recognition that the Akaka bill
attempts to ally itself with draws upon the Bureau of Indian Affairs 1978
regulations and criteria outlining a communitys ability to pursue recogni
tion through a congressional or presidential act, and reflects the push/pull
between U.S. political, legislative, and juridical colonization o f American
Indian nations on the one hand and resistances to that colonization by
American Indians on the other, especially after the disastrous effects of the
1954 Termination Act. What resonates in the slippage between recogni
tion and reorganization in the Akaka bill is the degree to which it draws
upon the policies o f the 1930s and not the post-termination policy era of
the late twentieth century to incorporate Native Hawaiians further into the
structures already established to maintain power over Indian lands and
peoples under the rubric of reorganization.24
This history of reorganization as federal policy requires contextualiza-
tion. By the 1920s, it was clear even to white politicians in Washington that
the Dawes General Allotment Act of 1887 had failed to solve once and for
all the Indian Problem that faced the colonizing United States, who want
ed the problem and Indians to go away once and for all. Despite parceling
up reservation lands and allotting acres to individuals in a systematic ef
fort to assimilate Indians into farmers (and opening up surplus lands for
white settlement), Indians had not disappeared into the mass-producing
heartland farming culture as hoped. Conditions on remaining reservations
were deplorable, and corruption and greed rife in the allotment process,
with non-native Indian agents, settlers, and arrivants gaining more and
more power with access to more and more indigenous lands. The Meriam
Report, published in 1928 by the Brookings Institute, identified the Dawes
Act as the primary source of the further impoverishment of native peoples
and implicated allotment in increasing the rates of disease and infant mor
tality. In an attempt to convince Congress to take the findings and sugges
tions of the Meriam Report seriously and to reform the disastrous federal
Indian policies of allotment, John Collier pushed for the Senate Indian
Committee to conduct its own investigations. By 1934 Collier had been
appointed as commissioner of Indian Affairs by Franklin D. Roosevelt,
and with the help of Representative Edgar Howard and Senator Burton K.
Wheeler, presented a reformed Indian policy to Congress that same year.
The Wheeler-Howard Act sought to repair the damage of previous policies
and made a significant intervention by halting the Allotment Act and, in

some cases, returned surplus lands to tribes; however, its primary agenda
reiterated the long-term goal of humane assimilation and dissolution of
native nations to end treaty obligations under the lofty desire to acknowl
edge and atone for wrongs that had been committed in the past.25
At the center of the Indian Reorganization Act was John Colliers pet
project of self-governance, a project he that sought to implement again in
the 1940s when the BIA briefly controlled the Japanese American intern
ment camp at Poston, Arizona.26 Under the auspices of reorganization,
the Wheeler-Howard Act sought to centralize tribal governance within a
Western democratic structure in order to streamline the annuities paid
to a tribe under treaty agreements and to effectively control land deals
for non-native prospectors interested in natural resources and eventually
nuclear-waste dumping. Tribes targeted by the Act were offered a cookie-
cutter model of government that featured a top-down structure, in which
the elected leader or governor and his handpicked council controlled all
branches of government and resources. If tribes wanted an alternative gov
ernment, they were given a set time limit (sometimes only thirty days) to
construct their own that then had to be approved by the Department of
the Interior. The end result was that the IRA governmental structure was
pushed and implemented as a number of tribes were brought under the ju
risdiction of the act. Citizenship was determined through blood quantum
and enrollment, and traditional government and values were subsumed
within a corporate model that set the stage for termination in the 1940s
and 1950s and the struggles of the 1970s.
At the time the IRA was implemented, many Indian scholars and activ
ists challenged the Act because of its implications for treaty rights, land
claims, and sovereigntychallenges that are today echoed in Kanaka
Maoli resistances to the Akaka bill. There was concern that the act would
further erode self-determination as well as provide the United States the
opportunity to end treaty obligations, and a number of tribes, including
the Navajo, Seneca, and Crow, refused to ratify the Act altogether. Today,
American Indian scholars still struggle with the meanings of reorgani
zation and the ramifications it has had for tribal self-governance. Forty
years after Colliers reform bill passed, however, Vine Deloria Jr. (Standing
Rock Sioux) observed that far from limiting the political powers of the
tribe, the Indian Reorganization Act seems to have either added powers
or defined existing powers more specifically.27 The IRA, despite its under-
lying agenda of assimilation and in spite of the hierarchized governmen

tal structures that could too often become corrupt puppets for U.S. and
corporate interests, ironically reaffirmed self-governance and laid the legal
foundation through which tribes have been able to reassert sovereignty
and challenge Chief Justice Marshalls decision that indigenous nations
are somehow domestic dependent nations.28 Deloria, writing from the
vantage point provided by the American Indian Movements reassertion
of treaty rights and sovereignty in the 1970s, identified within the IRA and
the federal governments self-interested consolidation of tribal councils
to serve as mouthpieces for the colonialist agenda, the possibility of turn
ing the IRA into an affirmation of the implicit sovereignty that underlies
the right to self-governance.
The irony, then, in the transformation of the initial discussions of a pos
sible Native Hawaiian recognition process into a government reorganiza
tion bill is that the Hawaiian kingdom up until the overthrow had inter
national recognition as a nation-state within the family of nations that is
now being exchanged for a process that would incorporate Hawaiians into
U.S. legal structures as a newly created political entity. President Clintons
Apology Resolution makes clear exactly why Hawaiians are being forced
to politically reorganize, but by instituting a majority vote in the process of
establishing the council to oversee the creation of the governing entity, the
Akaka bill already frames government as democracy rather than as con
stitutional monarchy or as traditional consensus governance.29 The thorny
issues between reorganization and recognition as federal Indian policy,
mediated through the processes of termination and relocation in the 1950s,
drive home the point that Hawai'i is distinct and differs in significant ways
from the status and history of American Indian nations on the continent.
As Bruce Granville Miller points out, with the overthrow of Queen
Lili'uokalani in 1893, the United States created the legal fiction that Ha
waiian sovereignty was somehow extinguished when it was admitted as a
territory in 1898. With statehood in 1959, Native Hawaiians were consid
ered wards of the state of Hawaii and not the federal government.30 As
part of that process, the United States also ordered that the United Nations
remove Hawai'i from its list of non-self-governing territories in a clear
violation of international norms and Kanaka Maoli claims to sovereignty
and self-determination.31 Miller argues that unlike Indian tribes, the Ha
waiians, as a nation or a people, have had no federal recognition and have
remained, in eflect, in the stage of termination, as some Indian tribes were
in the 1950s under then current U.S. policy, a contention that is contrain
dicated by the international recognitions of the Kingdom of Hawai'i that
supersede those of the United States.32
Yet, when representatives from the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, the Coun
cil for Native Hawaiian Advancement, and the State of Hawai'i presented
their case in front of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on March 1,
2005, they argued vehemently for federal recognition as a tonic to termi
nation, claiming that it is one of the most successful policies for Alaska
Natives and American Indians and that it helps strengthen democracy at
home.33 The slippage between federal recognition and government re
organization becomes increasingly problematic when one remembers
Queen Lili'uokalanis emphatic words that I was recognized by the United
States as the constitutional sovereign o f the Hawaiian Islands34
The Akaka bill, as it is currently framed and debated, refracts tensions
present from the beginning of Hawai'is incorporation into the United
States through its continual parallactic distortions between Hawaiian and
Indian in relation to this question of recognition and reorganization. At
the time of the overthrow in 1893, one of the Queens concerns was that
overawed by the power of the United States to the extent that they can
neither themselves throw off the usurpers, nor obtain assistance from
other friendly states, the people of the Islands [would] have no voice in
determining their future and would be virtually relegated to the condi
tion of the aborigines of the American continent.35 Political cartoons at
the time of the overthrow had already begun the process of transforming
Hawaiians into African, African American, and Indian savages, and these
images illustrate how the United States understood expansion into the Pa
cific and Caribbean.36
Queen Lili'uokalani worried that her people might be relegated to the
condition of American Indians, a condition that Native Hawaiian historian
Samuel Manaiakalani Kamakau and the first Hawaiian Historical Asso
ciation in 1841 described as a race without a history.37 Justifiably con
cerned that her people would become voiceless in determining their own
future (or past) like the aborigines of the American continent, Queen
Lili'uokalani herself relegates American Indian nations to a teleological
and completed narrative that not only absented the ongoing conditions of
colonialism at the time, but negated any possible usable past or future for
indigenous peoples on the continent. Though she could see how Hawai-
ians were threatened by the usurping power of the United States, she could
not see how the United States policies towards Indians might ultimately
inform how the nation-state would perceive the people of Hawaii, despite
the international recognitions of her status as monarch and her island na
tion as a kingdom.
Instead, she marvels in her book Hawaiis Story by Hawaiis Queen at
the miles and miles of rich country laid out before her as she travels across
the continent to make her case to President Cleveland in Washington, D.C.
Here were, she writes, thousands of acres of uncultivated, uninhabited,
but rich and fertile lands, soil, capable of producing anything which grows,
plenty of water, floods o f it running to waste, everything needed for pleas
ant towns and quiet homesteads, except population.38 She goes on to ask:
And yet this great and powerful nation must go across two thou
sand miles of sea, and take from the poor Hawaiians their little
spots in the broad Pacific, must covet our islands of Hawaii Nei,
and extinguish the nationality of my poor people, many of whom
have now not a foot of land which can be called their own. And for
what? In order that another race problem shall be injected into the
social and political perplexities with which the United States in the
great experiment of popular government is already struggling? In
order that a novel and inconsistent foreign and colonial policy shall
be grafted upon its hitherto impregnable diplomacy?39
In that journey eastward to Washington and in her stays in D.C.,

Lilfuokalani made her way through what she perceived as a terra nullius
paradisiacal landscape of water running to waste which was, in reality,
haunted by massacres that indicted an assailable U.S. foreign policy toward
American Indian nations.
What is particularly striking about her observations that colonies and
colonies could be established here, and never interfere with each other
in the least, the vast extent of unoccupied land is so enormous is not so
much that it plays out U.S. colonial narratives of expansion into the wilder
ness, but that she cannot see that what she deems empty space is actually
full of peoples. Those lands only appear empty because they have yet to be
inscribed within the United States, and such terra nullius illusions speak
to the concerns of the U.S. master narrative of Manifest Destiny which
sought to internalize Indians as part of the nation through the Dawes Act
that was still allotting traditional, communal lands to individual Indian
families in the hopes of transforming them into gentlemen farmers. Even
as Queen Lili'uokalani rides the rails eastward to Washington to defend
her Hawaiian islands from becoming part of the United States and to re
gain her rightful place as sovereign of an independent nation-state, she
is traveling through the juggernaut of U.S. empire struggling juridically
and militarily with Indian nations who remained painfully external to the
United States, particularly in the tensions that emerged prior to and fol
lowing the Wounded Knee massacre of 1890 that occurred just three years
before the overthrow of the queen.
In Indians in Unexpected Places, Philip J. Deloria delineates the mid-
1890s as shaped predominantly by violence, and his treatment of Lakota
struggles against the encroaching U.S. military interrogates how violence
functions within U.S. national imaginings. Wounded Knee represented, ac
cording to Deloria, a global sign of military defeat.40 And yet, as he dem
onstrates in the case of Plenty Horsess attack on and killing of Lieutenant
Edward Casey in 1891, Indians were still capable of engaging in acts of war
against the United States, and indeed violence and military engagement
through outbreak retained, up until 1903 at least, the possibility to disrupt
narratives of pacification that the United States was intent upon preserving
at the turn of the twentieth century even as the United States remained in
a state of war with American Indian nations. For Deloria, violence in the
very lands that the queen travels through signals how very much Indi
ans remained external to U.S. imaginings about its citizenship and polity.
The queens cathexion of terra nullius discourses invisiblizes those indige
nous nations external to the United States as the queen herself natural
izes the lands she travels through as rightfully belonging to the colonizing
nation-state.
In the process of naturalizing U.S. hegemony on the North American
continent, she reifies Indians as internal to a government that has over
stepped its bounds only, in her view, by entering the Pacific and extin
guishing the nationality of her poor people. Her second turn in the
questions she poses to her readers draws out the solidifying discourses of
racialization that had, by the late 1890s, consolidated into the predominant
and original sin of the United States that evacuated colonization as a pro
cess. In persuading American readers that Hawaiis incorporation into the
United States risks adding to that sin, she ventriloquizes the discourses of
race in an attempt to redirect U.S. nationalistic hegemony to support the
Hawaiian cause by strategically reframing the overthrow as an injection of
another race problem into the perplexities with which the great experi
ment of popular government is already struggling. Her query is echoed
one hundred years later when Anna Reeves asserts that you are not going
to inject Indian into my blood.
Her final question draws upon the United States own discourses of ex
ceptionalism by attempting to righteously prevent the United States from
grafting a novel and inconsistent foreign and colonial policy upon its
hitherto impregnable diplomacy as if the United States had not already
grafted a very mundane and consistent foreign and colonial policy towards
American Indian nations since 1776. By making the United States excep
tional, she positions the overthrow and colonization of Hawai'i as excep
tional and counter to U.S. foreign diplomacy, an argument that seeks to
indict the United States for its injurious and wrongful acts. And though
the queen is by no means colonizing continental indigenous nations, the
discourses she draws upon to argue her case render indigenous peoples
lamentable victims whose case is unactionable. These framing questions
continue to inflect how Hawaiians apprehend the overthrow and U.S. pol
icy; additionally, these questions project the negation of the colonization
of American Indian nations into the past and future as the foundational
premise upon which to build an anti-imperial, anticolonial critique.
In contradistinction, at the same time that Queen Liliuokalani articu
lates her concern that her people will be treated like Indians, Southeast
ern diplomats from the Muscogee Creek Nation, for instance, were acutely
aware o f what was occurring in the Pacific and used it as a way to articulate
nationalist resistance during the allotment period. In 1893 Creek delegate
and nationalist George Washington Grayson approached President Cleve
land and reminded him of his commitment to the queen. He used the oc
casion to draw parallels between her nation and his. According to Mary
Jane Warde,Grayson suggested that the termsboomer and intruder cov
ered the alien element in the Pacific island kingdom as well as the Creek
Nation.41 The struggle over alien, intruders, and citizens within the
Southeastern nations in Indian Territory reflected similar tensions in the
United States as it maneuvered the tribes to relinquish land holdings and
assimilate once and for all.
Aliens in Paradise
By the early 1920s, many of these concerns with violence in the United
States as marker of external Indian nations had been settled; however, the
status of Indians remained less settled despite continued assertions that
indigenous peoples constituted domestic dependent nations and were as
similable through allotment and incorporation into the U.S. body politic,
even though the United States did not extend full citizenship to Ameri
can Indians until 1924. In Hawai'i these oscillating discourses of internal/
external, racial minority and political entity, emerged at the site of blood,
land, and welfare with the creation of the Hawaiian Homes Commission
that began a process of leasing lands to native Hawaiians as a means to
assimilate through rehabilitation. J. Kehaulani Kauanui explains that this
process was significantly different than the General Allotment Act of 1887
on the United States continent: Unlike the explicit push to detribalize
Indians through the Dawes planwith individual land title vulnerable
to alienationthe initial aim of the HHCA proposal was to rehabilitate
urban Kanaka Maoli by returning them to the land for their own good.42
In 1921, as U.S. senators were debating the constitutionality of the Hawai
ian Homes Commission that would lease homestead lands to native Ha
waiians, A. G. M. Robertson, the lawyer representing the interests of Parker
Ranch that stood to profit from the dispossession of Hawaiian land en
titlements, testified before Congress about his concerns about setting aside
lands solely for Hawaiians. He argued:
The Hawaiians are not Indians. The status of Hawaiians is dia

metrically opposed to that of the Indians on the mainland. The
Indians have been regarded as aliens. They get their rights, such as
they have, by treaties between them and the federal government.
They have no right to vote, unless under subsequent circumstances
they become naturalized. As I understand it, they are aliens and not
citizens; and their inherent character is by no means that of Hawai
ians. The Indians were a roving, nomadic race of people. They did
not take to civilization the way the Hawaiians did.43
Robertsons declaration depends upon the differentiation of Hawaiians

from Indians through the very structures of treaties and the fact that Indi
ans were not across-the-board citizens of the United States at the time that
he makes his testimony. The logic of Robertsons argument, then, is that

Indians have rights to certain resources and lands because of their treaties
and because they are aliens outside the citizenry of the United States
Indians are citizens of external nations governed by external political
communities whose rights derive from their foreign status. Hawaiians, on
the other hand, became American citizens in 1900 after the Republic of
Hawai'i was illegally incorporated into the United States, and therefore, he
argues to his own benefit and against Hawaiian land claims, they have the
rights that all citizens of the United States should have and no more.
Rona Tamiko Halualani in her reading of this passage emphasizes the
last two sentences of Robertsons testimony, noting the distinction between
Indians as a roving, nomadic race of people compared to Hawaiians who
take to civilization.It is curious, she notes, that two indigenous groups,
who have strong ties to the land and are similarly constructed through
barbaric prehumanity rhetoric, are in the end identified differently from
one another: Hawaiians as citizens and Indians as aliens. She accounts
for Robertsons distinguishing of Hawaiian from Indian on the basis of
citizenship by speculating that perhaps, the colonial fetish with a geo
graphical paradise and the supposed inherent generosity o f Hawaiian
people (Hawaiianness at heart or normative benevolence) redeems and
elevates Hawaiians over Native American Indians, who are remembered
as barbaric, unassimilable and forever alien savages in frequent political
confrontations.44 She interprets Robertsons ploy as evidence of a racial
abjection of American Indians that forever marks them as unassimilable
nomads in contradistinction to the elevated and redeemed Hawaiian
marker of civilization in a moment when Robertson is doing something
much more insidious. In his testimony, he discursively attempts to dissolve
Hawaiian political status in the face of their incorporation into the citi
zenry of the United States and marks Indians as the sign of exteriority to
the nation-state, in recognition of American Indian treaties and national
status as externally sovereign, unincorporated territories and peoples.45
Dudley O. McGovney, writing in 1911, explains that individual American
Indians are not citizens of the United States and are perhaps better under
stood as heimatlos, stateless aliens outside of their own tribal and national
affiliations.46 Congress could incorporate Indian aliens into the United
States and retained the right, he argues, to make them citizens so that they
shall enjoy less than the full special privileges of the citizen, or to make
them citizens reserving by way of qualification a special guardianship for
their benefit.47 On the other hand, Hawaiians were, according to McGov-

ney, collectively made citizens of the United States by the act of Congress,
April 30,1900; moreover, that act incorporated the Hawaiian Islands and
made them a part of the United States in the fullest sense, so that there
is no question but that any person born therein is a citizen of the United
States by virtue of the Fourteenth Amendment, including doubtless ante
nati as well as post-nati.48 In his argument, Indian nations and Indian
country might be understood similarly to the Insular Cases that extended
U.S. constitutional power over the unincorporated territories of the Philip
pines, Guam, and Puerto Rico 49 Non-naturalized tribal Indians, according
to McGovney, exist in a liminal space between incorporated and un
incorporated territories, and that oscillation between incorporated and
unincorporated provides Congress the precedent through which to le
gitimate a seemingly paradoxical democratic colonialist agenda after 1898
and the Spanish-American War.
When Robertson insidiously evokes Indians as aliens in his opposition
to the creation of Hawaiian Homelands, he is drawing out a juridical par
allax through which to make an argument that ultimately politically allies
with Chief Justice Taneys decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). In rul
ing against Dred Scotts case for freedom, Taney deploys American Indians
as the legal precedent through which to argue that the situation of African
American slaves
was altogether unlike that of the Indian race. The latter, it is true,
formed no part of the colonial communities, and never amal
gamated with them in social connections or in government. But
although they were uncivilized, they were yet a free and indepen
dent people, associated together in nations or tribes, and governed
by their own laws. Many of these political communities were situ
ated in territories to which the white race claimed the ultimate right
of dominion. But that claim was acknowledged to be subject to the
right of the Indians to occupy it as long as they thought proper.. ..
These Indian Governments were regarded and treated as foreign
Governments, as much so as if an ocean had separated the red man
from the white___50
He goes on to argue that Indians, unlike slaves and descendants of slaves,

may, without doubt, like the subjects of any other foreign Government, be
naturalized by the authority of Congress, and become citizens of a State,

and of the United States; and if an individual should leave his nation or
tribe, and take up his abode among the white population, he would be
entitled to all the rights and privileges which would belong to an emigrant
from any other foreign people.51
Taney, in framing Indian Governments" as foreign Governments
for the purposes in Dred Scott to justify and legalize the enslavement of
African Americans, was contradicting a series of previous juridical rul
ings about the status American Indian nations had in U.S. colonial law in
order to maintain whiteness as the superior, possessive site of entitlement
within the United States. Frederick E. Hoxie, in trying to ascertain what
Taney was thinking, suggests in the end that Taneys pronouncementhis
statements about both Blacks and Indiansmarks a moment in the his
tory of struggles over racial and political hierarchies.52 And part of those
racial and political hierarchies that Taneys decision inaugurated, accord
ing to Left Quarter Collective, are the constructions of politically unequal
spaces, including states, incorporated and unincorporated territories, and
Indian reservations. Clear and stable demarcations between metropole
and colony, domestic and foreign, citizen and subject, and colonized and
other imperial subjects proved impossible, made impossible by the very
efforts to stabilize them.53
In this juridical moment, Taney deploys the notion of the free and in
dependent Indian-government-as-foreign-government not to recognize
Indian nations but to reprehensibly secure and cohere white supremacy by
distinguishing African Americans as a subordinate and inferior class of be
ings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and, whether eman
cipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority, and had no rights
or privileges but such as those who held the power and the Government
might choose to grant them.54 These continual arguments for and against
Indian naturalization and U.S. citizenship serve as the juridical, legislative,
and executive means to justify and legalize the subordination of other peo
ples within the imperial grasp of the United States. Thus, when Robertson
invokes Hawaiian citizens in contradistinction to alien Indians external to
the nation-state, he performs a similar consolidation of white haole power
through the transit of a paradigmatic Indianness as rationale for further sub
ordination of Hawaiians through full incorporation into the United States.
When Halualani reads Robertsons statement through the language of
elevated and redeemed Hawaiian civility on the one hand and barbaric
Indian savagery on the other, she falls into the epistemological trap that
Robertson sets up within the racializing logics that supersede and deflect
the colonialist logics the United States continues to deploy against Native
Hawaiians and American Indian nations alike. In some ways, her framing
of Robertsons delineation of difference between Indians and Hawaiians
as a matter of contrapuntal savage discourses naturalizes U.S. dominion
over the continent through a deployment of paradigmatic Indianness that
is always already assumed to desireor perhaps, never escapethe in
ternal within the U.S. nation-state, so that alien and inassimilable are
read as injuries that, according to Wendy Brown, solidify the identities
of the injured and the injuring as social positions, and codifies as well the
meanings of their actions against all possibilities of indeterminacy, ambi
guity, and struggle for resignification or repositioning. In the process, the
colonizing liberalism of the United States enacts and reproduces itself at
the sites of law and adjudication as neutral arbiters of injury rather than
as themselves invested with the power to injure.55 Robertsons acknowl
edgement of Indians as aliens outside U.S. citizenry is read as an injury of
exclusion from the United States when, in fact, his statement is a recogni
tion of treaty-rights that establish Indian nations as external sovereigns
to the United States. The epistemological trap that Taney and Robertson
set up in their momentary recognition of American Indian sovereignty
and external national status serves to systematize inclusion/exclusion as
the site through which liberalism encodes colonization as racialization.
Exclusion rather than inclusion becomes the perceived injury in order to
remediate and assimilate colonized indigenous nations into the borders of
the colonizing nation-state.
Native Hawaiians, on the other hand, are naturally externalized out
side the United States because their kingdom is over 2,000 miles from the
California coast and separated from the North American continent by a
vast stretch of the Pacific Ocean. This distinction is important, particularly
in the ways in which contemporary Native Hawaiian scholars and activ
ists engage U.S. colonization and military occupation. Queen Liliuokalani
embodies the external colonized subject, while American Indian nations
come to bear the sign of the objectification of nations within. The hier
archical ordering of peoples initiated by U.S. empire and adjudicated
through racialized recognitions and disavowals in cases such as Dred Scott
creates a struggle for status within those selfsame colonial recognitions
that juridically across the board dispossess indigenous peoples in the Pa-
cific and on the continent of resources and land rights. The U.S. colonial
misnaming of external indigenous nations on the continent as well as the
Pacific and Alaska as Native Americans disrupts the diplomatic bound
aries of indigenous nations that existed before and well after the arrival
of Europeans by subsuming them within the logics and justifications of
U.S. imperial mastery that depend upon racial and political hierarchies to
maintain and police hegemonic normativity at the site of inclusion.
The effect of these kinds of reinscriptions, in which Indians as Na
tive American are always already naturalized as internal, colonized, ab
jected, and defeated, is that they erase the larger historical processes that
are still at work in maintaining U.S. hegemonic control over the continent
by reproducing through force the discursive juridical fiction of domes
tic dependent. Forced via the same U.S. colonial grinding engine to in
habit a parallax gap, Indianness, as it is projected out into the Pacific by
the United States to facilitate U.S. military occupations and conspicuous
touristic consumption, transits empire and, as a result, that Indianness
serves as the faciality of the vested interests of a settler colonialism that
dresses itself in democratic, rehabilitating clothes. Hawaiians, faced with
the paradigmatic Indianness that seems to justify U.S. illegal occupations,
resist Indianness as a way to resist U.S. imperialism. It is a move that makes
complete senseHawaiians are not Indiansbut that leaves us with the
unnamed American Indian man at the Akaka hearings saying in response:
Why you would want to be Indian, I do not know in a moment of self
denial that stands as a haunting indictment of the discourses of genocide
and empire that have signified Indianness as radical alterity, oppression,
and death of agency.
From the North American continent, indigenous nations appear in and
around the edges where the machinations of settler colonialism are re
vealed in distortive parallactic effects as the sticky, affective, and lingering
planetary stretches of the truth of colonization that are the cascading ef
fect of the Indian transit. Within that transit of U.S. empire, Indianness in
dialectical relation to Hawaiian creates a Mobius strip of parallelisms that
never intersect, that mirror but remain in competition even as they are
forced into a flattened horizon through juridical, legislative, and executive
processes. U.S. colonialism enforces affinities between indigenous nations
on the continent and in the Pacific that those nations might not have cho
sen for themselves, and anticolonial resistances create responsibilities to
the other as those nations colonized by the United States throughout its
imperium struggle to overturn, end, and dismantle the lived conditions

that consume human life, land, resources, languages, and cultures in the
name of capitalistic production and profit.
Always Look a Trojan Horse in the Mouth
When Republican governor of Hawai'i Linda Lingle testified in front of

the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs on March 1, 2005, she asserted
that Native Hawaiians, by not being incorporated into federal Indian law,
have been historically excluded from the benefits American Indians re
ceive from the government trust relationship. There are three groups of
indigenous people in America, she argued. Two of the groups have been
recognized by the American Government, and one has not. The failure to
pass this bill will continue the discrimination that exists against Native
Hawaiian peoples.56 The collapsing of hundreds of disparate and distinct
American Indian nations, each with their own histories of extensive treaty
relations with the U.S. government, into one group and then making that
group indistinctly equivalent to a similarly collapsed grouping of Alaska
Native villages and corporations that are then parallel to the singular
Hawaiian kingdom to compose the three groups of indigenous people in
America commits a logical fallacy of epic proportions. Not only does it
take 565 American Indian nations and Alaska Native villages to equal one
group of Native Hawaiians, but these newly constituted three groups
racialize indigeneity into minority groups within the United States whose
injury can and will somehow then be remedied by the colonizing states
recognition in spite of the fact that such recognitions do not end colonial
ism but rather enact it again and repeatedly. Lingles testimony gestures
towards a common discursive argument that circulates among Hawaiian,
haole, and American Indian supporters of the billthat the problem of
Hawaiian status within the United States can be resolved by transforming
Hawaiians into American Indians. She further evokes some of the nine
teenth centurys rhetoric of saving the Indian when she observes that
residents of the state of Hawai'i must support the Akaka bill as a means
to preserve the Native Hawaiian culture, which is the foundation for our
being in Hawaii. It is the essence of who we are as a people and a State. It is
also an economic imperative to our State because our States largest indus
try, the tourist industry, is really dependent upon the preservation of Na
tive Hawaiian culture.57 Lingle here performs in conservative, egregious
excess the ventriloquism of the speaking subaltern as she argues against

the injurious discrimination Hawaiians will continue to face if they are ex
cluded from the recognitions and benefits the other two groups enjoy.58
She then code-switches back to white possession to reveal the true stakes:
the continued economic profit off of Hawaiians as exotic tourist capital
that is the foundation for our" being in Hawai'i.
The discourses of Indianness around the Akaka bill and federal rec
ognition of Native Hawaiians discussed in this chapter have prompted
those opposed to continued U.S. military occupation in Hawai'i to assert
in response that they are not Indians, did not live in tribes, did not hunt
buffalo, and do not want to be treated as such as if all indigenous peoples
on the North American continent did hunt buffalo and deserve to be colo
nized. The distancing from the rhetoric Senators Inouye and Akaka evoke
to transform Hawaiians into Native Americans is absolutely necessary
to resist the discursive Manifest Destiny that has Inouye arguing that
the founding fathers and Chief Justice Marshall prognosticated control of
all indigenous peoples whose lands the United States may one day invade
by designating such people Indians. However, arguments that transform
American Indians into always already domestic dependent nations in
ternal to the United States reify the boundaries of U.S. expansion into the
now contiguous 48 states. From Hawai'i, looking across the ocean to the
North American continent, the borders of the United States are consoli
dated, and the colonization and encapsulation of American Indian nations
within the United States are complete.
During the Indian Affairs committee meeting at the beginning of March
2005, Senator Daniel Akaka acknowledged that some of my colleagues
have expressed concern that providing Federal recognition will be harm
ful to American Indians and Alaska Natives as he turned the floor back to
the participants.59 Though Governor Lingle, Jade Danner, and representa
tives for the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, the Council for Native Hawaiian
Advancement, the National Congress of American Indians, and the Alaska
Federation of Natives testified that no BIA funding would be diverted
into the structures the bill proposes and assured the committee, in the
words of Tex Hall, then president of NCAI, that federal recognition, self
determination clearly is great, the concern still stands.60 While the effect
on Indian Country may not be monetary, there are significant discursive,
cultural, and legal issues that impact how sovereignty, self-determination,
and decolonization are framed both within the United States and within
the international courts. Arguments for and against the Akaka bill hinge
on historical and legal distortions of federal Indian law and reflect com
peting understandings of what self-determination and sovereignty really
mean within the colonizing logics of U.S. juridical biopolitics. Given that
states are continually trying to assert jurisdiction over Indian nations
within their borders while conservative politicians of both parties attack
treaty rights and sovereignty on the basis that they are un-American and
discriminatory, it seems to me that whittling away at terminologies and
structures to further colonize Hawaiians culturally and legally can only be
detrimental to all nations currently occupied by the United States. In fact,
the Akaka bill, if passed, will put into Indian law a dangerous precedent,
particularly in the ways in which it positions the state of Hawai'i as having
a prominent and controlling role in how and what the Native Hawaiian
Governing Entity will be allowed to govern.
According to a PowerPoint presentation on Senator Daniel Akakas web
site, this bill represents a new paradigm in the government-to-government
relationship because it provides a process for negotiation between the Na
tive Hawaiian governing entity and the State and Federal governments
to determine how the Native Hawaiian governing entity will exercise its
governmental powers and authorities.61 Such a move comes at a mo
ment in U.S. juridical and legislative colonialism when states are attempt
ing to wrestle Indian policy from the federal government to assert con
trol over nations within their jurisdiction. The 2005 Oneida rulings over
land-into-trust exemplify this push for state control over casino earnings
and tax collection, and time will tell how the courts will continue to ad
dress the push from states to insert themselves more powerfully into the
government-to-government relationship between native nations and the
federal government. Over the last few years, new amendments have been
added to the Akaka bill that would settle all land claims related to breach
of trust between Native Hawaiians and the United States. The state and
federal governments would retain the civil and criminal jurisdiction they
currently enjoy, and the bill would exempt the Department of Defense
from the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act and the
National Historic Preservation Act, an exemption that, if passed, will have
devastating effects as the military expands its presence in Hawai'i and on
American Indian trust lands.
This reading of the stakes for continental American Indian nations as
they continue to fend oft the encroachments of states rights advocates is, 1
think, borne out by Governor Lingles withdrawal of support for the bill in
late 2009. Concerned with revisions that Democratic Senators Inouye and
Akaka and Representative Abercrombie were able to incorporate when the
Democratic Party controlled both the executive and legislative branches of
Congress, Lingle said that she could no longer back the bill and demanded
a return to the language of the 2007 version that has been, so far, retained
in HR 2314. That version very clearly spells out the relationship between
the federal government, the state of Hawai'i, and the Native Hawaiian Gov
erning Entity in Sec. 8(b):
(3) Governmental Authority and PowerAny governmental

authority or power to be exercised by the Native Hawaiian gov
erning entity which is currently exercised by the State or Federal
Governments shall be exercised by the Native Hawaiian govern
ing entity only as agreed to in negotiations pursuant to section
8(b)(1) of this Act and beginning on the date on which legislation
to implement such agreement has been enacted by the United
States Congress, when applicable, and by the State of Hawaii,
when applicable.62
On December 17,2009, new language was introduced to S 1011 in the Sen

ate Committee for Indian Affairs that changed the 2007 text of the pro
posed legislation to what is now Sec. 9(b) to the following:
(3) Governmental Authority and PowerThe Native Hawai

ian governing entity shall be vested with the inherent powers
and privileges of self-government o f a native government under
existing law, except as set forth in section 10(a). Said powers and
privileges may be modified by agreement between the Native Ha
waiian governing entity, the United States, and the State pursuant
to paragraph (1), subject to the limit described by section 10(a).63
The first version of the proposed bill makes it clear that the Native Hawai
ian Governing Entity (NHGE), whatever its final form, would be required
to accept the results of bilateral negotiations between the federal govern
ment and the state of Hawai'i that would legislate the ability of the NHGE
to exercise any possible governmental authority and power still allowed it
after the federal government and state delimited its powers. In the second
version of the bill, the language states that the NHGE would be vested
with the inherent powers and privileges of self-government of a native
government and declares even more explicitly later in section 10(c) that
the Council and the subsequent governing entity recognized under this
Act shall be an Indian tribe.
According to the Honolulu Star-Bulletin, the primary concern that
Governor Lingle and state attorney general Mark Bennett had over the
changes was that they would immediately give the native [sic] Hawaiian
entity many of the rights that American Indian tribal governments enjoy.
That change has enormous potential to negatively impact Hawaii and its
citizens Bennett said.64 In other words, despite their neoliberal arguments
that Native Hawaiians are injured and must be protected by the arbitration
of the nation-state that injured them in the first place by excluding them
from the recognitions American Indian nations enjoy, Lingle and Ben
nett found this version of American Indian sovereignty and governmental
power as transit to be too much, too excessive, and too threatening to the
state of Hawai i. Here is colonialism laid bare through the shift from the
negative impact on indigenous Hawaiians back to the negative impact
on Hawaii and its citizens in a move that not just ventriloquizes Native
Hawaiian subjectivities, but linguistically evokes the language of state,
sovereignty, and citizenry to overthrow yet again the Hawaiian kingdom.
While possibilities for a U.S. federal bill ebb and flow as the Republican
and Democratic parties vie for dominance in Washington, D.C., Demo
cratic representatives in Hawaii introduced HB 1627 into the Hawaii state
legislature in 2011 to start a discussion about possible state alternatives to
federal recognition. Though amendments have changed the bills eflective-
by date to July 1, 2093, in a discussion that is still ongoing, the continued
persistence of some form o f state or federal recognition suggests a deep
neoliberal investment to maintain and entrench colonial administration of
Native Hawaiian lands, resources, and governance structures.
The current relationship between Native Hawaiians and American In
dian nations has been overdetermined by the discourses of Indianness cir
culated within the rhetorical economies of U.S. imperial justifications for
expansion, racial exclusions, and militarization. The goal in anticolonial
struggles against the United States need not be freedom at the expense of
another people. Rather, framing our understandings of these concurrent
historical oppressions through an awareness of how the United States de
pends upon a paradigmatic Indianness to underwrite its oppressive policies
may provide us with new avenues for anticolonial resistances across and be
yond the reach of the United States and may help us resist the tendency to
wards rivalry in the decolonial process. If the actions of U.S. imperial courts
necessitate competitions within indigenous resistances that ultimately rep
licate colonialist discourses as we are pitted against each other, then what
alternatives might exist for American Indian and Hawaiian assertions of
sovereignty to ally against those paradigmatic discourses of Indianness that
serve as the transit of empire without reinscribing the very colonial logics
we hope to disrupt?
Traversing a Sea of Islands
These competing conceptions of indigeneity traced here in this chapter

that slip between confronting racializing discourses on the one hand and
bringing disparate indigenous locatednesses into conversation on the
other, serve, within imperialistic legalities, to force relatedness and rec
ognitions that violate indigenous knowledges that may have once pro
vided the grounds for cross-continental, cross-Pacific exchanges. As Epeli
Hauofa has argued, there is a world o f difference between viewing the
Pacific as islands in a far sea and as a sea of islands The first emphasizes
dry surfaces in a vast ocean far from the centers of power. Focusing in this
way stresses the smallness and remoteness of the islands. The second is a
more holistic perspective in which things are seen in the totality of their
relations.65 To follow after Hauofa, there is a world of difference between
seeing American Indian nations as islands o f reservations within and be
longing to the United States and understanding the ways in which our
nations articulate a network of relationships that provide the basis for kin
ship sovereignties and diplomacies as traditional governance and as strate
gy in the face of encroaching formal colonialism.
This turn foregrounds the transnational within American Indian studies
as a means to resist comparative and contesting parallelisms and to under
score the diplomatic and outward protocols that are rooted in the specific
geographies and place-based existences of our communities. The possibili
ties for such exchanges are not just ideologically hopeful or polemical, they
exist alongside of and within these competitions over civilized and savage,
and such exchanges inflect the ways in which our ancestors articulated sov
ereignty and nationalism as resistance to U.S. hegemonic imperialism. On
August 9,1866, Dowager Queen Emma of Hawaii arrived in the United
States after traveling to England on a diplomatic mission to strengthen ties

with Queen Victoria, to solicit Britains support and friendship in order to
protect the Hawaiian Islands from U.S. imperial interests, and to raise funds
to build St. Andrews Cathedral after she and her late husband King Kame-
hameha IV had invited Anglican missions into Hawai'i.66 On her way home,
she sailed from Europe to the United States, where she made a tour of New
York, Niagara Falls, Boston, and Washington, D.C. Newspapers marked her
arrival with pronouncements that she was the first queen to visit the United
States, and with some fascination, they followed her progress through New
Englands landscape.67 While in D.C., she was invited to dinner with Presi
dent Andrew Johnson who, in a speech welcoming her to the White House,
said: If I were disposed to be facetious on this occasion I might say that,
while none of the people of the United States wear crowns, while no man is
acknowledged as a King, and no woman as Queen, yet while you are here in
these United States you will have none but Queens to associate with. None
of our citizens wear crowns, but all are sovereigns. In the Chicago Tribune's
account of the presidents welcome, the writer observes that the reply of
Queen Emma was inaudible, and we do not wonder.68
The next night, Queen Emma met with delegations of the Chickasaw,
Choctaw, and Cherokee who were also in Washington, D.C., conducting
peace negotiations with the Federal government to end the Civil War, to
reestablish treaty obligations that were disrupted by the divisions between
the North and the South, and to stave oft U.S. colonial attempts to use the
occasion to open Indian Territory for further encroachment and settle
ment. Those present at this reception with the queen included some of
the most prominent Southeastern Indian leaders at the time. Diplomats
from the Chickasaw Nation included Governor Doughtery Winchester
Colbert and ex-Governor Edmund Pickens; from the Choctaws, Princi
pal Chief Peter Perkins Pitchlynn and Alfred Wade; and from the Chero
kee, Judge Richard Field, W. P. Adair, and John Rollin Ridge. In addition
to the Southeastern leaders, several Indian agents were present, including
Charles E. Mix, chief clerk of the Indian Bureau, as well as a number of
Pawnee, who had been brought to New England by two white men who
had planned to display them to the public for money. What emerges in the
account of the scene is a complex delineation of civilization and savagery.
The delegates from the Southeast are described by the journalist reporting
the meeting as civilized, while the Pawnee slip between semi-civilized
and savage. Queen Emma herself is described as wearing a dress of the
finest quality of crape, and [she] wore no ornaments except of jet. There
are a number of ways to unpack this scene with regards to how discourses
of savagery and civilization play out under the watchful eyes of the U.S.
governmental officials in the room, and in many ways the undercurrent
of the exchange is paternalistic, as the queen is presented with Indians as
trophies of empire.69
But within the scene another exchange occurs between Queen Emma
and the Southeastern delegates. As the Daily National Intelligencer described
the meeting:
The Chickasaws were the first to enter the room, and were sever
ally presented by Mr. Mix; and they simply bowed and passed on.
When Gov. Pytchlyn [sic] was introduced he extended his hand,
remarking that he wished her Majesty to shake hands with a North
American Indian, and he cordially welcomed her to this country. The
proffered hand was gracefully taken, and the Governor then intro
duced his children and grandchildren, and the Queen expressed
surprise that they should all have English names. The Governor
then called them by Indian names, whereat her Majesty was much
pleased___Her Majesty then entered into general conversation
with her visitors, and Governor Pytchlyn remarked to her that the
wild Indians belonged to Mr. Mix, but the civilized ones belonged
to themselves. At the request of her Majesty, the Governor then
made a short address in the Choctaw tongue___It was simply a
word of congratulation at having met her Majesty. He wished her
much happiness, and trusted that when she arrived at her island
home she would remember her interview with the North American
Indians with pleasure.70
There are a number of significant elements in this moment, not the least
of which is that this scene is filtered through a journalist who observes
the meeting between nations and reports it back to the colonizing settler
society. The contrast between Chief Pitchlynns welcome of Queen Emma
to this country and his insistence that she shake hands with a North
American Indian is striking, especially when juxtaposed with President
Andrew Johnsons welcome. When Chief Pitchlynn remarks that the wild
Indians belong to Mr. Mix, but the civilized ones belonged to themselves,
his words echo and refract President Johnsons facetious comments that
you will have none but Queens to associate with. The scene epitomizes
the very stakes within the politics of distraction as Southeastern Indian
leaders, the dowager queen of Hawaii, and the Pawnee are presented within
a competition of recognitions that occur in the heart of an imperial power
that uses such competitions to diminish and curtail indigenous sover
eignties. The affinities and claims to sovereignty and civilization that each
of the nations deploys discursively in 1866 resonate with the politics of
recognition that continue to pit indigenous peoples against each other in
the present.
Chief Pitchlynns career as principal chief and delegate for the Choc
taw spanned almost his entire life, and he was an important diplomatic
speaker for Chickasaws and Choctaws as they survived removal, rebuilt
in Indian Territory, struggled to retain autonomy and control of commu
nal lands in opposition to the United States desire to allot those lands at
the end of the Civil War, and negotiated modernity and cosmopolitanism
in the distances between home, traditional culture, and Washington, D.C.
As a young man, Pitchlynn was painted by George Catlin as The Snap
ping TurtleChoctaw and was commemorated by Charles Dickens in
a textual moment that, according to Gerald Vizenor, preserved the only
native he encountered as an obscure soliloquy of the other in American
Notes.71 Pitchlynn fulfills Vizenors definition of a crossblood; his father
was a white cotton farmer who owned slaves, and his mother was Choctaw.
These chance situations, the manners, poses, and sovenance of native sto
ries, are continuous adventures, Vizenor writes, and Pitchlynns ambiva
lent figure as statesman, slave holder, and cosmopolitan diplomat disrupts
the desire to commemorate him as a tragic, noble figure waging a losing
war against civilization. The clever native reverse o f the binary, savagism
and civilization, is the combination of savagism as presence.72
The 1866 meeting between Queen Emma and the delegates and lead
ing men of the Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Cherokee nations does not fully
escape the articulations of political identity and sovereignty dependent
on competing claims to exceptionalism and civilization. And Pitchlynn,
to counter Queen Emmas surprise that they should all have English
names, is signaling the distinctions of Southeastern self-determination
and nationalism by also undermining the same distinctions for the Paw
nee. However, we do see a glimmer of savagism as presence within these
civilizational shifts among all the participants in the moment, and that
glimmer might provide a basis for a condition of possibility to turn those
savagisms to subversive effect. Principal Chief Pitchlynns insistence that

Queen Emma shake hands with a North American Indian welcomes her
through an acknowledgment of indigenous diplomacy, and in the act he
performs protocols that situate the queens arrival to the United States as
foundationally an arrival to native lands. This historical moment is sig
nificant because it demonstrates the possibilities of simultaneous partici
pation with and against colonialist discourses to offer us alternative ways
of theorizing indigeneity grounded not just in specific geographies, com
munities, and histories but capable of forming what Leela Gandhi has
described as horizontal affective communities across those specificities
brought into relation by empire.73
The scene offers, then, a moment in which we can see how continental
nations gestured toward diplomatic protocols that recognized indigenous
trans-Pacific consciousnesses as a site of possible resistance to U.S. em
pire, and it speaks to the necessity for indigenous sovereignties to remain
grounded in and responsible to the needs and struggles of our individual
peoples while simultaneously looking outward and across to the respon
sibilities to and struggles of others. This moment cannot be romanticized,
because the Pawnee are still abjected as wild others who belong to the
United States through a complicit recognition between Dowager Queen
Emma and Principal Chief Pitchlynn. But it does dramatically emphasize
the need to reframe how certain peoples are designated sovereign, inde
pendent, and free, and others are cast off errants who must steal weeping
away within the transits of empire.74 Glen S. Coulthard has argued that
the ability of the colonizing liberal state to entice Indigenous peoples to
come to identify, either implicitly or explicitly, with the profoundly asym
metrical and non-reciprocal forms of recognition either imposed on or
granted to them by the colonial-state and society reproduces the very
structures of dominance embedded within Hegelian dialectics of recog
nition. The alternative for indigenous peoples is to turn away from the
colonial state and society and find in their own transformative praxis the
source of their liberation.75
To this end, Joy Harjos poem Protocol, which first appeared in A
Map to the Next World and in a revised form as mele, or song, on her blog,
provides an example of how one might gesture towards affectivehere
in the context of Muscogee and Hawaiianexchanges of kinship sover
eignties in relation to literary imagination. The song version, which be
gins with a Hawaiian chant or oli, draws upon both Hawaiian protocols
182 SATISFIED WITH STONES
of welcome and the Southeastern ceremonial call and response of stomp

dance. The first stanza is voiced to establish relationship and arrival on
Hawaiian shores, and the rest of the poem responds with a detailed his
tory of Muscogee migration, removal, war, and travel within the violences
of empire and colonialism that disrupt the everyday intimacies of family
and home. The poem traces a politics of protocol in which introductions,
names, songs, and autobiography are necessary for international relations
to occur, whether on a personal or state level. As the poem explains, the
exchange of tobacco and Hawaiian lei made from p ikake flowers and maile
vines establishes Southeastern continental offerings within the logics of
Hawaiian practices that order the place of peoples within relationship to
land; in the process, these diplomatic protocols create a feeling of kinship
between the ancestors of both lands in order to make the narrator and the
subject of the poem responsive to each others histories and genealogies.
In the poem, the narrator positions herself as a self-in-relation to Mus
cogee historybeginning within ceremonial time of creation and cen
tering upon stomp ground rituals that draw out fire and water and then
moving through the genocide of treaties and forced marches. Harjo enters
into a dialogue through Pacific protocols and refigures international di
plomacies into intimacies that do not depend upon conquest. The poem
performs a creative and imaginative engagement even within a moment of
tensionthe fines from the first s t a n z a , .. if 1 am to follow protocol I will
introduce myself / and in that you might know that I did not find myself /
here on your island by some coincidence, speak to the transgressions of
colonialism that might frame the narrators arrival as an act of imperialism
rather than a consequence of continual displacements as Indians are forced
to transit by empire.76 Harjos poem depends upon indigenous phenom
enologies, in which knowing serves as a process through which Harjo
others the self and selves the other to represent the movement toward am
nesty, toward retaining relations that are responsible, right, and pono.
While the forms and procedures of Hawaiian protocol are most rec
ognizable within the poem, Harjos work also draws upon Southeastern
institutions such as iksas, a structured network of relationships that had a
similarly generative kinship function.77 Ethnohistorian Patricia Galloway
writes of the importance of the fa n i mingo/fani miko (squirrel chief) with
in Southeastern intertribal relations, framing it as a native ombudsman
institution observed among eighteenth-century Chickasaw and Choctaw
nations.78 While Galloways work delineates the institution within Chicka-
saw and Choctaw cultures, others have noted that the Muscogee Creek
had similar institutions in which, according to Galloway, tribes would
adopt an advocate within a neighboring tribe, and it would be his duty to
argue in favor of his adopted tribe whenever war threatened to break out.
It is nowhere specifically stated that the adopted fa n imingo would also be
capable of speaking the language of the tribe whose interests he repre
sented, but there are several instances in which this is implied.79 The prac
tice, which could perhaps best be understood as a generative kinship that
helped manage extravillage relationships, not only ensured diplomatic
relations with other tribes but served to negotiate competition and differ
ence.80 In her song/poem Protocol, Harjo gestures towards a similar dip
lomatic negotiation that emerges in the collision between Muscogee and
Hawaiian genealogies of identity and history, and ultimately provides an
adoptive link between the practices of the Hawaiian hanai and the South
eastern iksas through which the narrator of Harjos poem can know herself
both as other and as self.
What is instructive in evoking the fa n i mingo institution here at the
end of this chapter and in conversation with the generative kinships of
Harjos song/poem that enacts the genealogies of protocol is that it pro
vides a means to advocate for the need to maintain outwardness even as
we delineate the necessity of drawing inward to look at specific indigenous
nations and their particular struggles against colonization. Harjos poem
and the diplomatic institutions it enacts help to redraw the transit of em
pire into a new line of relation that shows the Indian in transit as site of
relational sovereignties that do not depend upon conquest and Hegelian
dialectics of self and other. As the United States continues to overthrow
Hawai'i through the legislative and juridical discourses of Indianness,
Harjo demonstrates that there are alternative roots through which to re
spond that do not reiterate the recognitions of nation-states to partition
redress and status.
6
Killing States
Removals, Other Americans, and the "Pale Promise of Democracy"
The impression that I have now is the same one I had on the terrible two
days when the first three hundred o f you camethe impression o f great
physical discomfort, hardship, and o f perfectly marvelous human spirit
throughout the colony.
John Collier, speech at Poston, June 27,1942
Sudden Removals
On June 2 7 ,1942, John Collier, acting as administrator of the sole intern
ment camp run by the Office of Indian Affairs, addressed the first group
of 7,500 Japanese American internees at Poston, Arizona, on the Colorado
River Indian Reservation (CR1R). His speech was the culmination of a
policy vision of Indian self-management and economic self-sufficiency
that stretched from the 1930s and collided headlong with the events that
followed December 7, 1941. Poston, Arizona, and the Colorado River In
dian Reservation, as Ruth Okimotos research in Sharing a Desert Home
has shown, spatialized the competing hegemonies that first carved the res
ervation out of indigenous lands through an act of Congress approved by
Abraham Lincoln in 1865 and led to the incarceration of Japanese Ameri
can citizens in relocation camps during World War II. John Colliers vision
for the Colorado River Indian Reservation, even before the attack on Pearl
Harbor, involved a 1940 proposal to colonize 10,000 American Indians
to the reservation and to develop an irrigation system to make the CR1R
self-supporting.1 With war looming, time running out, and a reluctant
Congress unwilling to appropriate the monies necessary to approve such
a project, Collier leaped at the opportunity the War Relocation Authority
presented in the form of an incarcerated work force who could improve
the land for future Indian, and then white and non-Indian, use.2
185
1 8 6 KILLING STATES
Though Collier claimed he was tongue-tied and embarrassed in the

face of the hardships of relocation that those Japanese Americans who had
already arrived at the camps had endured, he tried to frame their suffering
within a larger purpose. You are here, he assured the captive listeners,in
the capacity of full citizens of the American commonwealth. Being here
in that capacity, it is for you to determine your own fashion of life, your
own methods of cooperative action, to make your own life. Speaking as
a representative of the Department of the Interior and gesturing towards
the office he held as commissioner of Indian Affairs, Collier shared his
philosophy and vision for both the American commonwealth and the ver
sion o f democracy that underpins U.S. colonization and imperialism. We
in this country, he continued,
join with the people of England, the people of Australia, with the
Free French, China, etc., in asserting that Democracy is the right
way of life. We are waging a war for Democracy. That war is going to
be won. There is not the slightest doubt. But when we look around
within our own country, whether it be on a national or local scale,
we do not find that Democracy has been achieved. It has not been
achieved in any of these countries and certainly not in the United
States. Our Democracy is an imperfect, embryonic institution
as yet.3
Colliers speech that summer day in the dusty and temporary Japanese
American colony reflected an ambivalent administrator seeking to reas
sure his fellow citizens that though an injustice had been done, there was
also an opportunity to undertake a great social experiment.
Though Collier was speaking to the internees from the ambivalent
vantage point of the not-quite-yet-greatest-generation administrator of a
wartime incarceration, his evocation of a war for Democracy eerily fore
shadows George W. Bushs post-9/11 justification for the war on terror and
the militaristic desire to inflict democracy the world over as panacea for a
failing capitalism. At the same time, Colliers assessment that our Democ
racy is an imperfect, embryonic institution mirrors Barack Obamas delin
eation of the United States as a perfecting union, still struggling with racial
divides and inequalities.4 Captured within Colliers dualistic allegory of
democracy as unfulfilled battleground and as promise for a more perfect
union are the seeds of a fracturing neoliberalism that pulled conservative
KILLING STATES 1 87
and liberal discourses into a biopolitical assemblage justifying recursive

colonialisms that, during World War II, served to enjamb Japanese Ameri
can detainees within the histories of containment and expropriation that
strip lands and nations from American Indians. By naming the relocation
centers and internment camps colonies within their internal documents,
the United States revealed the deeper logics of removals and reservations,
and Collier, who saw in Poston an opportunity to develop a social experi
ment that might innovate future management strategies within the Of
fice of Indian Affairs, had already laid the groundwork so that Hopi and
Navajo families might join those relocation colonies after the war ended
to continue the work started by the Japanese American internees. In the
process, the transformation of indigenous peoples from colonized to colo
nist within the historical record helps to lay the foundation for a double
barreled Korematsu loaded weapon that provides the basis for U.S. sover
eignty dependent upon settler colonialism and its ability to enact a state of
exception against its own citizens and citizens of other nations.5
Colliers moment of address raises for me some significant questions
about how scholars might theorize the colonization of indigenous peoples
in the face of settlers who are coerced and deployed by the nation-state to
inhabit what Kevin Bruyneel provocatively has termed the third space of
sovereignty. What does it mean for Collier to address Japanese American
internees as citizens in a moment when the civil rights accorded them as
U.S. citizens have been radically suspended, and why does he evoke de
mocracy in a moment that is so clearly undemocratic? What tensions and
patterns emerge from the historical matrix that produced World War 11
relocation and internment camps? And what might those historical con
vergences say about the state of exception theorized by Giorgio Agamben?
Both the bare life of the camps that Agamben identifies as the basis for
sovereign power and the threshold between bare life and hom o sacer haunt
the colonial imaginings of the United States. At its most basic level, Agam-
bens definition of the state of exception centers on his point that the fun
damental localization (Ortung), which does not limit itself to distinguish
ing what is inside from what is outside but instead traces a threshold (the
state of exception) between the two, on the basis of which is outside and
inside, the normal situation and chaos, enter into those complex topologi
cal relations that make the validity of the juridical order possible.6 In the
context of the ongoing settler colonizing project of the United States, those
thresholds and chaotic systems, as I have argued throughout this book,
depend upon the transit of Indianness to inscript empire internally and

externally. The one arena where postcolonial theory has made the most
inroads into the emerging body of critical theory addressing indigeneity
has been in the evocation of hybridity, particularly as Homi K. Bhabha
has defined it as the threshold in-between, where difference is neither
One nor the Other but something else b e s i d e s Most controversial, at least
in American Indian literary circles, is Elvira Pulitanos Toward a Native
American Critical Theory. Pulitano valorizes hybridity in order to resist
notions of reality, authenticity, and essentialism as she eschews, according
to Jace Weaver and Craig Womack, sovereignty, governance, and the pos
sibility for Native American literary nationalisms to emerge from the texts
she critiques. Hybridity, as Pulitano uses it, depends upon an underlying
colonialist assumption that indigenous peoples and their cultural produc
tions exist in primitive excess and gain validity only in the exchanges with
Western literary traditions.
Within the legal discourses of indigenous sovereignty, however, hybrid
ity, when understood as a process that creates a third space within the co
lonial dialectic, has proven a more fruitful site for articulating the potential
usefulness of postcolonial theory to the development of indigenous critical
theories. Scholars such as Paul Meredith, Kevin Bruyneel, Jay T. Johnson,
Robert A. Williams Jr., and Eric Cheyfitz argue that the treaties between
indigenous nations and the settler colonial nation-state, as well as the laws
that emerged as a result, become the primary site for postcolonial analysis
because they represent the resistant dialogics of indigenous responses to
state-sponsored colonialism that transformed land into property, indepen
dence into dependency, foreign into domestic.9 This work, and especially
Bruyneels The Third Space o f Sovereignty, provides important insights into
the negotiations between colonizer and colonized that, through the efforts
of indigenous leaders to resist the encroaching United States, open a space
between internal/external and foreign/domestic for indigenous articula
tions of sovereignty. As a site of refusal, the third space of sovereignty, ac
cording to Bruyneel, offers a productive location from which indigenous
nations can assert political autonomy that is not dependent upon a settler
society that continually asserts its totalizing authority over lands, space,
and time. In other words, the third space offers a way for tribal sovereignty
to exist concurrently with U.S. state sovereignty and functions as an anti
statist, postcolonial supplement that disrupts the logics of colonial rule.10
Bruyneel claims that this productive space emerges out of indige-
KILLING STATES 1 8 9
nous resistances and articulations of alternative governance strategies

that remain in spite of the legal machinations o f the occupying colonial
nation-state. But as the last two chapters demonstrated in the discussions
of Hawai'i and the Cherokee Freedmen, even the third space of sovereign
ty can become a colonial enactment that supersedes the desires of anti
colonial resistances or is, in fact, produced by those resistances. As Bruy-
neel suggests, his articulation of the third space raises many directions for
future research into alternatives to statist sovereignty. Foremost among
them in this book is: What happens to the third space of indigenous sov
ereignty when others are injected into it through a process of what Brian
Masaru Hayashi has identified as democratizing the enemy?11 The goal
of this chapter, then, is threefold. The first is to identify, by returning to the
cultural and theoretical models of the 1980s and 1990s that were concerned
with Los Angeles, multiculturalism, and postethnicity, the discursive colo
nialist traces of the transits of Indianness that haunt theorizations of race
in the United States. Given the return of the ascendancy of multicultural
liberal democracy as the best hope for a postracial United States founded
on principles of inclusion, it is necessary to understand the affective de
sires underpinning current ideas such as commonwealth and planetary
conviviality.12 Understanding the third space of sovereignty as a perpetual
motion of oscillation between the parallax gap of irreducible difference
between internal and external, I will consider how the transits o f empire
use removal, deferral, and containment as processes of incorporation and
assimilation.
The second goal o f this chapter is to reframe Japanese American intern
ment and the concomitant yellow peril that traps Asian Americans in a
third space between immigrant threat/model minority, within those dis-
tortive parallactic effects that have been used to disrupt and deny indige
nous sovereignty. By focusing on the internment of Japanese Americans at
Poston and the role that John Collier, the father of the Indian Reorganiza
tion Act of 1934, played in promoting Japanese American wartime reloca
tion as an experiment in self-governance toward assimilation, 1 hope to
deepen our understandings of how U.S. colonial policies targeting indige
nous nations inform the assumptions of multicultural liberal democracy
that now exemplify current U.S. preoccupations with race and diaspora
and serve to deterritorialize indigenous prior claims. And finally, I will
draw upon Gerald Vizenors work in Hiroshima Bugi to consider American
Indian participation in and disruptions of conviviality within the transits
of empire. Vizenors unmapping of the nineteenth-century voyager and

half-Chinook Ranald MacDonalds travels through the Pacific and into
Ainu territory in Japan troublingly parallels, for Vizenor, the consequences
of the atomic weaponry that violently ended World War 11.
Giorgio Agamben links the political power of U.S. sovereignty to a se
ries of states of exception that track how martial law and discourses of
emergencies have led to the consolidation of executive power and its sub
sequent expansion into the legislative sphere. Agambens theorization of
sovereignty as that which determines and enacts the state of exception
understood as that which breaks the law to enforce the lawdemonstrates
the degree to which Western democracies exist in a dialectic with totali
tarian regimes. Though Agamben typically theorizes sovereignty within
Greco-Roman and European contexts, his State o f Exception marks a
notable shift. In his diagnosis of U.S. sovereignty and its deployment of
the state of exception as a conflict over sovereign decision arising from
a dialectic between the powers of the president and those of Congress,
the first example Agamben gives of a U.S. president appropriating dictato
rial powers is Abraham Lincoln, who violated the law to suspend habeas
corpus in 1861 and then, on his sole authority, declared the emancipation
of slaves in 1862.15
The second president Agamben cites as an example is Woodrow Wilson,
who during World War 1 appropriated even broader powers to the office of
the presidency when Congress passed a series of espionage acts between
1917 and 1918. Agamben notes that because the sovereign power of the
president is essentially grounded in the emergency linked to the state of
war, over the course of the twentieth century the metaphor o f war becomes
an integral part of the presidential political vocabulary.14 By deploying the
linguistic logic of waging war, according to Agamben, Franklin D. Roosevelt
was able to appropriate extraordinary powers to deal with the economic
crisis of the 1930s, and the New Deal represents Agambens third example
of the U.S. presidency locating in itself the ability to declare the state of
emergency. The final example Agamben gives us is Franklin D. Roosevelts
Executive Order 9066 that Agamben describes as the most spectacular vio
lation of civil rights (all the more serious because of its solely racial motiva
tion) [.which] occurred on February 19 ,1942.15 Roosevelts order, which
authorized the secretary of war and the military commanders he might
designate to prescribe military areas in such places and of such extent as
he or the Military Commander may determine, from which any or all per-
KILLING STATES 191
sons may be excluded, directed the U.S. war machine to define and enforce
regulations for the conduct and control of alien enemies.15 Though it did
not name them or any other ethnic communities specifically, and in fact
allowed the secretary and those military commanders to exclude any or all
persons the order interpellated Japanese American citizens of the United
States particularly as alien enemies" to be evacuated to relocation centers
in the name of national defense.
Poston, Arizona, functions as a temporal and spatial site within these
states of exception not least because it was one of the camps that represent
ed the most spectacular violation of civil rights. The state of exception as
first theorized by Carl Schmitt and later developed by Agamben depends
upon the sovereigns ability to order space as not only a taking of land
(Landesnahme)the determination of a juridical and a territorial ordering
(of an Ordnung and an Ortung)but above all a taking of the outside, an
exception (Ausnahme)."'7 This ordering of space begs a question, however:
Why doesnt Agamben theorize the state of exception in relation to Ameri
can Indians in the first place? It is striking, if not unanticipated, that all
three of his presidential examples played a significant role in ordering the
historical landscape that stretched beyond the text of Roosevelts execu
tive order instituting internment camps that in itself serves as exemplary
exception within Agambens text. The Colorado River Indian Reservation
was created by an act of Congress signed into law by Abraham Lincoln in
1865, and on November 22,1915, President Woodrow Wilson issued an ex
ecutive order remapping the boundaries of the CRIR to steal 16,000 acres
for miners and cattlemen in the region.18 In 1933 Roosevelt appointed John
Collier to the Office of Indian Affairs to implement the Indian New Deal
in the form of the Indian Reorganization Act, and on February 19,1942, his
order set the stage for the Colorado River Indian Reservation to house an
internment camp through which Collier planned to wage his war for de
mocracy in the form of the doctrine of self-governance that was the basis
for his administration over colonized indigenous nations.
Linking Japanese American experiences o f the state of exception that
was internment to American Indian history allows us to scrutinize the
theoretical blind spots within critical philosophy and postcolonial theory
and identify the discourses of colonialism that facilitated the violation of
Japanese American civil rights. The bare life that the internment camps
reveal is the life of U.S. colonialism laid bare in all its settler/native dia
lectical glory. Such an observation allows for a reordering of the colonial
logics that underpin the United States internment of Japanese Americans

and locates its source in the prior colonization of indigenous peoples. As
both captives and settlers, interned Japanese Americans are forced to play
out in an abridged trajectory the U.S. frontier discourses, in which the only
way to become true American citizens is to first go native and then carve
democracy out of the wilderness. That Japanese American labor is used by
Collier to tame the desert and make it productive allows the United States
to enforce the frontier as the site of exception that proves the norm for U.S.
colonial democracy and at the same time enacts in microcosm the proges-
sivist history that leads civilization out of savagery.
But the problem of the sovereign is not necessarily just the state of ex
ception but the project of democracy itself. Agamben hints at this in Homo
Sacer, when he implies that Western politics is a biopolitics from the very
beginning, and that every attempt to found political liberties in the rights
of the citizens is, therefore, in vain and that observation supports Wendy
Browns critique o f liberal politics that seek, through injury, recourse from
the state and in the process serve to negate the originary violence in Ben
jamins delineation of law-making and law-preserving violence.19 Collier
has come to epitomize the ambivalent colonial administrator whose efforts
to reform the government-to-government relationship that provides the
basis for the continued U.S. occupation of indigenous lands mark a funda
mental shift in U.S. colonial administration. According to Vine Deloria Jr.,
John Collier was probably the greatest of all Indian commissioners, and
much of the scholarship about his role as commissioner of the Office of
Indian Affairs tends to frame Collier as a liberal prophetic politician who
embodied the social welfare vision of Roosevelts administrationthough
in Delorias case, that praise may be faint given that most Indian commis
sioners were devastating to indigenous nations.20 Even Ruth Okimoto
came to appreciate Collier and found his decision to use Japanese Ameri
can internment to realize his plans for the Colorado River Indian Reserva
tion to be a brilliant organizational move.21
John Collier was ultimately contradictory in his fundamental support
of indigenous communities and peoples. On the one hand, he greatly es
teemed indigenous cultures, communities, and spiritual traditions, espe
cially in the Southwest; on the other, he thought that there was a vacuum in
indigenous governance in most communities that needed to be redressed
through the imposition o f democratic and bureaucratic structures.22 Fun-
KILLING STATES 193
damentally, Collier, in his own words, believed American Indian democ

racies to be deeper and thicker democracies than those of the West, that
they represented the long hope for humanity. They had what the world
has lost, Collier wrote at the beginning of his 1947 Indians o f the Ameri
cas, they have it now. What the world has lost, the world must have again,
lest it die.23 That lost ingredient for Collier was the power for living in
the face of bare life, and he advocated that if the modern world should
be able to recapture this power, the earths natural resources and web of
life would not be irrevocably wasted within the twentieth century, which is
the prospect now. True democracy, founded in neighborhoods and reach
ing over the world, would become the realized heaven on earth. And living
peacenot just an interlude between warswould be born and would last
through ages.24
In many ways, then, this sentiment of true democracy that arises out
of the power for living is what led Collier to address Japanese American
internees at Poston Camp on June 27,1942, and speak of a pale promise
of democracy that would spark real Democracy out of the shadows of
struggle and endurance. This pale promise resided in Colliers administra
tive vision and idea that the U.S. could manage difference best and most
benignly by deploying self-management and indirect, bilateral colonial
ist regimes to construct a permanent security state to manage indigenous
peoples, internal minorities, and overseas territorial holdings.25 With only
eight years separating the implementation of the Indian Reorganization
Act from Roosevelts Executive Order 9066, Collier expanded his vision of
colonial administration to include indigenous and racial minorities alike
as he advocated for reconsideration of self-government as a tool for as
similative incorporation. Colliers vision for the IRA, which provides the
cornerstone for the federal recognition and nation-to-nation status of in
digenous nations colonized by the United States, reveals the syllogistic
fallacy at the heart of such policies, that because the IRA reestablished
the language of self-governance, the act recognized indigenous nations as
sovereign entities rather than as racial, ethnic communities who would
one day be assimilated into the U.S. body politic. The implications for
American Indian studies and our reliance on the Indian Reorganization
Act to provide the language of government-to-government sovereignty
and self-determination are profoundly eclipsed by the intersection of co
lonial and racist agendas that collude to oppress on the one hand and offer
the seductive recognitions that maintain state hegemony on the other. The
intersection of Colliers administrative colonialism with his affirmation of
self-government served the larger agenda of furthering liberal democracy
that sought to bring the world into U.S. alignment.
And as Justice Robert Jackson observed in his dissention to the Kore-
matsu decision that upheld the constitutionality of Japanese American
relocation, the loaded weapon in the law created in part by the juridical
principle of stare decisis, which Robert A. Williams Jr. defines as like cases
should be decided alike, facilitates a transit of colonial subjectivities across
which Indianness becomes a homology emptied of indigenous contexts
and content.26 These contexts are then, through the logics of settler colo
nialism, spatially, physically, and psychically mapped onto other arrivants
and trajectories. Such processes lead to what Ruth Okimoto rightly rec
ognizes as a brief moment in history [in which] the Japanese American
detainees experienced what the American Indians have endured for cen
turies but absents why that might be.27 And while many scholars locate
those intersections in Dillon Myer s reign first in the War Relocation Au
thority and then in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, where he implemented
policies of relocation and termination in the 1950s, Collier shoulders his
own responsibilities for implementing and advocating a process of de
mocratizing the enemy that sought to layer the U.S. colonial administra
tion of colonized Indian nations onto first Japanese American citizens and
then Pacific Island holdings at the end of the war.28 Next stop, the world.
In other words, Collier intended to enact a third space of sovereignty
that functioned as a state of exception, the establishing of the outside in
order to facilitate its reincorporation, for indigenous nations, recent im
migrants, and newly acquired territories at the end of the war that would
allow not-quite-citizens to be formally recaptured through the mainte
nance of the colonialist logics that cohered U.S. territory into the nation
state. When Japanese Americans are forced by Collier into the third space
of sovereignty, however, what happens to American Indians nations is an
extension of the egalitarian processes that David Kazanjian has termed the
colonizing trick, whereby Indians become colonists, Japanese Americans
Indians.29 And in the process, the entire territorial conquest that is the basis
for U.S. hegemony is elided, and the colonization of indigenous peoples is
then abjected outside the dialectics of settler/native and into a now mov
able and infinitely repeatable state of assimilation through exception.
KILLING STATES 1 95
Maps and Maps
Karen Tei Yamashitas Tropic o f Orange spans a border, a week, and an orange.
Time slows, space stretches and collapses as each of the seven characters
try to locate themselves in an increasingly chaotic topography as the south
is dragged northward along with the sun. The plot culminates on Sunday
in the El Contrato Con America wrestling showdown between El Gran
Mojado, a character based on performance artist Guillermo Gomez-Pena
and occasionally known and rarely recognized as Arcangel, and SUPER-
NAFTA in the Pacific Rim Auditorium at the Borders. All of the characters
are being drawn through the narrative arc of one week, each facing a spe
cific destiny tied to the larger showdown that El Gran Mojado will inevita
bly lose. But even before that Monday when the orange first falls from the
tree, the characters are lost in a fragmented existence in a Los Angeles and
Mexico that are starkly separate and distinct. That small, deformed citrus
becomes the fulcrum of a border made plain by the sun itself" and its very
presence can warp geography and time to stretch the Tropic of Cancer and
the southern hemisphere from Mexico to Los Angeles, from the Colum
bian discovery moment of 1492 to the virtual interwebs and back again, as
if a map of the Americas had been graphically liquefied then smeared by
dragging a small point through it, until a distorted, stretched, and blurred
path remained of lands and borders that once seemed coherent.
In Los Angeles a lone figure can be seen, if one were to pay any atten
tion at all to lone figures in the middle of a city, waving his arms as he
stands at the edge of an overpass above the freeways. This figure, it turns
out, is a former surgeon named Manzanar Murakami, and what he does
all day is conduct the unheard symphonies of the city. Manzanar, we find
out later, was the first Sansei born in the captivity of internment camps. He
spends his days recycling residues of sounds:
There are maps and there are maps and there are maps. The uncan
ny thing was that he could see all of them at once, filter some, pick
them out like transparent windows and place them even delicately
and consecutively in a complex grid of pattern, spatial discernment,
body politic. Although one might have thought this capacity to see
was different from a musical one, it was really one and the same.
For each of the maps was a layer of music, a clef, an instrument, a

musical instruction, a change of measure, a coda.31
In rhizomatic detail, Yamashita documents the mapping layers that Man-

zanar imagines. They begin with the geology of the land itself, the artesian
rivers running beneath the surface, connected and divergent, shifting and
swelling. . . the complex and normally silent web of faults. Then Man-
zanars vision goes deeper below the surface to the
Man-made grid of civil utilities: Southern California pipelines for

natural gas; the unnatural waterways of the Los Angeles Depart
ment of Water and Power, and the great dank tunnels of sewage;
the cascades of poisonous effluents surging from rain-washed
streets into the Santa Monica Bay; electric currents racing voltage
into the open watts of millions of hungry energy-efficient appli
ances; telephone cables, cable TV, fiber optics, computer networks.
Finally, the passage concludes:
As far as Manzanar was concerned, it was all there. A great theory

of maps, musical maps, spread in visible and audible layerseach
selected sometimes purposefully, sometimes at whim, to create
the great mind of music. To the outside observer, it was a lonely
business; it would seem that he was at once orchestra and audience.
Or was he indeed? Unknown to anyone, a man walking across
the overpass at that very hour innocently hummed the recurrent
melody of the adagio.32
The connections between the characters, histories, and borders are con
crete and steel as much as they are digital and virtual. The characters are
mythic allegories as well as mothers, sons, and husbands struggling to find
the roads that will lead them across borders, nations, and oceans to find
homes and each other in the abandoned cars on the freeway or at the wres
tling match at the edge of the Pacific Rim.
Yamashitas novel was published in 1997 during the height of U.S.-
based cultural studies concerns with the pitfalls of multiculturalism in
the breach between imperialism and globalization. Literary scholars have
focused on how this novel extends the work of her first novel and speaks
KILLING STATES 1 97
to Asian American experience, and how it might exemplify an ethnic post

modernism born through globalization. Caroline Rody has argued that Ya-
mashitas work is shaped by a narrative strategy that is informed by border
fictions that situate Asian Americanness within transnational Americas
and ties postmodern interethnic ethics to nature. In Tropics of Globali
zation: Reading the New North America," Molly Wallace suggests that the
novel, if read through globalization discourse analysis, might illuminate
and complicate Fredric Jamesons discussion of the logics of late capital
ism and extend Arjun Appadurais discussions of globalization.34 When
the authors work is discussed within a U.S. context, the emphasis is on
the ethnic postmodern. When the novel is placed into a conversation with
globalization, which Michael Flardt and Antonio Negri have identified as
a process of economic postmodernization, or better, in fo r m a tiz a tio n a
reading emerges through the globality that emphasizes the economic and
the diasporic, the nation and the postnation.35
The map that Yamashita gives us of Los Angeles is a map consisting of
transparent windows that open up to other transparent windows that then
point to the next map and the map after that. The implication of Man-
zanars infectious symphonies is that one should look for the maps and
maps and maps that trace and mark the pre- and post-historical move
ments of peoples and information within the larger narratives that have
consolidated those movements and collapsed maps into maps. An inner
and outer space to the city contained within the city" itself influences and
haunts the land and creates residual sounds that, were one to listen care
fully, would provide insight into how the cityspace consists of cacophonies
that challenge and reinforce the institutional and historical logics that con
structed the city in the first place.
Manzanars symphonic Los Angeles, however, is only a microcosm of,
a movement within, the orchestrations and patriotic songs of the United
StatesCalifornia and its redwood forest confirm that this land was made
for you and me in an evocation of Manifest Destiny that lingers within
and around the imagined community that has been consolidated as the
United States. Manzanars ability to conduct cacophony into polyphony
within these larger movements arises from the political, spatial, and tem
poral boundaries that his very existence encapsulates. Caught against his
will by and within the parallax oscillations of exception that arise from the
discourses of Indian removal and reorganization and underpin the crea
tion of Japanese American internment camps, Manzanar began his life as a
captive within the larger forces of imperialism that attempt to continually

consolidate U.S. control over Indian lands.
Chief Justice John Marshall declared in an opinion that would have last
ing ramifications for indigenous sovereignty that indigneous nations on the
North American continent may more correctly, perhaps, be denominated
domestic dependent nations. They occupy a territory to which we assert a
title independent of their will, which must take effect in point of posses
sion when their right of possession ceases. Meanwhile, they are in a state
of pupilage. Their relation to the United States resembles that of a ward to
his guardian.36 In a stunning moment of law-making and law-preserving
violence, the U.S. government juridically transformed native nations from
sovereign foreign states, whose governments and lands were independent
of U.S. control, into domestic dependent nations existing within the bound
aries of the United States and occupying, by grace of their guardians per
mission, lands that rightfully belong to the United States. The impact of
Marshalls opinion on behalf of the Court facilitated continued removals,
forced diasporas, colonization, and assimilation through the establish
ment of a paternal relation between the United States and those peoples it
deemed were its children or wards. The superior claim to land that Mar
shall acknowledges in this statement addresses the Doctrine of Discovery,
which gave Europeans and by extension their agents in the new world a
claim to native lands by the physical act of discovery. So long as indige
nous peoples lived peacefully on the land, the question of title would not be
forced; the only ways to cede title were through either treaty negotiations or
just war.37 The borders standing between the United States and the Pacific
coast were always, as we can see from Marshalls decision, flexible and dis
posable in the eyes of the federal government and its citizens. The founding
fathers of the United States, including Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin
and Thomas Paine, had visions of expansion even before the Revolution; the
conquest of western lands was to some extent considered a fait accompli. It
was only a matter of time in their eyes. The Pacific coast was only the begin
ning, and as early as 1771 Benjamin Franklin and hydrographer Alexander
Dalrymple wrote a treatise on how best to benevolently bring civilization to
the Maori.38 In the minds of these founding fathers, the imaginative invest
ment in the Pacific was an inevitable progression of civilization that would
save indigenous peoples around the globe from themselves and usher in an
exceptional world safe for Americans.
At the same time American exceptionalism was making new worlds
safe for Americans, another narrative emerged during westward expansion

that mapped the movements of peoples both pre-western historically as
well as contemporarily. In order for the United States to have a fundamen
tal right to land that superseded that of indigenous peoples and nations,
the colonizing country needed to establish those nations and peoples as
interlopers on their own lands, to ban them. As the judical branch enacted
the state of exception just as much as the executive and legislative branch
es did through a cultural process o f jurisgenesisthe creation of legal
meaningimperial and national narratives cohered those creations into
jurispathic supremacy, where Supreme Court justices continue to retain
interpretive authority to kill non-state-centered law as a process of mak
ing law.39 These two processes, according to Robert Cover, are constitutive
of "nomosa normative universe in which law and narrative are insepa
rably related.40 According to Agamben, nomos is the ordering of space,
and the campand not the prisonis the space that corresponds to this
originary structure of the nomos."41 For Mark Rifkin, the resultant bare life
is also bare habitance, through which the biopolitical project of defining
the proper body of the people is subtended by the geopolitical project of
defining the territoriality of the nation, displacing competing claims by
older/other political formations.42
In the mid-nineteenth century, as the phrase Manifest Destiny" was
innovated by the national print culture to justify the annexation of a huge
swath of land from Mexico, there was a scientific investigation into the
origins of the first Americans. O f the many stories of Indian migration to
the Americas, the most popular included hypotheses that wandering Celts,
Vikings, and other early Europeans were the true source o f any prehistoric
civilization. Some scientists even claimed that Egyptians had built the
mounds along the Ohio and Mississippi rivers, while others continued to
gravitate to the observation that the structures were much too complex
and had to be evidence that Europeans had been present in the landscape
at some point to build cities and then abandon them.43 Many cultural an
thropologists, ethnologists, and linguists were convinced that Indians were
in fact descendants of the Lost Tribes of Israel, and that the mounds and
earthworks throughout the continent were built by anyone except indige
nous peoples.44 Among all these developing narratives to solve the mys
tery of the first Americans, however, Thomas Jeffersons articulation of
the trans-Siberian migration solidified into scientific facticity once Clovis
spear points were found early in the twentieth century.
Jeffersons hypothesis, now commonly referred to as the Bering Strait

Theory, had its origins in a speculation that Fray Jose de Acosta, a Jesuit
missionary stationed in Mexico and Peru, offered in 1589. Acosta conjec
tured that small groups of hunters, driven from their Asiatic homeland by
starvation or warfare, might have followed now-extinct beasts across Asia
into the New World. Acosta argued that this slow, mostly overland migra
tion took place perhaps two thousands years before Spaniards arrived in
the Caribbean.45 In 1787 Thomas Jefferson published in Notes on the State
o f Virginia his own suppositions on the origins of the first Americans that
reflects Acostas:
Great question has arisen from whence came those aboriginal

inhabitants of America? Discoveries, long ago made, were sufficient
to shew that a passage from Europe to America was always practi
cable, even to the imperfect navigation of ancient times... .Again,
the late discoveries of Captain Cook, coasting from Kamschatka
to California, have proved that, if the two continents of Asia and
America be separated at all, it is only by a narrow streight. So that
from this side also, inhabitants may have passed into America: and
the resemblance between the Indians of America and the Eastern
inhabitants of Asia, would induce us to conjecture, that the former
are the descendants of the latter, or the latter of the former .. ,46
Jeffersons theory of the trans-Siberian migrations of Asians and Indians

helped establish the continuing question over the true origins of indige
nous peoples as fair game in the emergent scientific discourses of anthro
pology and archaeology. These theories, too, provided a means to question
aboriginal title to landsif they were prior migrants from Asia, they had
no aboriginal rights at all. But, significantly, a close reading of Jeffersons
text reveals a slight difference from what is now accepted as the movement
of peoples across the land bridge between Asia and the Americas. Jeffer
son, in counter to current popular discussions of American Indian origins
that depend on an originary and a priori terra nullius, at least allows the
possibility that migrations went both ways across the Bering Strait. Or, as
Joy Harjo succinctly puts it: There is no such thing as a one way land
bridge.47 The distinction is significant to mark, because it fractures the
trajectory of peoples between America and Asia and initiates the indeter
minacy within Asians in America as the site of foreignness, threat, model
KILLING STATES 201
minority exemplar, and as a site for Asian settler colonialisms that have
continued to inflect how scholars have started to interrogate how Asian
arrivants in Pacific Island contexts construct their own local identities.48
Problematic Post Destinies
In A Different Mirror, Ronald Takaki makes note of residual sounds echo

ing back through Shakespeare and writes, Caliban could have been Asian.
Have we devils here? the theatergoers heard Stephano declare in The
Tempest. Do you put tricks upons with savages and men of Inde, ha?49
Spoken aloud, the final two words would evoke both Inde and India for
the audience, mapping onto the new world a familiar Orientalism and ac
knowledging in the joke the cacophony emerging in the new/old world
referents. That Orientalism within the Indian of the new world refracts
and solidifies even further within the Bering Strait theory as it attempts
to explain historical movements of peoples into (and, in the case of Jef
fersons the latter of the former, out of) the Americas. The constructed
imaginary arrival of peoples in the Americas thousands of years ago across
a land bridge from Asia performs nineteenth- and twentieth-century con
cerns over Asian immigrants and the perceived threat they posed to the
United States. For American Indian nations in the twenty-first century,
such assemblages suggest that not only were Indians not indigenous to
the Americas, but that they were ultimately the first wave of a yellow peril
invasion that infested the lands already (or destined to be) inhabited by
Europeans. Such assemblages were underwritten by the colonialist dis
courses of the United States that allowed nothing within the continental
sweep of its manifest aspirations to stand outside. Indians were either dead
or they were remade entirely into newly arrived immigrants who illegally
violated the sanctity of the United States expanding borders as the prior
specters and refugees of anti-Asian and anti-Mexican attitudes.
The introduction of Orientalism into the context of the Americas and
the construction of native otherness as foreign to and excluded from the
United States implies a colonial and imperial construct of the place and
movements of peoples. But it is an implied colonial discourse that depends
upon racial categories to incorporate native peoples as part of, though mar
ginal to, the U.S. melting pot of immigrants that now exists on indigenous
peoples own lands. Edward Said argues that the Orient is an integral part
of European m aterial civilization and culture. Orientalism expresses and
represents that part culturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse

with supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines,
even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles.50 And though Said consid
ers American Orientalism less dense and less established than the Euro
pean variety, his definition is useful here in considering how such material
culture shapes U.S. understandings of native peoples as part of a larger
Asiatic influence and threat. But even if those knowledges that produce
Orientalizing narratives about American Indians refer to colonial bureau
cracies and colonial styles, the American Indian version of a remapped
Orientalism also contains a racializing component that is necessary to
contextualize. As a narrative of racist, colonialist, and imperialist suprema
cy, Manifest Destiny transformed indigenous peoples from citizens of sepa
rate, external sovereign nations into racial minorities within and subject to
the internal structures of the United States. The orientalizing cacophonies
that remap indigenous peoples as part of an early wave of Asian immigrants
perform an originary racialization of indigenous peoples as they are recast
as immigrants who may or may not be full citizens.
In Race and Manifest Destiny, Reginald Horsman identifies the narra
tive of Manifest Destiny as a process of racialization that constructed the
American as inheritor of the Anglo-Saxon lineage. Accompanying that
racialization of the American into Anglo-Saxon whiteness was the raciali
zation of the other as the savage, inferior Indian who would, sadly, fall by
the wayside as civilization advanced.51 By identifying Manifest Destiny as
primarily a narrative fixated on the process of constituting and cohering
racial categories, Horsman establishes one of the tenets that has enabled
the slippage between colonization and racialization to propagate within
postcolonial, critical race, and critical whiteness studies. As the United
States stretched and exceeded its own boundaries under the rubric of
Manifest Destiny, indigenous peoples and nations, who were initially ex
ternally colonized, had to be imaginatively and legally incorporated into
the internal of the U.S. nation-state. They had to be worlded as other and
worlded anew as cultures and races that add to the distinctive mosaic of
U.S. multiculturalism, with the additional distinction implied here that the
United States does not and would not enter into treaties with its own citi
zens. On a fundamental level, then, the process of racialization that rein
forced the U.S. destiny to spread from sea to sea served a larger function by
turning indigeneity into a racial category, a transformation that equates
the distinctions of indigenous nations as sovereign and independent with
KILLING STATES 2 03
that of every other racialized and diasporic arrival to be mediated within

U.S. citizenry. This process of racialization, embedded within the Oriental
izing cacophonies justifying the transit of U.S. empire, has particular sig
nificance to how postcolonialism and altermodernity are articulated and
discussed by European, American, and diasporic theorists concerned with
creating intersectional insurrections that parallel class struggles with race,
gender, and sexuality in order to create the common within the global.52
Often, theorists have returned to certain postspostmodernism, post-
racial, postmetropole, or perhaps postnationaland the new alters that
emerge from those to resolve the ontological dilemma indigeneity poses
to the colonizing nation-state. Within U.S. empire, postrace and color
blind discourses circulate as evidence of U.S. exceptionalism on the one
hand, and proof on the other that the U.S. historical destiny was and is
a just and righteous destiny, despite its flaws. Those flaws, of course, are
framed as easily remedied through the inclusion and incorporation of ra
cial difference into the larger structures of power, though the process may
be slow and marked by fits and starts. Second, within this paradigm of U.S.
exceptionalism articulated through postracial liberalisms, the emphasis
on the post- allows for a sanitized remembrance of the United States ori
gins as an imperial, enslaving and colonizing white supremacy to remain
within liberal critiques of its neocolonial and superpower status even as
those critiques precede in the urgency of now with the assumption that
all those processes are safely ensconced in the past. Or, postracial liberal
isms manage the disruptive consciousness of the United States origins as
colonial and imperial by cathecting the United States as exemplar within
the historical development of worldwide governmentality that leads from
natural and primitive man to civilized democracy that is then exported
as commonwealth, freedom, and happiness to the world through capital
ism, militarism, populism, or a combination of all three. Either way, the
colonization of indigenous peoples through which the United States mani
fested its imperial intent is rendered unactionable within the very critiques
that strive to challenge how the nation-state constructs a world defined
through racialized constellations as if they have nothing to do with the on
going colonization of indigenous peoples that are constitutive of the every
day for setters and arrivants.
At the same time, cathecting an after to racialization and colonialism
transforms the United States, or at least the lands it occupies, into a geo
political space that offers asylum to global and transnational diasporas
that resist or refuse the normativities of nation-states and nationalism

that make home impossible. Nandita Sharma and Cynthia Wright, for
instance, suggest that for those defined as outside the new nationalized
polityor even as its enemiesmigration is one of the few available es
cape routes for life.53 In arguing against indigenous claims to land, sov
ereignty, and nation, they suggest that autochthony stands, in the face of
global capitalism and migration that now inform the postcolonial world,
as xenophobic elitism that traffics as neoliberal hatred of foreigners.54 To
resolve the dialectics of indigeneity that, for them, stand as regressive neo
racism in light of the global diasporas arising from oppression around the
world, Sharma and Wright cast indigeneity as untenable by arguing that
colonialism and the resistances to it are better understood as the theft of
the commons, the agents of decolonization as the commoners, and decolo
nization as the gaining of a global commons."*5Autochthony and indigene
ity in this view become regressive antimodern oppositional identities that
stand as obstacle to the gaining of a commons as the means to the end of
oppression within the lands that once did, but no longer can or should,
belong to indigenous peoples.
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri make a similar argument in Common
wealth when they state: We are all entangled and complicit in the identi
ties, hierarchies, and corruptions of the current forms of power. Revolution
requires not merely emancipation, as we said earlier, but liberation; not just
an event of destruction but also a long and sustained process of transfor
mation, creating a new humanity. They continue: Making the multitude
is thus a project of democratic organizing aimed at democracy.56 To re
sist the hierarchies of identity, class, and race that have demarcated the
world through access to power requires that democracy be made anew,
so that democracy must not only be the goal of a multitude with the al
ready developed powers necessary for self-government but also a learning
mechanism, a dispositif, that expands those powers, increasing not only
the capacity but also the desire to participate in government.57 Hardt and
Negris multitudinous insurrectional parallelism that draws upon Deleuze
and Guattaris Indians without ancestry is ultimately, despite its global
vision for revolution against the normativities of property, family, and na
tion, a project not unlike the one John Collier delineated at Poston Relo
cation Center when he told the internees that democracy remained yet
embryonic. In this community of yours, Collier promised, you will be
not only gaining for yourselves satisfaction, and power, and fame, but will
be rendering to this country and to the other countries, including Japan,

a momentous sociological human service, lasting peace and a happy hu
manity.58 There is, as Agamben points out, an inner solidarity between
democracy and totalitarianism.59 This parallax gap makes locating the
fascist and liberatory within democratic philosophies difficult to escape
even as pluralizing discourses head towards restructuring political institu
tions to be more just, so they provide more life. Further, any notion of the
commons that speaks for and as indigenous as it advocates transforming
indigenous governance or incorporating indigenous peoples into a multi
tude that might then reside on those lands forcibly taken from indigenous
peoples does nothing to disrupt the genocidal and colonialist intent of the
initial and now repeated historical process.60
These delineations of the commons within altermodernity that simulta
neously reveal and mask the colonization of indigenous peoples attempt, as
they spread along the transit of empire, to make a commons out of intern
ment camps. In the process, they reshape the U.S. project of democratic civi
lization as a paradigmatic epoch of exceeding and succedent sociopolitical
experiments in self-governance that emerged in Colliers thought as finally
and ultimately assimilative. Los Angeles has functioned in similarly paradig
matic ways within discussions of postmodern architecture and geography.
Edward W. Soja positions Los Angeles as the space of territorial consoli
dation where, in the Los Angeles Times's slogan, it all comes together. The
city of Los Angeles, Soja suggests, is a prototopos, a paradigmatic place; or,
pushing inventiveness still further, a mesocosm, an ordered world in which
the micro and the macro, the idiographic and the nomothetic, the concrete
and the abstract, can be seen simultaneously in an articulated and interactive
combination.61 Yamashitas Tropic o f Orange draws upon and engages estab
lished tropes of the postmodern cityscape that scholars such as Mike Davis
and Soja have discussed in terms of the citys socio-geopolitical structur
ings and destructurings. The spatial ecology that emerges in these discus
sions of Los Angeles emphasizes the grids of human economic and social
interaction, the nodalities that serve as urban localities, and call to mind
Manzanars observation that I here are maps and there are maps and there
are maps." Sojas point that Los Angeles is a constant repetition of territo
rial consolidation activated through this spatial division of labor attempts
to articulate a deeper historical consciousness of the physical land and space
that has been appropriated and reorganized in ways that ultimately mask the
hard edges of capitalist, racist and patriarchal landscape. That historical
consciousness contains, in addition to the hard edges he addresses, a colonial

landscape that, quoting Marx quoting Shakespeare, melts into air.62
If Sojas discussion of postmodern Los Angeles is an incomplete en
gagement with the colonial structures underpinning the capitalist, racist,
and patriarchal normativities that he does address, then the postmodern,
as it has been deployed in the United States, is an attempt to confront,
even as the pastiche and fractures belie a deeper logic, the transits of em
pire that continually consolidate the United States beyond its own bor
ders and limitations. K. Anthony Appiah argues in his essay, Is the Post
in Postmodernism the Post- in Postcolonial?, that Postmodernism can
be seen, then, as a retheorization of the proliferation of distinctions that
reflects the underlying dynamic of cultural modernity, the need to clear
oneself a space.63 Postmodernism, Appiah cautions, depends upon this
dynamic of space clearing and as such does not necessarily disrupt the
rationality and legitimations o f modernisms need for the primitive or
the other. Modernism is intimately concerned with colonial and imperial
projects, as a clearing of space that then opens up new markets and new
aesthetic influences to transform and extend the hegemony of the global
North over the South.64 That clearing of space, Appiah continues, is ulti
mately displaced into the post- of the postmodern and the postcolonial,
and gestures to the dependence of the poston that which it exceeds
or follows, be it modernism or colonialism. The observation that Orien
talism, yellow peril, Manifest Destiny, and the jurisgenesis violation of
treaties incorporate and exclude Asian American and indigenous bod
ies simultaneously from the U.S. imagination contextualizes further how
colonial systems continue to reproduce and remap themselves anew and
again through the space-clearing of the taking of land and the taking of
the outside that Agamben denotes as the state of exception necessary for
democracy to function.65
Even in its consolidation, the United States is haunted by the specters
of its origins, and the displaced narratives that have been continually re
written do not altogether disappear. America becomes obsessed with
borders and its frontiers, with origins and legitimacyits schizophrenic
nature might then be said to ventriloquize the perspectives of previously
denied citizens such as Yamashitas Manzanar through reenactments and
dispersals of the foundational logic of borders and frontiers, indigeneity
and foreignness.66 This schizophreniadefined by Fredric Jameson as a
breakdown in the signifying chain that reduces one to a series of pure
and unrelated presents in timemight also voice a fundamental tenu

ousness of U.S. national self-consolidations to the degree that foreignness
itself challenges the fabric of the nation, every immigrant a threat, every
treaty a special right given to native peoples over other citizens.67 As the
rewritings of the 1980s and 1990s in the United States play out in the post-
9/11 twenty-first century, they address these possibilities and advance a
celebration of the altermodern multitude that proffers and then contains
the possibility of dissolution of originary colonial worlds. The underlying
disruptions of the cacophonies initiated through colonialism could per
haps be understood, then, as an attempt to bear historical witness to the
rewritings of the United States and its alter.
This Is Not America

The 1992 Columbian quincentennial was greeted in Los Angeles with a
riot. That riot had nothing to do with a commemoration of Columbuss
voyage to the new world, though it had everything to do with the 500 years
since. The initial riot stretched across the country and touched cities in the
Midwest as well as along the East Coast. In Los Angeles, the riot spread
through neighborhoods, sparking fires, vandalism and beatings. After
three days, at least fifty-four people were dead and another 3,000 were ar
rested. At least half of those arrested were Latino and another 40 percent
African American. The seeds for the April 29 rebellion were sown in the
the videotaped beating Rodney King suffered at the hands of four white
police officers that was aired throughout the nation by the national media.
But even before the videotaped beating of Rodney King on March 3,1991,
race relations in Los Angeles and in the national consciousness were
strained. There had been a long, established, and well-documented history
of white police brutality against African Americans, and in addition to a
strong current of anti-black racism, there were fears that non-European
immigrants were overrunning the country and that Japanese businessmen
and corporations were poised to buy out the United States once and for all.
The very social fabric of the nation, it was feared, was imperiled by a triad
of African American, Latino, and Asian American populations who were
rapidly becoming the majority. This fear made it all the way to a special
issue of Time in 1993 in which the magazine, using then newly developed
computer imaging technologies, claimed to predict" what a multiethnic
American might look like. That face was surprisingly white, even as the
magazine disavowed that whiteness would exist in this future America of

postracial hybridity.68
David Palumbo-Lius discussion of the riots, first published in 1993,
focuses on how Korean Americans were figured as vigilantes in the na
tional media coverage. He begins with a close reading of an image included
with Newsweeks coverage of the events that foregrounded a young Ko
rean American in a Malcolm X by any means necessary T-shirt holding
a handgun pointed up in that cautious-yet-prepared-for-anything noir. In
addition to the Malcolm X quotation, the T-shirt displayed an image of
a black man in a suit and tie peering through window blinds and point
ing a rifle outward and back towards the right. Palumbo-Liu character
izes the expression of the young man in the photo as looking askance
toward the left of the frame. Palumbo-Liu continues: In the background
of the Newsweek photograph, two red fire engines spray jets of water on a
smoldering building; a street sign tells us this is Olympic Boulevard. News-
weeks caption, quoting a Korean American witness to the riots: This is not
America.69 In an argument now canonical to Asian American studies, he
stresses that the hyphenated Asian-American is not sufficient to encapsu
late the slippage between Asia and America that occurs in the configura
tions of Asianness within the U.S. imaginary."! argue, Palumbo-Liu writes,
that the proximity of Asian Americans to that ideal [the signifier A meri
can] should be read as a history of persistent reconfigurations and trans
gressions of the Asian/American split designated here by a solidus that
signals those instances in which a liaison between Asian and American,
a sliding over between two seeming separate terms, is constituted.70 This
sliding over emphasizes the historical indeterminacy of Asian/American
status within the United States, while at the same time it destabilizes both
the Asian modifier and the American baseline. That threshold between
the two terms, then, identifies the dominant ideology that, during World
War II, allowed second- and third-generation Japanese Americans to be
interned in camps as if they were newly arrived agents of the Japanese
government while it simultaneously accounts for the radical reconfigura
tion, in the case of the 1992 riots, that positioned Korean Americans as the
quintessential cowboys holding the savages at bay.
That the Poston Relocation Center was overseen by the Department of
the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and many other relocation
centers were built on or in close proximity to reservations in the west, only
supports further the slippages Palumbo-Liu identifies in Asian/American.
The United States needs cowboys and Indians to inhabit the frontiers
of its borders, and in the Asian/American body, it finds a convenient con
solidation on which to perform each of these narratives. The space of the
/ that Palumbo-Liu offers as an intervention to the hyphenated Asian-
or the less adorned Asian American reiterates the slippage inherent in
the space-clearing movement of the state of exception. Because indige
nous peoples are fundamentally foreign and threatening to the US. nation
state, they are continually emptied of any indigenous Americannessthat
identity is reserved in such narratives for European immigrantsand re
positioned as either invisible, unidentifiable, or collapsed back into Asian.
Just as Asian American representations and reconsolidations exist some
where within Palumbo-Lius solidus between Asia and America, American
Indians exist somewhere (or nowhere) between America and the Indies
that Columbus encountered. With the advent of multiculturalism in the
1980s and its transformation into the postracial ideologies of the 2000s,
American Indians were refigured as Native Americans to parallel the po
litically correct categorization of other racial and ethnic minorities who
now belong to the United StatesAfrican Americans, Asian Americans,
Italian Americans, Indian Americans, and__ The solidus between Asian
and American that Palumbo-Liu identifies exists because the normative
American is constantly modified by the Asian, functioning as a means of
social, economic, and cultural buffer through which dominant ideologies
police and maintain racial bans between whites and everyone else.
Palumbo-Liu explains: The use of Asians, again, as the fulcrum in
serted between ethnic groups to leverage hegemonic racist ideology is re
articulated in the homologyAsians against blacks and Latinos as white
settlers stood against pillaging Indians. The Korean American cowboy
thus serves as a defamiliarized image of white Americas manifest desti
ny.71 Kandice Chuh draws upon Palumbo-Liu and the uniqueness of the
Asian/American dynamic to articulate the necessity of a subjectless dis
course" to problematize identitarian politics and to create the conceptual
space to prioritize difference by foregrounding the discursive constructed-
ness of subjectivity, by reminding us that a subject only becomes recogniz
able and can act as such by conforming to certain regulatory matrices.72
But because the solidus exists as a product, I would argue, of the transit
of empire that depends upon the paradigmatic Indianness in Asianness
which is tied to the beginnings of the United States that made indige
nous peoples aliens in their own lands, the signification of Asian when it
slantswith all of its onto-poetic meanings and racial alterities implied

towards American, carries the supplement of Indian" along with it in the
stretch of the real, so that the Asian body is then made to bear cowboys
and Indians. This additional matrix disrupts Asian American exception
alism and resituates it within processes of subjectification/objectification
that exist outside the self-construction and perform through repetition the
ongoing significations that maintain settler and arrivant colonialisms. In
digeneity becomes incommensurable with the subjectlessness that Chuh
enunciates, precisely because it becomes the very site of colonial enact
ment where both subject and object serve the jurisgenerative nomos that
uses violence to exclude and include.73
Atomu Year Zero

Not insignificantly, subjectlessness begins to proliferate at this twenty-first-
century moment marked by the rise in DNA testing to link identity to
history and descent. Henry Louis Gates Jr. has made an industry out sci
entific obsessions with DNA markers in his PBS televisual edutainments
that have tracked African American Lives 1 and 2 and provided a genomic
snapshot of prominent African American cultural and literary icons, rang
ing from Oprah Winfrey and Toni Morrison to Don Cheadle and Chris
Tucker. By presenting his guest interviewees with a detailed genome-og-
raphy to return them to their pre-American, tribal pasts, Gates attempts
through science to heal family pasts breached through the violences of
history. His Faces o f America expands his vision to include a multicultural
range of prominent Americans, including Kristi Yamaguchi, Stephen Col
bert, Elizabeth Alexander, and Louise Erdrich, in order to articulate a pos
sible postracial Americanness that emerges once everyone recognizes their
immigrant, hybrid ancestry.74 According to the New York Times, however,
and much to their consternation, some celebrities . . . turn surprisingly
emotional about remote ancestors, but one refuses to look too closely into
ancient roots. Ms. Erdrich, a novelist (Love Medicine) and chronicler of
American Indian life, declines to have her genome sequenced and decod
ed, the columnist writes, possibly for fear that the DNA results would
complicate her claim to Chippewa ancestry. Louise Erdrich, whose grand
father served as tribal chairman for the Turtle Mountain Band of Chip
pewa Indians, counters that her relatives said that it was their DNA too,
and not hers alone to share with the world.75
KILLING STATES 211
Elizabeth Povinelli, in discussing the dynamic conditions that qualify

one kind of lethality asstate killing and another as a more amorphous con
dition o f letting die, distinguishes the settler states privatization of loss
to that of Aboriginal indigenous cosubstantial distribution of life, health,
and social being where ones body is shared through ancestral being.76
That is not your body; that is my body. When you die, my body will suffer
and die an aunt tells her nephew when he insists he has a right to do with
his body as he sees fit, even if it risks death.7' Where Povinelli emphasizes
the kinship responsibilities of cosubstatiation, Aileen Moreton-Robinson
makes the point that the multidirectionality of mfersubstantiation inher
ent in indigenous sovereignty involves ancestral beings, humans, and land,
where ancestral being does not just pair metynomically, but reciprocally
constitutes being as self-in-relation:
Our sovereignty is embodied, it is ontological (our being) and

epistemological (our way of knowing), and it is grounded within
complex relations derived from the intersubstantiation of ancestral
beings, humans and land. In this sense, our sovereignty is carried
by the body and differs from Western constructions of sovereignty,
which are predicated on the social contract model, the idea of a uni
fied supreme authority, territorial integrity, and individual rights.78
These intersubstantiations that Moreton-Robinson details place indige

nous subjectivities as the necessary embodiment of sovereignty and rela
tionship that cannot be made subjectless, because they are the site of dif
ference from Western delineations of citizenship, rights, and inclusion that
the settler state proffers as possession. Within these frameworks, and in
the genomic refusal Erdrich presents to Gates and the American viewing
public, indigenous subjectivity is o f rather than m ade to bear.
In his novel Hiroshima Bugi, Anishinaabe novelist and theorist Gerald
Vizenor confronts indigenous intersubstantiations within the transnational
states of killing and letting die. With a narrative style that delights in the
juxtaposition of the absurd to defamiliarize iconic figures, where char
acters are renamed Bogart, Sumo, Virga, and Orion in echoes of famous
movie stars, wrestlers, and astronomical constellations, and through word
choices that include tease, simulation, and contrary, Gerald Vizenor
plays tricks on his readers as he demands that they engage him on the
terms he provides. At times, such tricks produce parodic humor: Mister
Nightbreaker Butler, when did those nasty soldiers burn Atlanta? Why,
Scarlett Okichi, you know it was the Civil War. The Japanese lost the war
to the Union.79 Other moments taunt with a syntax of associative mean
ing: Mount Fuji was my first vision in black feathers. The ravens crashed
through my window at the orphanage and together we soared around the
country.80
Vizenors novel plays within realms of interconnected referentialities in
an attempt to make a world in which it is more possible to grieve as a means
to disrupt the killing states of international peace dependent upon mutual
assured destruction. Though his work has been criticized and dismissed for
its inaccessibility, cosmopolitanism, and mixed-blood emphasis, his work
also employs native aesthetics to challenge what he sees to be the traps of
bankable Indianness which have more to do with identities constructed
for and by the colonizers than resistance to those romantic expectations
through the radical fluidity that remains grounded in embodied histories
and traditions.81 Vizenors Hiroshima Bugi provides a possible model for
coming to an ethical and aesthetic consciousness through which to engage
domination and to recenter embodied indigeneity as counter to the logics
of late capitalism that unhinge identity in the service of a parallel, inclusive,
world-dominant liberal democracy.
The Atomic Bomb Dome is my Rashomon, begins Ronin Mifune
Ainoko Browne, the main character and the half-Anishinaabe cross-blood
storier of Gerald Vizenors Hiroshima Bugi. That phrase, often repeated
throughout the text, sets the stage for what has been called a kabuki novel
that challenges the simulations of nationalistic peace in the wake of nu
clear technologies and revels in the cross-cultural allegories shared among
American Indian, Japanese, and Ainu traditions. The novel deploys inter-
textual plays between critical theory, postmodernism, and Anishinaabe
epistemological traditions, as well as Vizenors own experiences when he
was stationed in Japan at the end of the Korean War. The overtones of Akira
Kurosawas iconic post-World War II film Rashomon (1950) intentionally
draw the characters and readers into a world where absences, conflict
ing realities, and dis/locatednesses trouble ones accepted notions of con
sciousness in order to address what the novel terms a moral survivance
informed by samurai and trickster ethics. Vizenors narrative confronts
what he has termed elsewhere the complacent manifest mannersthose
poses, performances, and identities that reinforce Manifest Destiny and
its devastation of indigenous peoplesthat perpetuate dominance and a
KILLING STATES 2 13
victimry dependent upon static identities created through nationalistic

projections o f Indianness. The Hiroshima Peace Park Museum, with its
grotesque displays of burned hair, scarred skin, and tragic stories includ
ing that of Sadako Sasakis cruel optimism in the faith that folding one
thousand paper cranes would cure her radiation-caused leukemiashe
folded five hundred more than required by tradition, yet still diedoffers,
according to Vizenors main character, mere protestations of suffering that
momentarily elicit the guilt of nations rather than offer any real strate
gies for the peace of nuclear de-escalation. Nor do they provide any ave
nues for an ethic of grievability that can address and apprehend a young
girls struggle to come to terms with her life made bare.
If, as he writes in his novel, Vizenor intends to give his readers a mode
of moral survivance that contains a vision and vital condition to endure,
to outwit evil and dominance, and to deny victimry, then it is important
to examine how Vizenor links Japanese and indigenous peoples who are
drawn together and pulled apart by imperial, colonialist, and militaritistic
violences as well as the uranium sourced from American Indian lands and
exploded as Little Boy above Hiroshima.82 The novel forces readers to
ask questions about accountability. How can peace exist in the burnt-out
ruins of war? By prioritizing a moral survivance rather than mere sur
vival, Vizenor attempts through Ronins cross-blood hybrid narrative in
Hiroshima Bugi to resolve some of the problems he sees in uncritical poses
of opposition that reinforce the dominant liberal democratic modes of jus
tice that continue to destroy indigenous cultures in addition to celebrating
death under the guise of promoting peace.
Elizabeth Cook-Lynn has written that it is the responsibility of a poet
like me to consecrate history and event.83 While her poetry and scholar
ship focus on national narratives of the Dakota people, Gerald Vizenors
writing positions stories and those who tell them as memories and sur-
vivancists within the global. The marvelous, elusive tease of our many
stories, and variations o f stories, he writes, became concerted memories.
Our tricky metaphors were woven together day by day into a conscious
ness of moral survivance.84 Rather than a mode of reflexive remembrance
and commemoration, Vizenor emphasizes an intensive, collaborative
performance of memory that gives rise to ambivalent and affective con
sciousnesses inspired and shaped by indigenous worlds and lived histories.
More than the commerce of reactive survivalists, mere liturgy, ideology,
or the causative leverage of a sworn witness, Vizenor tells us, survivance
is a creative, concerted consciousness that does not arise from separation,

dominance, or concession nightmares. Our stories create perfect memo
ries of survivance.85
In this context, Kurosawas Rashomon becomes the ideal shadow text
for Hiroshima Bugi. The film is often evoked to describe situations in
which there are competing narratives of truth, memory, and reality, and it
presents a layered mystery that unravels rather than reveals as more stories
are added to narrate the rape of a woman, the murder of her husband, and
the arrest of a bandit who may or may not be guilty. As a reflection on
memory and the impossibility of representing the truth, it is symptom
atic of the post-Hiroshima Japanese landscape as well as the emergence
of postmodernism in reaction to the breakdown of master narratives in
the aftermath of mass destruction. Drawing structurally from the film,
Hiroshima Bugi examines parallactic reality and the truth of Hiroshima
from a number of different subject positions within and outside the U.S.
and Japanese empires. Through the course of the novel, we are presented
with American Indian soldiers who served as part of the occupying United
States force and who were then later victims of nuclear testing in Nevada.
In order to create a mnemonic engagement with the ramifications of
such trans-Pacific complicities, Vizenor s writing interplays Japanese poetic
aesthetics with Anishinaabe oral tradition. Such a crosscultural aesthetic, as
Kimberly Blaeser suggests, allows Vizenor to creat[e] an open text, a text
that advertises its absences and requires the response of the reader to bring
it to fruition.86 According to Blaeser, that process unfixes the text, acti
vates the readers imagination, and allows Vizenor to transform the written
into an oral aesthetic that works on the reader and gives life to the words
beyond the page.87 The narrative of Hiroshima Bugi demands a similar un
fixing. Not only does the narrative function more like oral tradition, it com
pels the reader into a consciousness of interreferentiality that breaches the
United States historical narratives of Manifest Destiny, yellow peril, and
nuclear annihilation, as well as Japanese nationalism and imperialism.
Vizenor employs two narrators for his novel. Ronin, who lives in the
shadow of the Atomic Bomb Dome, provides the first layer of the text as
he writes meditative reflections on the ironies of peace within museum
displays of horror. The second voice is that of an Anishinaabe from Leech
Lake Reservation who was a friend of Ronins deceased father. Named
the Manidoo Envoy, this character is amorphous, connected to ancestral
beings figured as plentipontentiary, with a seemingly omniscient aware-
ness that allows him to describe Ronins ideas, feelings, and motivations.
In a parallel narrative, the Envoy reads Ronins work every night to other
American Indians living in the Hotel Manidoo somewhere near Nogales,
Arizona, on the border with Mexico. The Envoys voice in the text takes on
the voice of the historian/literary scholar as he explains and contextualizes
much of Ronins narrative to the other soldiers. Early on in the novel, the
Envoy remarks that Ronins stories are structured as dialogue in a kabuki
theater style, short, direct, positional words and sentences.8He further
describes kabuki as a tension between reality and unreality, where literal
representations are often followed by the nonsensical. The Envoy suggests
that Ronins stories shift between fancy and reality, and the interpretation
provided by the Envoy following each of Ronins stories functions similarly
to those stories with the authoritative scholarly mode of reality. Such an
aesthetic within kabuki theater, the reader is told, serves to remind the au
dience that what they view is a constructed performance. By interspersing
Ronins lyrical passages with the grounding voice of an informed translator
who contextualizes Ronins pastiche of cultural referents at play in modern
Japan, the Manidoo Envoy provides an entry point for the reader, a place
through which to activate the creative processes that, according to Vizenor,
will undo the bankable simulations of otherness within domination.
Though there are shared sensibilities and ethics between Anishinaabe
and Japanese narrative traditions in the verbal shift between the Anishi
naabe trickster naanabozho and the Japanese water spirits signified by the
namazu, for instance, Vizenor is careful in the novel to resist romanticiz
ing either or equating them. In contrast to N. Scott Momaday, who has
notoriously linked American Indians and Asians through the Bering Strait
theory, Vizenor in his novel refuses what he has elsewhere described as a
tidy bit of cultural arrogance [that] denies the origin myths of natives.89
Instead, Vizenor creates a cross-blood narrator to embody the links that
histories of World War II, nineteenth-century trans-Pacific expeditions, and
shared cultural resonances imply. Ronin bears the scars of Japanese ethno-
centrism that ostracizes Hiroshima survivors, lepers, Ainu, and mixed-
blood foreigners. Born in Japan, the son of a Japanese nationalist Bugi/
Boogie dancer and an Anishinaabe U.S. soldier, Ronin is abandoned as an
ainokoa mixed-blood product of the occupation, one of the untouch
ables of war and peace in two countries at the threshold of exception (22).
Orphaned and raised in the ruins of Hiroshima, Ronin is finally adopted
by the tribal government at the White Earth Reservation as a means to
work around the restrictive U.S. anti-Asian immigration laws and allow
him to travel to the reservation in the hopes of finding his father and
learning about Anishinaabe stories and traditions. He eventually returns
to Japan when he learns his father had survived Hiroshima only to die later
from cancer resulting from the military nuclear tests at Yucca Flat, Nevada.
It is in his process of returning to Japan that he truly finds his father and
becomes, in the transit, memory, the destroyer of the simulated peace com
memorated at the Hiroshima Peace Park (24).
That process of returning, the reader learns through the course of the
narrative, is one of the sources of indigenous survivance that Ronin per
forms. When confronted by the police after one of his protests, which in
volved pouring gasoline into the Pond of Peace and igniting it at 8:15 a m
on August 6 in a tribute to the parade of ghosts that haunt the ruins of
Hiroshima, Ronin provides a narrative of his life and his citizenship. Mis
ter Browne, the police interpreter says, we know you are ainoko, and we
respect you, but you left many years ago, a hafu adopted by Amerika Indi
ans in United States. You stay, never return to Japan (43). Ronin responds,
and the dialogic exchange creates one of the many textual moments in
formed by haiku and kabuki:
Japan is my country.
How you return?
By Ainu.
By who?
Ainu in Hokkaido.
Ainu shaman.
No Ainu.
Ainu boaters.
You joke me.
Yes, yes, but truly. (43)
The Koban interpreter continues to insist that the Ainu are gone, and
Ronin responds by noting that the bears are still there. My resistance,
he writes a few pages later, was by tease and irony, not by deceptive tac
tics and practices. The police, as usual, would never believe that my ironic
confessions and stories were true. So, my best defense was a tricky style of
sincerity (44). In these moments Vizenor offers a vision of possible strate-
gies for embodied indigenous survivance in the ironic h a fu truths that ul

timately inform Ronins perfect memories necessary for grievability (36).
Ronin comes to consciousness through a Janus transit of empire that
crosses the nomos of Japanese and U.S. bans on indigeneity. His natural
reason, communal wit and ironic truths allow Ronin to recognize that
the only way to find and honor the spirit of his father is to return through
the radical acknowledgment that authority and presence reside within the
Ainu rather than the national Japanese citizenship laws. The police are un
able to engage Ronin on the terms he provides, in his justifications for
his right to return to the country by way of the Ainu after he had been
repatriated to White Earth. However, because Ronin is a samurai of mne
monic perfect memory, his return voyage to Japan must also retrace the
previous journey of a half Scots-half Chinook man by the name of Ranald
MacDonald. MacDonald (a real historical figure whose homophonous
name evokes signs of clownish global capitalism) arrived in Japan in 1847
via a whaling ship named Plymouth. When the ship neared the northern
island of Yagishiri, he asked the captain to give him a small boat that he
then intentionally capsized so that the Ainu people there would rescue
him. Arriving by chance of nature, adventure, and plucky determination
six years before Commodore Perry and during imperial Japans push to
colonize Ainu lands in the north, Ranald MacDonald helped open Japan
to the West (123-24,139-41).
The specter of Ranald MacDonald haunts Ronin through the course
of the novel. Convinced that his father was also aware of this native trace,
Ronin uses MacDonalds travels as a way to commit himself to his work
as a peace terrorist. While Hiroshima Bugi reclaims MacDonald as a hafu
crossblood, the text also remains critical of his role in empire. The son of a
Scotsman, MacDonald did not learn until later in life that his mother was
Princess Raven of the Chinook. Vizenor writes, He had accepted the na
tive nicknames, Little Chinook, and Little Chief, as an affectionate tease,
but did not think of himself as a native or mixedblood Chinook (140). He
decided to go to Japan because he believed that Indians originated there
and because, as an educated man, he believed he might make himself
something of a personage among [the Japanese] (140). That he arrived on
a ship named Plymouth only repeats those forms of dominance inherited
within the transits of empire. That his mothers name evokes the Raven
trickster is an added bonus for Vizenor (140).
Ronins own travels to the Ainu, then, repeat those of MacDonaldhe

gets a small boat that he intentionally capsizes and when he arrives he is
warmly welcomed. However, his voyage is in many ways a reverse eth
nography, informed by Anishinaabe stories and his experiences on White
Earth rather than a desire to educate or save. Upon his arrival, he explains
his own hafu parentage and discusses MacDonalds travels. The elders,
Ronin writes, were amused and wanted to explore the actual journey of
MacDonald (124). Though Ronin tells us that the Ainu and the Anishi
naabe honor bears as original totems in their creation stories, he does not
assume any right or privilege based on those similarities (125). When the
elders, independent of Ronin and his desires, undertake the journey, Ronin
observes, No one invited me to travel with them, but no one resisted my
presence either (125). His journey to and with the Ainu shadowed those of
both his father and MacDonald, and it is through the Ainu and their bear
creation stories and invisible tattoos that Ronin commits himself to serv
ing as a mercenary against those simulations of peace that service domi
nation after Hiroshima. The invisible tattoos become part of his perfect
memory: on his chest, the words eight fifteen Atomu One in honor of
the day and time the bomb exploded over Hiroshima; on his back, chry
santhemums, morning glories, and wild lettuce to represent his mother
the nationalist, nuclear survivance, and the fare of ruins that feeds bare
life (109). The tattoos appear only when his body, in true trickster fash
ion, becomes flush through sex, hot baths, or agitationand they have the
power to confront the denials of the everyday that absent the horrors of
Hiroshima from consciousness. For instance, when he bathes at one of the
natural hot springs in the north, "Atomu One blazes across his chest. Later,
we are told, there were stories of a hafu hibakusha (a Hiroshima survivor)
who poisoned the mountain water with the invisible words and flowers
on his atomu body (132).
Ronins strategies of survivance as well as resistance take many forms
in the novel, though each demand an active sense of presence, the tease of
the natural world in native stories (36). The trickster stories Ronin writes
as well as performs as protest in the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum
and in the streets of the Ginza District force the reader to confront the
ironies propagated by tributes to peace that involve dioramas of destruc
tion. The dioramas of suffering within the halls of the Peace Memorial,
Ronin explains, only teased the horror with cultural manners and aes
thetic victimry (135). In reaction to what he perceives as an affront to real
peace after Japan has suffered the ravages of atomic weapons, Ronin con
trarily supports an amendment to Article 9 of the Japanese Occupation
Constitution to allow nuclear weapons, arguing that the Japanese must
vote to amend their constitution so the government can possess nuclear
weapons as a theatrical balance of crucial, reductive rituals and pleasures
(14). Ronins staged calls for nuclear weapons that he enunciates as protest
within the halls of the Peace Memorial Museum disturb the tourists, who
quickly head to the gift shop to buy souvenir T-shirts and in the process
attract the attention of a Japanese nationalist disguised as a journalist. But
lest one assumes that Vizenor and his character advocate nuclear escala
tion, the text makes it clear that Ronins performance as trickster revels in
the contrary; his support for an amendment to the constitution does not
serve a nationalist Japan. Rather, his advocacy is similar to Einsteins, who
said real peace could emerge only when a supranational organization had
the sole authority to possess weapons of mass destruction.
In spite of the imperial chrysanthemum tattooed invisibly on his back
in honor of his mother, Ronin reserves most of his trickster play and par
ody for the Japanese nationalists. Once Richie, the nationalist disguised as
a journalist, realizes that Ronin resists the nationalist rhetoric that denies
the Nanking massacre and demands that all foreigners be removed from
Japan, Ronin joins forces with a reformed kam ikaze pilot to commandeer
one of the nationalist black vans to travel around the Ginza District and
Imperial Palace. Mocking the imperialists who wear all black and use the
vans to spread propaganda and nationalist hatred of non-Japanese, Ronin
broadcasts rock and roll, blues, and gospel music from a loudspeaker.90
Songs of choice for his subversive resistance include Johnny Cashs The
Man in Black, Chuck Berrys Rock n Roll Music, and Roy Orbisons
Pretty Woman. Cashs Man in Black drives home the disparities be
tween the nationalistswho dress in black to support the return of im
perial Japan, the denial of the Ainu, and the demonization of Hiroshima
survivorsand Cashs reason for his choice of wardrobe: And I wear it for
the thousands who have died / Believin that the Lord was on their side / 1
wear it for another hundred thousand who have died /Believin that we all
were on their side.91
Rather than relying upon narratives of destruction and victimiza
tion, Vizenor complicates the roles that Japan and American Indians have
played in the service of empire to create a trans-Pacific indigenous ethic
that confronts the inherited complicities of globalization. What he gives
us in Hiroshima Bugi is an unsettling text that demands of its readers not

only a leap of imagination but a turn to indigenously minded conscious
nesses through which they will engage all the processes of domination
produced by complicity and masked by avowals of oppression. It is not
enough to reclaim (in the case of MacDonald) or to commemorate in the
wake of nuclear destruction. Such narratives of identity and victimry pro
duce simulated Indianness and false peace that has nothing to do, accord
ing to Vizenor, with survivance and the embodied intersubstantiation with
ancestral beings, humans, and land. What Vizenor leaves readers with is a
mode of chance, tricks, and irony that are constantly in motion and con
stantly resisting dominance. Movement and complexity, rather than static
dioramas of tattered clothes, Vizenor argues, provide generative strategies
though which one might confront the horrors of human violences that
emerge from those killing states that proffer the illusion of peace in the
place of life.
Conclusion
Zombie Imperialism
The apocalypse is the end o f secrecy. Literally, it is the discovery, the

revelation when everything is said. It is the end o f metaphors and secrets.
The nuclear bomb is the Sun cast on the Earth, o f the end o f the Sun as a
metaphor, as distance. It is the Sun materialized on Earth: the end.
Jean Baudrillard, Radical Alterity
The Transit o f Empire has taken as its point of entry the constellating dis
courses that juridically, culturally, and constitutionally produce Indians
as an operational site within U.S. expansionism. Indianness circulates
within poststructural, postcolonial, critical race, and queer theories as both
sign and event; as a process of signification and exception, Indianness
starts, stops, and reboots the colonialist discourses that spread along lines
of flight that repeatedly challenge the multicultural liberal settler state to
remediate freedom despite the fact that such colonializing liberalisms
established themselves through force, violence, and genocide in order to
make freedom available for some and not others. As the liberal state and
its supporters and critics struggle over the meaning of pluralism, habita
tion, inclusion, and enfranchisement, indigenous peoples and nations, who
provide the ontological and literal ground for such debates, are continually
deferred into a past that never happened and a future that will never come.
And as a system dependent upon difference and differentiation to enact
the governmentality of biopolitics, the deferred Indian that transits U.S.
empire over continents and oceans is recycled and reproduced so that em
pire might cohere and consolidate subject and object, self and other, within
those transits. In the process, racialization replaces colonization as the site
of critique, and the structuring logics of dispossession are displaced onto
settlers and arrivants who substitute for and as indigenous in order to
consolidate control and borders at that site of differentiation. Indigenous
peoples are rendered unactionable in the present as their colonization is
deferred along the transits that seek new lands, resources, and peoples to
feed capitalistic consumption.
2 2 2 CONCLUSION
For the Chickasaw, who have negotiated and survived such a system
for over four hundred and fifty years, the intersubstantiations of sover
eignty and relationship that connect community to ancestral place and
belonging arise from the ontologies of reciprocal complementarity, Upper
and Lower Worlds, that inflect and shape this world through balance and
haksuba. Movement across land and time was tied to the night sky and a
deep awareness of the celestial order of spiral galaxies even as that move
ment traversed rivers and mountain ranges on ceremonial cycles of death
and rebirth. Sovereignty, in the context of such philosophies, is an act of
interpretation as much as it is a political assertion of power, control, and
exception. That interpretation is an act of sovereignty is something well
known and practiced by the imperial hegemon that uses juridical, military,
and ontological force to police interpretation and interpellate what is and
is not seen, what can and cannot be said. Indigenous critical theory stands
in the parallax gap created when U.S. empire transits itself in the stretch
between perceptions of the real to interpret and will against the signifying
systems that render Indianness as the radical alterity of the real laid bare.
Colonialism worlded the Americas into a planet, and as eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century colonialisms continue into the present throughout the
global North and South, indigenous peoples are forced into proximities
they might not have chosen for themselves as they have become neighbors
to arrivants they did not anticipate. Such enforced settler cohabitations de
mand the best of indigenous government traditions to imagine, innovate,
and restructure kinship sovereignties in order to repair the violent breach
es of family, history, and tradition that forced people into indigenous lands.
And it requires, as we have seen in Wilson Harris, a recentering of indige
nous authority to adjudicate the past and future on those indigenous lands.
Maori poet Robert Sullivan, in his operatic libretto Captain Cook in the
Underworld, imagines the need for repentance as the foundation through
which to forge possible livable pasts and futurities in the aftermath of
Cooks arrival. As Captain Cook wanders through an underworld peopled
by the Pacific Islanders he had killed, the narrator of the poem explains:
For your soul / to rest, good captain, you must meet them, soul / to soul,
until the earth in mercy / enfolds youuntil then youre nursing / a zom
bie soul forever searching for its tomb.1 For Captain Cooks zombie soul
to rest, he must explain to his own descendants in the Pacific, as well as
the descendants of those Maori he had tortured and killed in pursuit of
discovery, what he has learned in the underworld, and he must face justice
CONCLUSION 2 23
and apprehend the consequences of his propagated violence that knowing

ly denied the humanity of indigenous peoples to project the liberal good
at the site of possession.
The U.S.-Pacific Imperium in Transit
In 1897 Lieutenant General John M. Schofield published his memoirs de

tailing the forty-six years he had served in the U.S. Army. The text, os
tensibly written to document Schofields memories of the Civil War, pro
vides not so much a history lesson as it does reflections and opinions on
the events of his military career. Memorialized by the army barracks on the
island of Oahu in Hawai'i that serve as one of the staging grounds for the
urban combat Stryker vehicle brigade deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan,
Schofield played an instrumental role in the development of U.S. colonial
policy after the Civil War ended, serving as secretary of war in President
Andrew Johnsons cabinet and as a U.S. envoy to the Hawaiian kingdom
to help broker the plans for Pearl Harbor in 1877. He was a product of the
U.S. Gilded Age and its imperialist longings, and his reflections on his life
are less artful than self-serving. His Forty-six Years in the Army provides
insights into the racist, colonialist, and imperialist logics that generated
the rationales for U.S. expansionism. Schofields military memoir serves
as bridge to the twenty-first-century security state that links the violences
of Indian Wars and Hawaiian overthrows, Jim Crow racisms and anti-
Asian exclusions, to the current manifestation of what Robert J. C. Young
has delineated as the genre conventions of the terror effects of the post-
9/11 world that are self-generating, uncontrollable, proliferating. Totally
random.2
Despite the fact that his name is now commemorated throughout the
U.S. military-industrial complex, Schofield is often overlooked outside mili
tary histories and his life in microcosm shadows the parallactic horizons
that punctuate the imperial turns at the heart of The Transit o f Empire. His
life spanned 1831 to 1906, encompassing Southeastern Indian removal to
the allotment of Indian Territory, along with the U.S. militarys turns from
the Civil War, to the genocidal subjugation of American Indian lands and
nations, and then to the Spanish-American War and its territorial acquisi
tions in the Pacific and Caribbean. Along the way, his careers rhizomatic de
tails are striking. He was, for instance, superintendent at West Point in 1880
when Cadet Johnson Chestnut Whittaker, the second African American to
2 2 4 CONCLUSION
enter the academy, was brutalized by his fellow cadets in a racist profiling
attack meant to terrorize the only African American at West Point.3 Scho
fields investigation and subsequent court-martialing of Whittaker ruled that
the cadet himself was responsible for his own beating rather than his white
peers, and following public outrage and presidential investigation, Schofield
was finally reprimanded and dismissed. Schofields reflection on the beat
ings and his dismissal give the measure of the man; his own zombie soul
imagined a continent full of merciless savages who threatened the founda
tions of civilized white society. Even in his dismissal, he refused to accept
any accountability and presented himself as both victim and paternalistic
father who was horrified that the over-kind superintendent should be sacri
ficed to that partisan clamor before the coming election.4 Schofield deemed
African Americans neither mentally [n]or morally fit for the enjoyment
of privileges in the nations institutions.5 He went on to command the Pa
cific Military Division and in 1888 became the commanding general of the
army; Cadet Whittaker went on to teach Ralph Ellisons science courses in
Oklahoma.6
The questions and methodological concerns that arise here at the inter
section between indigenous critical theory and the most recent manifesta
tions of a United States bent on defining whiteness not just as possession
but as the proprietary domain for citizenship and human rights center on
remembering that anti-immigration legislation, internments, and incar
cerations are not exceptions but the rule for U.S. liberalism inaugurated
through colonialism. The current centurys surveillance of terrorism,
homelands, and financial markets following 9/11 has been accompanied
by the expansion of U.S. imperialism in the form of the global war on ter
ror that has continued unabated for almost ten years. But within those
expansions, we have also experienced a sea-change within the trajectory
of race and power within the political traditions in the belly of the beast
that reorients complicity along lines of access, money, and power as well as
race, nativism, and status. In November 2008 the United States changed at
least one aspect of its historical intent by electing its first African Ameri
can president. By any standard of assessment, such a shift in the history of
white supremacist imperial rule marks a turning point for understanding
how race and identity underscore power within the United States, even
if that shift proves fleeting or is limited still to only certain individuals,
classes, or confluences of story and biography. Or even if, as suggested by
the debates around health care and death panels and the rise of conserva-
CONCLUSION 2 2 5
tive nativism, that long legacy of racist nationalism has only fallen asleep
temporarily to awaken reinvigorated and more powerful still for having
dreamed at all.
Caution! Zombies Ahead!
With the onset of the twenty-first-century U.S. war on terror, American

popular culture became obsessed (again and still) with zombies. From
the 2004 remake of George A. Romeros 1978 Dawn o f the D ead to Valve
Corporations 2008 video game Left 4 Dead, from Cormac McCarthys Ih e
Road to the Seth Grahame-Smith/Jane Austen mash-up Pride and Preju
dice and Zombies, the beginning of the twenty-first century is marked by an
obsession with the living dead. The referent has proven useful. From flesh
consuming banks too big to fail (called zombie banks) to embodiments
of Nazi fascism head-shot in video games such as Call o f Duty: World at
War, zombies now serve as a moar brainz! cannibalistic embodiment of
conspicuous consumption that spans oil-guzzling SUVs and their global-
warming-responsible drivers to the pResident Evil of the Bush 11 admin
istration and its blood-for-oil invasion of Iraq in March 2003. And while
the unthinking living dead have haunted the end of the last two centuries
in vampiric, zombified, and Frankensteinian imperial allegories of gender,
class, and race, there is a certain ghastly reveling in the not-quite-dead-
yet-but-soon-to-be amnesias that drift now into political critiques in such
forms, for instance, as the Jonestown specters haunting the evocation of
Kool-Aid drinkers to describe mindless support for political candidates
and any other marketing fads and fandoms. Zombie imperialism, at least
as it seems in these moments, has emerged as the post-racial, liberal demo
cratic apocalyptic vision of pluralistic cosmopolitanism gone viral.
But these zombie narratives have yet another function at the boundar
ies between human and inhuman, legal and illegal, sacred and bare life that
exist in the no-mans-land that constitutes the states of nature and excep
tion. Slavoj Ziiek diagnoses in the U.S. imprisonment and torture machine
a necromantic process in which captured political prisoners are placed al
most literally into the position o f the living dead, where they occupy the
threshold of hom o sacer.7 This state of the living dead, or the undead, for
Ziiek, means that the differentia specifica which defines a human being is
not the difference between man and animal (or any other real or imagi
nary species like god), but an inherent difference, the difference between
2 2 6 CONCLUSION
human and the inhuman excess that is inherent to being-human."8 By

evoking Lacans lamella as the undead object and identifying it as the
the product of the cut of castration, the surplus generated by it, Ziiek un
derstands the undead therefore as the wound, the disfiguration/distor
tion, inflicted upon the body when the body is colonized by the symbolic
order.9 The tortured captives of Guantanamo become the living dead
excess to liberal democracy and have been made to bear, through historical
juxtaposition and reiterative surplus, the Black Atlantic crossings that cre
ated zom bi as a new world, African-Caribbean anti-imperialist assemblage
that was quickly reappropriated by U.S. empire to allegorize its own anxiet
ies about the threats that racial, sexual, and class contaminants posed to
the nation. The living dead of empire exist within the juridical corpus nul
lius exception that Patrick Wolfe defines as the ideological continuity that
links the effacement of Indian subjecthood to the juridical nullification of
Guantanamo Bay detainees.10
Historical amnesia, Noam Chomsky writes, is a dangerous phenom
enon, not only because it undermines moral and intellectual integrity, but
also because it lays the groundwork for the crimes that lie ahead. In writ
ing about the Bush administrations torture memos, Chomsky remarks
that although the level of viciousness and deceit of the administration"
revealed in the memos is shocking, it is not surprising, even though many
in the media reported that it was. Rather, Chomsky goes on to argue:
The conquest and settling of the West indeed showed individual

ism and enterprise. Settler-colonialist enterprises, the crudest
form of imperialism, commonly do. The outcome was hailed by
the respected and influential Senator Henry Cabot Lodge in 1898.
Calling for intervention in Cuba, Lodge lauded our record of
conquest, colonization, and territorial expansion unequalled by any
people in the 19th century, and urged that it is not to be curbed
now, as the Cubans too are pleading with us to come over and help
them. Their plea was answered. The US sent troops, thereby pre
venting Cubas liberation from Spain and turning it into a virtual
colony, as it remained until 1959.11
Mapping the transit of U.S. empire between ongoing settler colonialisms

and the twenty-first-century states of exception, one begins to understand
why John C. Yoos infamous March 14,2003, torture memos cited the 1865
CONCLUSION 2 2 7
Military Commissions and the 1873 The M odoc Indian Prisoners legal opin
ions in order to articulate executive power in declaring the state of ex
ception, particularly when The M odoc Indian Prisoners opinion explicitly
marks the Indian combatant as hom o sacer to the United States:
It cannot be pretended that a United States soldier is guilty of mur

der if he kills a public enemy in battle, which would be the case if
the municipal law was in force and applicable to an act committed
under such circumstances. All the laws and customs of civilized
warfare may not be applicable to an armed conflict with the Indian
tribes upon our western frontier; but the circumstances attending
the assassination of Canby and Thomas are such as to make their
murder as much a violation of the laws of savage as of civilized
warfare, and the Indians concerned in it fully understood the base
ness and treachery of their act.12
In other words, the Modoc, and by extension all who can be made Indian
in the transit of empire, can be killed without being murdered, yet they are
held to the standards of U.S. law that make it a crime for such combatants
to kill any American soldier. As a result, citizens of American Indian na
tions become in this moment the origin of the stateless terrorist combat
ants within U.S. enunciations of sovereignty.
The Modoc, a small northern California tribe whose traditional lands
reside near Tule Lake and the Lost River, were in 1864 caught in a matrix
created out of the aftermath of the Gold Rush that had brought white, Chi
nese, and African American settlers into their lands, the U.S. removal poli
cies that were opening up more and more territories for settlement, and the
Klamath nation in what is now Oregon, with whom they were supposed
to share a reservation. The Modoc signed a treaty that same year in which
they agreed to relocate to the Klamaths Oregon reservation, but a year
later they complained that they were treated like second-class citizens
there.13 A small band, led by Captain Jack, left the reservation to return to
their traditional lands and fishing grounds in California. Through a series
of events that included treachery, violence, and failed negotiations, Captain
Jack was convinced by some of the other Modoc leaders to kill General
Edward Canby and two other military agents during peace negotiations
in 1873. As a result, Captain Jack and his allies were tried and convicted of
murder, and the Modocs were sent as prisoners of war to Indian Territory,
2 2 8 CONCLUSION
where they lived in exile until they returned to the Klamath Reservation
in 1909.14
Lieutenant General John M. Schofield, who was head of the Pacific
Military Division at the time, reflected on the outcome of the Modoc War
in his memoir: If the innocent could be separated from the guilty, plague,
pestilence, and famine, he wrote, would not be an unjust punishment for
the crimes committed in this country against the original occupants of the
soil. And it should be remembered that when retribution comes, though
we may not understand why, the innocent often share the fate of the guilty.
The law under which nations suffer for their crimes does not seem to dif
fer much from the law of retribution which governs the savage Indian.15
Imagining plague, pestilence, and famine raining retribution on the in
nocent and guilty alike, Schofield presents us with the Indian deferred as
zombie attack return of the repressed. Twenty-first-century zombies are
no longer a critique of whiteness as conspicuous consumptive death, as
Richard Dyer argued in his reading of George A. Romeros zombie films:
Living and dead are indistinguishable, and the zombies sole raison detre,
to attack and eat the living, has resonances with the behaviour of the living
whites.16 Rather, I am arguing, zombie imperialism is the current mani
festation of a liberal democratic colonialism that locates biopower at the
intersection of life, death, law, and lawlessnesswhat Mbembe has termed
necropoliticswhere death belongs more to racialized and gendered mul
titudes and killing becomes precisely targeted.17
Stop the World

This book has tried to detail how the United States transits itself transoce-
anically and transhemispherically through cacophonous representations
that arise as the real is stretched through the distortive parallactic effects of
empire and collapsed into competing struggles for hegemony. Indianness,
within critical, poststructuralist, and postcolonial theories, exists on the
threshold between past and present, life and death, and continueseven as
it decomposes into an overfilled blank monstrosity of Caliban becoming-
zombieto inflect the metonymic narrative of the U.S. imperial torture
state. As apocalyptic narratives of cannibalistic retribution rise to the fore
in the early decades of the twenty-first century, the challenge for American
Indian and indigenous scholars is to find ways to unmap the logics of con-
CONCLUSION 2 2 9
quest that underpin sovereign power conceptualized as the taking of space.

The Indian without ancestry within Deleuze and Guattaris A Thousand
Plateaus stops the world through the asignifying Indian Event that is
death; and that asignifying Indianness, reframed through indigenous
critical theory, provides conditions of possibility for radical resistance to
state formulations. Theorizing against the systematized necropolitics that
U.S. empire deploys to manage the world and activating indigenous pres
ences as the point of critical inquiry disrupts the corpus nullius juricides
that have used Indianness as the cultural and legal precedent to police nor-
mativity at the threshold of making the living, dead.
Indigenous scholars engaged in indigenous critical theories that draw
from the intellectual traditions o f their own histories and communities to
contravene in, respond to, and redirect European philosophies can offer
crucial new ways of conceptualizing an after to empire that does not reside
within the obliteration of indigenous lives, resources, and lands. Indians, as
the originary necropolitical affect of the living dead brought back to haunt
cosmopolitan colonialism, serve as the deferred melancholia of a lingering
sense of retribution that hovers over a nation that forever strives to make
native the foreign through an abandonment of the native to the foreign. If,
as Donald E. Pease suggests, the state of exception repositions U.S. citizens
within the equivalent to that exceptional space that Justice Marshall had
called a domestic dependent nation, then American Indians may be able
to provide some insights into survivability, livability, and alternatives to the
nativist sovereignty that carves U.S. homelands out of Indian territory and
positions diasporic arrivals as zombie terrorists seeking to consume the
proprietary domains of a forever threatened and embattled whiteness.18
The generic and juridical conventions of terror, which affectively draw
upon the deeply engrained colonialist discourses of what Jean M. OBrien
identifies as firsting and lasting, cannot stand in the face of the mnemonics
of land, repentance, survivance, differentiation, kinship, and haksuba that
writers like Wilson Harris, Gerald Vizenor, Joy Harjo, Karen Tei Yamashita,
and LeAnne Howe among many others deploy to rewrite the story of the
Americas from the other side. Rather than framing justice for American
Indians as the fourth horseman accompanying the apocalyptic plague,
pestilence, and famine, it is time to imagine indigenous decolonization
as a process that restores life and allows settler, arrivant, and native to ap
prehend and grieve together the violences of U.S. empire.
Acknowledgments
A book like this only comes into being through the help of many minds
and the support of advisors, colleagues, editors, friends, and family who
took the time to read, comment, and offer encouragement along the way. I
owe a huge debt o f gratitude across the Midwest and into the Pacific.
The book has been twelve years in the making and saw its beginnings
in my dissertation project for the English department at the University of
Iowa. 1 am grateful to my chair Mary Lou Emery and my advisor Anne Don-
adey for all their time, advice, and care in mentoring me and sending me
off well prepared for a life in the academy. 1 must also thank Peter Naza
reth, Florence Boos, Phillip Round, and Jacki Rand for supporting me in
my pursuit of postcolonial theory as a way of addressing indigenous issues.
My career in the academy started with an interdisciplinary shift that
was only feasible because of the imaginative, revolutionary, and challeng
ing minds in the political science department at the University of Hawai'i
at Manoa, who were willing to risk hiring a literature scholar to teach In
digenous Politics. I must thank Noenoe Silva first for remembering me
after just one meeting, and then for not holding that meeting against me.
Noenoes scholarship and dedication to the Native Hawaiian community
have been an inspiration, and I am forever indebted to her for all her mana'o
and aloha. This book would not have existed without all her knowledge.
My two years at Hawai'i were amazing, and made all the better for hav
ing had the opportunity to draw upon the wealth of intellectual resources
offered by my colleagues there, including Petrice Flowers, Jungmin Seo,
James Spencer, Hoku Aikau, Jim Dator, Mike Shapiro, Sankaran Krishna,
Jon Goldberg-Hiller, Nevi Soguk, Manfred Henningsen, Kathy Ferguson,
Monisha Das Gupta, Ty Tengan, Elisa Joy White, Katerina Teaiwa, Robert
Sullivan, Albert Wendt, Cindy Franklin, Laura Lyons, Rich Rath, Bianca
Isaki, Melisa Casumbal-Salazar, Iokepa Salazar, and so many others.
Giving up such friends on the islands for the landlocked Midwest was
one of the most difficult things Ive ever done, but the transition was made
231
2 3 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
easier by my colleagues across the Illinois campus community, who have

shared their time and support through reading and responding to drafts.
O f course, there is LeAnne Howe who I first met in Iowa before joining her
anti-mascot opera at Illinois. Her Wagonburner Theatre Troop provided a
community on those days when we felt overwhelmed, and her generosity
and laughter kept me going through the days after my dad died. If this is a
book that he would have been proud of, it is because she was there at every
step to read and offer moral support. My colleagues in the American Indi
an Studies Program, including John McKinn, Debbie Reese, Matthew Saki-
estewa Gilbert, Frederick Hoxie, Robert Dale Parker, Brenda Farnell, and
Durango Mendoza, have time and again offered their support, knowledge,
and careful reading attention and have made me a better scholar for hav
ing worked with them. I am also grateful to the Chancellors Postdoctoral
Fellows: Joseph Bauerkemper, Jill Doerfler, Tol Foster, Dustin Tahmahkera,
Keith Camacho, and Manu Vimalassery especially gave up valuable time
from their own research projects to read, copyedit, and share so generously
their own thoughts on the questions at the center of this book.
Above all, I must thank Robert Warrior for his dedicated and tireless
leadership of AIS and his vision in building an intellectual community
at Illinois and within the larger field of American Indian and indigenous
studies. The manuscript workshop he organized for a draft of this book
was vital, and he brought together a number of colleagues on campus as
well as Elizabeth DeLoughrey and Maria Josefina Saldaiia-Portillo from
outside our campus to provide feedback. I cannot thank Robert or them
enough for their careful reading o f each and every chapter and their seri
ous engagement with my work. Their comments and insights were invalu
able as they challenged me to rethink key components of my argument by
asking me to clarify and own flat-footedly the interventions this book was
seeking to make. I am not quite sure if 1 accomplished that last bit, but I
gave it my best goall the errors here are my own in spite of the sage ad
vice everyone so generously shared.
1 must also thank J. Kehaulani Kauanui, who provided her mana'o and
friendship, from the book proposal to the final versionher insights and
suggestions have been invaluable. Mahalo.
1 have wonderful colleagues in the English department here as well who
have played a significant role in enriching this project, including Michael
Rothberg, Stephanie Foote, Siobhan Somerville, Melissa Littlefield, Curtis
Perry, Feisal Mohamed, Spencer Schaffner, Trish Loughren, and Lauren
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 2 33
Goodlad to name only a few who read pieces or full drafts along the way
and offered their insights. Much of my initial research was supported by
the Ford Foundation and the completion of the project was made possible
by the Illinois Program for Research in the Humanities that provided a
semester release from teaching and an energizing forum to consider is
sues of disciplinarity. I particularly thank Dianne Harris and Christine
Catanzarite for creating an inspiring space to pursue projects in the hu
manities. From across the Illinois campus and the broader community of
scholars outside Illinois, I have drawn upon and been inspired by a num
ber of colleagues, friends, and students, including Lisa Nakamura, Chris
tian Sandvig, Cris Mayo, Gabriel Solis, Antoinette Burton, Margaret Kelley,
Ricky Rodriguez, Heidi Kiiwetinepinesiik Stark, Kevin Washington, Dar
ren and Whitney Renville, Jeani OBrien, Gwen Westerman, Jane Hafen,
Patrice Hollrah, Benjamin, Vicki and Donald Ensor, Rajeswari Sunder
Rajan, Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Scott Manning Stevens, Jeff Corntassel,
Taiaiake Alfred, Monique Mojica, Leilani Basham, David Shorter, Konrad
Ng, Chad Uran, Grant Arndt, Velana Huntington, Lisa Kahaleole Hall, Jes
sica Cattelino, Russell Benjamin, Gregory O. Hall, Bridget Orr, Larry Zim
merman, Bernadette Hall, Yona Catron, Joann Quinones, Ashely Tsosie-
Mahieu, Sarah Cassinelli, Katie Walkiewicz, and many others Ill wish I
had named and thanked. I am also grateful to the First Peoples Initiative and
Natasha Varner, the University of Minnesota Press, Alicia R. Sellheim, Mike
Stoffel, Danielle M. Kasprzak, and particularly Jason Weidemann for sup
porting the project from start to finish.
1 could not have written this book without my family supporting me
every step of the way. To my mom who would always check to see how
it was coming, cracking the whip if necessary, to my brothers Matt and
Chad and their wives Cherie and Carrie, to my stepmom Phyllis and to
my little brother Jay, to my nieces and nephews Sammi, Luke, and James,
to my Aunt Kathie and my Uncle Roy, thank you so much for your support
and love. And for your patience when I was not always able to be there in
Oklahoma or at gatherings because of an ocean or a deadline.
Finally, this book would not have been possible without Elizabeth Tsu-
kahara. All that is good here in this book, and in me, is because of her. She
has been with me since the beginning, has traversed oceans with me, and
in the process has made life livable in the creases of joy and sadness. She
has always believed in me, and the project, no matter how much I tried to
convince her otherwise. Yakoke.
Notes
Preface
1. Stephen Graham Jones, Demon Theory (San Francisco: MacAdam/Cage, 2006).

2. Robert A. Williams Jr., Like a Loaded Weapon: The Rehnquist Court, Indian
Rights, and the Legal History o f Racism in America (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 2005), 6.
3. Buffy the Vampire Slayer, episode no. 4.7, The Initiative, first broadcast No
vember 16,1999, by the WB Television Network. Directed by James A. Contner
and written by Douglas Petrie and Joss Whedon (creator).
4. Grace Nichols, I Is a Long-Memoried Woman (London: Karnak House Press,
1983).
Introduction
1. Steven Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit: Colonialism and the Quest for Ca
naan (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2006), 15.
2. Gerald Vizenor, Fugitive Poses: Native American Indian Scenes of Absence and
Presence (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 15-16.
3. For more on indigeneity and prior, see for instance Elizabeth A. Povinelli,
The Governance of the Prior, Interventions 13, no. 1 (2011): 13-30; and Mary Louise
Pratt, Afterword: Indigeneity Today, in Indigenous Experience Today, ed. Marisol
de la Cadena and Orin Stam (New York: Berg Publishers, 2007), 397-404.
4. Judith Butler, Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence (2004;
London: Verso, 2006), 33-34.
5. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Writing Oft Indigenous Sovereignty: The Dis
course of Secularity and Patriarchal White Sovereignty, in Sovereign Subjects:
Indigenous Sovereignty Matters, ed. Aileen Moreton-Robinson (Crows Nest, NSW:
Allen & Unwin, 2007), 89,95.
6. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Death o f a Discipline (New York: Columbia
University Press, 2003), 82.
7. Audra Simpson, Paths toward a Mohawk Nation: Narratives of Citizenship
and Nationhood in Kahnawake, in Political Theory and the Rights of Indigenous
235
2 3 6 NOTESTO INTRODUCTION
Peoples, ed. Duncan Ivison, Paul Patton, and Will Sanders (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2000), 114.
8. For more on planetarity, see Paul Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia (New
York: Columbia University Press, 2005); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel
Writing and Transculturation (New York: Routledge, 1992); and Spivak, Death o f a
Discipline.
9. United States Declaration o f Independence.
10. Jasbir K. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007), xvi, 46.
11. Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831) 30 U.S. 1.
12. Joanne Barker, For Whom Sovereignty Matters, in Sovereignty Matters:
Locations o f Contestation and Possibility in Indigenous Struggles for Self-Determi
nation, ed. Joanne Barker (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 14.
13. Ibid., 17.
14. Charles W. Mills, The Racial Contract (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press,
1997), 20. Italics in original.
15. Vijay Mishra and Bob Hodge, for instance, discuss forms of complicit post
colonialism, particularly settler colonialism, in What is Post(-)colonialism? in
Colonial Discourse and Post-colonial Theory: A Reader, ed. Patrick Williams and
Laura Chrisman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 284-85.
16. For more, see Wendy Brown, States o f Injury: Power and Freedom in Late
Modernity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 27.
17.). Kehaulani Kauanui, Colonialism in Equality: Hawaiian Sovereignty and
the Question of Civil Rights, South Atlantic Quarterly 107, no. 4 (2008): 635-50;
Kauanui, Hawaiian Blood: Colonialism and the Politics o f Sovereignty and Indi
geneity (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008); Jean M. OBrien, Firsting
and Lasting: Writing Indians Out o f Existence in New England (Minneapolis: Uni
versity of Minnesota Press, 2010); Jill Doerfler, An Anishinaabe Tribalography:
Investigating and Interweaving Conceptions of Identity during the 1910s on the
White Earth Reservation, American Indian Quarterly 33, no. 3 (Summer 2009):
295-324; and Taiaiake Alfred and Jeft Corntassel, Being Indigenous: Resur
gences against Contemporary Colonialism, Government and Opposition 40, no.
4 (2005): 597-614.
18. Lisa Lowe, The Intimacies of Four Continents, in Haunted by Empire:
Geographies o f Intimacy in North American History, ed. Ann Laura Stoler (Dur
ham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2006), 206.
19. Ibid., 207.
20. Ibid., 192.
21. Ibid., 206.
22. Ibid., 206.
23. Ibid., 193.
NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 2 3 7
24. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Writing off Treaties: White Possession in the

United States Critical Whiteness Studies Literature, in Transnational Whiteness
Matters, ed. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Maryrose Casey, and Fiona Nicoll (Lan-
ham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2008), 84.
25. See Edward Said, On Lost Causes, in Reflections on Exile and Other Essays
(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 527-53.
26. Daniel Heath Justice, Our Fire Survives the Storm: A Cherokee Literary His
tory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 28.
27. LeAnne Howe,The Chaos of Angels, Callaloo 17, no. 1 (1994): 108.
28. Ibid., 108.
29. Ibid., 114.
30. See Dale Turner, This Is Not a Peace Pipe: Towards a Critical Indigenous Philos
ophy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006); Sandy Grande, Red Pedagogy: Na
tive American Social and Political Thought (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield,
2004); Robert Warrior,Native Critics in the World: Edward Said and Nationalism
in (ace Weaver, Craig S. Womack, and Robert Warrior, American Indian Literary Na
tionalism (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006), 179-223; and Chris
Andersen, Critical Indigenous Studies: From Difference to Density, Cultural Stud
ies Review 15, no. 2 (September 2009): 80-100.
31. Brendan Hokowhitu, Indigenous Existentialism and the Body, Cultural
Studies Review 15, no. 2 (September 2009): 102.
32. Alfred and Corntassel,Being Indigenous 597.
33. The number of federally recognized tribes and nations are in flux and the
U.S. Federal Register published a supplement on October 27,2010, to officially list
565 federally recognized tribes after the Shinnecock Indian Nation gained recog
nition on October 1, 2010: http://www.bia.gov/idc/groups/xraca/documents/text/
idc012025.pdf (accessed April 24,2011).
34. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, I Still Call Australia Home: Indigenous Belong
ing and Place in a White Postcolonizing Society, in Uprootings/Regroundings: Ques
tions o f Home and Migration, ed. Sara Ahmed (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2003), 31.
35. Robert Warrior,Native American Scholarship and the Transnational Turn
Cultural Studies Review 15, no. 2 (September 2009): 122.
36. Aijaz Ahmad, In Theory: Classes, Nations, Literatures (London: Verso, 1994);
E. San Juan Jr., Beyond Postcolonial Theory (New York: St. Martins Press, 1998);
Benita Perry, Problems in Current Theories of Colonial Discourse, Oxford Liter
ary Review 9, nos. 1-2 (1987): 27-58; Anne McClintock, The Angel of Progress:
Pitfalls of the Term Post-Colonialism, Social Text no. 31/32 (1992): 84-98; Ella
Shohat,Notes on the Post-ColonialSocial Text no. 31/32 (1992): 99-113; and Arif
Dirlik,The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global Capi
talism, Critical Inquiry 20, no. 2 (1994): 328-56.
37. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, A Critique o f Postcolonial Reason: Toward a
2 3 8 NOTESTO INTRODUCTION
History o f the Vanishing Present (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,

1999), 255-56.
38. Eric Cheyfitz, The (Post)Colonial Predicament of Native American Stud
ies, Interventions 4, no. 3 (2002): 406.
39.Ibid.
40. Teresia Teaiwa, On Analogies: Rethinking the Pacific in a Global Context,
Contemporary Pacific 18, no. 1 (2006): 73.
41. Teresia Teaiwa,Native Thoughts: A Pacific Studies Take on Cultural Studies
and Diaspora, in Indigenous Diasporas and Dislocations, ed. Graham Harvey and
Charles D. Thompson Jr (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2005), 19.
42. For instance, in their conclusion to De-Scribing Empire: Post-colonialism
and Textuality, ed. Chris Tiffin and Alan Lawson (London: Routledge, 1994), Tiffin
and Lawson argue that the invasive difference of colonial experience is observed
nowhere more acutely than in that ambivalent figure, the settler subject__ the
male settler is part of the imperial enterprise, its agent, and its beneficiary, without
ever acquiring more than associate membership of the imperial club. He is both
mediator and mediated, excluded from the unmediated authority of Empire and
from the unmediated authenticity of the indigene (231).
43. Moreton-Robinson,1 Still Call Australia Home, 30-31.
44. Spivak, Death o f a Discipline, 80-81; Mahasweta Devi,The Author in Con
versation, Imaginary Maps, trans. and ed. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (New York:
Routledge, 1995), xi.
45. Jace Weaver, Indigenousness and Indigeneity, in A Companion to Post
colonial Studies, ed. Henry Schwarz and Sangeeta Ray (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell,
2000), 224.
46. Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing, Friction: An Ethnography o f Global Connection
(Princeton, N.).: Princeton University Press, 2005), 9.
47. Sankaran Krishna, Globalization and Postcolonialism: Hegemony and Resis
tance in the Twenty-first Century (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009),
122-23.
48. Gaurav Desai,Editors Column: The End of Postcolonial Theory? A Round
table with Sunil Agnani, Fernando Coronil, Gaurav Desai, Mamadou Diouf, Simon
Gikandi, Susie Tharu, and Jennifer Wenzel PMLA 122, no. 3 (May 2007): 642.
49. Spivak, A Critique o f Postcolonial Reason, 255.
50. Linda Tuhiwai Smiths Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous
Peoples (London: Zed Books, 1999), for instance, provides a sustained discussion
of possible ways to indigenize research practices to be more responsive and ac
countable to indigenous communities.
51. Vizenor, Fugitive Poses, 15.
52. Ibid., 211.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 2 3 9
1. Is and Was
1. Nicholas Thomas, Cook: The Extraordinary Voyages o f Captain James Cook
(New York: Walker and Co., 2003), 16.
2. R. 1. Bray, Australia and the Transit of Venus, Proceedings o f the Astronomi
cal Society o f Australia 4, no. 1 (1980): 114-29.
3. Thomas, Cook, 17.
4. See especially Aileen Moreton-Robinson, White Possession: The Legacy
of Cooks Choice, in Imagined Australia: Reflections around the Reciprocal Con
struction o f Identity between Australia and Europe, ed. Renata Summo-OConnell
(Bern: Peter Lang, 2009), 27-42.
5. See Marshall Sahlins, How "Natives Think: About Captain Cook, for Ex
ample (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995) and Gananath Obeyesekere,
The Apotheosis o f Captain Cook: European Mythmaking in the Pacific (1992; repr.,
Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1997).
6. Noenoe K. Silva, Aloha Betrayed: Native Hawaiian Resistance to American
Colonialism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2004), 19.
7. For further discussion of the deterritorialized sovereignty of globalization
that is empire, see Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 2000).
8. Ibid., xi.
9. Amy Kaplan,Left Alone with America: The Absence of Empire in the Study
of American Culture, in Cultures o f United States Imperialism, ed. Amy Kaplan
and Donald E. Pease (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1993), 12-13.
10. Ibid., 17.
11. Peter Hulme,Including America ARIEL 26, no. 1 (1995): 118-19.
12. Martin Luther King Jr., I Have a Dream, speech, Washington, D.C., August
28, 1963, in A Testament o f Hope: The Essential Writings and Speeches of Martin
Luther King Jr., ed. James M. Washington (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), 218.
13. Achille Mbembe, Necropolitics, trans. Libby Meintjes, Public Culture 15,
no. 1 (2003): 11-40, offers necropolitics as a delineation of Foucaults biopower that
deploys governmentality and sovereignty as the right to kill.
14. Jasbir K. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Dur
15. Judith Butler, Frames o f War: When Is Life Grievable? (London: Verso,
2009), 132.
16. Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia, 2.
17. Hulme, Including America, 122.
18. Jacques Derrida, Force and Signification, in Writing and Difference, trans.
Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 3.
19. Ibid., 29.
2 4 0 N0TEST0CHAPTER 1
20. Ibid., 11.

21. Ibid., 8.
23. Ibid., 423.
24. Jacques Derrida, Freud and the Scene of Writing, in Writing and Differ
ence, 212.
25. Ibid., 197.
27. Ibid., 4.
28. Slavoj Ziiek, In Defense of Lost Causes (London: Verso, 2008), 272.
29. Jacques Derrida, The Work o f Mourning, ed. Pascale-Anne Brault and Mi
chael Naas, trans. Pascale-Anne Brault (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2003), 65.
30. David Kazanjian, The Colonizing Trick: National Culture and Imperial Citi
zenship in Early America (Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), 155.
32. For more on Pacific Islander epistemological practices of tatau, moko, and
uhi, see Juniper Ellis, Tattooing the World: Pacific Designs in Print and Skin (New
York: Columbia University Press, 2008); Ngahuia Te Awekotuku, Mau Moko: The
World o f Maori Tattoo (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2008); and Albert
Wendt, Afterword: Tatauing the Post-Colonial Body, in Inside Out: Literature,
Cultural Politics, and Identity in the New Pacific, ed. Vilsoni Hereniko and Rob Wil
son (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999), 399-412. Southeastern Chicka
saw and Choctaw also had tattooing traditions pre- and post-contact. Some of
the tattoos included clan, iksa, designations, genealogical information, as well as
battle honors. Some Choctaw tattooed the corners of their mouths blue. One pos
sible word for tattooing in Choctaw is inchunwa, though most of the anthropo
logical data on Southeastern body scriptings uses tattoo. For more information,
see James Adair, The History of the American Indians (1775; Tuscaloosa: University
of Alabama Press, 2005); and John R. Swanton, Source Material for the Social and
Ceremonial Life o f the Choctaw Indians (1931; Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
Press, 2001).
33. Moreton-Robinson,White Possession, 27.
34. See Giorgio Agamben, State of Exception, trans. Kevin Atell (Chicago: Uni
versity of Chicago Press, 2005), 1-32; Lauren Berlant,Cruel Optimism,differences
17, no. 5 (2006): 21-36 and Slow Death (Sovereignty, Obesity, Lateral Agency)
Critical Inquiry 33, no. 4 (2007): 754-780; Brown, States o f Injury, 174-96; Achille
Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 66
94; and Elizabeth Povinelli, The Cunning o f Recognition: Indigenous Alterities and
the Making o f Australian Multiculturalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press,
2002), 1-34.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 241
35. Philip J. Deloria, Broadway and Main: Crossroads, Ghost Roads, and Paths
to an American Studies Future, America Quarterly 61, no. 1 (2009): 11.
36. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and
Schizophrenia, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,
1987), 98.
37. Ibid., 19.
38. Ibid., 20.
39.1 use Janus America here to expand on Deleuze and Guattaris formulation
of an America that puts its west in its east and its east in its west. The phrase signals
the bidirectional discord of imperialism that the United States deploys to manage
its imperial projects. In The Break-up o f Britain: Crisis and Neoliberalism (Altona,
Australia: Common Ground, 2003), Tom Naim discusses The Modern Janus as
a form of nationalism that looks to the past and to the future to cohere the nation.
40. Amy Kaplan, The Anarchy of Empire in the Making o f U.S. Culture (Cam
bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2002), 18.
41. Ibid., 18.
42. Ibid.
43. In The Significance of the Frontier in American History given first as a
speech at the Worlds Columbian Exposition in 1893 and published in 1921. See the
University of Virginias Hypertext Projects, which reproduces the 1921 publication:
http://xroads.virginia.edu/~Hyper/TURNER/chapterl.html (accessed January 13,
2010).
44. Michael J. Shapiro, Cinematic Political Thought: Narrating Race, Nation, and
Gender (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999), 93.
45. Ibid., 22.
46. Louis Owens, I Hear the Train: Reflections, Inventions, Refractions (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 2001), 207.
47. Gilles Deleuze, What Children Say, in Essays Critical and Clinical, trans.
Daniel W. Smith and Michael A. Greco (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 1997), 64.
48. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 12.
49. Ibid., 20.
51. Ibid., 279.
53. Ibid., 117.
54. Ibid., 116.
55. Ibid., 113.
56. Christopher L. Miller,The Postidentitarian Predicament in the Footnotes
of A Thousand Plateaus: Nomadology, Anthropology, and Authority, diacritics 23,
no. 3 (1993): 19.
2 4 2 NOTES TO CHAPTER 1
57. The phrase we are the ones weve be waiting for is more properly at
tributed to June Jordan, Poem for South African Women, Passion: New Poems,
1977-1980 (Boston: Beacon Press, 1980), 42-43. However, according to Mary Fran
cis Berry, Theodore C. Sorenson, and Josh Gottheimer, Power in Words: The Stories
behind Barack Obamas Speeches from the State House to the White House (Boston:
Beacon Press, 2010), Barack Obamas speech writer Jon Favreau took inspiration
for the line from Maria Shrivers evocation of the new age prophecy issued by
the anonymous Hopi elders of Oraibi in many of the speeches she gave as first
lady of California. While some commentators attributed the line to the late black
feminist poet June Jordan, they write, Favreau, however, said that he borrowed
the line from Maria Shriver, a member of the Kennedy clan who had endorsed
Obama a week earlier (170). For more on Shrivers use of the Hopi Prayer, see
Jodi A. Byrd, In the City of Blinding Lights: Indigeneity, Cultural Studies, and
the Errants of Colonial Nostalgia, Cultural Studies Review 15, no. 2 (September
2009): 13-28.
59.Ibid.
60. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (1995; Stan
ford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1998). See for instance, Scott Richard Lyons,
X-Marks: Native Signatures of Assent (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2010)
and Robert Warriors essay Native Critics in the World, in Weaver, Womack, and
Warrior, American Indian Literary Nationalism, 179-223, for cautions against the
excesses of nationalism that turn on faciality and regimentation.
61. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 282-83.
62. Of Carlos Castanedas faux and fictional narrative of encounter with Yaqui
Don Juan, Philip J. Deloria writes, This brand of countercultural spiritualism
rarely engaged real Indians, for it was not only unnecessary but inconvenient to
do so__ Even in the quest for fixed meaning, Indian people were basically irrele
vant. Indiannesseven when imagined as something essentialcould be cap
tured and marketed as a text, largely divorced from Indian oversight and ques
tions of authorship. Playing Indian (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
1998), 169-70.
63. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 138-39.
64. Ibid., 139.
65. Ibid., 117.
66. Brian Massumi, Parables o f the Virtual: Movement, Affect, Sensation (Dur
67. Arun Saldanha,Reontologising Race: The Machinic Geography of Pheno
type, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 24 (2006): 20-21.
68. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages, 222.
69. Moreton-Robinson,I Still Call Australia Home, 30-31.
NOTES TO CHAPTER 1 2 43
70. For more on errant, see Slavoj Ziiek,'Ode to JoyFollowed by Chaos and De
spair, New York Times, December 24,2007, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/12/24/
opinion/24zizek.html (accessed February 6,2010).
71. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages, xviii; on September 18,2001, the New York Post
ran a story that took inspiration from President Bushs evocation of Wild West
rhetoric when he said he wanted Osama bin Laden dead or alive.The story provid
ed Wanted posters of famous outlaws alongside bin Laden, including Chiricahua
Apache leader Geronimo, who, according to the article, raided settlements for a
decade. For more, see Robert Hardt Jr., Terror Big in Bad Company, New York
Post, September 18, 2001, http://www.nypost.eom/p/news/terror_big_in_bad_
company_ksyBEqm7s3oHoVRvkZqRZK (accessed May 2,2011). That association
of Osama bin Laden with Geronimo solidified into popular imagination and mili
tary code, and on May 2,2011, U.S. journalists began to report that the manhunt for
Osama bin Laden was over when President Obama heard Weve IDed Geronimo
and Geronimo, E KLA. See Michael Scherer, After Uncertainty, a Moment of Tri
umph in the Situation Room: Weve IDed Geronimo, Time Swampland, May 2,
2011, http://www.swampland.tinie.com/2011/05/02/inside-the-situation-room-
weve-idd-geronimo/ (accessed May 2, 2011), and Mark Mazzetti, Helene Cooper,
and Peter Baker, Behind the Hunt for Bin Laden, New York Times May 2, 2011,
http://www.nytimes.eom/2011/5/03/world/asia/03intel.html (accessed May 2, 2011),
for more on the Geronimo code word usage in the operation to kill Osama bin
Laden. Although journalists attempted to damage-control the association of bin
Laden with Geronimo by suggesting that Geronimo was code for the operation
and not bin Laden himself, President Obama made clear in his 60 Minutes ap
pearance to discuss the death of bin Laden that there was a point before folks
had left, before we had gotten everybody back on the helicopter and were flying
back to base, where they said Geronimo has been killed. And Geronimo was the
code name for bin Laden. President Barack Obama, interviewed by Steve Kroft,
The Complete Interview, 60 Minutes Overtime, May 8,2011,http://www.cbsnews.
com/8301-504803_162-20060530T0391709.html.
72. Ibid., 90. Paul Gilroy, in Darker than Blue (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press, 2010), discusses how the U.S. military represents cul
tural diversity more comprehensively than any other institution. Shoshana John
son, also part of the same unit as Lori Piestewa and Jessica Lynch, was the first
African American woman in U.S. military history to be held as a prisoner of war.
What kind of measure of Americas racial nomos, Gilroy asks, do these discrep
ancies suggest? Was a degree of conviviality produced by the humanizing powers
of class and gender solidarity, interdependence, and ordinary transcultural contact
perhaps evident among these American women in the multicultural belly of the
military beast? (165-66). Jessica Lynch named her daughter Dakota in honor of
her Hopi friend Piestewa. What kind of nomos exists in that intimacy?
2 4 4 NOTESTO CHAPTER 1
73. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages, 38-39.

74. Gilles Deleuze, The Logic of Sense, trans. Mark Lester, ed. Constantin K.
Boundas (1990; repr., London: Continuum Books, 2004), 169.
75. Derrida, The Work o f Mourning, 192.
76. Deleuze, The Logic o f Sense, 170.
77. Ibid., 194; Howe,Chaos of Angels, 108.
78. Cyrus Byington, John Reed Swanton, and Henry Sale Halbert, eds., A Diction
ary o f the Choctaw Language (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1915), 133.
79. Joy Harjo, The Place the Musician Became a Bear, The Woman Who Fell
from the Sky (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004), 51.
80. Mark Twain, Roughing It (1872; Berkeley: University of California Press,
1993), 489-90.
81. Ibid., 490,491.
82. Brandy Nalani McDougall,On Cooking Captain Cook,in The Salt-Wind:
Ka Makani Pa'akai (Honolulu, Hawai'i: Kuleana'Oiwi Press, 2008), 52.
83. Thomas, Cook, 17.
84. Sunera Thobani, Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making o f Race and Nation
in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007), 9.
85. Moreton-Robinson,White Possession 28-32.
86. Twain, Roughing It, 490.
87. See Edward G. Gray, The Making o f John Ledyard: Empire and Ambition in
the Life o f an Early American Traveler (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press,
2007).
88. In a letter to John Adams dated April 8,1816, Thomas Jefferson writes about
Ledyard and his plan to go to Kamschatka, and cross over thence to the Western
coast of America, in order to penetrate across our continent in the opposite direc
tion to that afterwards adopted for Lewis and Clarke (Thomas Jefferson, Jeffer
son: Political Writings, ed. Joyce Appleby and Terence Ball [Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999),49-50).
89. Mark Twain, Letters from Hawaii, ed. A. Grove Day (1966; Honolulu: Uni
versity of Hawai'i Press, 1975), 219.
90. Kaplan, The Anarchy o f Empire, 52.
91. Ibid., 91.
92. Ned Blackhawk, Violence over the Land: Indians and Empires in the Early
American West (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 275.
93. Twain, Roughing It, 129.
94. Mark Twain, Our Fellow Savages of the Sandwich Islands, Paul Fatouts
Composite Text from Mark Twain Speaking, 1869-1870, http://etext.virginia.edu/
railton/onstage/savlect2.html (accessed February 7,2010).
95.Ibid.
96. John Ledyard, The Last Voyage o f Captain Cook: The Collected Writings o f
John Ledyard, ed. James Zug (Washington, D.C.: National Geographic Society,
2005), 98-99.
97. George E. Lankford, Reachable Stars: Patterns in the Ethnoastronomy of
Eastern North America (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2007), 226-39.
98. Pratt, Imperial Eyes, 39-40.
99. Eli Maor, Venus in Transit (2000; Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University
Press, 2004), 94-96.
100. Ibid., 44-45.
101. Slavoj Ziiek, The Parallax View (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2006), 4.
102. Ibid., 10.
103. Ibid., 281.
104. Ibid., 4. See Ziieks note 25 on page 391 for his critique of hybridity and
nomad subjectivity in relation to the parallax gap.
105. Jodi Dean, Ziieks Politics (New York: Taylor and Francis Group, 2006), 54.
106. Slavoj Ziiek, First as Tragedy, Then as Farce (London: Verso, 2009), 154.
107. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. Henry Reeve (1838;
New York: The Colonial Press, 1900), 1:346.
108. Michelle Obama, 2009 Commencement Speech (University of California-
Merced, Merced, Calif., May 16, 2009). Transcript at http://www.huffingtonpost.
com/2009/05/16/michelle-obama-commenceme_n_204302.html (accessed Feb
ruary 7,2010).
109. Berlant, Cruel Optimism, 21.
110. Ibid.
111. Ibid., 35.
112. Ibid., 23.
113. Ibid., 33.
114. Ibid., 34.
115. Ibid., 35.
116. Geoft Ryman, Was: A Novel (New York: Penguin, 1992), 209.
117. Ibid., 215.
118. Ibid., 60.
119. Ibid., 246.
120. L. Frank Baum,Editorial Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer, December 20,1890,
and January 3,1891.
121. Berlant,Slow Death, 754.
122. Butler, Frames of War, 96-97.
2. "This Island's Mine"

1. Jacques Ranciere, The Politics of Aesthetics: The Distribution of the Sensible,
trans. Gabriel Rockhill (London: Continuum Press, 2004), 39.
2. Rob Nixon, Caribbean and African Appropriations of The Tempest, Criti

cal Inquiry 13, no. 3 (1987): 576.
3. Ania Loomba, Shakespeare, Race, and Colonialism (Oxford: Oxford Univer
sity Press, 2002), 165.
4. William Sanders, The Undiscovered, collected in East o f the Sun and West
o f Fort Smith (Winnetka, Calif.: Norilana Books, 2008), 64.
5. Coco Fusco, English Is Broken Here: Notes on Cultural Fusion in the Ameri
cas (New York: New Press, 1995), 39.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid., 44.
8. Ibid., 50.
9. Diana Taylor, The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory
in the Americas (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 66.
10. Fusco, English Is Broken Here, 6.
11. Ibid., 7.
12. Taylor, The Archive and the Repertoire, 71.
13. Mikhail Bakhtin,From the Prehistory of Novelistic Discourse, in The Dia
logic Imagination: Four Essays, ed. Michael Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and
Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 51,55.
14. Ibid., 61.
15. Jose Esteban Munoz, Disidentifications: Queers o f Color and the Performance
o f Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 187-88.
17. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Bloom
ington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 305.
18. Taylor, The Archive and the Repertoire, 74-75.
19. Ibid., 72.
20. Fuseo, English Is Broken Here, 50.
21. Ibid., 53.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid., 59. This parenthetical note on the use of surveillance cameras was
supposed to highlight the irony of the placard and raise suspicions among the
audience members. However, it is interesting to note that MTVs The Real World
started the same year as Fusco and Gomez-Penas performance and that a growing
market for voyeuristic reality television ever since has naturalized the presence of
cameras filming the everyday.
24. Linda Hutcheon, Ironys Edge: The Theory and Politics o f Irony (New York:
Routledge, 1995), 180.
25. James Luna, The Artifact Piece, in The Sound o f Rattles and Clappers: A
Collection o f New California Indian Writing, ed. Greg Sarris (Tucson: University of
Arizona Press, 1994), 33.
26. fean Fisher, In Search of theInauthentic: Disturbing Signs in Contempo

rary Native American Art, Art Journal 51, no. 3 (Fall 1992): 48.
27. Ibid., 192.
28. Scott Manning Stevens, Mother Tongues and Native Voices: Linguistic
Fantasies in the Age of the Encounter, in Telling the Stories: Essays on American
Indian Literatures and Cultures, ed. by Elizabeth Hoflman Nelson and Malcolm A.
Nelson (New York: Peter Lang, 2001), 14.
29. Fusco, English Is Broken Here, 59-60.
30. See Vine Deloria Jr. for an engagement with the Buckskin Curtain in Red
Earth, White Lies (Golden, Colo.: Fulcrum Press, 1997), in which he argues against
the common misconception on the part of mainstream anthropologists and others
that native peoples arrived in the Americas from Asia by way of the Bering Strait.
31. The early 1990s saw a proliferation of movies like Rising Sun (1993), in which
anxieties over Japans growing economic and technological presence in the global
economy were played out in popular culture.
32. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location o f Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 37.
33. Ibid., 39.
34. Ibid., 37.
35. Anne McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colo
nial Context (New York: Routledge, 1995), 64.
36. Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust
in the Age o f Decolonization (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009), 3.
37.2izek, The Parallax View, 20.
38. Chadwick Allen, Blood Narrative: Indigenous Identity in American Indian and
Maori Literary and Activist Texts (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002), 9.
39. William Shakespeare, The Tempest, ed. Frank Kermode (London: Routledge,
1987), II.ii.2437.
41. Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History o f Multicultural America (Bos
ton: Little, Brown and Company, 1993), 32.
42. Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, The Empire Writes Back:
Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literatures (London: Routledge, 1989), 190.
43. See, for instance, Alden T. Vaughan and Virginia Mason Vaughan, Shake
speares Caliban: A Cultural History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).
44. Vaughan and Vaughan, Shakespeares Caliban, 120.
45. Ibid., 118. A significant amount of work places The Tempest in the Ameri
cas, including Peter Hulmes Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Carib
bean, 1492-1797 (London: Routledge, 1992); Ronald Takakis essay, The Tempest
in the Wilderness: The Racialization of Savagery, Journal o f American History 79,
no. 3 (1992): 892-912; and Roberto Fernandez Retamars Caliban and Other Essays,
trans. Edward Baker (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), among
others. As for the indigenous origins of Ariels songs, Harold Bloom speculates
248 NOTESTO CHAPTER 2
after Frank Kermode in his Bloom's Shakespeare through the Ages: The Tempest
(New York: Infobase Publishing, 2008), that the curious Bowgh, wawgh refrain
in Ariels first song might be from a contemporary account of an Indian dance
(193). Bowgh, wawgh in the song refers to barking dogs.
46. Vaughan and Vaughan, Shakespeares Caliban, 131-32.
47. Thomas Cartelli, Repositioning Shakespeare: National Formations, Postcolo
nial Appropriations (New York: Routledge, 1999), 2.
48. Jose Enrique Rodo, Ariel, trans. Margaret Sayers Peden (Austin: University
of Texas Press, 1988), 31.
49. Octave Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology o f Colonization (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990).
50. Retamar, Caliban and Other Essays, 14.
51. Ibid., 9,14.
52. Aime Cesaire, A Tempest, trans. Richard Miller (1969; New York: Theatre
Communications Group, 2002), 26.
53. Shakespeare, The Tempest, lI.ii.184-85; Kamau Brathwaite, The Arrivants: A
New World Trilogy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1973), 192.
54. Abena P. A. Busia,Silencing Sycorax: On African Colonial Discourse and
the Unvoiced Female, Cultural Critique 14 (Winter 1989-90): 85, 99.
55. Shakespeare, The Tempest, III.ii.132-34.
56. Ibid., 108.
57. Ibid., 107.
58. Hulme, Colonial Encounters, 3.
59. Ibid., 109.
60. Barbara Fuchs, Conquering Islands: Contextualizing The Tempest, Shake
speare Quarterly 48, no. 1 (1997): 45-46.
61. Ibid., 62.
63. Paul Chaat Smith, Everything You Know about Indians Is Wrong (Minneapo
lis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009), 26.
64. Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage, 1979).
66. Ibid., 118.
67. Ibid., 211,118.
68. Ibid., 211.
69. Ibid., 423-24.
70. Ibid., 426.
71. Bakhtin, Rabelais, 26.
72. Shakespeare, The Tempest, Il.ii.l108; Fuchs, Conquering Islands 48.
73. Shakespeare, The Tempest, II.ii.39.
74. Fuchs,Conquering Islands, 48.
75. The Oxford English Dictionary defines gaberdine as follows: b. As a garment
worn by Jews, perh. orig. a reminiscence of Shakespeares phrase. 1596 Shaks. Merck.
I.iii.113 You . . . spet upon my Jewish gaberdine (OED, second edition 1991,302). In
Shakespeare, Race, and Colonialism, Ania Loomba notes the overlap between Irish
and Jewish gaberdine that transform vocabularies across literary contexts (167).
76. George Lamming, The Pleasures o f Exile (Ann Arbor: University of Michi
gan Press, 1992), 109.
78. Ibid., 305n.
79. Ibid., 154.
80. For more on Baudelaire and afterimage see Walter Benjamin, On Some
Motifs in Baudelaire, in Illuminations: Essays and Reflections, trans Harry Zohn,
ed. Hannah Arendt (New York: Schocken, 1968), 155-200. Benjamin argues that
Henri Bergsons philosophy provides a clue to Baudelaires poetics: In shutting out
this experience the eye perceives an experience of a complementary nature in the
form of its spontaneous afterimage, as it were. Bergsons philosophy represents an
attempt to give the details of this afterimage and to fix it as a permanent record.
His philosophy thus indirectly furnishes a clue to the experience which presented
itself to Baudelaires eyes in its undistorted version in the figure of his reader (157).
81. Louis Owens, As If an Indian Were Really an Indian, in I Hear the Train,
224.
82. Jack D. Forbes, The American Discovery o f Europe (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 2007), 11-21.
83. John Cummins, The Voyage o f Christopher Columbus (London: Weidenfeld
and Nicolson, 1992), 17-18; Miles H. Davidson, Columbus Then and Now: A Life
Reexamined (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997), 109-12.
84. Cummins, The Voyage o f Christopher Columbus, 17. See also John F. Moffitt
and Santiago Sebastian, O Brave New People: The European Invention o f the Ameri
can Indian (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 242.
85. Gerald Vizenor, Manifest Manners: Postindian Warriors o f Survivance (Han
over, N.H.: Wesleyan University Press, 1994), 11.
86. See Taiaiake Alfred, Peace, Power, Righteousness: An Indian Manifesto (Ox
ford: Oxford University Press, 1999.) Alfred notes that at the time of Columbuss
voyage, India was still referred to as Hindustan (xxvi).
87. Jack D. Forbes, Africans and Native Americans: The Language of Race and
the Evolution o f Red-Black Peoples (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 2-3.
88. See Kim F. Hall, Things o f Darkness: Economies o f Race and Gender in Early
Modern England (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995). Hall suggests that
many of the texts of Early Modern England depended upon a confusion or confla
tion between the West Indies, India, Africa, and the Americas (80-81,85n).
89. Smith, Everything You Know about Indians Is Wrong, 17.
91. Ibid., 48.
2 5 0 N0TEST0CHAPTER3
3. The Masks of Conquest

1. Stabroek News, Remembering Jonestown, November 22,1998, http://www.
guyana.org/features/jonestown_20.html (accessed October 18,2011).
2. Neville Annibourne, Remembering Jonestown, Stabroek News, December
10,2008, http://www.stabroeknews.com/2008/guyana-review/12/10/remembering-
jonestown/ (accessed October 18,2011).
3. Provenance for the phrase drinking the Kool-Aid is a bit hard to track.
Some argue it is a reference to Ken Kesey and the Merry Pranksters immortal
ized in Tom Wolfes The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test (New York: Picador, 1968) and
certainly such earlier iterations of Kool-Aid inform its usage to critique the LSD,
hippie 1960s and 1970s. The first use ofdrinking the Kool-Aid inside the Beltway
appears in the Washington Post, Dick Gephardts Weekend Whirl; 125 Constitu
ents Pay $850 Each for the Congressmans Washington Tour, September 23,1985,
which quotes Don Foley explaining that Gephardts campaign manager did not
want what 1 call the politics of Jim Jones, you know, that lets drink the Kool-
Aid kind of downer to predominate the congressmans tour. Oxford English Dic
tionary identifies the phrases etymology as tied to Jonestown and not Ken Kesey.
4. Rebecca Moore, Understanding Jonestown and Peoples Temple (Westport,
Conn.: Praeger Publishers, 2009), 119.
5.2iiek, The Parallax View, 19.
6. Moore, Understanding Jonestown, 6.
7. Ibid., 6.
8. See Moore, Understanding Jonestown (13), for more on adoption within
Peoples Temple, and especially Jim Joness transnational and interracial additions
to his own family in the 1950s.
9. Fred DAguiar, Bill o f Rights (London: Chatto and Windus, 1998), 74.
10. Ibid., 1.
11. See, for instance, the Guyana Ministry of Amerindian Affairs brochure, The
New Amerindian Act: What Will It Dofor Amerindians? Distributed by the Guyana
Government Information Agency (http://www.Amerindian.gov.gy/documents/
AmerindianAct_Briefing.pdf), the brochure explains the special rights delineat
ed for Amerindian communities within the Amerindian Act of 2005 that secures
communal land tenure for Amerindian communities and ensures that sub-surface
rights are retained by the nation-state (11). The Amerindian Act passed the Nation
al Assembly, and President Bharrat Jagdeo assented to the bill on March 14,2006.
13. Tim Reiterman, Raven: The Untold Story o f the Rev. Jim Jones and His People
(1982; repr., New York: Penguin, 2008), 15.
14. Robert Lindsey,Jim JonesFrom Poverty to Power of Life and Death,New
York Times, November 26,1978.
15. Dennis Banks with Richard Erdoes, Ojibwa Warrior: Dennis Banks and the
Rise of the American Indian Movement (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
2004), 316.
16. Reiterman, Raven, 281.
17. Banks, Ojibwa Warrior, 320.
18. Deloria, Playing Indian, 161.
19. Vizenor, Manifest Manners, 4.
20. Vizenor, Fugitive Poses, 15. For more on terminal creeds, see Gerald Vize
nor, Bearheart: The Heirship Chronicles (1978; Minnesota: University of Minnesota
Press, 1990).
22. Mary McCormick Maaga, Hearing the Voices o f Jonestown (Syracuse, N.Y.:
Syracuse University Press, 1998), 152.
23. Jonestown had an extensive video inventory of 267 films that included a
wide range of documentaries, childrens entertainment, and popular films focused
around social issues. For more, see San Diego State Universitys website Alternative
Considerations o f Jonestown and Peoples Temple, accessed April 6,2011, that is man
aged by Rebecca Moore at http://jonestown.sdsu.edu, and particularly the video
inventory list included in the resource documents about Jonestown organization
and its entertainment and guests: http://jonestown.sdsu.edu/AboutJonestown/
JTResearch/organization/Entertain_Guests/2-VideosFromJT.pdf.
24. David L. Eng, The Feeling o f Kinship: Queer Liberalism and the Racialization
o f Intimacy (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2010), 22.
25. Wilson Harris, The Palace o f the Peacock (London: Faber and Faber, 1960), 10.
26. Wilson Harris, Jonestown (London: Faber and Faber, 1996),5.
27. For more on Guyanese colonialist discourses and their effect on Amerindians
in Guyana, see Shona N. Jackson, The Contemporary Crisis in Guyanese National
Identification, in Ethnicity, Class, and Nationalism: Caribbean and Extra-Caribbean
Dimensions, ed. Anton L. Allahar (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2005), 85-120.
28. Paget Henry, Calibans Reason: Introducing Afro-Caribbean Philosophy (New
York: Routledge, 2000), 104.
29. Ibid., 104.
30. Paula Burnett, Memory Theatre and the Maya: Othering Eschatology in
Wilson Harriss Jonestown,Journal o f Caribbean Literatures 2, nos. 1-3 (2000): 215.
31. Harris, Jonestown, 103.
32. Sandra E. Drake, Wilson Harris and the Modern Tradition: A New Architec
ture o f the World (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986); Hena Maes-Jelinek,Numi
nous Proportions: Wilson Harriss Alternative to All Posts in Past the Last Post,
ed. Ian Adam and Helen Tiffin (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 1990), 47-64;
Stuart Murray, Postcoloniality/Modernity: Wilson Harris and Postcolonial Theo
ry, Review o f Contemporary Fiction 17, no. 2 (1997); 53-58.
33. Mary Lou Emery,ReadingW. H.: Draft of an Incomplete Conversation, in

Wilson Harris: The Uncompromising Imagination, ed. Hena Maes-Jelinek (Sydney:
Dangaroo Press, 1991), 170.
34. See Kirsten Holst Petersen and Anna Rutherford, Some Intimations of the
Stranger, in Wilson Harris: The Uncompromising Imagination, 28.
35. Glyne A Griffith, Deconstruction, Imperialism, and the West Indian Novel
(Kingston: Press University of West Indies, 1996), 57.
36. Ibid., 120.
37. Ibid., 58.
38. Ibid., 61.
39. Wilson Harris, Tradition and the West Indian Novel, in Selected Essays of
Wilson Harris, ed. Andrew Bundy (London: Routledge, 1999), 140-41.
40. Ibid., 141.
41. Antonio Benitez-Rojo, The Repeating Island: The Caribbean and the Post
modern Perspective, trans. James E. Maraniss (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press,
1996), 189.
42. Hena Maes-Jelinek, Dream, Psyche, Genesis: The Works o f Wilson Harris,
http://www.13.ulg.ac.be/harris/whintro.html (accessed February 9,2010).
43. Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia, 2.
45. Benitez-Rojo, The Repeating Island, 189-90.
46. Jamaica Kincaid, The Autobiography o f My Mother (New York: Plume, 1996);
Kamau Brathwaite, Contradictory Omens: Cultural Diversity and Integration in the
Caribbean (Mona, Jamaica: Savacoa, 1974). Jamaica Kincaid, for instance, describes
the Carib people as extinct in The Autobiography o f My Mother. They were like liv
ing fossils, they belonged in a museum, on a shelf, enclosed in a glass case (197-98).
Harris, while locating depths of conquest onto Amerindians themselves, still seeks
to activate them as presence rather than place them in stasis within Caribbean
literature.
47. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus, 19; Deleuze, What Children
Say, 64.
48. Wilson Harris, Merlin and Parsifal: Adversarial Twins, in Selected Essays
o f Wilson Harris, 64.
49. Ibid., 65.
51. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage, 1994), 66-67.
52. Harris, lonestown, 21.
53. Ibid., 18-19.
54. My use of postcolonizing is here informed by Aileen Moreton-Robinsons
discussion of the Australian settler society as a postcolonizing society in her essay,
I Still Call Australia Home, 30-31.

56. Stephanos Stephanides, Goddesses, Ghosts, and Translatability in Wilson
Harriss Jonestown,Journal of Caribbean Literatures 2, nos. 1-3 (2000): 238.
58. Hena Maes-Jelinek, The Labyrinth o f Universality: Wilson Harriss Visionary
Art o f Fiction (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2006), 426 nl4.
59. Monica Pozzi, A Conversation with Wilson Harris," Journal o f Caribbean
Literatures 2, nos. 1-3 (2000): 262.
61. Ibid., 46.
62. Wilson Harris, The Age of the Imagination, Journal o f Caribbean Litera
tures 2, nos. 1-3 (2000): 17.
64. Ibid., 163.
65.Ibid.
66. Ibid., 192-93.
67. Ibid., 216.
68. Mount Roraima was discovered by the German explorer Robert Schom-
burgk in 1838. Schomburgk is the name of one of Harriss characters in Palace of
the Peacock as allusion.
70. Maes-Jelinek, The Labyrinth o f Universality, 435.
72. Elizabeth DeLoughrey, Routes and Roots: Navigating Caribbean and Pacific
Island Literatures (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2007), 238.
73. A revealing yet perplexing statement within the Guyana Ministry of Amer
indian Affairs brochure, The New Amerindian Act: What Will It Do for Amer
indians? maintains that to define indigenous so it applies only to Amerindians
means that other Guyanese would no longer be able to call themselves indige
nous and this would breach the principle set by international law. All people have
the right to call themselves indigenous peoples if they want (7).
74. Ibid., 237.
75. Wilson Harris, The Dark Jester (London: Faber and Faber, 2001), 27; Wilson
Harris, The Resurrection at Sorrow Hill (London: Faber and Faber, 1993), 102.
76. Wilson Harris, The Amerindian Legacy, in Selected Essays o f Wilson Har
ris, 169.
77. Jackson,The Contemporary Crisis in Guyanese National Identification, 112.
78. Harris, Jonestown, 4-5.
79. Hena Maes-Jelinek, Numinous Proportions: Wilson Harriss Alternative
to All Posts in Past the Last Post, 59.
80. Alfred J. Lopez, Posts and Pasts: A Theory of Postcolonialism (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 2001), 45.
81. Ibid., 55-56.
82. Ibid., 64.
83. Andrew Bundy, Introduction to Selected Essays of Wilson Harris, 18, em
phasis added.
84. Harris, The Dark Jester, 46.
4. "Been to the Nation, Lord, but I Couldn't Stay There"

1. Quoted in Keith Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among
the Western Apache (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 4.
2. Ibid., 5.
3. Quoted in Angela Cavender Wilson, Remember This! Dakota Decoloniza
tion and the Eli Taylor Narratives (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005).
On the importance of place as opposed to time within American Indian sacred
geographies and oral histories, see, among others. Vine Deloria Jr., God Is Red
(New York: Putnam, 1973); Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places; Craig Howe,Keep Your
Thoughts above the Trees: Ideas on Developing and Presenting Tribal Histories
in Clearing a Path: Theorizing the Past in Native American Studies (New York:
Routledge, 2002); and Lisa Brooks, The Common Pot: The Recovery o f Native Space
in the Northeast (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008).
4. Brooks, The Common Pot, 3-6.
5. Joy Harjo, The Place the Musician Became a Bear, in The Woman Who Fell
from the Sky (New York: W. W. Norton, 2004), 51.
6. Ibid., 52.
7. See Paul Oliver, Tony Russell, and Robert M. Dixon, et al., Yonder Come the
Blues: The Evolution of a Genre (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001);
and Robert Palmer, Deep Blues: A Musical and Cultural History of the Mississippi
Delta (New York: Penguin, 1981).
8. Clyde Woods, Development Arrested: Race, Power, and the Blues in the Mis
sissippi Delta (London: Verso, 1998), 108.
9. Ibid., 289-90.
10. Charles Peabody, Exploration of Mounds, Coahoma County, Mississippi (Cam
bridge, Mass.: Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, 1904).
11. Ibid., 23,28.
12. Charles Peabody,Notes on Negro Music,Journal o f American Folk-Lore 16,
no. 62 (1903): 105.
13. Ibid., 149.
14. LeAnne Howe,Ohoyo Chishba Osh: The Woman Who Stretches Way Back
in Pre-removal Choctaw History: Exploring New Paths, ed. Greg OBrien (Norman:
University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 26-47. Howe uses this story to articulate a
Choctaw literary nationalism and suggests that its time Choctaw scholars inter
rogate these ancestral stories. We have a great deal to learn from themeven if
they have been written down by an invited tribal guest such as Cushman (28).
15. H. B. Cushman, History o f the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Natchez Indians
(Greenville: Headlight Print House, 1899), 276-78.
16. Ibid., 276.
17. Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit.
18. Elizabeth Cook-Lynn, New Indians, Old Wars (Urbana: University of Illinois
Press, 2007), 204.
19. See James Welch with Paul Stekler, Killing Custer: The Battle o f Little Bighorn
and the Fate o f the Plains Indians (1994; New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), 58. See
also Walter C. Rodgers, Sleeping with Custer and the 7th Cavalry: An Embedded
Reporter in Iraq (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 2006). His re
ports often alternated between casting Iraqi peoples as either Bedouins shocked
by camels like theyve never seen with 120-millimeter guns sticking out (Strike
on Iraq: 7th Cavalry Rolls across S. Iraq, Largely Unopposed, CNN Live Event/
Special, March 20,2003) or as Iraqi cowboys who might shoot Apache helicopters
out of the sky (3-7th Cavalry Moving Toward Baghdad, CNN American Morning
with Paula Zahn, April 3, 2003) in echoes of what Richard Slotkin, in Gunfighter
Nation: Myth o f the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Atheneum,
1992), diagnosed as the frontier mythology of U.S. history and what Amy Kaplan
suggests served as crucible for U.S. foreign and domestic imperialism.
21. See Priscilla Wald, Constituting Americans: Cultural Anxiety and Narrative
Form (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995); Amy Kaplan, The Anarchy of
Empire; and Jonathan Elmer, On Lingering and Being Last: Race and Sovereignty in
the New World (Bronx, N.Y.: Fordham University Press, 2008), for discussions of
how included/excluded, foreign/domestic, territorialized/deterritorialized persons
respectively constituted an epistemic violence at the core of American nationalism.
22. Antonio Gramsci, Some Aspects of the Southern Question, (1926) in The
Antonio Gramsci Reader, ed. David Forgacs (New York: New York University Press,
1998), 171-85. Mark Rifkin, in Representing the Cherokee Nation: Subaltern Stud
ies and Native American Sovereignty, boundary 2 32, no. 3 (2005): 47-80, pro
vocatively demonstrates how subaltern and subalternization provide important
insights into how pre-removal Cherokee established elite structures of national
governance and citizenship that created fractures between statist and traditional
practices of kinship, identity, and consent.
23. See Patrick Wolfe, Land, Labor, and Difference: Elementary Structures of
Race, American Historical Review 106, no. 3 (2001): 866-905; Frederick E. Hoxie,
What Was Taney Thinking? American Indian Citizenship in the Era of Dred
Scott, Chicago-Kent Law Review 82, no. 329 (2007): 329-59.
24. In the context of the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole,
the term Freedmen refers to descendants of African American and African Indian
slaves owned by those nations.
25. Robert Warrior, Cherokees Flee the Moral High Ground over Freedmen,
News from Indian Country, August 7, 2007, http://indiancountrynews.net/index.
php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1106&Itemid=74 (accessed September
1,2007).
26. For more on Freedmen history, see David A. Chang, The Color o f the Land:
Race, Nation, and the Politics o f Landownership (Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina Press, 2010); Daniel Littlefield, The Cherokee Freedmen: From Emancipa
tion to American Citizenship (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978) and The
Chickasaw Freedmen: A People without a Country (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood
Press, 1980); Tiya Miles, Ties That Bind: The Story o f an Afro-Cherokee Family in
Slavery and Freedom (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); and Circe
Sturm, Blood Politics: Race, Culture and Identity in the Cherokee Nation of Okla
homa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002).
27. On May 14, 2007, the Cherokee Courts issued a temporary order and in
junction that reinstated Freedmens citizenship rights while the courts consider
appeals against the March 3,2007, special election results.
28. Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Reauthoriza
tion Act o f 2008, Public Law 110-411, U.S. Statutes at Large 122 (2008), Stat. 4319;
Jerry Reynolds, Housing Amendment Would Punish Cherokee over Freed
men Indian Country Today, July 27, 2007, http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/
archive/28201654.html (accessed July 5,2009).
29. Jerry Reynolds, Watson Bill over Freedmen Could Fall Hard on Chero
kee If Compromise Cannot Be Reached Indian Country Today, June 22, 2007,
http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/archive/28147184.html (accessed February
10, 2010); Murray Evans, Cherokees Vote to Revoke Membership of Freedmen,
Indian Country Today, March 12, 2007, http://www.indiancountrytoday.com/
archive/28150249.html (accessed February 10,2010).
30. Will Chavez, CN Files Freedmen Lawsuit in Federal Court, Cherokee
Phoenix, February 5, 2009, http://www.cherokeephoenix.org/3321/Article.aspx;
Watson Files Bill to Cut Cherokee-US Ties, Cherokee Phoenix, June 10, 2009,
http://www.cherokeephoenix.org/3744/Article.aspx (accessed July 5, 2009); Rey
nolds, Housing Amendment Would Punish Cherokee over Freedmen.
31. Jennie Lee-St. John,The Cherokee Nations New Battle, Time, June 21,2007,
http://www.time.eom/time/nation/article/0,8599,1635873.00.html (accessed July
5, 2009); Diane Watson, Jim Crow in Indian Country, Huffington Post, October
25, 2007, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rep-diane-watson/jim-crow-in-indian-
countr_b_69927.html (accessed July 5,2009).
32. Warrior, Cherokees Flee.
33. Eric Cheyfitz, The Historical Irony of H.R. 2824, Indian Country Today,
August 10,2007, http://www.indiancountry.com/content.cfm?id=1096415548 (ac

cessed August 13,2007).
34. Diane Watson, John Conyers Jr., Barney Frank, Barbara Lee, John Lewis,
and Sheila Jackson Lee, House of Representatives, Letter to Eric Holder, Attorney
General of the United States, Washington D.C.April 30,2009, http://thehill.com/
images/stories/news/2009/may/letteratt%20gen%20holder-4-30-09.pdf (accessed
July 5,2009).
36. Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National
Development (1975; New Brunswick; Transaction Publishers, 1999), 8.
37. Gramsci, Some Aspects, 171.
38. Hechter, Internal Colonialism, 9.
39. Ibid., 2.
40. Ibid., 32.
41. See ibid., 30-32.
42. See Hechter, Internal Colonialism (1975); Martin Luther King Jr.,The Chi
cago Plan in Singfor Freedom: The Story o f the Civil Rights Movement through Its
Songs, ed. Candi and Guy Carawan and Julian Bond (Montgomery: New South,
Inc., 2007), 227-28; Robert Blauner, Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt, So
cial Problems 16, no. 4 (1969): 393-408; Robert K. Thomas, Colonialism: Classic
and Internal, New University Thought 4 (1969): 37-44; Maria Josefina Saldana-
PortiUo, The Revolutionary Imagination in the Americas and the Age o f Develop
ment (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003); Ramon A. Guitierrez,Inter
nal Colonialism: An American Theory of Race Du Bois Review 1, no. 2 (2004):
281-95.
43. Hechter, Internal Colonialism, xxviii.
44. Blauner,Internal Colonialism and Ghetto Revolt, 396.
45. bell hooks, Teaching to Transgress (New York: Routledge, 1994), 109.
46. bell hooks, Killing Rage: Ending Racism (New York: Henry Holt, 1995), 199.
47. Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Writing off Treaties: White Possession in the
United States Critical Whiteness Studies Literature in Transnational Whiteness
Matters, 84.
48. According to Jeft Corntassel, Toward Sustainable Self-Determination: Re
thinking the Contemporary Indigenous-Rights Discourse, Alternatives: Global,
Local, Political 33, no. 1 (2008): 105-32, the Salt Water Thesis, implemented by U.N.
General Assembly resolution 1514 (1960),stipulat[ed] that only territories separat
ed by water or that were geographically separate from the colonizing power could
invoke self-determination (108).
49. Will Kymlicka,Theorizing Indigenous Rights, in Politics in the Vernacular:
Nationalism, Multiculturalism, and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2001), 123.
50. Anne McClintock, Angel of Progress: Pitfalls of the Term'Post-Colonial

ism, in Colonial Discourse, Postcolonial Theory, 294.
51. Jenny Sharpe, Is the United States Postcolonial? in Postcolonial America,
ed. C. Richard King (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 106.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid., 111.
54. Kevin Bruyneel, The Third Space o f Sovereignty: The Postcolonial Politics of
U.S.-Indigenous Relations (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), xvii.
56. David E. Wilkins and K. Tsianina Lomawaima, Uneven Ground: American
Indian Sovereignty and Federal Law (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press,
2001), 61.
57. Ann Laura Stoler, Tense and Tender Ties: The Politics of Comparison in
North American History and (Post)Colonial Studies, in Haunted by Empire, 56.
58. This is one of the memes circulating as the Cherokee nation and its spokes-
people respond to the media and question regarding their March 3,2007, vote.
59. Diane Watson, interview by Tony Cox, News and Notes, NPR, June 22,2007.
60. See Deloria, Playing Indian, and Shari Huhndorf, Going Native: Indians in
the American Cultural Imagination (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2001).
61. Cherokee Nation, Citizenship Status of Non-Indians. Official Site of the
Cherokee Nation, http://freedmen.cherokee.org (accessed July 5,2009).
63. Ibid., 65.
64. Sydney Smith, Wit and Wisdom o f the Rev. Sydney Smith, Being Selections
from His Writings and Passages o f His Letters and Table-Talk (New York: Redfield,
1856), 187.
65. OBrien, Firsting and Lasting, xv.
66. John L. OSullivan, Introduction, United States Democratic Review 1, no. 1
(October 1837): 14.
67. Robert J. Scholnick,Extermination and Democracy: OSullivan, The Demo
cratic Review, and Empire, 1837-1840, American Periodicals 15, no. 2 (2005): 124.
68. Walt Whitman, Uncollected Poetry and Prose o f Walt Whitman, ed. Emory
Holloway, 2 vols. (New York: Doubleday and Page, 1921), 2:215, quoted in Schol
nick, Extermination, 125.
69. Scholnick, Extermination, 124-25.
70. John L. OSullivan, The Supreme Court of the United States. Its Judges and
Jurisdictions, Democratic Review 1, no. 2 (January 1838): 167
71. Craig S. Womack, Red on Red: Native American Literary Separatism (Min
neapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 6-7.
72. Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies, 14.
73. Warrior, Native Critics in the World, in Weaver, Womack, and Warrior,
American Indian Literary Nationalism, 179-223.
74. Charley Patton, Down the Dirt Road Blues (Paramount 12854, 1929).
For more about Patton, see David Evans, Charley Patton: The Conscience of the
Delta, in The Voice o f the Delta: Charley Patton and the Mississippi Blues Tradi
tions, ed. R. Sacre (Liege: Presses Universitaires Liege, 1987), 111-214. For a discus
sion of blues songs that engage the idea of the Nation and Indian Territory, see
Chris Smith, Going to the Nation: The Idea of Oklahoma in Early Blues Record
ings, Popular Music 16, no. 1 (2007): 83-96.
75. Pura Fe, Medley: Going Home/Stomp Dance, Follow Your Hearts Desire
(Music Maker, 2004).
76. Warrior,Cherokees Flee.
77. Clifton Adcock, Cherokee File Federal Suit in Freedmen Dispute, Tulsa
World, February 3, 2009, http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?subjectid
=2988tarticleid=20090203_14_0_TeCeoe853145 (accessed July 5,2009).
78. Gavin Oft,Freedmen Granted Tribal Citizenship Tulsa World, January 15,
2011, http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx?subjectid=118carticleid=201101
1511AlCUTLIN723811&allcom=l (accessed January 15,2011).
5. Satisfied with Stones

The epigraph at the beginning of the chapter is a version and translation of Kaulana
Na Pua from Kanaka Maoli political scientist Noenoe K. Silvas Aloha Betrayed
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2004), 135. The song was written after the
overthrow of Queen Lili'uokalani and gave voice to Native Hawaiian resistance
to the haole plantation owners Republic of Hawai'i that was lobbying to annex
Hawai'i to the United States as a territory. The song continues to express Kanaka
Maoli ideas of sovereignty and righteousness in the face of the illegal overthrow
and illegal annexation of the Hawaiian kingdom by the United States.
1. Victor Bascara, Model Minority Imperialism (Minneapolis: University of Min

nesota Press, 2006), xviii, xix, xix-xx.
2. Ibid., 13.
3. Named so after U.S. senator Daniel Akaka, who first introduced and spon
sored a version of the bill in 2000. Since its first introduction, the bill has gone
through various revisions and a multitude of designations. In 2006, when a draft
of this chapter was presented as a talk for American Indian Studies at the Uni
versity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, the Akaka Bill was designated S 147 as it
moved its way through the 109th Congress. The Native Hawaiian Reorganization
Act (NHRA) of 2007 was designated S 310 and HR 505 in the 110th Congress.
On October 24,2007, HR 505 passed a House vote with 261 ayes, 153 nays, and 18
2 6 0 N0TEST0CHAPTER5
present/not voting. The Senate did not put the bill to vote in the 110th Congress.
The NHRA of 2009 was reintroduced to the 111th Congress as S 1011/HR 2314 with
new controversies surrounding timing, appropriations, and revisions that have
turned former supporters such as then governor of Hawai'i Linda Lingle against
the bill. As of this writing, the NHRA has been considered in committee and rec
ommended for a full vote, but it has since stalled. Time will tell.
4. For more information on the arguments of Hawaiian kingdom activists
who resist indigeneity as a political category, see http://www.hawaiiankingdom.
org/ (accessed February 24, 2008) and the Hawaiian Society o f Law and Politics,
available online at http://www2.hawaii.edu/~hslp/ (accessed February 24, 2008).
J. Kehaulani Kauanui examines these contrapuntal strategies for sovereignty
claims in The Multiplicity of Hawaiian Sovereignty Claims and the Struggle for
Meaningful Autonomy, Comparative American Studies 3, no. 3 (2005): 283-99.
5. Alfred and Corntassel, Being Indigenous, 597-614.
6. Talk of the Town: Squaw, New Yorker, March 13,1935,19.
7. For more about the interplay of racial and hegemonic colonizing forces at
work during this time period, see Eric Love, Race over Empire: Racism and U.S.
Imperialism, 1865-1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004).
8. See http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/bdquery/z?dl03:SJ00019: for the full
text of the 1993 Apology, officially known as United States Public Law 103-150,
S.J.Res.19 for the 103rd Congress.
9. United States Public Law 103-150 (1993 Apology).
10. Rice v. Cayetano, Governor o f Hawaii, 528 U.S. 495 (2000), 146 F3d 1075.
11. Senator John McCain of Arizona, Native Hawaiian Government Reorgani
zation Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, March 1, 2005,109th
Cong., 1st sess. (2005): 40.
12. Neal Milner and Jon Goldberg-Hiller, Feeble Echoes of the Heart: A Post
colonial Legal Struggle in Hawai'i, Law, Culture, and Humanities 4, no. 2 (2008):
229.
13. Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act o f2007. S 310,110th Cong.,
1st sess. (Sec. 2,15), http://akaka.senate.gov/public/documents/S310.pdf. (accessed
February 25,2008).
14. NHGRA o f2007, S 310, Section 7, B(8).
15. NHGRA o f 2007, S 310, Section 3(10).
16. Jonathan Kamakawiwo'ole Osorio, What Kine Hawaiian Are You?: A
Mo'olelo about Nationhood, Race, History, and the Contemporary Sovereignty
Movement in Hawai'i, Contemporary Pacific 13, no. 2 (2001): 359-79.
17. Ralph Z. Hallow, Akaka Bill Seeks Ethnic-Hawaiian Government, Wash
ington Times (D.C.), May 30,2005, A03.
18. Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawai'i, Report from the Committee on Indian Af
fairs, to Accompany S 746, September 21,2001,107th Cong., 1st sess. (2001), 23.
19. Native Hawaiian Federal Recognition Joint Hearing before the Committee on
Indian Affairs, August 28,2000, in Honolulu, Hawai'i, part 4 (77), 106th Cong., 2nd
sess. (2000).
20. Ibid., 78.
21. There is another possible interpretation of this moment in the hearing,
though, and one might read the unnamed Indians words at the hearing as an at
tempt to articulate indigenous solidarity in the face of U.S. juridical and legislative
colonialism by affirming the abjected violence that subsuming oneself to Indian
ness entails within the transit of empire.
22. Leela Gandhi, Affective Communities: Anticolonial Thought, Fin-de-Siecle
Radicalism, and the Politics o f Friendship (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press,
2006), 7-8.
23. In fact, the August 28,2000, hearings were published under the title Native
Hawaiian Federal Recognition loint Hearing before the Committee on Indian Af
fairs, though the long heading includes, in typical legislative precision, the phrase
to provide a process for the reorganization of a Native Hawaiian government
and the recognition by the United States of the Native Hawaiian Government.
The large, bold typeface of the document proclaiming the joint hearing is directly
below the equally bold and underlined, Native Hawaiian Federal Recognition
title that demonstrates an intent to bait and switch.
24. See David E. Wilkins, American Indian Politics and the American Political
System (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2006), 19. According to Wilkins,
prior to 1978, recognition was bestowed by congressional act or presidential ac
tion (19). The BIAs 1978 guidelines and criteria for recognition, as Wilkins deline
ates them, include establishing that the nation seeking recognition had: (1) a long
history of cultural and governmental continuance as an American Indian or
Aboriginal community; (2) the continued inhabitance of tribal lands; (3) a func
tioning government; (4) a constitution; (5) criterion for citizenship that meets
those required by the secretary of the interior; (6) not been terminated under
House Resolution 108 that Congress adopted in 1953; and (7) members who did
not belong to other tribes.
25. For more on the Indian Reorganization Act, see Vine Deloria Jr., ed., The
Indian Reorganization Act: Congresses and Bills (Norman: University of Oklahoma
Press, 2003).
26. For more, see Brian Masaru Hayashi, Democratizing the Enemy: The Japa
nese American Internment (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press), 2004.
27. Vine Deloria Jr., Behind the Trail o f Broken Treaties: An Indian Declaration
o f Independence (1974; Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), 204.
29. Silva, Aloha Betrayed.
30. For more on how Native Hawaiians were considered wards of the state, see
R. Hokulei Lindsey, Akaka Bill: Native Hawaiians, Legal Realities, and Politics
as Usual, University o f Hawai'i Law Review 24 (2001-2): 693-727; and Haunani-
Kay Trask, Settlers of Color and 'Immigrant Hegemony: 'Locals in Hawai'i, in
Asian Settler Colonialism: From Local Governance to the Habits o f Everyday Life in
Hawai'i, ed. Candice Fujikane and Jonathan Y. Okamura (Honolulu: University of
Hawai'i Press, 2008), 45-65.
31. S. James Anaya, The Native Hawaiian People and International Human
Rights Law: Toward a Remedy for Past and Continuing Wrongs, Georgia Law Re
view 28, no. 309 (1993-1994): 326-28.
32. Bruce Granville Miller, Invisible Indigenes: The Politics of Nonrecognition
(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 113. See J. Kehaulani Kauanui, Pre
carious Positions: Native Hawaiians and U.S. Federal Recognition, Contemporary
Pacific 17, no. 1 (2005): 1-27, for an excellent discussion of the problems inherent
with the Akaka bill and the imperialist discourses of recognition that the United
States deploys to further subjugate the Hawaiian kingdom and American Indian
nations.
33. Julie Kitka, president of Alaskan Federation of Natives, Native Hawaiian
Government Reorganization Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs,
March 1,2005.109th Cong., 1st sess. (2005): 61.
34. Lili'uokalani, Hawaiis Story by Hawaiis Queen (1897; Honolulu: Mutual
Publishing, 1990), 251. Emphasis in the original.
35. Lili'uokalani, Hawaiis Story, 369.
36. See Silvas Aloha Betrayed. Her chapter on Queen Lili'uokalani, especially
pages 173-80, addresses some of the cartoon representations of the queen and the
discourses of race and savagery that were being used to depict Hawai'i at the time
of the overthrow.
37. Samuel Manaiakalani Kamakau, Ruling Chiefs o f Hawai'i (1961; Honolulu,
Hawai'i: Kamehameha Schools Press, 1992). Quoted in the revised editions intro
duction by Lilikala K. Kame'eleihiwa, ix.
38. Lili'uokalani, Hawaiis Story, 309.
39. Ibid., 310.
40. Philip J. Deloria, Indians in Unexpected Places (Lawrence: University Press
of Kansas, 2004), 16.
41. Mary Jane Warde, George Washington Grayson and the Creek Nation,
1843-1920 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999), 178.
42. Kauanui, Hawaiian Blood, 87.
43. Quoted in Rona Tamiko Halualani, In The Name o f Hawaiians: Native Iden
tities and Cultural Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 74.
44. Ibid., 74.
45. See Kevin Bruyneel, Challenging American Boundaries: Indigenous People
and the Gift of U.S. Citizenship, Studies in American Political Development 18

(Spring 2004): 30-43, for more on how Indian citizenship debates reveal how
dominant institutions and boundaries of American Politics are still deeply de
fined by their colonial practices toward the First American Citizens or, alterna
tively, the original North Americans (43).
46. Dudley O. McGovney, American Citizenship, Columbia Law Review 11, no.
4 (1911): 328.
47. Ibid., 337.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., 333.
50. Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393,403-4 (1857).
51. Ibid., 404.
52. Hoxie,What Was Taney Thinking, 358-59.
53. Left Quarter Collective, White Supremacist Constitution of the U.S.
Empire-State: A Short Conceptual Look at the Long First Century, Political Power
and Social Theory 20 (2009): 189.
54. Dred Scott v. Sandford, 405.
55. Brown, States o f Injury, 27.
56. Governor Linda Lingle of Hawaii, Native Hawaiian Government Reorga
nization Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, March 1,2005.109th
Cong., 1st sess. (2005): 46.
57. Ibid., 47.
59. Senator Daniel Akaka of Hawai'i. Native Hawaiian Government Reorgani
zation Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Affairs, March 1, 2005. 109th
Cong., 1st sess. (2005): 61.
60. Tex Hall, president, National Congress of American Indians, Native Hawai
ian Government Reorganization Act: Hearing before the Committee on Indian Af
fairs, March 1,2005.109th Cong., 1st sess. (2005) 61.
61. Senator Daniel Akaka of Hawai'i, Native Hawaiian Federal Government Re
organization Act o f 2005, PowerPoint slide presentation, notes for slide 28. Though
this PowerPoint presentation has since been removed from Senator Akakas current
website, it can still be downloaded at http://web.archive.org/web/20060923031740/
http://akaka.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=Issues.Home8rissue=Akaka
+Bill8ccontent_id=24 (accessed February 25,2008).
62.Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act of2007, S 310,110th Cong., 1st
sess. Sec. 8(b)(3), http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/F?cll0:3:./temp/~cll02PETzt:
e40851: (accessed April 9,2011).
63. Side-by-Side Comparison o f HR 2314 and S 1011 Substitute Amendment, The
Native Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act o f2009, revised January 14,2010,
Office of Hawaiian Affairs, http://www.oha.org/index.php?option=com_content8c

task=view&id=1045&Itemid=224 (accessed February 9,2010).
64. Herbert A. Sample, Lingle Fights Akaka Bill Changes Honolulu Star-
Bulletin, December 16,2009, http://www.starbulletin.com/news/20091216_Lingle_
fights_Akaka_Bill_changes.html (accessed February 9,2010).
65. Epeli Hauofa, Our Sea of Islands Contemporary Pacific: A Journal of Is
land Affairs 6, no. 1 (Spring 1994): 152-53.
66. An Ex-Queen of the Kanakas on Her Travels, Chicago Tribune, August 12,
1866,3.
67.Our First Royal Lady Visitor New York Times, August 9,1866,5.
68. The Presidents Welcome to Queen Emma, Chicago Tribune, August 19,
1866,1.
69. Our Royal Guest, Daily National Intelligencer (Washington, D.C.) Friday,
August 17,1866; issue 16,845; col B.
70.Ibid.
72. Ibid., 81,83.
73. Gandhi, Affective Communities.
74. Zizek,'Ode to Joy Followed by Chaos and Despair.
75. Glen S. Coulthard,Subjects of Empire: Indigenous Peoples and the'Politics
of Recognition in Canada Contemporary Political Theory 6 (2007): 439,456.
76. Joy Harjo, Protocol, in A Map to the Next World: Poems and Tales (New
York: W. W. Norton and Co, 2000), 116-117. Song version published at Joy Harjos
Weblog, July 18, 2006, http://www.joyharjo.com/news/2006/07/protocol.html (ac
cessed February 9,2010).
77. See Valerie Lambert, Choctaw Nation: A Story o f American Indian Resur
gence (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2007), 23-26 for more information
on Southeastern and specifically Choctaw (though the Muscogee Creeks share
many similar institutions) kinship moieties, phratries, subphratries, and hous
es that structured social groupings: Especially during the eighteenth century, a
Choctaw s placement in a structured network of kin defined his or her obligations
and responsibilities in a wide range of political, economic, and social activities, in
cluding ceremony and ritual (the funerary ceremonies described above being one
example), justice (which for years was controlled by clans), and agriculture (26).
My definition of kinship sovereignty depends upon these structured networks as
counter to state-centered articulations of sovereignty that depend, in Enlighten
ment humanism, on the centrality of the sovereign individual.
78. Patricia Galloway, Practicing Ethnohistory: Mining Archives, Hearing Testi
mony, Constructing Narrative (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006), 230.
79. Ibid., 230.
80. Lambert, Choctaw Nation, 27; Galloway, Practicing Ethnohistory, 231.
6. Killing States
1. Ruth Okimoto, Sharing a Desert Home: Life on the Colorado River Indian
Reservation, Poston, Arizona, 1942-1945, A Special Report o f Newsfrom Native Cali
fornia (Berkeley, Calif.: Heyday Books, 2001), 7.
2. Ibid., 8-9.
3. John Collier, Speech to Poston Camp Evacuees, June 27, 1942. Wade
Head Collection MS FM MSS 118, box 1, folder 1, Arizona Historical Foundation.
Available online at http://azmemory.lib.az.us/cdm4/bro\vse.php?CISOROOT=/
ahfreloc.
4. See Barack Obama, A More Perfect Union (speech, Philadelphia, Penn.,
March 18,2008), http://blogs.wsj.eom/washwire/2008/03/18/text-of-obamas-speech-
a-more-perfect-union/tab/article/ (accessed February 12,2010).
5. See Korematsu v. United States (1944); and Williams Jr., Like a Loaded Weapon.
6. Agamben, Homo Sacer, 19.
7. Homi K. Bhabha, The Location o f Culture, 313.
8. Elvira Pulitano, Toward a Native American Critical Theory (Lincoln: Uni
versity of Nebraska Press, 2003).
9. See Bruyneel, The Third Space o f Sovereignty, Paul Meredith, Hybridity
in the Third Space: Rethinking Bi-Cultural Politics in Aotearoa/New Zealand,
(paper presented to Te Oru Rangahau Maori Research and Development Confer
ence, 7-9 July 1998); Jay T. Johnson,lndigeneitys Challenges to the White Settler-
State: Creating a Thirdspace for Dynamic Citizenship, Alternatives: Global, Local,
Political 33, no. 1 (2008): 29-52; Williams Jr., Like a Loaded Weapon, 146-48; and
Cheyfitz, The (Post)Colonial Predicament of Native American Studies, 405-27.
10. Bruyneel, Third Space, 218-22.
11. Hayashi, Democratizing the Enemy.
12. See Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Commonwealth (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 2009); and Gilroy, Postcolonial Melancholia.
13. Agamben, State o f Exception, 21.
14.Ibid.
15. Ibid., 22.
16. Exec. Order No. 9066,3 C.F.R. 1092-1093 (1942).
18. For more history about the creation of the CRIR, see the Colorado River
Indian Tribes Official Website, About the Tribes http://www.crit-nsn.gov/
crit_contents/about/ (accessed February 12, 2010); Woodrow Wilson, Executive
OrderColorado River Indian Reservation, November 22,1915. Text available at
The American Presidency Project, ed. John T. Woolley and Gerhard Peters. Uni
versity of California, Santa Barbara, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.
php?pid=76623 (accessed February 12,2010).
19. Agamben, Homo Sacer, 181; Walter Benjamin, Critique of Violence, in Re

flections, ed. Paul Demetz (New York: Schocken Books, 1986), 286; Brown, States
o f Injury, 3-29.
20. Vine Deloria Jr., Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (1969; Nor
man: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), 48. For more assessments of Collier,
see Kenneth R. Philp, John Colliers Crusade for Indian Reform, 1920-1954 (Tucson:
University of Arizona Press, 1977); Richard Drinnon, Keeper o f the Concentration
Camps: Dillon S. Myer and American Racism (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1989); Elmer R. Rusco, A Fateful Time: The Background and Legislative Histo
ry o f the Indian Reorganization Act (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2000); and
David W. Daily, Battle for the BIA: G.E.E. Lindquist and the Missionary Crusade
against John Collier (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2004).
21. Okimoto, Sharing a Desert Home, 23.
22. Rusco, A Fateful Time, 282-83.
23. John Collier, Indians of the Americas: The Long Hope (New York: New Ameri
can Library, 1947), 7.
24. Ibid., 7-8.
25. For more on Colliers understanding of bilateralism in American Indian
policy, see John Collier, The United States Indian, in Understanding Minority
Groups, ed. Joseph B. Gittler (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1956), 33-57.
26. See Williams Jr., Like a Loaded Weapon, 23, for more on stare decisis as it
pertains to the figuration of American Indians in U.S. law.
27. Okimoto, Sharing a Desert Home, 23.
28. See Hayashi, Democratizing the Enemy, 1-10.
29. See Kazanjian, The Colonizing Trick, 1-34.
30. Karen Tei Yamashita, Tropic of Orange (Minneapolis: Coflee House Press,
1997), 71.
31. Ibid., 56-57.
32. Ibid., 57.
33. Caroline Rody, The Interethnic Imagination: Roots and Passages (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2009), 127-28,137.
34. Molly Wallace, Tropics of Globalization: Reading the New North America
symploke 9, no. 1-2 (2001): 145-60.
35. Hardt and Negri, Empire, 280.
37. For more on the Doctrine of Discovery and just wars, see Robert A. Wil
liams Jr., The American Indian in Western Legal Thought (New York: Oxford Uni
versity Press, 1990).
38. Benjamin Franklin and Alexander Dalrymple, Plan for Benefiting Distant
Unprovided Countries (August 29,1771), in The Writings of Benjamin Franklin,
vol. 5, ed. Albert Henry Smyth (London: Macmillan Company, 1907), 340-44.
39. See Williams Jr., Like A Loaded Weapon, 20-21. Williams Jr. evokes Rob
ert Covers concepts of the jurisgenesis and jurispathic functions of the law to
explain how languages of racism function within the Supreme Courts claim to
interpretive authority over law-making and law-killing.
40. Robert Cover,Nomos and Narrative, in Narrative, Violence, and the Law:
The Essays o f Robert Cover, ed. Martha Minow, Michael Ryan, and Austin Sarat
(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), 95-96.
41. Agamben, Homo Sacer, 19-20.
42. Mark Rifkin, Indigenizing Agamben: Rethinking Sovereignty in Light of
thePeculiar Status of Native Peoples, Cultural Critique 73 (Fall 2009): 94.
43. See David Hurst Thomas, Skull Wars: Kennewick Man, Archaeology, and the
Battle for Native American Identity (New York: Basic Books, 2000), for a detailed
discussion of how and why these stories emerged in the mid-nineteenth century
as part of scientific racism.
44. See Adair, The History o f the American Indians, for an earlier Enlightenment
articulation of this idea.
45. Thomas, Skull Wars, 132.
46. Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State o f Virginia, ed. William Peden (1787;
New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1954), 100-101.
47. Joy Harjo, Theres No Such Thing as a One-way Land Bridge, in A Map to
the Next World, 38-39.
48. For more on Asian settler colonialism, see Candace Fujikane and Jonathan
Y. Okamura, ed., Asian Settler Colonialism.
49. Takaki, A Different Mirror, 191.
50. Said, Orientalism, 2.
51. Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Ra
cial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981).
52. See Hardt and Negri, Commonwealth, vii-xiv, 360-75.
53. Nandita Sharma and Cynthia Wright, Decolonizing Resistance, Challeng
ing Colonial States, Social Justice 35, no. 3 (2008-9): 123.
54. Ibid., 124. Sharma and Wrights discussion of autochthony is a critique of
an essay by Bonita Lawrence and Enakshi Dua, Decolonizing Antiracism, Social
justice 32, no. 4 (2005): 120-43. Lawrence and Dua critique antiracism struggles in
Canada for collusion and complicity with the juridical and legislative structures
that colonize First Nation peoples in Canada. They write, Thus, critical race and
postcolonial scholars have systematically excluded on-going colonization from
the ways in which racism is articulated. This has erased the presence of Aboriginal
peoples and their ongoing struggles for decolonization, precluding a more sophisti
cated analysis of migration, diasporic identities, and diasporic countercultures (130).
55. Ibid., 133.
56. Hardt and Negri, Commonwealth, 361,363.
57. Ibid., 377.

58. Collier,Speech, June 27,1942.
60. Throughout Commonwealth, Hardt and Negri draw upon indigenous
writers such as Leslie Marmon Silko and Keri Hulme to articulate the resistant
possibilities of altermodernity. Of Silko, they write: The novelist Leslie Marmon
Silko is one of the most interesting theorists of altermodernity.... Native Ameri
can practices, knowledges, and ceremonies constantly need to be transformed to
maintain their power. Revolution is thus, in Silkos world, the only way not simply
to rebel against the destroyers and guarantee our survival but paradoxically to pre
serve our most precious inheritance from the past (105-6). They end their book
with an evocation of laughter in the face of Silkos destroyers: And in the struggles
against capitalist exploitation, the rule of property, and the destroyers of the com
mon through public and private control, we will suffer terribly, but still we laugh
with joy. They will be buried with laughter (383).
61. Edward W. Soja, Postmodern Geographies: The Reassertion of Space in Criti
cal Social Theory (London: Verso, 1989), 191.
62. Ibid., 246.
63. K. Anthony Appiah, Is the Post- in Postmodernism the Post- in Post
colonial? Critical Inquiry 17, no. 2 (1991): 346.
64. Ibid., 356.
66. Although this is now the common identification for the camps, there is also
another important layer to this history with internment camps positioned as U.S.
War Relocation Centers. It is yet another remapping of relocations transferred
from native peoples onto Japanese American citizens.
67. Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or The Cultural Logic o f Late Capitalism
(Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1991), 27.
68. See The New Face of America: How Immigrants Are Shaping the Worlds
First Multicultural Society, Time, November 18,1993.
69. David Palumbo-Liu, Asian/American: Historical Crossings of a Racial Fron
tier (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), 183.
70. Ibid., 1.
71. Ibid., 188.
72. Kandice Chuh, Imagine Otherwise: On Asian Americanist Critique (Dur
ham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 11,9.
73. Scholars in native studies have started to interrogate subjectless critique and
its usefulness to indigenous critical theory. See for instance Andrea Smith, Queer
Theory and Native Studies: The Heteronormativity of Settler Colonialism, GLQ
16, no. 1-2 (2010): 41-68. In her discussion of subjectless critique arising from the
intersections ot queer studies and native studies, Smith argues that native studies
might decenter native peoples as subject/object of the field and recenter the field
on queer of color critique and the larger processes of settler colonialism (44). In
the process, she argues that subjectless critique within native studies enables an
indigenous critique of queer of color projects that do not directly engage Native
studies but do depend ideologically on the disappearance of Native peoples (54).
As 1 am discussing subjectless critique here, I am very much in alliance with David
L. Eng, Judith Halberstam, and Jose Esteban Munozs deployment of the concept
in What Is Queer about Queer Studies Now? Social Text 23, no. 3-4 (Fall-Winter
2005): 1-17. They argue that subjectless critique of queer studies disallows any
positing of a proper subject o f or object fo r the field by insisting that queer has
no fixed political referent (3). But what I am arguing as point of distinction from
Eng et al. and Smith is that subjectlessness is impossible within indigenous critical
theory because Indian and Indianness are the fields through which subject and
object might be approached as parallax. Such an argument is very much attuned
to the processes of settler colonialism, but understands discursive normativities
as affecting every subject and object adjudicated inside and outside subjectivity.
There can be no subjectless critique because subjectlessness has already formed
itself in relationship to Indianness within the transit of empire.
74. Faces o f America with Henry Louis Gates Jr., 4 episodes. PBS, February 10-
March 3,2010.
75. Alessandra Stanley, Genealogy for a Nation of Immigrants, The New York
Times, February 9, 2010, http://tv.nytimes.com/2010/02/10/arts/television/10faces.
html (accessed February 12,2010).
76. Elizabeth Povinelli, The Child in the Broom Closet: States of Killing and
Letting Die, South Atlantic 107, no. 3 (2008): 511,517.
77. Ibid., 516.
78. Moreton-Robinson, Sovereign Subjects, 2.
79. Gerald Vizenor, Hiroshima Bugi: Atomu 57 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 2003), 9.
80. Ibid., 143.
81. Vizenor, Manifest Manners, 11.
82. Vizenor, Hiroshima Bugi, 36.
83. Arnold Krupat and Brian Swann, ed., I Tell You Now: Autobiographical Es
says by Native American Writers (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 59.
85. Ibid.
86. Kimberly Blaeser, Gerald Vizenor: Writing in Oral Tradition (Norman: Uni
versity of Oklahoma, 1996), 113.
87. Ibid., 12-13.
2 7 0 NOTES TO CONCLUSION

89. Gerald Vizenor and A. Robert Lee, Postindian Conversations (Lincoln: Uni
versity of Nebraska Press, 1999), 128.
90.1 am indebted to Petrice Flowers here for her help in articulating the inter
ventions Johnny Cashs song is making to the nationalist movement in Japan.
91. Johnny Cash, Man in Black Man in Black (Columbia Records 1971).
Conclusion
1. Robert Sullivan, Captain Cook in the Underworld (Auckland: University of
Auckland Press, 2002), 37.
2. Robert J. C. Young, Terror Effects in Terror and the Postcolonial, ed. Elleke
Boehmer and Stephen Morton (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 307.
3. Donald B. Connelly, John M. Schofield and the Politics o f Generalship (Cha
pel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 261-65.
4. Lieutenant General John M. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army (New
York: Century Co., 1897), 446.
5. Ibid., 446.
6. Ibid., 268; See Lawrence Patrick Jackson, Ralph Ellison: Emergence o f Genius
(Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2002), 44-45.
7. Ziiek, In Defense of Lost Causes, 49.
8. Ziiek, The Parallax View, 123.
9. Ibid., 123.
10. Patrick Wolfe, "Corpus Nullius: The Exception of Indians and Other Aliens
in U.S. Constitutional Discoures, Postcolonial Studies 10, no. 2 (2007): 129.
11. Noam Chomsky, The Torture Memos, chomsky.info. May 24, 2009. http://
www.chomsky.info/articles/20090521.htm (accessed August 19,2009).
12. The Modoc Indian Prisoners 14 Op. Atty Gen. 252 (1873); John C. Yoo, Memo
randum for William I. Haynes II, General Counsel of the Department o f the Defense,
March 14,2003: 7.
13. R. David Edmunds, Frederick E. Hoxie, and Neal Salisbury, The People: A
History o f North America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2007), 309.
14. For more information, see R. David Edmunds et al., The People, 308-12; and
Patricia Nelson Limerick, Something in the Soil: Legacies and Reckonings in the New
West (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000), 34-64.
15. Schofield, Forty-six Years in the Army, 438.
16. Richard Dyer, Matter o f Images: Essays on Representation (London: Rout
ledge, 2002), 142.
17. Mbembe, Necropolitics, 29.
18. Donald E. Pease, The New American Exceptionalism (Minneapolis: Univer
sity of Minnesota Press, 2009), 181.
Index
Abercrombie, Neil, 175 Alaska Natives, 124,127,150,162,172,

Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer, The, 36 173
Abu Ghraib, 19 Alfred, Taiaiake, xxix, 150,249n.86
Acosta, Fray Jose de, 200 Allen, Chadwick, 54
Adair, James, 240n.32 allotment, federal Indian policies of,
Adair, W. P., 178 141,149,159-60,165; Dawes General
Afghanistan, 223 Allotment Act (1887), 127,128-29,
African Americans: Dred Scott deci 139,141,155,159,164,166
sion and, 168-69,170; and internal Aloha Betrayed (Silva), 259
colonization, 133-34; national altermodernity, 203,205,207,268n.60
ism as mode of resistance for, 133; American exceptionalism, 5,133,
Peoples Temple in context of, 80; 198-99; Manifest Destiny and,
police brutality against, 207; racial 148; postracial, 203; Queen
ization and, xxvi, 12,16,27,73; resis Lili'uokalanis use of, 165; Rodos
tance and agency of, 82-83,119-22; reading of The Tempest, 57-58;
Twains attitudes toward, 24-26; at Twain and, 23; U.S. imperialism
West Point, 223-24 as function of, 5. See also state of
After Race (Gilroy), 18 exception
Agamben, Giorgio, 10,22,144,205, American Indian(s): as aliens, 166-70;
240n.34,242n.60; Homo Sacer, 16, BIAs guidelines for recognition of,
192; on nomos (normative uni 159,261n.24; as domestic depen
verse), 199; state of exception theo dent nations, 136,152,173; in Dred
rized by, 187,190,191,206 Scott decision, 168-69; internal
Ahmad, Aijaz, xxx colonization and, 136,137-38; in
ainoko, 215,216 liminal space, 136-37,168; Marshall
Ainu, 212,215,216,217-18 on, xxi-xxiii, 136-37; Oriental
Akaka, Daniel, 153,173,174,175,259n.3, ism about, 63,73,201-2; Queen
263n.61 Lili'uokalani on, 162-63,165; racial
Akaka bill. See Native Hawaiian Gov ization vs. colonization, xxiii-xxiv,
ernment Reorganization Act 125-26,137; as soldiers, 19,214,
Alaska Federation of Natives, 173 216,243n.72; Spivak on, 70-71; as
2 7 2 ' INDEX
subaltern, 125,255n.22; as yellow threat/model minority, 189; Palurn-

peril, 201 bo-Liu on, 208-9; yellow peril,
American Indian and indigenous stud 52,189,206,214; Yellow Power con
ies, xiii-xiv, xxxi-xxxii, 177; queer sciousness, 80
studies and, 268n.73; subjectless As If an Indian Were Really an Indian
critique within, 269n.73. See also (Owens), 13,71
indigenous critical theory(ies) assimilation: of American Indians into
American Indian Movement, 80,161 the United States, 137,194; Indian
Amerindian Act (2005, Guyana), Reorganization Act, 160,161; as
250n.ll, 253n.73; Harris on, 88, mode of resistance, 132-33; politics
91-92,104,112-13 of comparison, 137-38
Anaya, S. James, 262n.31 Atahualpa, 115
Andersen, Chris, xxviii, xxx A une Malabaraise (Baudelaire), 70
Anishinaabe, 212; Japanese narrative Australia: as postcolonizing settler
traditions and, 215; oral tradition, culture, xxxiii, 252n.54
214; trickster naanabozho, 215. See authenticity, xxix, 44,47,50,75,135,
also Hiroshima Bugi 141-42,152,188,238n.42
Annibourne, Neville, 77 authority effect of institutions, 43-44,
anti-affirmative action cases in 46-51; governmentality and, 49;
Hawai'i, 153-54 Lunas Artifact Piece and, 49-50;
anti-Asian immigration laws, 51,216 Two Undiscovered Amerindians
Apology Resolution (1993), 153,161, Visit... performance and, 43-44,
260n.8 46-49,50
Appadurai, Arjun, 197 Autobiography o f My Mother, The
Appiah, K. Anthony, 206 (Kincaid), 252
Arawak, 88,108,109 autochthony, 39,56,67; Desai on,
arborescence, 11,13,14,38 xxxiv; Sharma and Wright on, 204,
Arekuna Indians, 113 267n.54
Ariel (Rodo), 57-58 Awakaipu, 113,115
arrivant colonialism, xix, xxxv, xxxix, Awekotuku, Ngahuia Te, 240n.32
53-54,58-59,122,203,210
arrivants, xxx, 12,13,21,38,39,76; ca Bakhtin, Mikhail, 46-47,246n.l3,
cophony within settler and arrivant 246n.l7; on grotesque body, 67-68
landscapes, 53-54; Caliban as gate Banks, Dennis, 81
way for, 58,66; claims of indigene bare life, 37,193,199,213,218,225; of
ity for, 54,59; definition of, xix Japanese American internment, 187,
Artifact Piece (Luna performance), 191-92
49-50 Barker, Joanne, xxii.xxiii
Asian Americans: anti-Asian immigra Barthes, Roland, 37
tion laws, 51,216; as Cowboys and Bascara, Victor, 147
Indians, 208-10; as immigrant Basso, Keith, 117,254n.l
INDEX ' 2 7 3
Battle of the Little Bighorn (1876), 123 musicians, 145; epistemology of,
Baudelaire, Charles, 70,249n.80 118,122; in Mississippi Delta, 118;
Baudrillard, Jean, 221 the Nation and Indian Territory
Baum, L. Frank, 35,36 in, 259n.74; Peabodys descriptions
Being Indigenous (Corntassel and of, 119-22
Alfred), xxix blue water or salt-water thesis, 135,
Benitez-Rojo, Antonio, 90,91-92 148,257n.48
Benjamin, Walter, 192,249n.80,266n.l9 Bohr, Niels, 117,122
Bergson, Henri, 249n.80 Brathwaite, Kamau, xix, xxxvi, 58-59,
Bering Strait theory, 23, 111, 112,200,215; 91,92,252n.46
Delorias argument against, 247n.30; Braudel, Fernand, 132
migrations both ways, 200-201; Ori British nationalism, 131-32,133
entalism as result of, 201 Bronte, Charlotte, 77,87
Berlant, Lauren, 10,34-37,38; on cruel Brooks, Lisa, 118,254n.3
optimism, 34-36,37; on slow death, Brown, Wendy, xiii, 10,170,192,
35, 37 236n.l6,240n.34,
Bhabha, Homi K., 52-53; definition of Bruyneel, Kevin, 136,187,188-89,
hybridity, 188 258n.54,262n.45
B1A. See Bureau of Indian Affairs Buffy the Vampire Slayer (TV series),
Bill o f Rights (DAguiar), 80 xiii
bin Laden, Osama, 19,243n.71 bureaucracy: Colliers and, 192; colo
biopolitics, xiii, 2,239n.l3; Agamben on nial, 150,202; established by Akaka
Western politics as, 192; governmen- bill, 154-56
tality of, 221; of now, 18; parallax and, Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), 156,
29; of post-9/11 coming out of U.S. 173,194,208; Japanese American in
empire, 18-19; U.S. juridical, 174 ternment and, 160; Office of Indian
biopower, 228,239n.l3 Affairs, 187,191; recognition criteria
Birch, Captain Geoffrey, 64 of, 159,261n.24
Black Atlantic, 91,110,226; descendants burial mounds, Southeastern Indian,
of, as real new world native, 67 119-22
black-drop effect, 28-29,30. See also Bush, George W., 127,186; Bush ad
distortive parallactic effects; transit ministration torture memos,
of Venus 226-27; war on terror, 186; Wild
Blackhawk, Ned, 24 West rhetoric of, 243n.71
Blaeser, Kimberly, 214 Busia, Abena, 59
blankness: textual, xxxvi, 62,63,64-65 Butler, Judith, xviii, 6,10; on grievable
Blauner, Robert, 133,135 life, 37-38
blood quantum, xxiii-xxiv, 160, Byrd, John B., xi-xii
236n.l7; Dawes rolls and, 127;
native Hawaiians and, 154,155 cacophony(ies), xiii, xvii, 12,55,93,122,
blues, 117-22; African Indian blues 150; character of Caliban and, xxxvi,
2 7 4 INDEX
62-69; of cityspace, 195-97; of colo Caribbean literature, 252n.46; Harris

nialism, xxvii-xxxi, 53-54,115,207; in canon of, 84,91; lessons of ad
in competing versions of Jonestown, dition within, 92. See also Harris,
79,84; of cross-culturalities, xxvii, Wilson; Jonestown
104; as Deleuzian event, 18-20; as Carnival Trilogy, The (Harris), 99
form of parallax view, 54,75-76; cartographies, errant of false, 70-74
haksuba, xxvii-xxviii, 20,40,66,229; Casey, Edward, 164
methodological frame of, 65-66,78; Cash, Johnny, 219,270n.90-91
in Orientalism of Indian,69-71, Castaneda, Carlos, 16-17,242n.62
201-3; postcolonial theory and, Castro, Fidel, 58
75-76 Catherine the Great, 23
Caliban. See Tempest, The Catlin, George, 180
call and response, 119-20,145,182 Cesaire, Aime, 57,58
Call of Duty: World at War (video Chang, David A., 256n.26
game), 225 Chaos of Angels, A (Howe),
Canada: antiracism struggles in, xxvii-xxviii
267n.S4 Cheadle, Don, 210
Canby, Edward, 227 Cherokee Constitution: vote disen
cannibalism: apocalyptic narratives franchising Cherokee Freedmen
of, 225,228,229; apotheosis of, in (2007), 126-27
Western mind, 21-22; Caliban and, Cherokee Court: injunction temporar
55,57; in Wilson Harris, 90,95,106 ily halting disenfranchisement of
Can the Subaltern Speak? (Spivak), Freedmen, 140-41,146,256n.27
xxxi, 14 Cherokee Freedmen: alterity, 145;
capitalism, 22,79,172-73,205-6,221, Cherokee Nation, 12,126,128,
268n.60; cruel optimism of, 34-35; 144; citizenship rolls and, 127,139,
failing, 186; global, 203-4,217; in 141; definition of, xxxvii, 126-27,
digeneity and logics of late, xx, 212; 255n.24; diplomats meeting Queen
internal colonialism and, 130-31, Emma of Hawai'i, 178; disenfran
134; and neocapitalism, 11 chisement of, xxxvii, 124-29,132,
Captain Cook in the Underworld (Sul 138-41,146,256n.27; as impossible
livan), 222 internals, 144-45; lawsuit filed in
Carib, xxxvi, 58,80,88,95,106,113, 2009 regarding citizenship ofnon-
252n.46 Indian Freedmen, 146; North/
Caribbean, the: Amerindian traces South divisions within, 141,255n.22;
influencing, xxxvi-xxxvii, 102; Ca Sanderss inversion of Shakespeares
ribbean identity, 110; Chinese in Tempest and, 41-42; slavery and,
dentured laborers in.xxiv; discov 126,128,138; traces carried by, 138;
ery moment in, Harris on, 100-101; Treaty of 1866 with, 126,127,138,
Indianization of Caribbean nation 139,146
state, 110 Cherokee Nation v. Georgia, xxi-xxiii
INDEX ' 2 7 5
Cheyfitz, Eric, xxxii, 128,129,188 190-91; violation of Japanese Amer

Chickasaw, xi, 12,126,128,138,144; ican, 191-94
burial mounds of, 119-22; diplo Civil War, U.S., 4,21; and 1866 treaty
mats meeting Queen Emma of negotiations, 178,180; lingering
Hawai'i, 178,179; fani mingo institu regionalisms of, 131; Schofields
tion of, 182-83; intersubstantiations military memoir of, 223
of sovereignty and relationship for, classical colonialism, 133-34
222; migration story, xvi; South Cleveland, Grover, 163,165
eastern cosmologies of, 20; sov Clinton, William Jefterson, 152-53,161
ereignty, xvi; tattooing traditions, Coahoma County, Mississippi: South
240n.32; understanding of comple eastern mounds excavated in,
mentary worlds, 66 119-22
Chinese indentured laborers in Carib Colbert, Doughtery Winchester, 178
bean, xxiv Colbert, Stephen, 210
Chinook, 217 Collier, John, xxxviii, 148,151,159-60,
Chippewa Indians: Turtle Mountain 185-87,189,191-92,192-94,265n.3,
Band, 210 266n.23,266n.25; as colonial ad
Choctaw, 12,126,128,138,144; burial ministrator, 192; on democracy,
mounds of, 119-22; creation of New 186-87,193,204-5; role as Com
Orleans and, xxvii-xxviii; diplo missioner of Office of Indian
mats meeting Queen Emma of Affairs, 192; vision of Indian self
Hawai'i, 178,179-80; kinship net governance, xxxviii, 160,185,191,
work, 264n.77; literary nationalism, 193,205
255n.l4; Southeastern cosmologies Colonial Encounters (Hulme), 61-62
of, 20; story of Ohoyo Osh Chishba colonial gaze: decentering of, 44,47,48
and origin of corn, 121-22; tattoo colonialism: blue water or salt water,
ing traditions, xxviii, 240n.32; tem 135; cacophonies of, xxvii-xxxi,
porality of, 37-38; Tocqueville on, 53-54; enforced settler cohabita
32,34; understanding of comple tions and, 222; Enlightenment, 30;
mentary worlds, xxvii, 66 Indian as a structuring event,
Chomsky, Noam, 226 70-74; Indianness as colonial
Chuh, Kandice, 209,210 ist trace, 17,21; indigeneity as
citizenry, xxxviii, 167,170,176,202-3 baseline of, 31-32; of indigenous
citizenship: as based on Cherokee peoples, naturalized, 52; as process
rolls, 126-27,139,141; distinction of worlding, 64-65,66,124; ra
between Hawaiians and Indians on cialization and, xxiii-xxvi, 52-54,
basis of, 166-70. See also Cherokee 59-60,66,69,76,129,164,170,
Freedmen; citizenry; recognition; 202-4,221; as reciprocal process,
sovereignty; state of exception 60; syllogisms of democracy cre
civil rights, xx, xxiv, 47,129-30,169, ated by, xii, xxiv, xxxix, 193; in The
187; Executive Order 9066 and, Tempest, 57-58,61-63. See also
2 7 6 ' INDEX
arrivant colonialism; classical colo corn: Choctaw story of origin, 121-22

nialism; internal colonialism; set Corntassel, Jeff, xxix, 150,236n.l7,
tler colonialism; worlding 257n.48
colonial undead, 50. See also zombie cosubstantiation, 211
imperialism Coulthard, Glen S., 181
Colonizing Trick, The (Kazanjian) 194, Council for Native Hawaiian Advance
240n.30 ment, 162,173
Colorado River Indian Reservation counterpoint: Amerindian as focal
(CR1R), 265n.l8; Colliers vision for, note for, 102; Harriss shadow texts
185,193; creation of, 191; Japanese of, 92-96,97,100,103,106; as musi
American internment on, xxxviii, cal form, 93-94; plainsong and,
185-87,189,190-94 108-15
Columbian quincentennial (1992), Cover, Robert, 199,267n.39
xxxvi, 4,42,152; Fusco and Gomez- creation-destruction: Harris on,
Penas performance, 42-49; riot in 100-101,103; void of, 106-7,108
Los Angeles, 207,208; The Tempest creation stories: Ainu and Anishi
and, 40-41 naabe, 218; blues, 118; Nanih Waiya
Columbus, Christopher, 6,26,43,51, mound as site within, 119; number
100; misnaming of Indians, 70,71, seven in Christian, 101,103; num
72-73; narratives of voyages mis ber zero in Amerindian, 103; twin
sion, 72-73 ning of Amerindian and Christian,
Commerce Clause, 156; Cherokee Na 103; Upper and Lower Worlds of,
tion v. Georgia and, xxi-xxiii; de xxvii
bate over Hawaiians under, 149 Creeks, 118,126,128,138,144,165. See
commons, 204,205 also Muscogee Creek
Commonwealth (Hardt and Negri), creolization, xxxvi, 92
204,268n.60 Critique o f Judgment, The (Kant), 9
comparison, politics of, 137-38 Critique o f Postcolonial Reason, A
Congressional Black Caucus, xxxvii, (Spivak), xxxi, 63,70
127,140 cross-culturalism, xxvii-xxviii, 110,
Contradictory Omens (Brathwaite), 112; allegories of, in Japanese and
92 Anishinaabe oral tradition, 214;
Conyers, John, Jr., 257n.34 Maes-Jelinek on Harriss idea of,
Cook, Captain James, 1-3,9,21-28, 114; multiculturalism and, 102-4
102; apotheosis, 3,6; in Sullivans Crow Indians, 14,160
Captain Cook in the Underworld, cruel optimism, 34-36,37. See also
222-23; and transit of Venus, 1-2, Berlant, Lauren
27-28; Twain on death of, 21-23; Cuba: U.S. intervention in, 226
use of term Indian, 26 Curtis Act (1898), 128-29
Cook-Lynn, Elizabeth, 123,126,136,213 Cushman, Horatio Bardwell, 121
Cooper, James Fenimore, 24,25 Cygne, Le (Baudelaire), 70
INDEX 2 7 7
DAguiar, Fred, 80 participatory, xii, xx, xxvi, 3,119,122;

Dalrymple, Alexander, 198 totalitarianism and, 205. See also
Danner, Jade, 173 multicultural liberal democracy
Dark Jester, The (Harris), 111, 115 Democracy in America (Tocqueville),
Davis, Mike, 205 xi, 32
Dawes General Allotment Act (1887), Demon Theory (Jones), xii
15,128-29,159,164,166 Department of Interior, U.S., 149,
Dawes rolls (1906), 127,139,141 155-56,208
Dean, Jodi, 30 derealization of theOther, xviii-xix,
Declaration of Independence: Cook as xxi
prelude to, 3: merciless Indian Sav Derrida, Jacques, 7 -9 ,239n.l8,
ages in, xxi 240n.24,240n.29; logocentrism in
Declaration on the Rights of Indig deconstruction, 8; mourning of
enous Peoples, U.S. (2007), xxix Deleuze, 19-20; Spivaks reading of,
decolonization, xxxv, xxxvii, 38,39, 65; tattooed savages, 7,8-9,17,21
136,150,173,177,229,267n.54; in Desai, Gaurav, xxxiv
ternational recognition following, De-Scribing Empire: Post-colonialism
71; Sharma and Wright on, 204, and Textuality (Tiffin and Lawson),
267n.54 238
deconstruction, xxxv, 7-8,17,71,89, Devi, Mahasweta, xxxiii
123,136,144; Derrida on logo dialogism, 46
centrism, 8 Dickens, Charles, 180
deferral, 19,21,189; indigenous peoples diplomatic protocols: between Queen
and, 6-7,9-10,221; the other ex Emma and Southeastern delegates
isting as, 65; in The Tempest, 40, (1866), 181-83; for Southeastern
61-69; in Two Undiscovered Amer intertribal relations, 182-83
indians Visit. . . , 74; zombie impe Dirlik, Arif, xxx, 237n.36
rialism and, 228 dissonance(s): Harris on, 92-96;
Deleuze, Gilles, 11,13-21,23,92,204, parody and, 47
229,241n.36,241n.47,244n.74; Der distortive parallactic effects, xxxv, 40,
ridas mourning of, 19-20; on direc 79,91,171; as colonial manifesta
tions in America, 11,13,14,241n.39; tions, 67; of colonization of indige
Indian without ancestry of, 11, nous peoples, 31; definition of,
14,16,20,92,204,229; A Thousand 28-29; of empire, 228; of Indian
Plateaus, 11,13-21,23 event, 70-74; parallax view and,
Deloria, Philip J., 10,81,242n.62 29-32; settler colonialism revealed
Deloria, Vine, Jr., 160-61,192,247n.30, through, 171-72; in Shakespeares
254n.3,261n.25,266n.20 Caliban, 55-70; in Two Undiscov
DeLoughrey, Elizabeth, 110 ered Amerindians Visit. . . , 44-45;
democracy: Collier on, 186-87,193, void created in, 111
204-5; Hardt and Negri on, 204; Dixon, Jeremiah, 1
2 7 8 ' INDEX
Doctrine of Discovery, 198,266n.37 errant, xxxv, 18-19,30,243n.70; of false

Doerfler, Jill, 236n.l7 cartographies, 70-74
Doe v. Kamehameha, 149 ethnic minorities: indigenous peoples
domestic dependent nation(s), 136,152, reframed as internal, xxiv; as na
166,173; discursive juridical fiction tion of nations, 136; resistance
of, 171; Indian Reorganization Act within mobilization of, 132-33
and, 161; Marshalls opinion on, 136, Everything You Know about Indians Is
161,173,198; U.S. citizens seen as Wrong (Smith), 74
equivalent to, 229 exceptionalism, American. See Ameri
Dorr Mound, 119 can exceptionalism
Down the Dirt Road Blues (song),
145 fani mingo/fani miko (squirrel chief):
Dred Scott v. Sandford, 168-69,170 as diplomatic institution, 182-83
Drinnon, Richard, 27,266n.20 Favreau, Jon, 242n.57
Dua, Enakshi, 267n.54 Fe, Pura, 145,259n.75
Dyer, Richard, 228 federal Indian policy, 156-57; dis
dysphasia of encounter, 51 courses of Indianness and,
xxxvii-xxxviii; namings of Akaka
Edwards Mound, 119 bill and, 158-65,259-60n.3
Einstein, Albert, 219 Feeling o f Kinship, The (Eng), 82-83
El Dorado; search for, 90,101,109 Fiedler, Leslie, 11,16,27,57
Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, The Field, Richard, 178
(Wolfe), 250n.3 First as Tragedy, Then as Farce (Ziiek),
Ellis, Juniper, 240n.32 30
Ellison, Ralph, 117,224 Fisher, Jean, 50
Elmer, Jonathan, 255n.21 Five Civilized Tribes, 126,129,131,
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 143 140,144
Emery, Mary Lou, 86-87 Five Tribes Act (1906), 146
Emma of Hawai'i, Dowager Queen, Flaubert, Gustave, 7,8
177-83; Johnsons welcome to, 178, Flowers, Petrice, 270n.90
179-80; meeting with Southeastern Forbes, Jack D., 73
delegates (1866), 178-83 Force and Signification (Derrida),
Empire Writes Back, The, 56 7,9
Endeavour, HMS (ship), 1,102 Forty-Six Years in the Army (Scho
Eng, David L 82-83,269n.73 field), 223
England, Lynndie, 19 Foucault, Michel, xiii, 14,239n.l3
English Is Broken Here (Fusco), 42 founding fathers: Caliban as, 61;
Enlightenment: colonialism, 30; Cooks Shakespeare as, 57; visions of ex
expeditions in, 3,27-28; liberalism, pansion of, 2,23,173,198
xx-xxi, xxxv, 27 Frames o f War (Butler), 37
Erdrich, Louise, 210,211 Franklin, Benjamin, 2,198
INDEX ' 2 7 9
Freedmen: defined in context of Goldberg-Hiller, Jon, 260n.l2

Southeastern Indians, 255n.24. See Gold Rush, 33,227
also Cherokee Freedmen; South Gomez-Pena, Guillermo, xxxvi, 42-49,
eastern Freedmen 50,52,55,65,74,75,195,246n.23; on
Freud, Sigmund, xv, 16 correct response to Two Undiscov
Freud and the Scene of Writing ered Amerindians Visit. . . . 76
(Derrida), 8 Goshute Shoshones: Twains reference
frontier: Lopez on undiscovered to, 24-25
space of, 114; as site of exception, Gramsci, Antonio, xxxvii, 125,130,132,
192; as site of mapping, 13; in U.S. 255n.22
history, 209,255n.l9 Grande, Sandy, xxviii
Fuchs, Barbara, 62,68-69 Grayson, George Washington, 165
Fujikane, Candace, 267n.48 Green, Charles, 2
Fusco, Coco, xxxvi, 42-49,50,55,56, grievability, xxxvi-xxxviii, 21; blues
65,246n.23; on blank screen, 62, epistemology of, 122; Butler on
63; on impact of Two Undiscovered grievable life, 37-38; Harriss
Amerindians Visit. . . . 74-75 Jonestown and, 83,86; Hiroshima
Peace Park Museum and, 213; Indi
gaberdine of Calibans cloak, 67-68; ans as lamentable but not grievable,
anti-Semitism of word, 68; defined, 38; perfect memories necessary
248-49n.75; as reference to the for, 217,218; Vizenor and, 212
Irish, 68-69 Griffith, Glyne A., 87-89
Galloway, Patricia, 182-83 grotesque body: Bakhtin on, 67-68
Gandhi, Leela, 31,158,181 Guam, 168
Garland, Judy, 35 Guantanamo Bay, xx, 226
Gates, Henry Louis, Jr., 210,211 Guevarra, Ernesto Che, 58,132
genocide, 3,33; of American Indians, Guattari, Felix, 11,13,14-18,92,204,
6-7,16,36,72,144,223; dialectics 229,241n.36; on directions in
of, xxxiv; indigenous peoples expe America, 11,13,14,241n.39; A Thou
rience of, 123-24,125; paradigmatic sand Plateaus, 11,13-31,23
Indianness justifying, 14,25,82,171 Guitierrez, Ramon A., 257n.42
Gephardt, Dick, 250n.3 Guyana: Amerindian Act, 250n.ll;
Geronimo, 19; association of bin Laden assassination of Ryan in Port
with, 243n.71 Kaituma (1978), 77,82; colonialist
Gilroy, Paul, 6,18,90,236n.8,243n.72 discourses on Amerindians, 84,
Glissant, Edouard, 110 251n.27; El Dorado myth in, 90;
globalization: deterritorialized sover identity sought in hinterlands, 90;
eignty of, 3,239n.7; transpacific in interior, 110; postcolonial, 84; sub
digenous ethic confronting, 219-20 limation of precolonial past, 110.
Going Home/Stomp Dance (song), See also Jonestown mass suicide/
145 murder
2 8 0 ' INDEX
Guyana Ministry of Amerindian Af Hauofa, Epeli, 177

fairs, 250n.ll, 253n.73 Hawai'i, 147-83; admitted as territory,
161; Akaka bill, xxxvii-xxxviii, 150,
haiku, 216 154-55,158-65,172-76,262n.32;
haksuba, xxvii-xxviii, 40,66,229; aliens in paradise, 166-72; anti
meaning of, xxvii, 20. See also affirmative action cases in, 153-54;
cacophony(ies) sin of annexation, 147-50; state
Halberstam, Judith, 269n.73 hood of, 151-52,161; tourist indus
Hall, Kim F 249n.88 try in, 172-73; Twain on, 23-25;
Hall, Tex, 173 Twain on Cooks death in, 21-23;
Halualani, Rona Tamiko, 167,169-70 U.S. military occupation in, 173,
Hamlet (Shakespeare), 42; references 174,224
to play, 107,117 Hawaiian Historical Association, 162
hanai, 183 Hawaiian Homelands, 154,168; admin
Hardt, Michael, 4,197,204,239n.7, istration of, 153
265n.l2,268n.60 Hawaiian Homes Commission, 166
Hardt, Robert, Jr., 243n.71 Hawaiian Homes Commission Act,
Harjo, Joy, 20,118,181-83,200,229 155
Harris, Wilson, xxxvi-xxxvii, 79,83-115, Hawaiian kingdom: Apology Resolu
222,229,251n.25-26,252n.39, tion (1993) and, 153,161,260n.8;
252n.48,253n.62,253n.75-76; international recognition of, 161,
Amerindian presence/absence in, 162; resistance to annexation of,
88.91-92,102,104,112-13; Carnival 259; resistance to indigeneity as
Trilogy, 99; creation-in-destruction, political category, 260n.4; sover
100-101,103; cross-culturalism of, eignty nationalists, 149-50
102,104; Dark Jester, 111, 115; debate Hawaiian protocols of welcome, 181-82
over classification of, 86-90; engag Hawaiis Story by Hawaiis Queen
ing Caribbean history, 84,85; faith (Lili'uokalani), 163
in imagination, 84,86; fictions role, Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 143
87,109-10; Guyanese interior, 90; Hayashi, Brian Masaru, 189,261n.26
Jonestown, xxxvi-xxxvii, 79,84-86, Hechter, Michael, 130,131-33,135
90.92-115; Memory Theatre,
Hegelian dialectics, 141-42,181
84-85,86,103-6; Merlin and Parsi Heidegger, Martin, 64
fal 92; Palace of the Peacock, 88, heimatlos (stateless aliens), 167
90,253n.68; Resurrection at Sorrow Henry, Paget, 84
Hill, 111; on tradition and realism, hibakusha (Hiroshima survivor), 218
86-90; Tradition and the West Hiroshima Bugi (Vizenor), xxxviii,
Indian Novel 89; world cultures as 189-90,211-20; moral survivance
partialities, 90,91 in, 212,213-14; narrative inter-
Harvard Peabody Museum; excavation referentiality of, 214; narrators of,
of Southeastern mounds, 119 214-15; parallactic Hiroshima, 214;
INDEX ' 281
Rashomon and, 214; strategies of without ancestry in, 14,15-16;

indigenous survivance in, 216-20 magical thinking of European,
Hiroshima Peace Park: simulated 22; zombie, 225-28. See also U.S.
peace commemorated at, 213,216, empire
218-19 imperialist planetarity, xx-xxi, 41,
Hiroshima Peace Park Museum, 213 236n.8
History of the Hawaiian or Sandwich Imperial Leather (McClintock), 53
Islands (Jarves), 23 Incas, 63, 111
Hobbes, Thomas, 27 inclusion/exclusion, xxiii, xxvi, 25,27,
Hodge, Bob, 236n.l5 40,189; Cherokee Freedmen and,
Hokowhitu, Brendan, xxviii 124-25,138,140-41,146; inclusion
Holder, Eric, 129 as colonization, xii, xx, xxiii-xxiv,
Holy Land in Transit, The (Salaita), 10,52,66,171; in postrace and
xvi, 122 colorblind discourses, 189,203
homo sacer: to United States, Indian incommensurability of internal for
combatant as, in Modoc Indian American Indians, xxxvii, 136,
Prisoners opinion, 227; U.S. politi 137-38
cal prisoners as, 225 India: 64,70-71; referred to as Hindu
Homo Sacer (Agamben), 16,192 stan, 249n.87; tribals, xxxiii
hooks, bell, 133-35,138 Indian deferred, 20-21,228
Hopi, 187; Deleuze and Guattari on, Indian Event, 17-20,70-74,229
14-16; faux-Hopi prophecy, 15, Indian indentured laborer, 70-71
30-31,242n.57; as logocentric re Indian metonymy, 69-74; errant of
gime, 15; Shrivers use of, 242n.57 false cartographies and, 70-74
Horsman, Reginald, 202 Indianness: Asian Americans and,
Howard, Edgar, 159 194,209-10; Cherokee Freedmen
Howe, LeAnne, xxvii-xxviii, xxx, 20, and, 138,145; as colonialist trace,
229,254n.l4 xvii-xviii, 17,21,149; distortive
Hoxie, Frederick E., 169,255n.23 effect of, 30-31; as infection, 148,
Huhndorf, Shari, 258n.60 156-58,171,261n.21; Jim Jones
Hulme, Keri, 268n.60 and, 81-82; Native Hawaiians and,
Hulme, Peter, 5,7,61-62,247-48n.45 26-27,150,171-72; as savage other,
Hutcheon, Linda, 49,50-51 27; as transit of empire, xii-xxvi,
hybridity: 52,188,208,210,245n.l04; xxxvii-xxxviii, 35-37,62,67-69;
Spivak on, 141-42 Vizenor on, xxxv, 72,81,180,212
Indian Removal Act, Marshall ruling
iksa (clan), 182 on (1831), 136
immigration laws: U.S. anti-Asian, 51, Indian Reorganization Act (1934),
216 xxxviii, 148-49,159-61,189; assimi
imperialism: empire of the now, 5-6; lation goals of, 160,161; challenges
inaugural narratives of, 6; Indians to, 160; Colliers vision for, 193;
2 8 2 ' INDEX
dubbed Indian New Deal, 148,151, xxxiii, 42,113,211; deferral of, 7,

191; federal recognition by United 9-10,19,221; exhibiting captive, 43;
States, 193; governmental structure Guyana Ministry of Amerindian
under, 160,161 Affairs definition of, 253n.73;
Indians: as errant, xxxv, 18-19,27, incommensurabilities of the in
70-71; homogeneity of term, 73; ternal for, xxx, xxxvii, 136,137-38;
Inouye on Hawaiians as, 156-57; intersubstantiation of sovereignty,
as lamentable but not grievable, 211,220,222; nondefinition of, xxix;
38; Lunas parody of undead, 50; Orientalism and, 72-73; racializa
Pacific Islanders as, 26-27; playing tion of, 135,172,202-3; research
Indian, 16-17,81,139-40,258n.60. practices and, xxvi-xxvii, 238n.50;
See also American Indian(s); tattooed savages, 7,8-9; tempo
Indianness rality and presence of, 6-7,37-38;
Indians in Unexpected Places (Deloria), as trace, 9-10; transformation from
164 colonized to colonist, 187; transfor
Indians without ancestry, 11,14,16, mative praxis, 181,183; vying claims
20,92,204,229 to indigeneity, 152
Indian Territory (now Oklahoma), Inouye, Daniel, 153,158,173,175,
126,223; allotment in, 128-29,180; 26 On. 18; on Hawaiians as Indians,
in blues, 259n.74; in Geoft Rymans 156-57
Was, 35 Insular Cases, 168
Indian Womens Cherokee Pocahontas internal colonialism, xxxvii, 124-46;
Club, 140 as analogy, 135-36,137; classical
indigeneity(ies): as baseline of colo colonialism and, 133-34; definitions
nialism, 31-32; Caliban and, 67; and origins of, 129-37; emergence
within critical theory, xxxix; era of and limits to, 125; Freedmen and,
sure of, 52; idea of xxxiii-xxxiv; 144-45; hooks on, 133-35; minori-
into racial category, xxiii-xxiv, tization process and, 125-26; as
202-3; as radical alterity, xiii; sub- racialized analysis, 134; U.S. multi
jectlessness and, 210; translocation cultural nation and, 125
of, 54,58-60; transmotion and, xvi Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe
indigenous critical theory(ies), xxviii, in British National Development
xxix-xxx, 76,124; accountability of (Hechter), 131-32
fered by, xxx, xxxiv-xxxv; haksuba internment. See Japanese American
and, xxviii; Indianness and, 229; internment
indigenous phenomenologies, 21; intersubstantiation, 220,222; multi
intervention of, 37-38; in parallax directionality of, 211
gap, 222; postcolonial theory and, Iraq, 123,126,223,255n.l9; invasion of
xxx-xxxv, 188; subjectless critique (2003), 225
and, 268-69n.73 irony, 43-44,49-51
indigenous peoples: agency and, xxxii- Ironys Edge (Hutcheon), 49
INDEX ' 2 83
Iroquois: Kants evocation of, 9 Jones, Stephen Graham, xii, 235n.l

Is the Post- in Postmodernism the Jonestown (Harris), xxxvi-xxxvii, 79,
Post- in Postcolonial? (Appiah), 84-86,92-115; Bone, narrator of, 84,
206 85-86,91,94,96-109,115; Bone as
Is the United States Postcolonial? diminutive survivor in, 98,105,108;
(Sharpe), 135-36 Bones submission to Arawak judg
I Will Fight No More Forever (film), 82 ment, 108,109; composite archetypes
in, 96-98,100,103; Conquest Mis
Jack, Captain, 227-28 sionsection, 101-2; counterpoint in,
Jackson, Robert, 194 92-96,97,100,103,106; Deacons be
Jackson, Shona N., 112,251n.27 trayal of Amerindians, 107;deadly
Jagan, Cheddi, 102 circuit in, 99,100; Dream-book of,
Jagdeo, Bharrat, 250n.ll 85-86,94,96,97-98,101; El Dorado
Jameson, Fredric, 197,206,268n.67 in, 101; Guyanese interior and, 90;
Jane Eyre (Bronte), 87 jigsaw multitudes, 82-86; Memory
Japan: 123,205,212,219,247n.31; Theatre in, 84-85,86,103-6; plot
ainoko, 215,216; Ainu and, 212,215, summary of, 85; pre-Columbian
216,217-18; Anishinaabe and, 215; rupture, 100-101; Roraimas Scor
MacDonald and, 190,217-18 pions section, 102-8; Virgin Ship
Japanese American internment, section, 98-101; the void, 108-15;
xxxviii, 33,160,195,197,204-5, wedding ceremony, 104
208; bare life of, 187,191-92; camps Jonestown mass suicide/murder
positioned as U.S. War Relocation (1978), 77-115; death tapes" from
Centers, 268n.66; camps seen as final White Night, 81-82; drink
colonies, 186,187; colonial logics ing the Kool-Aid, 78,250n.3; as
underpinning, 191-92; Executive imperial imposition, 77; lessons of,
Order 9066 and, 190-91; Korematsu in United States, 78; parallax view
decision, 187,194; at Poston, Arizona, of, 77-82; thirtieth anniversary of
on Colorado River Indian Reserva tragedy (2008), 77,78; video inven
tion, xxxviii, 185-87,189,190-94 tory of films, 82,251n.23
Japanese nationalism: resistance to, 219 Jordan, June, 242n.57
Jarves, James Jackson, 23 Joseph, Chief, 82
Jefferson, Thomas, 23,27,198,199, Justice, Daniel Heath, xxvii, xxx
244n.88,267n.46
Johnson, Andrew, 178,179,223 kabuki theater, 215,216
Johnson, Jay T., 188,265n.9 Kamakau, Samuel Manaiakalani, 162,
Johnson, Shoshana, 243n.72 262n.37
Jones, Jim, xxxvi, 77,80,98,113,115, Kamehameha IV, King, 178
250n.3; evocations of Indianness, Kamehameha Schools, 154
81-82. See also Jonestown mass Kanaka Maoli, 21,153,154,161,259;
suicide/murder Hawaiian Homes Commission and,
2 8 4 ' INDEX
166; programs administered by, 153; Lakota, 74,123,164

resistance to Akaka bill, 157-58, Lambert, Valerie, 264n.77
160; Twain on, 25. See also Native Lamming, George, 57,60-61,91,
Hawaiians 249n.76; on Caliban and language,
Kant, Immanuel, 9 69-70
Kaplan, Amy, 5,7,11-12,255n.l9, land: aboriginal title to, 200; expro
255n.21; North/South U.S. imperial priation of (see colonialism; set
mappings, 27; on Twain in Hawai'i, tler colonialism); federal Indian
23-24 policies in Indian Territory, 128-29;
Kauanui, J. Kehaulani, xxiii, 166, framed by classic and internal colo
236n.l7,260n.4,262n.32 nialism, 133-34,135; as mnemonic
Kaulana Na Pua (song), 259 device, 118,254n.3
Kazanjian, David, 9,194 Lawrence, Bonita, 267n.54
Kesey, Ken, 250n.3 Lawson, Alan, 238n.42
Kincaid, Jamaica, 92,252n.46 Ledyard, John, 1,23,26-27,244n.88
King, Martin Luther, Jr., 5,132,257n.42 Lee, Sidney, 57
King, Rodney: beating of (1991), 207 Left 4 Dead (video game), 225
kinship sovereignties, 38,146,264n.77; Left Quarter Collective, 169
aflective exchanges of, 181-83; Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich, 130,132
needed innovation of, 222 Levi-Strauss, Claude, 8,14-15
Kitka, Julie, 262n.33 Lewis and Clark, 23,244n.88
Klamath nation, 227 liberal democracy: xxxvii, 37,212;
Klamath Reservation, 227,228 colonial policy of, 21,58,123,130,
Kohta falaya, xvi 149,194,202; Guantanamo and,
Kool-Aid drinkers, 78,225; etymol 226; zombie imperialism and,
ogy of phrase, 250n.3. See also 228. See also multicultural liberal
Jonestown mass suicide/murder democracy
Korean Americans: cowboy image of, liberal humanism, xxiv-xxv, 40,84
208,209 liberalism: Enlightenment, xx-xxi,
Korean transnational adoptees, 80 xxxv, 20,27,109; race and inclusion
Korean War, 212 in, 52,129,138,170,203
Korematsu decision, 187,194 liberal multicultural settler colonial
Krishna, Sankaran, xxxiv ism, xx, 39,53-54. See also multi-
Krupat, Arnold, 269n.83 culturalism; settler colonialism
Kurosawa, Akira, 212,214 Lili'uokalani, Queen, 152,259,
Kyi, Jon, 156,157 262n.34-36; on American Indians,
Kymlicka, Will, 135 162-63,165; as external colonized
subject, 170; observations of United
Lacan, Jacques, 226 States, 163-65; overthrow in 1893,
Lacanian Real: 2iieks approach to, 161,162; on recognition as sover
29-31 eign, 162
INDEX ' 28S
Limerick, Patricia Nelson, 270n.l4 Mannoni, Octave, 57,58

Lincoln, Abraham, 185,190,191 Maori, 198,222
Lindsey, R. Hokulei, 261-62n.30 Map to the Next World, A (Harjo), 181
Lingle, Linda, 154,172-73,175,176, Marshall, Chief Justice John, xxi-xxiii,
260n.3 136-37,143,161,173,198,229
literary nationalism, U.S., 142-44, Marti, Jose, 58
255n.l4; indigenous literatures and, Marx, Karl, 206
143; OSullivan on, 144. See also Marx, Leo, 57
Caribbean literature Mason, Charles, 1
Littlefield, Daniel, 256n.26 Massumi, Brian, 18
livability, xxxv, 229; bare life, 37,187, Maya, 96,101,103,109
191,193,199,218,225,229; unlivable Mbembe, Achille, 10,228,239n.l3
lived conditions, 35,36,38 McCain, John, 154
Locke, John, 27 McCarthy, Cormac, 225
Lodge, Henry Cabot, 226 McClintock, Anne, xxx, 53,135
Lomawaima, K. Tsianina, 258n.56 McDougall, Brandy Nalani, 22
Loomba, Ania, 41,248-49n.75 McGovney, Dudley O., 167-68
Lopez, Alfred J., 114 Meredith, Paul, 188
Los Angeles: Rodney King riots, 207, Meriam Report (Brookings Institute,
208; multiculturalism in xxxviii; 1928), 159
race relations in, 207-8; as space, Merlin and Parsifal (Harris), 92
205-6; in Yamashitas Tropic o f metonymy, xxiii, 7,30,141,228; Indian,
Orange, 195-97 69-74
Love, Eric, 260n.7 Mexican-American War (1846), 4,147
Lowe, Lisa, xxiv-xxv Middle Passage, 96,99,110
Lowie, Robert, 14 Miles, Tiya, 256n.26
Luna, James, 49-50 military, U.S.: American Indian sol
Lynch, Jessica, 19,243n.72 diers, 19,214,216; on American
Lyons, Scott Richard, 242n.60 Indian trust lands, 174; cultural
diversity of, 243n.72; presence in
Maaga, Mary McCormick, 81 Hawaii, 173,174
MacDonald, Ranald, 190,217-18,220 Military Commissions (1865), 226-27
Maes-Jelinek, Hena, 86,90,99,114; military-industrial complex, U.S., 148,
on Bones descent in Jonestown, 223
108-9 Milk, Harvey, 80
Malcolm X, 132 Miller, Bruce Granville, 161,262n.32
Manifest Destiny, 34,148,163-64, Miller, Christine, 82
173,197,199,206,214,148; coined Miller, Christopher L., 15
by OSullivan, 143,144; as process Miller, Perry, 7,27,132
of racialization, 202-3; Vizenors Mills, Charles W., xxiii
manifest manners, 212-13 Milner, Neal, 260n.l2
2 8 6 ' INDEX
minoritization, process of, 125-26. See Murray, Stuart, 86

also racialization Muscogee Creek, 12,20,118,183,
Mishra, Vijay, 236n.l5 264n.77; Harjos Protocol and his
Mississippian Ceremonial Complex, tory of, 182; response to overthrow
119 of Hawaiian kingdom, 165. See also
Mississippi Delta: African American Creeks
culture as indigenous to, 118-19, museums: authority effects of, 43-44,
122; blues emerging from slavery 46-51; Lunas Artifact Piece, 49-50;
in, 118; Southeastern mounds exca Two Undiscovered Amerindians
vated in, 119-22 Visit... performances in, 43-44,
Mix, Charles E., 178-79 46-49
mnemonics, 229; land as mnemonic Myer, Dillon S., 194
device, 118,254n.3; Spivaks Indian,
70-71; in Vizenors writing, 214 Nairn, Tom, 241n.39
Mobius strip, 171; similarity of Ziiek Nanih Waiya mound, 119
parallax to, 29 National Congress of American Indi
Model Minority Imperialism (Bascara), ans, 173
147 National Historic Preservation Act, 174
Modoc, 227-28 nationalism, xxxiii, 19,37,130-32,177,
Modoc Indian Prisoners, The (1873), 180,204,214,241n.39,242n.60,
opinion, 227 255n.21; literary, 10,40,142-44,188,
Modoc War, 227-28 237n.30,255n.l4; Spivak on, 141-42
Momaday, N. Scott, 215 Native American, 73,171,209. See also
Moore, Rebecca, 78,79-80,250n.4, American Indian(s)
251n.23 Native American Graves Protection
Moreton-Robinson, Aileen, xxx, xxvi, and Repatriation Act, 174
xxxiii, 2,9,134,211,239n.4,252n.54; Native American Housing Assistance
on Cooks state of possession, 22; and Self-Determination Reauthori
on discourses of security, xviii zation Act (2008), 127,256n.28
multiculturalism, xix, xxxviii, 43,54, Native Critics in the World (War
125,43,196-97; American Indians rior), 144
as Native Americans, 209; Har Native Hawaiian Federal Recogni
riss cross-culturalism and, 102-4; tion Joint Hearing before Senate
sovereignty vs., 137-45; U.S. myth Committee on Indian Affairs,
of, 140,141 261n.l9-21,261n.23
multicultural liberal democracy, xxvi- Native Hawaiian Governing Entity
xxvi, 3,9-10,15,32-33,129,189 (NHGE), 155-56,174-76
multicultural settler colonialism, xx, Native Hawaiian Government Re
39,53-54 organization Act (Akaka bill),
multidirectional memory, 53 xxxvii-xxxviii, 149-50,161,260n.ll,
Munoz, Jose Esteban, 47,269n.73 260n.l3-15; departments created
INDEX ' 2 8 7
by, 154-55; and Indian Law, 174; Obama, Barack, 5,78,186,242n.57,

namings of, 158-65,259-60n.3; 243n.71
opposition to, 150,154,173; prob Obama, Michelle, 33,34,37
lems inherent with, 262n.32; Obeyesekere, Gananath, 239n.5
reorganization not recognition, OBrien, Jean M., xxiii, 142,229,
158-65; revisions and designations 236n.l7
of, 259n.3,263n.63; support for, 154, Office of Hawaiian Affairs (OHA), 149,
172-73; versions of, 175-76 154,156,173
Native Hawaiians: Akaka bill and en Ohoyo Osh Chishba (or Ohoyo
rollment, 155; Akaka bill and recog Chishba Osh), 121-22
nition of rights, 154-56; statehood Ojibwa Warrior (Banks), 81
in 1959,161,261-62n.30. See also Okimoto, Ruth, 185,192,194
Kanaka Maoli Orient: foundational role of, in
nativism, 38,136,224-25 Europes self-definition and self
Navajo, 160,187 representation, 63
necro politics, 5,32,228,229,239n.l3 Orientalism, 63,72-73,75,201,206;
Negri, Antonio, 4,197,204,239n.7, Said on, 63,201-2
265n.l2,268n.60 Orientalism (Said), 4,63
New Amerindian Act: What Will It Origin of Work of Art, The
Do for Amerindians?, The (Guyana (Heidegger), 64
Ministry of Amerindian Affairs), OSullivan, John L., 142,143,144
250n.ll, 253n.73 Our Fellow Savages of the Sandwich
New Deal, 190 Isles (Twain), 25-26
New Orleans, xxvii-xxviii Owens, Louis, 13,71
Nez Perce, 82
NHGE. See Native Hawaiian Govern Pacific: Cooks expeditions to, 1-3,
ing Entity 27-28
Nietzsche, Friedrich, 20 Pacific Islands: racialization of Pacific
Nixon, Rob, 40 Islanders, 26-27; tatau, moko, and
nomos (normative universe), 199,210, uhi, 240n.32; transits of Venus,
217,243n.72 27-28; Western fetish of cannibal
normativity, 16,18,31-35,37-38,150, ism, 21-22
204; Baum and U.S. genocidal, 36; Paine, Thomas, 27,198
gender and, 36, 206,268-69n.73; Palace o f the Peacock (Harris), 88,90,
race and, xviii, 10-11,31-32,171, 253n.68
209 Palumbo-Liu, David, 208-9
Notes on the State o f Virginia (Jeffer parallax, 45,59, cacophony as, 54,
son), 200 70-71,75-76,197,132,269n.73; de
fined, 29; planetary, xxxv, 28-32,73;
Oahu: Schofield barracks on, 223. See Ziiek on, 29,54. See also distortive
also Hawai'i parallactic effects
2 8 8 ' INDEX
parallax gap, xxxv, 40,102,152,171,189, transit of empire and, 28-32. See

205,222; Indianness and, 30-32; also transit of Venus
the Real and, 30,76,79, 111; third Pleasures of Exile, The (Lamming), 60
space of sovereignty and, 189; Ziiek Plenty Horses, 164
on, 29-31,79,245n.l01 Pocahontas, 139-40
Parallax View, The (2iiek), 29-30 politics of distraction, 150,180
Parker Ranch, 166 polyphony: Bakhtins theories of,
parody: Bakhtin on, 46-47; in 46-47
Lunas Artifact Piece as, 50; in postcolonial studies/theory, xii-xiii,
Two Undiscovered Amerindians xviii, xxx-xxxv, 3-4,12,64,75-76;
Visit. . . . 42-49 Bruyneels third space of sov
Parry, Benita, xxx ereignty, 136,187,188-89,194;
participatory democracy, xii, xx, xxvi, indigenous critical theory and, xx,
3,118-19,122 xxx-xxxv, 188; indigenous Pacific
Paterroller Song, The, 120-21 in, xxxii-xxxiii; indigenous peoples
Patton, Charley, 145-46,259n.74 within, xxxiv-xxxv; palimpsests
Pawnee Indians, 178,180,181 within, 71; The Tempest and, xxxvi,
Peabody, Charles, 119-22 58-61,63; United States in, 4-5,7,
Pearl Harbor, 223 135-36. See also hybridity
Pease, Donald E., 229 postmodernism: Appiah on, 206;
Peoples Temple, 77; Awakaipu and, 113; master narratives in, 214; Sojas
black religion in America and, 80; postmodern Los Angeles, 205-6; as
political activism in San Francisco, space clearing, 206
80,81; transnational adoption with Poston Relocation Center, xxxviii, 204,
in, 250n.8. See also Jonestown mass 208. See also Japanese American
suicide/murder internment
Peoples Temple Agricultural Project in postracial United States, 52,189,203,
Jonestown, Guyana, 77 208-10
Pepper, Jim, 118 poststructuralism: Indian as Deleuzian
Perry, Benita, 237n.36 event within, 19-20; Indian errant
Perry, Commodore, 217 in, xxxv; traces of Indianness left
Philippines, 4 ,25,148,168 by, xvii-xviii
Pickens, Edmund, 178 Povinelli, Elizabeth A., 10,211,235n.3,
Piestewa, Lori, 19,243n.72 240n.34
Pitchlynn, Peter Perkins, 178,179-81 Powhatan, 140
Place the Musician Became a Bear, Pratt, Mary Louise, 28,235n.3,236n.8
The (Harjo), 20,118 Precarious Life (Butler), 37
place-world, 117,118,254n.3 Prendergast, Ellen Wright, 147
planetarity, xx-xxi, 41,236n.8 Pride and Prejudice and Zombies
planetary parallax, xxxv, 40,73,79,171; (Grahame-Smith), 225
INDEX ' 2 8 9
Prospero and Caliban (Mannoni), 58 for, 159,261n.24; competition of,

Protocol (Harjo), 181-83 180; Hegelian dialectics of, 181; im
Puar, Jasbir K., xxi, 6,18-19,243n.71 perialist discourses of, 262n.32. See
Puerto Rico, 168 also Native Hawaiian Reorganiza
Pulitano, Elvira, 188 tion Act
Red Earth, White Lies (Deloria), 247n.30
quantum mechanics: Harriss evoca Red on Red (Womack), 143
tion of, 91 Reeves, Anna, 157-58,165
queer studies, xvii, xxiii, xxv-xxvi, 11, Reiterman, Tim, 81,250n.l3
36-38; native studies and, 268n.73; Relocation Camps: seen as colonies,
subjectless critique of, 269n.73 186,187. See also Japanese Ameri
can internment
race: Hawai'i and anti-affirmative ac removal, xi, 14,32,37,126,128,131,136,
tion cases, 153-54; in Los Angeles, 143,146,180,182,187,189,197-98,
207-8; Queen Lili'uokalanis on, 223,227; U.S. literary nationalism
163,165; Saldanhas proliferation and, 144
of, 18. See also African Ameri reorganization: as federal policy, his
cans; American Indian(s); Asian tory of, 159-65; meaning to Ameri
Americans; Cherokee Freedmen; can Indians, xxxvii-xxxviii. See
racialization also Native Hawaiian Government
Race and Manifest Destiny (Horsman), Reogranization Act (Akaka bill);
202 recognition
racialization, xxv-xxvi, 19,27,31,39, Resurrection at Sorrow Hill (Harris), 111
58; colonization and, xxiii-xxiv, Retamar, Roberto Fernandez, 57,58,
xxvi, 52-54,59-60,69,164,170,221; 247-48n.45; Spivaks critique of,
of indigenous peoples, xxiii-xxiv, 63-64,65
172,202-3; rhizomatic American West, 11,13,14
racism: anti-black, 134-35,138,207; Rhys, Jean, 87,88
antiracism struggles in Canada, Rice, Harold F 153-54
267n.54; Cherokee Nation of Okla Rice v. Cayetano, 149,153-54,260n.l0
homa and, 127-29,134-35; confla Ridge, John Rollin, 178
tion of colonization and, xxiii-xxiv, Rifkin, Mark, 199,255n.22
74,75-76,134-35; languages of, Robertson, A. G. M., 166-70
73,267n.39; scientific, 43,267n.43; Rodo, Jose Enrique, 57-58,248n.48
yellow peril, 52,189,206,214 Rody, Caroline, 197,
Ranciere, Jacques, 40,2451 Romero, George A., 225,228
Rashomon (film), 212,214 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 151,159,192;
realism, 86-90 Executive Order 9066,190-91,193
recognition: of American Indian, Roosevelt, Theodore, 5
166-70,237n.33; BIAs 1978 criteria Roraima, Mount, 104-5,107-8,253n.68
2 9 0 ' INDEX
Rothberg, Michael, 53 fairs, 154,162,261n.l9-21,261n.23;

Roughing It (Twain), 21-23,24 Lingles testimony before, 172-73
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 27 Seneca, 160
Run Children Run or Run Johnny settler colonialism, xix, xxvi, 27,74,
Run (song), 121 111, 113,117-18,226-27,236n.l5;
Ryan, Leo, 77 Asian, 201; Caliban and, 66-67;
Ryman, Geoft, 35-36,38 coerced complicity of, xvii, xxiii,
71,187; competing claims to indi
Sahlins, Marshall, 239n.5 geneity, 122,150; distortive paral
Said, Edward, 4,63,237n.25,248n.64, lactic effects of, 171-72; indigeneity
252n.51; contrapuntal reading de as inclusive remediation of, 54,
fined by, 93; on Orientalism, 201-2 59; maps of, 13; multicultural, xx,
Salaita, Steven, xvi, 122,235n.l 39,53-54; normativities of, 20;
Salazar, Ken, 146 property ownership within logics
Saldana-Portillo, Maria Josefina, of, 2; racializations of, xxiii-xxiv,
257n. 42 54,75-76,170; settler subject in,
Saldanha, Arun, 18 238n.42
salt water thesis, 135,148,257n.48 7th Cavalry, 123,255n.l9
Sanders, William, 41-42 Shaffer, Barbara, 81
San Juan, E., Jr., xxx, 237n.36 Shakespeare, Race, and Colonialism
Sasaki, Sadako, 213 (Loomba), 248-49n.75
savagery: savage other, 27;tattooed Shakespeare, William, xxxvi, 39,56,
savages, 7,8-10,13,17,21; Vizenors 201,206,247n.39; in Sanders
savagism as presence, 180-81 The Undiscovered, 41-42; as
Schmitt, Carl, 191 U.S. founding father, 57. See also
Schofield, John M., 223-24,228 Tempest, The
Scholnick, Robert J., 143 Shapiro, Michael J., 13,241n.44
Schomburgk, Robert, 253n.68 Sharing a Desert Home (Okimoto), 185
Sebastian, Santiago, 249n.84 Sharma, Nandita, 204,267n.53-54
self: Hegelian dialectic of self/other, Sharpe, Jenny, 135-36
141-42; in-otherness, 65,98-100, Shinnecock Indian Nation, 237n.33
106-8,109,211; recognition of, 99 Shohat, Ella, xxx, 237n.36
self-determination, xxiv, 74,127,135, Shriver, Maria, 242n.57
137,144,152-54,160-61,173-74,180, Silko, Leslie Marmon, 268n.60
193,257n.48; as contagion, 156. See Silva, Noenoe K, 3,239n.6,259,
also sovereignty 262n.36
self-governance: Colliers project of, Simpson, Audra, xx
160,191,205; reorganization and, slavery: blues and, 118; Cherokee Na
160-61 tion and, 126,128,138; as coeval
Seminole, 12,128,138,144 contradiction for freedom, xxv;
Senate Committee on Indian Af Dred Scott decision and, 168-69,
INDEX ' 291
170; hooks on, 133-34; Kaplan on, 220,222; kinship, 38,146,181-83,

12,23-24. See also Black Atlantic; 222,264n.77; multiculturalism vs.,
Cherokee Freedmen; Tempest, The 137-45; as ontological possession,
Slotkin, Richard, 27,255n.l9 22; pathological relationship to
slow death: Berlant on, 35,37 indigenous, xviii; third space of,
Smith, Andrea, 268n.73 136,187,188-89,194; United States,
Smith, Bessie, 117 social contract model of, 211; U.N.s
Smith, Chad, 146 Salt Water Thesis and, 135,148,
Smith, Linda Tuhiwai, 143-44,238n.50 257n.48
Smith, Paul Chaat, 62-63,74,248n.63 Spanish-American War (1898), 4,223
Smith, Sydney, 142,258n.64 Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty, xix,
Snapping Turtle-Choctaw, The (Gat xxxi, xxxvi, xxxix, 8,13,14,235n.6,
lin painting), 180 237n.37; on aboriginal issues, xxxiii,
Soja, Edward W., 205-6 70; on colonialism as process of
Some Aspects of the Southern Ques worlding, 64,124; on colonial
tion (Gramsci), 125,130 misnaming of American Indian,
Southeastern Freedmen, 129; dis 70-71,73; critique of Retamar,
enfranchisement by Five Civilized 63-64,65; on Deleuze and Fou
Tribes, 126,129. See also Cherokee cault, 14; on Derrida, 65; on internal
Freedmen colonization, 130; warning about
Southeastern Indian cosmologies: of nationalism, 141-42
balance between worlds, xxvii, 20; stare decisis, 194, 266n.26
haksuba in, xxvii-xxviii, 20,40,66; state of exception, 187-88,199,206;
significance of mounds in, 119 Agambens theorization of, 187,190,
Southeastern Indians: problem of 191,206; executive power in declar
slavery and Freedmen status, xxx ing, 227; Japanese American intern
vii; and Queen Emma of Hawai'i ment as, 191-92; space-clearing
(1866), 178-83; stomp dance songs, of, 209; third space of sovereignty
120,145,182; tattooing traditions, and, 194
240n.32. See also Chickasaw; Choc State o f Exception (Agamben), 190
taw; Creeks; removal; Seminole states of enchantment, 21-28; Cooks
Southeastern mounds: excavation of, expedition as symptom of, 22;
119-22 Twain and, 22-23
sovereignty: as act of interpretation, Stephanides, Stephanos, 99
xvi, 222; Agambens theorization Stevens, Scott Manning, 51,247n.28
of, 190-91; Cherokee Nation v. Stoler.Ann Laura, 137-38,258n.57
Georgia and, xxii-xxiii; Chickasaw, Sturm, Circe, 256n.26
xvi; deterritorialized, 3,239n.7; subjectless critique, 209,210,
Hawaiian kingdom, 161-62,260n.4; 268-69n.73
Indian Reorganization Act and, Sullivan, Robert, 222,270n.l
161; intersubstantiations of, 211, Sun Chief (Talayesva), 15
2 9 2 ' INDEX
survivance: moral, 212,213-14; simula Thoreau, Henry David, 143

tions counter to, 81; Vizenor on, xvi, Thousand Plateaus, A (Deleuze and
216-20 Guattari), 11,13-21,23; Indian
without ancestry within, 11,14,16,
Takaki, Ronald, 56,68,201,247n.41, 20,92,204,229
247-48n.45 Tiffin, Chris, 238n.42
Talayesva, Don, 14-15 Tiffin, Helen, 247n.42
Taney, Roger B., 168-69 Tocqueville, Alexis de, xi, 4,32,34,37
tattooed savages, 8-10,13,17,21; func torture memos, 226-27
tion of, 9-10; signification of, 7,8-9 totalitarianism, 205
tattooing traditions, xxviii, 218-19, tourist industry in Hawai'i, 172-73
240n.32 Toward a Native American Critical
Taylor, Diana, 45,46,47-48 Theory (Pulitano), 188
Teaiwa, Teresia, xxxii-xxxiii, Tradition and the West Indian Novel
238n.40-41 (Harris), 89
Tempest, A (Cesaire),58 transit: of Indianness, 36-37,122,188;
Tempest, The (Shakespeare), xxxvi, meaning of being in, xv, xvi-xvii;
39-76,201,247-48n.45; Caliban use of term, xx-xxiii
deferred, 61-69; and colonialism, transit of empire, xix-xxvi; Caliban as
56-61; Fusco and Gomez-Penas discursive monster setting in mo
performance and, 56; interpreta tion, at site of Indianness, 67-68;
tions of Caliban, 57-61; Miranda, delineations of the commons with
45-46; placement in the Americas, in altermodernity spreading along,
57,247-48n.45; Prospero in, 60, 205; distortive parallactic effects
61,67,69-70; shift from Ariel to existing in Indian as structuring
Caliban, 58-60; sixth acts, 40-46; event, 70-74; Harjos Protocol and
Sycorax in, 59; Trinculos encounter redrawing of, 183; mapping, be
with Caliban, 41,55,62,67-68 tween ongoing settler colonialism
terminal creeds, 81-82,251n.20 and twenty-first century states of
Termination Act (1954), 159 exception, 226-27; methodological
terra nullius, xxi, 17,22,200; colonial frame of, 78; as notion of becoming
construct of, 64; Mississippi Delta savage, 10; paradigmatic Indian
as, 122; Queen Lili'uokalani s obser ness facilitating U.S. imperialism,
vations of continent as, 163-64 xxi-xxiii, xxxv, 62,112,148,169,171,
Terrorist Assemblages (Puar), xxi, 18 177; planetary parallax and, 28-32;
third space of sovereignty, 136,187, solidus in Asian/American as prod
188-89,194 uct of, 209-10
Third Space o f Sovereignty, The (Bruy- transit of Venus, xxxv; black-drop
neel), 188 effect, 28-29; Cooks expedition
Thobani, Sunera, 22 to observe, 1-2,27-28; distortive
Thomas, David Hurst, 267n.43 parallactic effect, 28-29,30-31;
Thomas, Nicholas, 1,2,22 eighteenth-century transit pair, 1;
INDEX ' 2 93
imperial planetarity sparked by, the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

xx -xxi (2007), xxix; definitions of colonial
Trask, Haunani Kay, 261-62n.30 ism, 135; removal of Hawai'i from its
treaties: ceding title to land through, list of non-self-governing territories,
198; as site for postcolonial analysis, 161; Working Group on Indigenous
188; treaty rights, 160,161; between Peoples, xxix; Year of Indigenous
United States and Indians deemed Peoples (1992) declared by, 74
aliens, 166-67 United States: anti-Asian immigration
Treaty of 1866 with Cherokee Nation, laws, 51,216; as asylum to diasporas,
126,127,138,139; Five Tribes Act of xix, 203-4; Jonestown as aberrant
1906 and, 146; reaffirmed in 2011, to, 79; mapping territory and space,
146 xxx, 11-13; military-industrial com
Tropic of Orange (Yamashita), xxxviii, plex, 148,223; schizophrenic, 206-7
195-98,205 U.S. Constitution: Commerce Clause,
Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt, xxxiii xxi-xxiii, 149,156; Fifteenth
Turner, Dale, xxviii, 237n.30 Amendment, 154; Fourteenth
Turner, Frederick Jackson, 5,13 Amendment, 168; Indians not
Twain, Mark, 21,39,244n.80,244n.89, Taxed clause of, 156
244n.94; American exceptionalism U.S. empire: Deleuze and Guattari on,
and, 23; attitudes toward African 11,13,241n.39; Indianness within
Americans, 24,25; attitudes toward narratives of, xxi-xxiii, xxxv, 9-11,
Indians and savages, 24-26; on 14,21,17,27; Kaplan on, 5,11-12;
Goshute Shoshones, 24-25 temporality of, 4-6,147; as war
Two Underdiscovered Amerindians machine, xviii. See also American
Visit... (Fusco and Gomez-Pena exceptionalism; Manifest Destiny
performance), xxxvi, 42-49,70,
74-76,246n.23; audience reaction Vaughan, Alden T., 247n.43
to, 43-44,46-49,50; conflation Vaughan, Virginia Mason, 247n.43
of indigeneity and race, 74,75-76; Venus, transit of. See transit of Venus
deferral of native history by, 74; Vizenor, Gerald, xvi, xxxv, 8,9,73,
distortive parallactic effects, 44-45; 180,229,235n.2,249n.85,251n.20,
dysphasia of encounter in, 51; Fusco 269n.79,270n.89; challenge to traps
on impact of, 74-75; intended goal of bankable Indianness, 212,215;
of, 44,45,47; racial tropes of other Hiroshima Bugi, xxxviii, 189-90,
ness in, 52; tensions between real 211-20; narrative style of, 211-12;
and inauthentic in, 75 terminal creeds, 81,251n.20; trans
motion, xvi
Undiscovered, The (Sanders), 41-42 void, in Harris, 108-15
UN. General Assembly Resolution
1514, Salt Water Thesis in, 135,148, Wade, Alfred, 178
257n.48 Walcott, Derek, 91
United Nations, 161; Declaration on Wald, Priscilla, 255n.l9
2 9 4 ' INDEX
Wallace, Molly, 197 Winthrop, John, 1

Warde, Mary lane, 165 Wizard o f Oz, The (Baum), 35
war on terror, xviii, 5-6; Bushs post- Wolfe, Patrick, 125,226,255n.23,
9/11 justification for, 186; expan 270n.l0
sion of U.S. imperialism in form Wolfe, Tom, 250n.3
of global, 224; zombies coinciding Womack, Craig S., xxx, 143,188,
with, 225-28 258n.71
War Relocation Authority, xxxviii, 185, Woods, Clyde, 118,122,254n.8
194 Worcester v. Georgia, 143
Warrior, Robert, xxviii, xxx, 128,144, World Columbian Fair (Chicago), 43,
146,237n.30,237n.35,242n.60, 241n.43
256n.25 worlding: imperial, of Amerindians,
Was (Ryman), 35-37,38 109; multiple simultaneous world-
Wasson, Harry, 158 ings, 66; of the native, 64; of a
Watson, Diane, 127-28,138-40,144, world, colonialism, 64-65,66,84,
256n.31,257n.34,258n.59 124
Watt, Melvin, 127 World War I: powers appropriated to
Weaver, Jace, xxx, xxxiii, 188,238n.45 presidency during, 190
Welch, James, 255n.l9 World War II relocation and intern
Wendt, Albert, 240n.32 ment camps. See Japanese Ameri
West Point, 223-24 can internment
What Is Queer about Queer Stud Wounded Knee Massacre (1890), 123,
ies Now? (Eng, Halberstam, and 164; Baums editorials on, 36
Munoz), 269n.73 Wounded Knee uprising (1973), 81
Whedon, Joss, xiii Wright, Cynthia, 204,267n.53-54
Wheeler, Burton K, 159 Writing and Difference (Derrida), 7,8
Wheeler, Winona, 118
Wheeler-Howard Act. See Indian Re Yamashita, Karen Tei, xxxviii, 195-97,
organization Act 205,206,229,266n.30
White Earth Reservation, 215,217 Year of Indigenous Peoples (1993), 74
whiteness, xxiv, 6,10-11,21,26-27,157, yellow peril, 52,189,206,214; Ameri
208; Dred Scott decision and, 169; can Indians and, 201
as possession, xxxii, 22-23; studies, Yellow Power consciousness, 80
xxx, 202; zombies and, 228,229 Yoo, John C., 226-27
Whitman, Walt, 143,258n.68 Young, Robert J. C., 223,270n.2
Whittaker, Johnson Chestnut, 223-24 Young America movement, 143
Wide Sargasso Sea (Rhys), 87,88 Yucca Flat, Nevada: in Vizenor, 214,216
Wilkins, David E., 258n.56,261n.24
Williams, Robert A., Jr., xiii, 188,194, 2iiek, Slavoj, xxxv, 29-31,54,79,
266n.37,267n.39 225-26,24 On. 28,243n.70,245n.l01,
Wilson, Angela Cavender, 254n.3 245n.l06
Wilson, Woodrow, 190,191,265n.l8 zombie imperialism, 225-28
JODI A. BYRD (Chickasaw) is assistant professor of American Indian
studies and English at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
Introduction
Indigenous Critical Theory and the

Diminishing Returns of Civilization
Sin'/? ;s pur view of tSiose who n- describe as stiwi*s or haif-savages;

and their mental life must have a petutiar interest far us if we are right
j"ji seeing in it <i well-preserved piei itre of an early stage of ou r o ii-,.-r
development,
Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo
What does it mean to be on transit? Mass transit, certificates ot transit, and

transits of planets across the sun denote movement, security, and ratio
nal explanation. Transit evokes the cacophony of traffic jams and exhaust
fumes of the everyday workday, or the elegance and easy silence ot the
morning star rising and tailing on the horizon in cycles that help navigators
move among islands and allow growers to determine seasons for planting
and harvesting. As a word, transit implies fluidity, noise, and instability.
In a world of increasing global capital and environmental change, transit
can also contradictorily mean responsibility,green liberalism, or the influx
of the global South into the global North as certain geographies bear the
catastrophes of nations addicted to oil. Transit also connotes death and the
impossibilities of grief in first world surveillances that police bodies, urns,
and caskets during their final return to family and earth. A certificate of
transit provides the authority to transport hazardous materials across state
lines; the transit authority is the first line ot defense in the war on terror.
What it means to he in transit, then, is to be m motion, to exist liminally
in the uugrievable spaces ot suspicion and unintelligibility. To be in transit
is to be made to move.
Ihe Transit of Empire begins with a network of conllic ting definitions to
reflect upon the cultural and political modes of'Indianness11regulated and
produced by U.S. settler imperialism nee colonialism. Primarily, this book is
essayistic, provisional, and some of its readings and conclusions often defy
the expected affective common sense of liberal multiculturalism invested
in acknowledgements, recognitions, equality, and equivalences. Transit
XU

i n IH1R0CUC1IOH
is slightly provocative, an incomplete point of entry, and its provenance

n ig h t be more suited to diaspora studies and horder-crossings than to a
notion such as indigeneity that is often taken as rooted and static, Located
]ji a discrete place1. Steven Salaitas 'ihe Holy Lund in Transit denotes Iransit
alternately as the function of an alliance between United States and Israeli
settler colonialisms that map old world sacred names onto new world sa
cred sites, a comparative approach to American Indian and Palestinian lit
eratures, and finally a gesture towards the ways in which peoples have been
forced to move and relocate.1 Gerald Viienors work offers another way to
frame modes of indigeneity in his concept of transmotion that he de lines
as a sense ol native motion and an active presence .that] is iigeneris sov
ereignty. Native transmotion is survivance, a reciprocal use of nature, not
a monotheistic, territorial sovereignty. Native stories of survivance are the
creases of transmotion and sovereignty^ Those creases, according to Vize
nor, are apprehended in the complementarities of stories, associations, inti
macies, and reincarnations that resist absence and possession.1
'Ihe Chickasaws have a migration story that we tell. In search of a new
homeland, twin brothers, Chikasah and Chatah, were charged with lead
ing the people as they traveled across the land, Ababinili had given them
a sacred pole, the kohtafalay<i, that would point the way. After each day of
travel, Chikasah would plant the lonij pole in the earth, and each morning
the brothers would rise to find the pole leaning eastward in the directlonthey
needed to travel, [.ed by a white dog and the Milky Way, the brothers and the
people traveled for years, always following the direction of the pole. Until
one morning. At sunrise, the bothers awoke to find the pole standing almost
straight upright, Chatah insisted that the pole confirmed that their travels
were done,but Chikasah disagreed and argued that the pole still leaned,that
there was still further to go, After continued debate, the question was put to
the peoplethose who agreed with Chatah would stay and make a life there
as Choctaws, in the lands that would become central Mississippi, and those
who sided with Chikasah would travel further east to finally live in what is
now northern Mississippi. Chickasaw sovereignty is, according to our na
tional motto, unconquered and unconquerable. It is contrary and stubborn.
But the creases ol Chickasaw movement demonstrate how sovereignty is
found in diplomacy and disagreement, through relation, kinship, and inti
macy. And in ail act ot interpretation.
To he in transit is to be active presence in a world ol relational move-

I h lR C O U d l O H * w ii
meiits- and countermovements. To be in transit is to exist relationally,

multiply.
There is more than one way to frame the? concerns of The Transit of
Empire and more than oiie way to enter into the po&^LbLLitiet that transit
might allow for comparative studies. On the one hand, I am seeking to join
ongoing conversations about sovereignty, power, and indigeneityLind the
epistemological debates that each of these terms engenderwithin and
across disparate and at times incommensurable disciplines and geogra
phies. American studies, queer studies, postcolonial studies, American In
dian studies, and area studies have all attempted to apprehend injury and
redress, melancholy and grief that exist in the distances and sutures ot state
recognitions and belongings, 'those distances and sutures of recognitions
and belongings, melancholy and griet, take this book from the worlds of
Southeastern Indians to Hawaii, from the Poston War Relocation Center
to Jonestown, Guyana, in order to consider how ideas of Indianness1' have
created conditions of possibility for U. S. empire to manitest its intent. As
liberal multicultural settler colonialism attempts to flex the exceptions and
exclusions that first constituted the United States to now provisionally in
clude those people othered and abjected from the nation-states origins, it
instead creates a cacophony ot moral claims that help to deflect progres
sive and transformative activism from dismantling the ongoing conditions
of colonialism thal continue to make the United States a desired state for
mation within which to he included, ihat cacophony of competing strug
gles for hegemony within and outside institutions of power,no matter how
those struggles might challenge the state through loci of race, class,gender,
and sexuality, serves to misdirect and cloud attention from the underlying
structures ot settler colonialism that made the United States possible as
oppressor in the first place. As a result, the cacophony produced through
U.S. colonialism and imperialism domestically and abroad often coerces
struggles for social justice for queers, racial minorities, and immigrants
into complicity with settler colonialism,
'Ihis book, on the other hand, is also interested in the quandaries post
structuralism has left us: the traces, of indigenous savagery and Indian
ness" that stand a priori prior to theorizations of origin, history, freedom,
constraint, and difference.* 'ihese traces of Indianness" are vitally impor
tant to understanding how power and domination have been articulated
and practiced by empire, and yet because they are traces, they have often

i( ili IM R C 'E L O O h
remained deactivated as a point of critics.! Inquiry as theory has transit

ed across disciplines and schools. Indianness can be felt and Intuited as
a presence, and yet apprehending it as a process is difficult, il not impos
sible, precisely because Indianness has served as the field through which
structures have always already been produced. Within the matrix ot criti
cal theory, Indianness moves not through absence but through reitera
tion, through nieme, as theories circulate and fracture, quote and build.
'Ihe prior ontological concerns that Interpellate Indianness and savagery
as ethnographic evidence and example, lamentable and tragic loss, are de
ferred through repetitions. How we have come to know intimacy, kinship,
and identity within an empire born out of settle]'colonialism is predicated
upon discourses ot indigenous displacements that remain within the pres
ent everydayness of settler colonialism, even if its constellations have been
naturalized by hegemony and even as its oppressive logics are expanded to
contain more and more historical experiences. 1 hope to show through the
juridical, cultural, and literary readings within this book that indigenous
critical theory provides alternatives to the entanglements of race and colo
nialism, Intimacy and relationship that continue to preoccupy poststruc
turalist and postcolonial studies.
'Ihe stakes could not be greater, given that currendy U.^. empire has
manifested its face to the world as a war machine that strips life even as
it demands racialized and gendered norinativitie.i. The post-y/ll national
rhetorics of grief, homeland, pain, terrorism, and security have given rise
to what Judith Butler describes as a process through which the Other be
comes unreal. "'Ihe de realization of the'Other"1Butler writes, means that it
is neither alive nor dead, but interminably spectral, 'Ihe infinite paranoia that
imagines the war against terrorism as a war without end will be one that jus
tifies itseli endlessly in relation to the spectral infinity of its enemy, regardless
of whether or not there are established grounds to suspect the continuing
operation of terror cells with violent aims.1' But this process of denealizatlon
that Ikitler marks in the post-9'll grief that swept the United States, one
could argue, has been functioning in Atlantic and Pacific New Worlds since
14^2. As Geonpul scholar Aileen Moreton-Robinson argues, discourses of
security are deployed in response to a perceived threat of invasion and dis
possession from Indigenous people" and in the process,paranoid patriarchal
white sovereignty manages its anxiety over dispossession and threat through
aH1pathological relationship to indigenous sovereignty.'5 In the United States,
the Indian is the original enemy combatant who cannot be grieved.

HN W DU tND N n ix
Within dominant discourses of postracial identity that depend oil

the de realization of the Other* desires for amnesty and security troni
the contradictory and violent occupations ot colonialist wars exist in a
world where, as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak points out, ''metropolitan
multiculturalismthe latter phase ot dominant postcoJomalismpre
comprehends U.S. manifest destiny as transformed asylum for the rest of
the world"* As a result, the Indian is left nowhere and everywhere ivithin
the ontological premises through which If.S. empire orients,imagines, and
critiques iti-ell. The Transit oj Empire, then* might best be understood as a
series ot preliminary reflections on how ideas of Indians and Indianness
have served as the ontological ground through which U.S. settler colonial
ism enacts itself as settler imperialism at this crucial moment in history
when everything appears to be headed towards collapse.
Transiting Empire
As metropolitan multiculturalism and dominant posfmloaialism promise

the United States as postracial asylum for the world, the diminishing returns
oi that asylum meet exactly at the point where diaspora collides with settler
colonialism. O f particular concern is how to theorize the degrees to which
indigenous peoples, settlers- and anivantsa term I borrow from African
Caribbean poet Kamau Brathwaite to signity those people forced into the
Americas through the violence ot European and Anglo-American colonial
ism and imperialism around the globehave functioned within and have
resisted the historical project of the colonization of the "New World.' As the
administrative colonialisms oi European empires dismantled after World
War II, the deep settler and arrivant colonialisms continued unabated within
the post- and neocolonial geographies of the global South that are now re
configured to bear the brunt ol the economic, environmental, and militaris
tic needs ot the global North. The emphasis in international law on nation
state formations predicates that indigenous peoples remain still colonized
liminally within and beside the established geopolitical and blopolitical bor
ders and institutions of (post)colonial governance as stateless entities. As a
result, the breakaway settler colonialisms that produced the global North,
particularly the United States, have created internally contradictory quag
mires where human rights, equal rights, and recognitions are predicated on
the very systems that propagate and maintain the dispossession of indige
nous peoples for the common good of the world.

M in n e a p o lis , M N , U S A : U n iv e rs ity o f M in n e s o ta Press, 2 0 1 1 . p 2 0 .
a IH IH O D U lIID M
Although critical theory hat locused much attention oil the role of
frontiers and Manifest Destiny in the creation and rise of U.S. empire,
American Indians and other indigenous peoples haw often been evoked
in such theorizations as past tense presences. Indians are typically spectral*
implied and felt, but remain as lamentable casualties of national progress
who haunt the United States on the cusp of empire and are destined to
disappear with the frontier itself. Or American Indians are rendered as
melancholic citizens dissatisfied with the conditions of inclusion. All too
rarely outside American Indian and indigenous studies are American In
dians theorized as the field through which U.S. empire became possible
at all. Nor is the current multicultural settler colonialism that provides
the foundation for U.S. participatory democracy understood as precisely
that the colonization of indigenous peoples and lands by force. As Kahn
awake Mohawk scholar Audra Simpson has argued,the very notion of
indigenous nationhood ivhich demarcates identity and seizes tradition in
ways that may be antagonistic to the encompassing frame of the state, may
be simply unintelligible to the western and/or imperial ear.''
From the Pacific with the illegal overthrow ot the kingdom of Hawaf i
to the Caribbean with Guantanamo Bay as a torture center lor 'enemy
combatants" 1 argue throughout this book that U.S. cultural and political
preoccupations m th indigeneity and the reproduction of Indianness serve
to facilitate,, justify, and maintain Anglo-American hegemonic mastery
over the significations ol justice,democracy, law, and terror, 'through nine
teenth- and early twentieth-century logics of territorial rights and con
quest that haw now morphed into late twentieth- and early twenty-first
century logics of civil rights and late capitalism, the United States has used
executive, legislative, and juridical means to make 'Indian11 those peoples
and nations who stand in the way of U.S. military and economic desires.
Activating the Indian as a foundational concept within poststructural
ist, postcolonial, and critical race theories leads to one ot the overarching
questions of this book: How might the terms of current academic and po
litical debates change it the responsibilities of that very real Lived condition
of colonialism were prioritized as a condition ol possibility?
My use of transit leteri to a rare astronomical event, the paired transits
of Venus across the sun, that served in 1761 and again in 176SI as global m o
ments that moved European conquest toward notions ot imperialist plan-
etarity that provided the basis for Enlightenment liberalism.4 'the impe
rial planetarity that sparked scientific rationalism and inspired humanist

h ttp ://s te .e b ra r y .c o m /lib /w e s tg a /D o c ? id = 1 0 5 0 2 0 5 6 & p p g = 2 1
HN W DU tND N n l
articulations ot Freedom,sovereigDty,and equality touched tour continents

and a êa of islands in order to cohere Itself, At ]ts center were discourses of
savagery, Indianness, discovery, and mapping that served to survey a world
into European possession by transforming indigenous peoples into the
homo nullius inhabitanls of lands emptied and awaiting arrival. As I use
the term here, transit as a concept suggests the multiple subjectivities and
subjugations put into motion and made to move through notions of injury,
grievance, and grievability as the United States deploys a paradigmatic En
dianness to facilitate iti imperial desires. This paradigm o f Indianness that
functions as the transit of U.S. empire arises trom how the United States
was constituted from the start,not iust in the scientific racisms and territo
rial mappings inaugurated through Enlightenment voyages lor knowledge,
but in the very constitutionality that produced the nation.
When read from this perspective, briet textual moments within U.S.
founding documents reveal the historical intent of a fledgling nation
that pursued happiness through the acquisition of indigenous lands. Of
the many grievances enumerated in the Declaration of Independence,
one stands out a^ particularly revealing: ":He . .. has endeavored to bring
on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose
known rule ofwartare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes,
and conditions."5 'ihe noil-discriminating, proto-inclusive merciless In
dian Savage1' stands as the terrorist, externalized trom "our frontiers11 and
functions as abjected horror through whom civilization i^ articulated op
positionally, 'Ihis non-recuperative category, a derealization ot the Other,
server a ia paranoid foundation for what Jasbir K. Puar defines in Terrorist
Aitemblagcs as Islamic monster-terrorist-fags,1' the affectively produced
and queered West Asian (including South Asian, Arab American,and Mus
lim) body that is targeted for surveillance and destruction by U.S. patriotic
pathology."1
Just as the Declaration ol Independence evokes "merciless Indian sav
ages upon whom the violences of invasion are abiected in the pursuit of
lands, the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section
3, clause 3) invokes Indianness to operational ends in order to evacuate
sovereignty and international recognition trom any nation or peoples the
United States may one day ieek to invade. 'Ihe clause states that Congress
shall have the right "to regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and
among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes. Supreme Court Jus
tice John Marshall used this clause in Cherokee .Virtrofj v. Georgia (IH5I)

n i l NIHUL'LKIIDN
to declare that, since Indian tribes were "contradistinguished from both

'foreign nations and llthe several states1' within the danse* Indian tribes
must instead be understood as 'domestic dependent nations'1 whose re
lationship to the United States was that of wards "In a state of pupilage''31
Essentially, Marshall concluded that because the Constitution delineated
"Indian tribes"1 as a category at all, they inhabited a different space than
toreign nations'1external to the United States and ,Lthe several states1' in
ternal to and subject to U.S. federalism. Marshalls conclusion that such
definitional distinctions meant that American Indian nations* despite the
concrete evidence that they had entered into treaties with European na
tions as well as the United States as sovereigns within international law,
were somehow dependent on the United States for aboriginal title reveals
the larger colonialist agendato liberate Indians ol their lives and Lands.
According to Lenape scholar Toanne Barker, the entire self-ful til ling
narrative of legal, moral* and social superiority offered in such claims to
doctrine as Marshalls discovery reinvented a sovereignty tor indigenous
peoples that was void ot any of the associated rights to self-government*
territorial integrity, and cultural autonomy that would have been affili
ated with it in international law at the time,111,1 Marshall's juridical focus
on "foreign nation," several states,1 and Indian tribes11 as the categories
for state formations internal and external to U.S. sovereignty elides the
contradistinctions of wftfi and among that delineate relationality within
the commerce clause. Precisely because the clause delineates Congress's
regulatory power as with foreign nations" and with Indian tribes'1as re
lational legal powers different than those among the several states11 that
give Congress tederal power over the states ot the union* its conjunctive
and prepositional logics of conquest over Indian tribes provide the United
States the means to assert extraterritorial sovereignty over foreign nations
as the need arises, 'Ihe Commerce Clause, now interpreted as providing
the United States plenary power over indigenous peoples and nations,
has supplied, in the slip between wiffi and among rather than'foreign na
tions'1and Indian tribes," the rule of law through which the United States
enacts its imperialist agenda. 'Ihis prepositional possibility that provides
the United States its imperialist historical intent is precisely how 1 define
transit throughout this book. As the ghost in the constituting machine of
empire, the paradigmatic :indian tribe" that exists as a parallel to foreign
nation11is not an absence, hut rather a sui generis presence that enables the

HrR flDUir CN n i l i
founding of U.S. empire by creating a ^rf/i that facilitates the colonialist

administration o f foreign nations and Indian tribes alike.
In setting a precedent tor U.S. empire through evocations of the doc
trine ot discovery, the Marshall Trilogy sets into motion the transforma
tion of indigenous sovereign nations into domestic dependent nations
where, according to loairne Barker, the erasure of the sovereign is the
racialization of the TndianT1'1 In order to pry apart the now ascendant
though contradictory paradigms of liberalism invested in transformative
multiculturalism and postracial politics, my hook considers the entangle
ment of colonization and racialization. 'these two processes of dom ina
tion have often been conflated [making racism colonialism and vice versa)
within the critiques ot empire by U.S. post colonial, comparative area, and
queer studiesand for good reason. Racialization and colonization have
worked simultaneously to other and abject entire peoples so they can be
enslaved, excluded, removed, and killed in the name ot progress and capi
talism. These historical and political processes have secured white prop
erty, citizenship, and privilege, creating a racial contract" as Charles W.
Mills argues, that orders ,La world which has beenfiiundationally shapedfor
the past jive hundred years tv ihe realities of European domination and the
gradual consolidation of global white supremacy.''11 Racialization and colo
nization should thus be understood as concomitant global systems that
secure white dominance through time, property, and notions of selt.
When these two historical processes are so enmeshed that racialization
in the United States now often evokes colonization as a metonym, such
discursive elisions obfuscate the distinctions between the two systems of
dominance and the coerced complicities amid both.1:1 The generally ac
cepted theorizations of racialization in the United States have, in the pur
suit ot equal rights and enfranchisements, tended to be sited along the
axis ot inclusion/exclusion as the affective critique of the larger project
of liberal multiculturalism. When the remediation of the colonization of
American Indians is framed through discourses of racialization that can
be redressed by further inclusion into the nation-state, there is a significant
failure to grapple with the fact that such discourses turther reinscribe the
original colonial injury.1* As Kanaka Maoli scholar J, Kehaulani Kauanui,
White Earth Ojibw-e scholar Tean M. O'Brien, and other indigenous schol
ars have noted, the conflation ot racialization into colonization and mdi-
geneity into racial categories dependent upon blood logics underwrites

Kxiv INlHOCUCllOh
the institutions ot settler colonialism when they proffer assimilation into

the colonizing nation as reparation for genocide and theft of lands and
nations.-' But the larger concern is that this conflation masks the territo
riality ot conquest hr assigning colonization to the racialized body, which
is then policed in its degrees trom whiteness. Under this paradigm, Ameri
can Indian national assertions of sovereignty, self-determination,and land
rights disappear into U.S. terriorialily as indigenous identity becomes a ra
cial identity and citizens of colonized indigenous nations become internal
ethnic minorities within the colonizing nation-state.
As civil rights, queer rights, and other rights struggles have often ca-
thected liberal democracy as the best possible avenue to redress the histori
cal violences of and exclusions from the state, scholars and activists com
mitted to social justice have been left with impossible choices: to articulate
freedom at the expense of another, to seek power and recognition in the
hopes that we might avoid the syllogisms of democracy created through
colonialism. Lisa Lowe provides a usetul caution as she reminds us that
,Lthe affirmation of the desire tor freedom is so inhabited by the forgetting
of its condition of possibility that every narrative articulation ot freedom
is haunted by its burial, by the violence of f o r g e ttin g T h e ethical m o
ment before ns is to comprehend the particular loss of the intimacies of
four continents, to engage slavery, genocide, indenture,and liberalism as a
conjunction, as an actively acknowledged loss within the present.1' 1''
In attempting to people the intimacies oi tour continents, Lowe acti
vates the Chinese indentured laborer in the Caribbean iust after Britain
abolished the slave trade in IH-07 as the affective entry point into a range of
connections, the global hffrmadfs out of which emerged not only modern
humanism but a m odern racialized division of labor.11*" Her turn to the
colonial racialized labor force in the Americas- helps to reveal the degree
to which intimacyhere tracked through the spheres of spatial proximity,
privacy, and volatilityamong Africa, Asia, and Europe in the Americas
has served as the forgotten and disavowed constitutive means through
which liberal humanism defines freedom, family, equality, and humanity.
In tact, liberal humanism, according to Lowe, depends upon the " econo
my oi affirmation and forgetting111not iust of particular streams of human
history, hut ot the loss of their geographies, histories, and subjectivities.21
In the indeterminacies between and among treedom, enslavement, inden
tureship, interior, and evterior, the recovered Asian contract laborer, tunc-
tioning as historical site for Lowe, can reveal the processes through which

HrR flDUir CN s x *
liberalism asserts freedom and forgets enslavement as the condition of

possibility foj what constitutes"the huinan.'"FreeiJDm was" Lowe stresses,
'constituted through a narrative dialectic that rested simultaneously on
a spatialization ot the unfree as exteriority and a temporal subsuming of
enslavement as internal dilierence or contradiction. The'overcoming3 of
internal contradiction resolves in freedom within the modern Western po
litical sphere through displacement and elision of the coeval conditions of
slavery and indentureship in the Americas.'1
But what seems to me to be further disavowed, even in Lowe's impor
tant figuration of the history of labor in "the intimacies of four continents"
is the settler colonialism that such labor underwrites. Asia, Africa, and
Europe all meet in the Americas to Labor over the dialectics of free and
unfree> but what of the Americas themselves and the prior peoples upon
whom that labor took place? Lowe includes native peoples" in her figura
tions as an addendum when she writes that she hopes to evoke the po
litical economic logics through which men and women from Africa and
Asia were forcibly transported to the Americas, who with native, mixed,
and creole peoples constituted slave societies, the profits of which gave
rise to bourgeois republican states in Europe and North America."1'1 By
positioning the conditions ot slavery and indentureship in the Americas
as coeval contradictions through which Western Ireedom affirms and re
solves itself, and tbeoi by collapsing the indigenous Americas into slavery;
the fourth continent ot settler colonialism through which such intimacy is
made to labor is not just forgotten or elided; it becomes the very ground
through which the other three continents struggle intimately for freedom,
justice, and equality. Within Lowe's formulation, the native peoples ol the
Americas are collapsed into slavery; their only role within the disavowed
intimacies ot racialization is either one equivalent to that ol African slaves
or their ability to die so imported labor can make use of their lands, 'thus,
within the intimacies ol four continents," indigenous peoples in the new
world cannot, in this system, give rise to any historical agency or status
within the economy of affirmation and forgetting,1' because they are the
transit through which the dialectic of subject and object occurs.
In many ways, then, this book argues for a critical reevaluation of the
elaboration of these historical processes of oppression within postcolonial,
critical race, queer, and American studies at the beginning of the twenty-
first century. By toundationally accepting the general premise that raciali-
zation (along with the concomitant interlocking oppressions ot class, gender.

nxvl IN THODUC ridN
and sexuality} causes the primary violences of U.S. politics in national and
international arenas, multicultural liberalism hat aligned itselt with settler
colonialism despite professing the goal to disrupt and intervene in global
forms of dominance through investments in colorblind equality. Simply
put, prevailing understandings of race and racialization within U.S. post-
coionial, area, and queer studies depend upon an historical aphasia ot the
conquest of indigenous peoples. Further, these framings have forgotten,
as Moreton-Robinson has argued, that'the question of how anyone came
to be white or black in the United States is inextricably tied to the dispos
session of the original owners and the assumption of white possession."21
Calls to social justice lor U.S. racialized, sexualized, immigrant, and dias
poric queer communities that include indigenous peoples, if they are not
attuned to the ongoing conditions of settler colonialism of indigenous
peoples, risk deeming colonialism in North America resolved, if not re
dressed, two cents for 100 billion dollars.
Haksuba, Cacophony, and Other Headaches
Given all these difficulties, how might we place the arrivals ol peoples
through choice and by force into historical relationship with indigenous
peoples and theorize those arrivals in ways that are legible but still attuned
to the conditions of settler colonialism? 'ihese questions confront: indige
nous peoples still engaged in anticolonial projects of resistance. Colonial
ism brought the world, its peoples, and their own structures of power and
hegemony to indigenous lands. Our contemporary challenge is to theorise
alternative methodologies to address the problems imperialism continues
to create. The conflation ot racialization and colonization makes such dis
tinctions difficult precisely because discourses oi lin man ism, enfranchise
ment, and freedom are so compelling within the smooth narrative curves
through which the state promises increasing liberty through pluralization.
Just as Indianness serves as a transit ot empire, analyses ot competing
oppressions reproduce colonialist discourses even when they attempt to
disrupt and transform participatory democracy away from its origins in
slavery, genocide, and indentn reship. One reason why a postracial1 and
just democratic society is a lost cause in the United States is that it is al
ways already conceived through the prior disavowed and mis remembered
colonization of indigenous lands that cannot be ended by further inclusion
or more participation.13 1 hope to disrupt this dilemma by placing indige-

HrF.DDlKNGH - m il
nous phenomenologies into conversation with critical theory in order to

identity indigenous transits and consider possible alternative strategies tor
legibility.
One such strategy is to read the cacophonies ot colonialism as they
are rather than to attempt to hierarchize them into coeval or causal order.
Southeastern indigenous phenomenologies understand the Middle World
(the reality we all inhabit) as a bridge between Upper and Lower Worlds
of creation. When the boundaries between worlds break down and the
distinctive characteristics of each world begin to collapse upon and bleed
into the others, possibilities for rein venation and destruction emerge to
transform this world radically. 'Ihe goal is to find balance. To understand
the dualistic pairings of this dynamic system is to u n d e rs ta n d s Cherokee
scholar Daniel Heath Justice has argued, "its necessary complementarity; it
is a dynamic and relational perspective, not an assumption of unitary sli-
preLnacy.'1Ji Choctaw novelist and scholar LeAnne Howe demonstrates in
her writing the ways a phenomenology th at draws upon traditional South
eastern cosmologies ot balance between worlds might transform w rit
ten narratives and theorizations to represent the passage ot time and the
interactions of relationships and kinship differently, In her short story, A
Chaos of Angels," Howe explains that "when the Upper and Lower Worlds
collide in the Between World, there are repercussions in this world.2' 'Ihe
resultant chaos, or what she translates into Choctaw asÂoJbsubio, is both
a generative, creative torce as well as a potentially destructive one. Her
story focuses on the collision between the Choctaw, Chickasaw, French,
and British worldings that occur in the creation of New Orleans .Haksuba
or chaos, she tells us, "occurs when Indians and non-Indians bang their
heads together in search ot cross-cultural understanding.1' 4
When the French, Choctaw, Haitian, Creole, Chickasaw, indigenous,
slave, and tree identities collide in the lands that will become Louisiana, the
banging together creates shockwaves that ripple outward trom the colli
sion in time, space, and popular culture (so hard that Darth Yader himself
feels the impact). Throughout the story, Howes narrator is tracked by a
black Haitian woman and a bullfrog. Both characters taunt her and inces
santly remind her of connections and kinship relationships that she has
denied or refused, 'the trag turns out to be the Frenchman Tean-Baptiste
Le Moyne de Bienville, whose obsessions are responsible for erecting New
Orleans on the mosquito-infested swampland that the Choctaw gave him
as a joke; the Haitian woman is the narrators sister and cousin, a relative

K x v lii IH IH O L '- J l IID M
of Choctaws stolen by Bienville and sent as slaves to the Caribbean. 'Ihe

that Howes story presents is not so much chaos as it is the inter-
nontextual relations between histories and lived experiences. 'Ihe reader
learns along with the narrator how to traverse the past and future worlds
that begin to bleed into the present through a rebuilding of kinship net
works as an interpretive strategy, Howes evocation of the tattooed, blue
lipped Ancient Ones who watch over the narrator as she floats naked in
a primordial swimming pool at the beginning of the story is simultane
ously a reference to the Choctaw women's tradition of tattooing their lips
with blue ink and a genealogical trace to the African and African-Choctaw
ancestors ot the Haitian woman. Bienville's presence attests to Choctaw
diplomacies in negotiating with those arriving trom Europe and reminds
the narrator that New Orleans was originally Choctaw land, 'through the
course of the story, the narrator struggles to understand the densities that
surround her an J her place within them.
At the end, when the narrate]' is reunited ivith her dead grandmother
who has traversed life and death,past and luture, in the living challenge
of a "cross-cultural afterlife," the narrator is told, Never forget that we are
all alive! All people, all animals, all living things; and what you do here
affects all of us everywhere. What we do affects you, too"33 'Ihe haksuba
that Howe's story describes provides a foundational ethos for indigenous
critical theories that emphasize the interconnectedness and grievability
embodied within and among relational kinships created by histories of op
pressions. Ihe narrator learns throughout the story to see that those pieces
and elements "banging together'1have deeper motivating logics that place
and connect them within already established and functioning Choctaw
world ings.
By privileging Southeastern indigenous philosophical understandings
and bringing them into conversation with Western philosophical tra
ditions, this book responds in part to calls Dale Turner (Tfeme-Augama
Anishnabai), Sandy Grande (Quechua), Robert Warrior (Osage), and Chris
Andersen (Michif) have made for an intellectual disciplining of American
Indian and indigenous studies with both an inward and outward turn.1"
Ngati Pukenga scholar Brendan Hokowliitu has suggested that;,las a ca
nonical Held Indigenous studies'does not exist. Its genesis,11 he continues,
,Lhas been adhoc, yet organic, in the sense that the amorphous concept of
indigenous studies'has arisen out ol pre-established local departments,
such as Maori studies in New Zealand, Aboriginal studies in Australia and

m n o D u a io N - xnx
Native studies departments in the US and Canada.*1 The challenge fac

ing indigenous studies in the academy is not just the need to negotiate
the Western colonial biases that render indigenous peoples as precolonial
ethnographic purveyors of cultural authenticity instead ot scholars ca
pable ot research and insight, but also the need to respect the local speci
ficities, histories, and geographies that inform the concept of indigeneity.
Despite these pitfalls, however, indigenous critical theory as an emergent
undertaking has made strides in comparative indigenous studies attuned
to the local conditions ot colonialism that might speak across geopolitical
boundaries.
Although the United Nations' Working Group on Indigenous Peoples
and the 2CKJ7 Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples have re
sisted defining 'indigenous peoples" in order to prevent nation-states from
policing the category as a îte of exception, Tert Comtassel (Cherokee) and
Taiaiake Alfred (Kahnawake Mohawk) provide a useful provisional defini
tion in their essay'Being Indigenous":
Indigenousness i^ an identity constructed, shaped, and lived in the

politicized content of contemporary colonialism, 'the communities,
clans, nations and tribes ive call Tndtgenaaspeoples are just that:
Indite noil s to the lands they inhabit, in contrast to and in conten
tion with the colonial societies and states that have spread out from
Europe and other centres of empire. It is this oppositional, place-
based existence, along with the consciousness of being in struggle
against the dispossessing Lind demeaning fact of colonisation by
foreign peoples, that fundamentally distinguishes Indigenous
peoples from other peoples ot the w orld31
In their definition there emerges a contentious, oppositional identity

and existence to confront imperialism and colonialism. Indigenousness
also hinges, in Altred and Corntassel, on certain Manichean allegories
of foreign/native and colonizer/colonized within reclamations ot "place-
based existence," and these can, at times, tip into a formulation that does
not challenge neoliberalism as much as it mirrors it. But despite these
potential pitfalls, indigenous critical theory could be said to exist in its
best form when it centers itselt within indigenous episteurologies and the
specificities of the communities and cultures trom which it emerges and
then looks outward to engage European philosophical, leijal, and cultural

m hrnaDutriDN
traditions in order to build upon all the allied tools available. Steeped in
anticolonial consciousness that deconstructs and confronts the colonial
logics of settle]1states carved out ot and on top ot indigenous usual and ac
customed lands, indigenous critical theory has the potential in this mode
to otter l1. transformative accountability.
From this vantage, indigenous critical theory might, then, provide a di
agnostic way of reading and interpreting the colonial logics that underpin
cultural, intellectual, and political discourses. But it asks that settler, na
tive, and arrivant each acknowledge their own positions within empire and
then leconceptualize space and history to make visible what imperialism
and its resultant settler colonialisms and diasporas have sought to obscure.
Within the continental United States, it means imagining an entirely dif
ferent map and understanding ot territory and space: a map constituted by
over 565 sovereign indigenous nations, with their own borders and bound
aries, that transgress what has been naturalized as contiguous territory di
vided into 4 8 states.w There is always" Aileen Moreton-Robinson writes
oi indigenous peoples1 incommensurablity within the postcolonizing set
tler society,a subject position that can be thought oi as fixed in its inalien
able relation to land, 'this subject position cannot be erased by colonizing
processes which seek to position the indigenous as object, interior,, other
and its origins are not tied to migration.1"'1'1
While indigenous scholars such os Aileen Moreton-Robinson and
Chris Andersen make a compelling case for indigenous critical interven
tions situated within whiteness studies and scholars such as Craig Wom
ack (Muscogee Creek),. )ace Weaver (Cherokee), Robert Warrior, LeAnne
Howe, Daniel Heath Justice and others argue for scholarship grounded
within local and national knowledges, my views: on indigenous critical the
ory stem trom my training in postcolonial studies, Admittedly, the field of
postcolonial studies has been met cautiously within American Indian and
indigenous studies because, as Robert Warrior has suggested,the object ot
its study makes postcolonialism less compelling for Native scholars.1'3'1 And
yet, despite how it may or may not have been coopted or transformed by its
incorporation into the academic met nopoles ot the global North, as schol
ars such as Aijaz Ahmad, E. San luan Jr.> Renila Parry, Anne McCliotock.
Ella Shohat, and Arif Dirlik have contended, because postcolonial theory
arose as a politicized intervention to colonialist knowledge production, it
seems worth reconsidering some of its strategies for the continued devel-

m n o D u a io N - n h i
opment of indigenous critical theory. Certainly, though, there are reasons

for the hesitancy that [ will discuss below,
Indigenous Critical Theory amid the Posts
Gaya.tri Chakravorty Spivak fir^t posed her now-famous question Can the
Subaltern 5peak?" more than twenty-five years ago, and over the interven
ing years, the challenge of that question has prompted scholars to grapple
with, revise, answer, or completely reject her foundational inquiry as ab
surdor present themselves as its irrefutable disproof. Still, Sprraks query
continues to taunt even as the academy has transformed, however incre
mentally, to incorporate those very peoples marginalized within Western
and imperialist centers of knowledge. Spivak herself has revised and refor
mulated her essay over the years, and in A Critique of Postedanial Reason
she offers a thicker caution against the tendency with in the academies of
the global North to depend upon those who would position themselves
as the native informant. She writes, Ih e intellectual within globalizing
capital, brandishing concrete experience, can help consolidate the interna
tional division of labor by making one model ot concrete experience' the
m odel. . . we see the postcolonial migrant become the norm , thus occlud
ing the native once again.'17 The question has now become bow, and by
what and whom, is the subaltern silenced.
When Spivak began formulating her intervention in the then-emerging
field of postcolonial studies, American Indian studies bad already ber;un
to surface fitfully in universities throughout the United States. As a beld,
American Indian studieswhich shares provenance with the rise of eth
nic studies in the United States and with indigenous studies programs in
Canada, Australia, Aoteanoa (New Zealand}, and Central and South Amer
ica-functioned primarily as an intervention to the settler narratives of
multicultural liberal democracy that retuse to acknowledge that colonial
ism, genocide, and theft of lands, bodies, and cultures have defined the rise
of new world nation-states and empires. After more than forty years of
existence within the academy, American Indian studies has in many ways
come into its own, yet the intervention indigenous scholars offer to theo
ries ot colonization and genocide remains marginal at best. Often those
outside the field perceive it as a project of recovery, culture, identity, and
polemic; indigenous studies is sometimes erroneously nead as a nativist

mil IHTMDIlCriM
project laced, with xenophobia in a world that turns increasing!}' to the

potential liberator;' spaces ot cosmopolitanism and diasporic movements,
where place is relinquished tor reinvention. Despite the best efforts of in
digenous scholars one thing that many outside the field do not perceive
it as (until recently) is a project of intellectual rigor and theory. For those
within American Indian and indigenous studies, postcolonial theory has
been especially verboten precisely because the "post-,even though its con-
why has indigeneity in the global North not taken root within the theories
critiquing the colonialist agendas ot Europe and its colonies? One reason
Cheyfitz posits tor the almost total eclipse1ot American Indians within
"the firmament of the post colonial" is that the two fields arise from vastly
different LjeoLjiaphical and political terrains, and th at the contemporary
forms of the European nation-state |aire] a model that does not apply to
the historic transformation of Native American kinship-based communi
ties under Eulo-American imperialism.1'A nother reason for the eclipse,
he speculates, "may be the result, at least in p art and with a few notable
exceptions, of a resistance to critical theory within Native American stud
ies itself15
However, indigenous scholars have been theorizing about colonialism
for a while now* although often from the antipodes and ruralities over
looked by the metropole. Teresia Teaiwa (Hanaban'I-Kiribati} makes a
foundational critique that, within postcolonial and diaspora studies, the
indigenous Pacific is not brought to the table as ail equal partner in any
conversation about the nature of humanity or society,1 Teaiwa goes even
further when she asserts that the postcolonial abandons the native.11
Often, in the work by white settler scholars located in Australia, Canada,

n r n o D u a io N - h u i i i
Lind New Zealand, postcolonial debate occurs at the s ite they detine as set
tler oppression, where they see themselves caught between the European
met nopole and indigenous peoples upon whose lands they reside.112 Such
ainove has prompted Aileen Moreton-Robinson to respond that Australia
is a. "p Decolonizing settler culture,11 in which the postcolonial settler de
pends upon a possessive whiteness whose ontological premises are tied to
dispossessing indigenous peoples of home, land, and sovereignty.111 Within
the Ljlobal South, scholars such as Gayatri Spivak and Mahasweta Devi,
whose work passionately seeks to address the presence of trlbak in India,
can occasionally refract indigenous peoples through the very discourses
their work attempts to disrupt. Spivak, for instance, speaks of indigenous
peoples as the impossible prehistoric pterodactyl, and Mahasweta Devi is
concerned that indigenous peoples in the United States are present "only in
the names ot places [where| the Native American legacy survives."4*While
each of these moments are certainly interpret able within the contests of
then texts they also demonstrate a colonialist trace that continues to pre
vent indigenous peoples from having agency to transform the assum p
tions within postcolonial and poststuctrualist conversations, despite the
best work ot postcolonial scholars to make room. These colonialist traces
have prompted Cherokee scholar Jace Weaver to observe that postcolonial
studies seems oddly detached when discussing indigenous peoples and
their lives. It often displaysas in the works ot Mahasweta Devi about and
on behalf of tribal peoples in Indiathe same sense ot patronizing care re
flected by those in the dominant, Western culture,"<:| At the very least, such
moments demonstrate the dualities of global frictions that Anna Tsing d e
scribes when she cautions that "universal ism is implicated in boili imperial
schemes to control the world and liberator/ mobilizations for justice and
empowerment*8
Often, scholars who try to sustain a conversation between postcolo
nial studies and indigenous studies end with the assessment that the geo
graphic localities that fall within the purview ot subaltern and indigenous
theories are too disparate, that the histories are too different to produce
meaningful or productive Inroads, and that postcolonial scholars are1too
imbricated within settler agendas when they speak from academic centers
in the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, or the Caribbean.
And of course, the very idea ot indigeneity can be too dangerous and xe
nophobic when combined with, nationalism or anticolonial struggle in a
world shaped by forced diapsora, migration, hybridity, and movement.

uav 14 1HOI'-Jl I DN
As Sankaran KritLinl\ illustrates the problem of postcolonialism for in

dite nous peoples has real world consequences; If identities such as the
nation or ethnicity, or notions such as "traditional homelands1 ot native
peoples, cun be shown to be historical and social constructions or fictions*
governments and elites can use such ideas to deny their responsibility tor
past crimes or to oppose current claims for reparation or redress."4'' From
the other side, Gaurav Desai cautions that
the politics of indigeneity and autochthony seem defensible

enoughhow can one reasonably deny the rights of indigenous
peoples who have been colonized to the fruits ot their own labor
and land? On the other hand, in a world that has seen mass migra
tions across continents over a long period ot time* is it reasonable
to allow fora strictly regulated indigenous politics, which in its
most eitclusionary stance can lead to ethnic strife, mass expulsions*
civil wars, and genocide?<H
If anything, bringing indigenous and tribal voices to the fore within post
colonial theory may help us elucidate how liberal colonialist discourses
depend upon sublimating indigenous cultures and histories into fictive hy
brids ies and social constructions as they simultaneously trap indigenous
peoples within the dialectics of genocide* where the only conditions of
possibility imagined are either that indigenous peoples will die through
geiiocidal policies ot colonial settler states (thus making room for more
open and liberatory societies) or that they will commit heinous genocides
in defense of lands and nation s.1
Methodologically, an indigenous-centric approach to critical theory
helps to identify the processes that have kept indigenous peoples as a
necessary pre-conditional presence within theories of colonialism and its
> s t : ,s" To engage this point, [ read moments ot cacophony in political*
literary, and cultural productions. Identifying the competing interpreta
tions of geographical spatial ities and historicities that inform racial and
decolonial identities depends upon ail act ot interpretation that decenters
the vertical interactions ot colonizer and colonized and recenters the hori
zontal struggles among peoples with competing claims to historical op
pressions. 'those vertical interactions continually foreground the arrival of
Europeans as the defining event within settler societies* consistently place
horizontal histories ot oppressions into zero-sum struggles for hegemony.

n m o c u a io N - m i
and distract trom the complicities of colonialism and the possibilities tor
anticolonial action that emerge outside and beyond the Manichean allego
ries that define oppression. O f particular interest to ihis book, then, is the
development ol a more detailed analysis of how cultural Jiterary, and po
litical assemblages In the United States depend upon a desire to reconcile
through deferment the colonization oi indigenous peoples within the hor
izontal scope of settler.'arrivant colonialism, racism, homophobia, and sex
ism, a desire that implicates all those who reside on colonized indigenous
lands. The significance, I hope, for both postcolonial studies and American
Indian studies as disciplines, and tor the nascent indigenous critical theory
arising trom the work of native scholars grounded in the knowledges of
their communities, is to take seriously the lessons of the past and other
struggles for decolonization and to then transform how we approach these
issues through academic engagement so that our work and research ques
tions reflect the best of our governance and diplomatic traditions.
To that end, the first chapter interrogates the Indian errant at the heart
of post structural Ism and considers how that errant has rendered Indian
ness as the field through which empire transits itself within political* liter
ary, juridical, and cultural productions. Gerald Vizenor writes,The Indian
with an initial capital is a commemoration ol an absenceevermore that
double absence of simulations by name and stories."11 But within post-
strueturallst theories, I argue, the Indian functions as a dense presence that
cannot be disrupted by deconstruction or Deleuzian lines ot flight-, because
the Indian is the ontological prior through which poststructuralism tunc-
tions. Turning to the 1769 transit of Venus and the planetary parallax that
inaugurated an Enlightenment liberal empire coinciding with the forma
tion of the United States, this chapter reflects upon key thinkers in Ameri
can studies* queer theory, and poststructuralism to demonstrate that the
United States propagates empire not through frontiers but through the
production of a paradigmatic Indianness. In the process* U.S. empire dis
cursively and juridically figures American Indian lives as ungrievable in a
past tense lament that forecloses futurity. And out of the epistemological
logics of possession, poststructuralism depends upon affective and distor
tive parallactic effects within Slavoj Ziieks parallax gap that stretches a
partially apprehendableReal"and ties critical theory back to its imperial
ist function. 'Ihe transit of empire, then, depends upon the language, gram
mar, and ontological category of Indianness to enact itself as the United
States continues Its global wars on terror, the environment, and livahility.

icxHvi MltflDUlllflli
'Ihe second chapter, " This Islands Mine': The Parallax Logics of Cali
bans Cacophony" discusses the historical factors that complicated Coco
lJusco and Guillermo Gomez-Pena's performance art piece, Two Undis
covered Amerindians Visit. . . and contributed finally to its failed engage
m ent with the colonialist discourses that they sought to resist during the
1992 quincentennial celebrations of Columbus's discover):' Shakespeare s
The Tempest and the character ol Caliban have long served as touchstones
within the development of postcolonial theory. And yet, despite the new
world context of the play and Calibans claim that ":this island's mine, most
postcolonial engagements with this test have rendered the impact of the
indigenous Americas on Shakespeare's colonial imagination as an archaic
artifact. By positioning Caliban as one of the first textual examples ol what
I term colonial cacophony, I take up Gayatri Spivak's claim that Caliban
functions as a textual blankness that precludes subaltern representation
and argue instead that he is overfilled with consolidated and compet
ing discourses. Reading this character, then, as simultaneously African,
Irish, C a rib, Arawak, Tewish, and Other, I suggest that Caliban serves as
a cacophonous textual ization that does not traffic in absence but rather
oversignifies presence in :nformative ways that unravel colonial logics that
are dependent on binary constructions of settler/native, black'white, and
master/slave. Through this simultaneity, I suggest, we can see the complex
dynamics of colonial discourses that exist horizontally among histories
ot oppression and inform continued complicities as historical n arra
tives vie tor ascendancy as the primary and originary oppression within
lands shaped by competing histories of slavery, colonialism, arrival, and
indigeneity.
'Ihe third chapter, 'Ihe Masks ot Conquest: Wilson Harris's }oestow n
and the Thresholds of Grievability, engages in a close reading of the Guy
anese novelist's 1996 JofierfoHvn, In this chapter, I focus on the narrative
strategies Wilson Harris employs to represent indigenous cultures in the
aftermath of the 1492 moment of contact. Unlike lamaican poet Kamau
Brathwaite, who suggests in his theorization ot creol ization that African
slaves replaced indigenous peoples as the folk tradition of the Caribbean,
Wilson Harris draws upon what he terms Amerindian" influences as a
radical imagined source for Caribbean aesthetics and decolonlal national
isms. His work suggests that the Caribbean continues to be influenced by
Amerindian traces lingering m the land to shape past and future historical
violences that haunt the Americas, from Jim Jones's murderous utopia in

IN rHODUC n<JN h x iv II
Jonestown, Guyana, to 9/11. By reading the ways Harris imaginatively ac-

iiesi.es and represent;, indigeneity within fictions that break diown the con
solidations ot linear histories which inform the strategies ot realism and
the divisions between sell and other, I argue that uneasy tensions remain
]ji his work that keep indigenous peoples locked in the moment ol con
tact and seen as the savage counter to the promises of liberal democracy.
Despite the colonial romanticism that underpins his radical imagination,
however, Harris gestures towards those deeper ethical issues that confront
the historical presences and violences within the Americas that infiltrate
and influence modern politics and aesthetics in order to provide potential
avenues forgrievability of and accountability to history.
'Ihe fourth chapter,*"Keen to the Nation, Lord,but I Couldn't Stay There,1
examines the incommensurabilities of the intem aTfcr indigenous peoples
by providing a genealogy of the concept of Internal colonialism" and its
emergence as a descriptor for the relationship indigenous peoples have with
settler nation-states in conversation with Gramsci and subaltern studies.
On March 5, 2007, the Cherokee Nation voted to disenfranchise approxi
mately 2,tf4XJ Cherokee Freedmen citizens [African-Cherokee descendants
of slaves held by the Cherokee Nation) in violation of the U366 treaty with
the United States, a treat)' that gare those freedmen the rights and status of
citizens within the Cherokee Nation. In the following months, the Congres
sional Black Caucus proposed in response legislation that would, in ertect-
terminate the Cherokee Nation and eventually the Chickasaw, Choctaw,
Creek, and Seminole Nations if they did not abide by the rule of U.S. law.
Signaling the collision between discourses of race* slavery, colonization
and genocide, the problem of slavery and Freedmen status has haunted
Southeastern Indian nations since contact. Ili this chapter, I argue that these
competing discourses and histories of racialization and colonization sig
nal the incommensurabilities within the notions ot internal" indigenous
nations and disrupt the dialectics of settler/native, master/slave, colonizer/
colonized that all too often inlorm calls for reparations and decolonization.
Chapter 5, Satisfied with Stones: Native Hawaiian Government Re
organization and the Discourses of Resistance tocuses on how the Na
tive Hawaiian Government Reorganization Act of 007 has been trained
both within Hawai'i and on the continent as away to understand how the
United States, as it develops and contorts federal law to colonize indige
nous nations, uses discourses of Indianness to solidify its presence in the
Pacific. For American Indians, the word reorganization calls to mind the

o iicv iii h rnaD uin dn
Indian Reorganization Act ot 1934, and this chapter examines how the con
tinual transformation and revision of tederal Indian policy becomes, when
viewed from over 2,000 miles away in the Pacific, a coherent and inevitable
expansionist discourse orchestrated by a seemingly static United States. In
the face of these colonial processes that seek to m ast the fractures within
U.S. boundaries among American Indian nations, it seems important to
examine how discourses ot Indianness are used both by the imperial U.S.
government, which occupies Hawai'i, and by those Native Hawaiian activ
ists who frame Indianness as an infection threatening their rights and
status as an internationally recognized sovereign state.
'Ihe final chapter, Killing States: Removals, Other Americans, and the
Pale Promise of Democracy,"1 considers Karen Tei Yamashitas Trap it of
Orange and discussions of multiculturalism in Los Angeles at the end of
the twentieth century to understand how narratives of race and indigeneity
within the United States have been recycled to provide a justifying logic for
the transit of empire mapped onto Asian American bodies. In this chapter,
I examine the ways indigenous peoples are discursively transformed into
immigrants, while Asian Americans simultaneously become both cowboys
and Indians as a means to police difference within liberal multicultural
settler colonialism. To demonstrate how these histories collide, [ examine
John Collier's speech at Poston Relocation Center on the Colorado River
Indian Reservation. In the decade after the Indian Reorganisation Act of
1934, Tohn Collier, in his role as commissioner ot Indian A Itairs, was both
radically transforming the government structures of many native nations
as well as struggling with the War Relocation Authority for administra
tive control over Tapanese American internment. As administrator for the
camp at Poston, Arizonaauthorized by the signing of Executive Order
9 0 6 6 John Collier advocated self-governance as a means to exclude and
then re incorporate Japanese Americans back into the citizenry ot the
United States, 'ihe chapter ends with a close reading of Gerald Yizenors
Hiroshima Bt-igi. Vizenor's novel considers the linkages between American
Indian history [and lands) and the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima
and Nagasaki to end World War II in order to reframe victim narratives
within colonial and imperial logics.
At its core, this book engages colonial discourses pertaining to indige
nous peoples, particularly American Indians, Native Hawaiians, and Am
erindians in Guyana. Rut in many ways my concern is much larger. It is
all too easy, in critiques of ongoing U.S. settler colonialism, to accuse dia-

INTRDDUCTlOh m ix
sporic migrants, queers, ami people of color tor participating in Lind ben
efiting trom indigenous loss of lands, cultures, and lives and subsequently
to position indigenous otherness as abject and all other Others as part of
the problem, as if they could always consent to or refuse such positions or
consequences of history. And though I do critique the elisions and logics
that have continued to inlorin settler colonial politics that have remained
deeply rooted within liberal humanisms Investments in the individual* in
the singular, and in the racialiiations of white possession, I also want to
imagine cacophonously, to understand chat the historical processes that
have created our contemporary mom ent have affected everyone at vari
ous points along their transits with and against empire. It colonialism has
forced the native to "cathect the space of the Other on his home ground" as
Spivak tells us, then imperialism has forced settlers and arrlvants to cathect
the space of the native as their hom e.51 In drawing this distinction* my goal
is to first activate indigeneity as a condition ot possibility within cultural
studies and critical theory and then deploy it to avoid the syllogistic traps
oi equivalencies on the one hand and the economies ol racism, homopho
bia, sexism, and classism that continue to order the place of peoples on
indigenous home l;rounds on the other. Such an approach, I hope, may
provide possible entry points into critical theories that do not sacrifice in
digenous worlds and futures In the pursuit of the now of the everyday.
The pole is still leaning, and there is still lurther to l;o . H ow we get there
depends on how we interpret the cacophonies colonialism has left us In the
transit of empire,



Byrd - Transit of Empire PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Byrd - Transit of Empire PDF

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Byrd - Transit of Empire PDF

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

s'*, h u H ^ i.

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

University oi M innesota Press

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

Copyright 2ULJ by the Regenii of the Universilyof Minnesota

Published by the University o f Minnesota Press

Library ct Congress Cataloging-in-Publication L\)ta

Printed in the Uniled States of America on acid-free paper

The University of Minnesota is an etjual-opporhinity cducatnr and employer.

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

R o b e rt S u lliv a n , c a p t a in c o o k i n t h e U H D ettw o ftL D

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

Preface: FuD Fathom Five xi

Introduction: Indigenous Critical Theory and the

1. Is Lind Was: Poitstructural Indians without Ancestry ]

2. This Island's Mine": the Para]las Logics otCalibans Cacophony 39

3. 'the Masks of Conquest: Wilson Harris's fonestown and the

4. :,Been to the Nation, Lord, but I Couldiit Stay Ihere1:

5. Satisfied with Stones: Native Hawaiian Government

ti. Killing States; Removals, Other Americans, and the

Conclusion: Zombie Imperialism 221

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

Full Fathom Five

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

structuralist theorythis book asserts that there must be the possibility of

B y rd , J o d i A .. First P e o p le s : N e w D ire c tio n s In d ig e n o u s : T ra n s it o f E m p ire : In d ig e n o u s C r itiq u e s

Indigenous Critical Theory and the

Such is our view o f those who we describe as savages or half-savages;

Sigmund Freud, Totem and Taboo

What does it mean to be in transit? Mass transit, certificates of transit, and

is slightly provocative, an incomplete point of entry, and its provenance

ments and countermovements. To be in transit is to exist relationally,

remained deactivated as a point of critical inquiry as theory has transit

Within dominant discourses of postracial identity that depend on

As metropolitan multiculturalism and dominant postcolonialism promise

Although critical theory has focused much attention on the role of

articulations of freedom, sovereignty, and equality touched four continents

to declare that, since Indian tribes were contradistinguished from both

founding of U.S. empire by creating a with that facilitates the colonialist

the institutions of settler colonialism when they proffer assimilation into

liberalism asserts freedom and forgets enslavement as the condition of

Haksuba, Cacophony, and Other Headaches

nous phenomenologies into conversation with critical theory in order to

of Choctaws stolen by Bienville and sent as slaves to the Caribbean. The

Native studies departments in the US and Canada.31 The challenge fac

Indigenousness is an identity constructed, shaped, and lived in the

In their definition there emerges a contentious, oppositional identity

opment of indigenous critical theory. Certainly, though, there are reasons

Indigenous Critical Theory amid the Posts

project laced with xenophobia in a world that turns increasingly to the

As Sankaran Krishna illustrates, the problem of postcolonialism for in

the politics o f indigeneity and autochthony seem defensible