Case Digest Consti1
Case Digest Consti1
Case Digest Consti1
Ponente: MELENCIO-HERRERA,J
Facts:
In 1982, Alfredo M. De Leon was elected as Baranggay Captain along with the other
petitioners as Barangay Councilmen of Baranggay Dolores, Taytay, Rizal. On
February 9, 1987, he received a Memorandum antedated December 1, 1986, signed
on February 8, 1987 by OIC Gov. Benhamin B. Esguerra designating Florentino
Magno as new Barangay Captain. A separate Memorandum with the same dates
was also issued by Hon. Esguerra replacing the Barangay Councilmen. De Leon
along with the other petitioners filed a petition to declare the subject Memorandum
null and void and prevent the respondents from taking over their positions in the
Barangay. The petitioners maintained that OIC Gov. Esguerra no longer have the
authority to replace them under the 1987 Constitution and that they shall serve a
term of six (6) years in pursuant to Section 3 of the Barangay Election Act of 1982.
Issue:
Ruling:
The designation by the OIC Governor of new Barangay Officials was declared NO
LEGAL FORCE AND EFFECT and the Writ for Prohibition is GRANTED enjoining
respondents perpetually from ouster/take-over of petitioners position subject of this
petition.
Ratio
The affectivity of the Memorandum should be based on the date when it was
signed, February 8, 1987. By that time, the 1987 Constitution was already in effect,
thus superseding all previous constitution as provided in Section 27 of its Transitory
Provisions. Respondent OIC Governor could no longer rely on Section 2, Article III of
the Provisional Constitution to designate respondents to the elective positions
occupied by petitioners.
Barangay Election Act of 1982 should still govern since it is not inconsistent with the
1987 Constitution.
For the above-quoted reason, which are fully applicable to the petition at
bar, mutatis mutandis, there can be no question that President Corazon C. Aquino
and Vice-President Salvador H. Laurel are the incumbent and legitimate President
and Vice-President of the Republic of the Philippines.or the above-quoted reasons,
which are fully applicable to the \
DECISION
(En Banc)
BELLOSILLO, J.:
I. THE FACTS
Pursuant to the privatization program of the Philippine Government, the GSIS sold in
public auction its stake in Manila Hotel Corporation (MHC). Only 2 bidders
participated: petitioner Manila Prince Hotel Corporation, a Filipino corporation, which
offered to buy 51% of the MHC or 15,300,000 shares at P41.58 per share, and
Renong Berhad, a Malaysian firm, with ITT-Sheraton as its hotel operator, which bid
for the same number of shares at P44.00 per share, or P2.42 more than the bid of
petitioner.
Petitioner filed a petition before the Supreme Court to compel the GSIS to allow it to
match the bid of Renong Berhad. It invoked the Filipino First Policy enshrined in 10,
paragraph 2, Article XII of the 1987 Constitution, which provides that in the grant
of rights, privileges, and concessions covering the national economy and patrimony,
the State shall give preference to qualified Filipinos.
II. THE ISSUES
4. Assuming GSIS is part of the State, whether it should give preference to the
petitioner, a Filipino corporation, over Renong Berhad, a foreign corporation, in the
sale of the controlling shares of the Manila Hotel Corporation.
Sec. 10, second par., of Art XII is couched in such a way as not to make it appear
that it is non-self-executing but simply for purposes of style. But, certainly, the
legislature is not precluded from enacting further laws to enforce the constitutional
provision so long as the contemplated statute squares with the Constitution. Minor
details may be left to the legislature without impairing the self-executing nature of
constitutional provisions.
xxx. Sec. 10, second par., Art. XII of the 1987 Constitution is a mandatory, positive
command which is complete in itself and which needs no further guidelines or
implementing laws or rules for its enforcement. From its very words the provision
does not require any legislation to put it in operation. It is per se judicially
enforceable. When our Constitution mandates that [i]n the grant of rights,
privileges, and concessions covering national economy and patrimony, the State
shall give preference to qualified Filipinos, it means just that - qualified Filipinos
shall be preferred. And when our Constitution declares that a right exists in certain
specified circumstances an action may be maintained to enforce such right
notwithstanding the absence of any legislation on the subject; consequently, if there
is no statute especially enacted to enforce such constitutional right, such right
enforces itself by its own inherent potency and puissance, and from which all
legislations must take their bearings. Where there is a right there is a remedy. Ubi
jus ibi remedium.
2. YES, the controlling shares of the Manila Hotel Corporation form part of our
patrimony as a nation.
In its plain and ordinary meaning, the term patrimony pertains to heritage. When
the Constitution speaks of national patrimony, it refers not only to the natural
resources of the Philippines, as the Constitution could have very well used the
term natural resources, but also to the cultural heritage of the Filipinos.
For more than eight (8) decades Manila Hotel has bore mute witness to the triumphs
and failures, loves and frustrations of the Filipinos; its existence is impressed with
public interest; its own historicity associated with our struggle for sovereignty,
independence and nationhood. Verily, Manila Hotel has become part of our national
economy and patrimony. For sure, 51% of the equity of the MHC comes within the
purview of the constitutional shelter for it comprises the majority and controlling
stock, so that anyone who acquires or owns the 51% will have actual control and
management of the hotel. In this instance, 51% of the MHC cannot be disassociated
from the hotel and the land on which the hotel edifice stands. Consequently, we
cannot sustain respondents claim that the Filipino First Policy provision is not
applicable since what is being sold is only 51% of the outstanding shares of the
corporation, not the Hotel building nor the land upon which the building stands.
It is undisputed that the sale of 51% of the MHC could only be carried out with the
prior approval of the State acting through respondent Committee on
Privatization. [T]his fact alone makes the sale of the assets of respondents GSIS
and MHC a state action. In constitutional jurisprudence, the acts of persons
distinct from the government are considered state action covered by the
Constitution (1) when the activity it engages in is a public function; (2) when the
government is so significantly involved with the private actor as to make the
government responsible for his action; and, (3) when the government has approved
or authorized the action. It is evident that the act of respondent GSIS in selling 51%
of its share in respondent MHC comes under the second and third categories of
state action. Without doubt therefore the transaction, although entered into by
respondent GSIS, is in fact a transaction of the State and therefore subject to the
constitutional command.
When the Constitution addresses the State it refers not only to the people but also
to the government as elements of the State. After all, government is composed of
three (3) divisions of power - legislative, executive and judicial. Accordingly, a
constitutional mandate directed to the State is correspondingly directed to the three
(3) branches of government. It is undeniable that in this case the subject
constitutional injunction is addressed among others to the Executive Department
and respondent GSIS, a government instrumentality deriving its authority from the
State.
4. YES, GSIS should give preference to the petitioner in the sale of the controlling
shares of the Manila Hotel Corporation.
It should be stressed that while the Malaysian firm offered the higher bid it is not yet
the winning bidder. The bidding rules expressly provide that the highest bidder
shall only be declared the winning bidder after it has negotiated and executed the
necessary contracts, and secured the requisite approvals. Since the Filipino First
Policy provision of the Constitution bestows preference on qualified Filipinos the
mere tending of the highest bid is not an assurance that the highest bidder will be
declared the winning bidder. Resultantly, respondents are not bound to make the
award yet, nor are they under obligation to enter into one with the highest
bidder. For in choosing the awardee respondents are mandated to abide by the
dictates of the 1987 Constitution the provisions of which are presumed to be known
to all the bidders and other interested parties.
Paragraph V. J. 1 of the bidding rules provides that [i]f for any reason the Highest
Bidder cannot be awarded the Block of Shares, GSIS may offer this to other
Qualified Bidders that have validly submitted bids provided that these Qualified
Bidders are willing to match the highest bid in terms of price per share. Certainly,
the constitutional mandate itself is reason enough not to award the block of shares
immediately to the foreign bidder notwithstanding its submission of a higher, or
even the highest, bid. In fact, we cannot conceive of a stronger reason than the
constitutional injunction itself.
In the instant case, where a foreign firm submits the highest bid in a public bidding
concerning the grant of rights, privileges and concessions covering the national
economy and patrimony, thereby exceeding the bid of a Filipino, there is no
question that the Filipino will have to be allowed to match the bid of the foreign
entity. And if the Filipino matches the bid of a foreign firm the award should go to
the Filipino. It must be so if we are to give life and meaning to the Filipino First
Policy provision of the 1987 Constitution. For, while this may neither be expressly
stated nor contemplated in the bidding rules, the constitutional fiat is omnipresent
to be simply disregarded. To ignore it would be to sanction a perilous skirting of the
basic law.
ISSUES:
1. Whether or not the filing of the second impeachment complaint against Chief
Justice Hilario G. Davide, Jr. with the House of Representatives falls within the one
year bar provided in the Constitution.
HELD:
1. Having concluded that the initiation takes place by the act of filing of the
impeachment complaint and referral to the House Committee on Justice, the initial
action taken thereon, the meaning of Section 3 (5) of Article XI becomes clear. Once
an impeachment complaint has been initiated in the foregoing manner, another
may not be filed against the same official within a one year period following Article
XI, Section 3(5) of the Constitution. In fine, considering that the first impeachment
complaint, was filed by former President Estrada against Chief Justice Hilario G.
Davide, Jr., along with seven associate justices of this Court, on June 2, 2003 and
referred to the House Committee on Justice on August 5, 2003, the second
impeachment complaint filed by Representatives Gilberto C. Teodoro, Jr. and Felix
William Fuentebella against the Chief Justice on October 23, 2003 violates the
constitutional prohibition against the initiation of impeachment proceedings against
the same impeachable officer within a one-year period.
Facts: The case is an original action for prohibition, with preliminary injunction. On
March 16, 1967, the Senate and the House of Representatives passed the following
resolutions, (1) increasing the number of seats in the lower house from 120 to 180,
(2) calling for a constitutional convention, and (3) allowing members of the
Congress to run as delegates to the constitutional convention without forfeiting their
seats. Congress passed a bill, which, approved by the President on 17 June 1967,
became Republic Act No. 4913, providing that the amendments to the Constitution
proposed in the aforementioned Resolutions No. 1 and 3 be submitted, for
approval by the people, at the general elections on 14 November 1967.
Ponente: Makasiar
Facts:
These two separate but related petitions for declaratory relief were filed pursuant to
Sec. 19 of R.A. No. 6132 by petitioners Manuel B. Imbong and Raul M. Gonzales,
both members of the Bar, taxpayers and interested in running as candidates for
delegates to the Constitutional Convention. Both impugn the constitutionality of R.A.
No. 6132, claiming during the oral argument that it prejudices their rights as such
candidates.
Petitioner Raul M. Gonzales assails the validity of the entire law as well as the
particular provisions embodied in Sections 2, 4, 5, and par. 1 of 8(a). Petitioner
Manuel B. Imbong impugns the constitutionality of only par. I of Sec. 8(a) of said
R.A. No. 6132 practically on the same grounds advanced by petitioner Gonzales.
Issue:
Decision:
Ratio:
Par 1 Sec 8: this is to avoid debasement of electoral process and also to assure
candidates equal opportunity since candidates must now depend on their individual
merits, and not the support of political parties. This provision does not create
discrimination towards any particular party/group, it applies to all organizations.
Dissenting Opinion:
Justice Fernando I find it difficult to reconcile the decision reached insofar as the
aforesaid ban on political parties and civic, professional and other organizations is
concerned with the explicit provision that the freedom to form associations or
societies for purposes not contrary to law shall not be abridged. 2 The right of an
individual to join others of a like persuasion to pursue common objectives and to
engage in activities is embraced within if not actually encouraged by the regime of
liberty ordained by the Constitution. This particular freedom has an indigenous cast,
its origin being traceable to the Malolos Constitution.
APRIL 2, 1981
HELD: In dismissing the petition for lack of merit, the court ruled the following:
1. The power of the Interim Batasang Pambansa to propose its amendments and
how it may be exercised was validly obtained. The 1973 Constitution in its Transitory
Provisions vested the Interim National Assembly with the power to propose
amendments upon special call by the Prime Minister by a vote of the majority of its
members to be ratified in accordance with the Article on Amendments similar with
the interim and regular national assembly. 15 When, therefore, the Interim Batasang
Pambansa, upon the call of the President and Prime Minister Ferdinand E. Marcos,
met as a constituent body it acted by virtue of such impotence.
Facts: Shortly after her succession to the Presidency in January 2001, President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo nominated then Senator Teofisto T. Guingona, Jr. (Senator
Guingona) as Vice-President. Congress confirmed the nomination of Senator
Guingona who took his oath as Vice-President on 9 February 2001. Following
Senator Guingonas confirmation, the Senate on 8 February 2001 passed Resolution
84 certifying to the existence of a vacancy in the Senate. Resolution 84 called on
COMELEC to fill the vacancy through a special election to be held simultaneously
with the regular elections on 14 May 2001. Twelve Senators, with a 6-year term
each, were due to be elected in that election. Resolution 84 further provided that
the Senatorial candidate garnering the 13th highest number of votes shall serve
only for the unexpired term of former Senator Teofisto T. Guingona, Jr., which ends
on 30 June 2004. On 5 June 2001, after COMELEC had canvassed the election results
from all the provinces but one (Lanao del Norte), COMELEC issued Resolution 01-
005 provisionally proclaiming 13 candidates as the elected Senators. Resolution 01-
005 also provided that the first twelve (12) Senators shall serve for a term of six
(6) years and the thirteenth (13th) Senator shall serve the unexpired term of three
(3) years of Senator Teofisto T. Guingona, Jr. who was appointed Vice-President.
Ralph Recto (Recto) and Gregorio Honasan (Honasan) ranked 12th and 13th,
respectively, in Resolution 01-005. On 20 June 2001, Arturo Tolentino and Arturo
Mojica, as voters and taxpayers, filed the petition for prohibition, impleading only
COMELEC as respondent. Tolentino and Mojica sought to enjoin COMELEC from
proclaiming with finality the candidate for Senator receiving the 13th highest
number of votes as the winner in the special election for a single three-year term
seat. Accordingly, Tolentino and Mojica prayed for the nullification of Resolution 01-
005 in so far as it makes a proclamation to such effect. Tolentino and Mojica contend
that COMELEC issued Resolution 01-005 without jurisdiction because: (1) it failed to
notify the electorate of the position to be filled in the special election as required
under Section 2 of RA 6645; (2) it failed to require senatorial candidates to indicate
in their certificates of candidacy whether they seek election under the special or
regular elections as allegedly required under Section 73 of BP 881; and,
consequently, (3) it failed to specify in the Voters Information Sheet the candidates
seeking election under the special or regular senatorial elections as purportedly
required under Section 4, paragraph 4 of RA 6646. Tolentino and Mojica add that
because of these omissions, COMELEC canvassed all the votes cast for the
senatorial candidates in the 14 May 2001 elections without distinction such that
there were no two separate Senate elections held simultaneously but just a single
election for thirteen seats, irrespective of term. Tolentino and Mojica sought the
issuance of a temporary restraining order during the pendency of their petition.
Without issuing any restraining order, the Supreme Court required COMELEC to
Comment on the petition. Honasan questioned Tolentinos and Mojica's standing to
bring the instant petition as taxpayers and voters because they do not claim that
COMELEC illegally disbursed public funds; nor claim that they sustained personal
injury because of the issuance of Resolutions 01-005 and 01-006.
Held: Legal standing or locus standi refers to a personal and substantial interest in
a case such that the party has sustained or will sustain direct injury because of the
challenged governmental act. The requirement of standing, which necessarily
sharpens the presentation of issues, relates to the constitutional mandate that
this Court settle only actual cases or controversies. Thus, generally, a party will be
allowed to litigate only when (1) he can show that he has personally suffered some
actual or threatened injury because of the allegedly illegal conduct of the
government; (2) the injury is fairly traceable to the challenged action; and (3) the
injury is likely to be redressed by a favorable action. Applied strictly, the doctrine of
standing to litigate will indeed bar the present petition. In questioning, in their
capacity as voters, the validity of the special election on 14 May 2001, Tolentino and
Mojica assert a harm classified as a generalized grievance. This generalized
grievance is shared in substantially equal measure by a large class of voters, if not
all the voters, who voted in that election. Neither have Tolentino and Mojica alleged,
in their capacity as taxpayers, that the Court should give due course to the petition
because in the special election held on 14 May 2001 tax money [was] x x x
extracted and spent in violation of specific constitutional protections against abuses
of legislative power or that there [was] misapplication of such funds by COMELEC or
that public money [was] deflected to any improper purpose. On the other hand, the
Court has relaxed the requirement on standing and exercised our discretion to give
due course to voters suits involving the right of suffrage. The Court has the
discretion to take cognizance of a suit which does not satisfy the requirement of
legal standing when paramount interest is involved. In not a few cases, the court
has adopted a liberal attitude on the locus standi of a petitioner where the
petitioner is able to craft an issue of transcendental significance to the people.
Thus, when the issues raised are of paramount importance to the public, the Court
may brush aside technicalities of procedure. The Court accords the same treatment
to Tolentino and Mojica in the present case in their capacity as voters since they
raise important issues involving their right of suffrage, considering that the issue
raised in the petition is likely to arise again.
Issue: Whether the President may call upon a referendum for the amendment of the
Constitution.
Held: Section 1 of Article XVI of the 1973 Constitution on Amendments ordains that
"(1) Any amendment to, or revision of, this Constitution may be proposed by the
National Assembly upon a vote of three-fourths of all its Members, or by a
constitutional convention. (2) The National Assembly may, by a vote of two-thirds of
all its Members, call a constitutional convention or, by a majority vote of all its
Members, submit the question of calling such a convention to the electorate in an
election." Section 2 thereof provides that "Any amendment to, or revision of, this
Constitution shall be valid when ratified by a majority of the votes cast in a
plebiscite which shall be held not later than three months a after the approval of
such amendment or revision." In the present period of transition, the interim
National Assembly instituted in the Transitory Provisions is conferred with that
amending power. Section 15 of the Transitory Provisions reads "The interim National
Assembly, upon special call by the interim Prime Minister, may, by a majority vote
of all its Members, propose amendments to this Constitution. Such amendments
shall take effect when ratified in accordance with Article Sixteen hereof." There are,
therefore, two periods contemplated in the constitutional life of the nation, i.e.,
period of normalcy and period of transition. In times of normalcy, the amending
process may be initiated by the proposals of the (1) regular National Assembly upon
a vote of three-fourths of all its members; or (2) by a Constitutional Convention
called by a vote of two-thirds of all the Members of the National Assembly. However
the calling of a Constitutional Convention may be submitted to the electorate in an
election voted upon by a majority vote of all the members of the National Assembly.
In times of transition, amendments may be proposed by a majority vote of all the
Members of the interim National Assembly upon special call by the interim Prime
Minister. The Court in Aquino v. COMELEC, had already settled that the incumbent
President is vested with that prerogative of discretion as to when he shall initially
convene the interim National Assembly. The Constitutional Convention intended to
leave to the President the determination of the time when he shall initially convene
the interim National Assembly, consistent with the prevailing conditions of peace
and order in the country. When the Delegates to the Constitutional Convention
voted on the Transitory Provisions, they were aware of the fact that under the same,
the incumbent President was given the discretion as to when he could convene the
interim National Assembly. The President's decision to defer the convening of the
interim National Assembly soon found support from the people themselves. In the
plebiscite of January 10-15, 1973, at which the ratification of the 1973 Constitution
was submitted, the people voted against the convening of the interim National
Assembly. In the referendum of 24 July 1973, the Citizens Assemblies ("bagangays")
reiterated their sovereign will to withhold the convening of the interim National
Assembly. Again, in the referendum of 27 February 1975, the proposed question of
whether the interim National Assembly shall be initially convened was eliminated,
because some of the members of Congress and delegates of the Constitutional
Convention, who were deemed automatically members of the interim National
Assembly, were against its inclusion since in that referendum of January, 1973 the
people had already resolved against it. In sensu striciore, when the legislative arm
of the state undertakes the proposals of amendment to a Constitution, that body is
not in the usual function of lawmaking. It is not legislating when engaged in the
amending process. Rather, it is exercising a peculiar power bestowed upon it by the
fundamental charter itself. In the Philippines, that power is provided for in Article
XVI of the 1973 Constitution (for the regular National Assembly) or in Section 15 of
the Transitory Provisions (for the interim National Assembly). While ordinarily it is
the business of the legislating body to legislate for the nation by virtue of
constitutional conferment, amending of the Constitution is not legislative in
character. In political science a distinction is made between constitutional content of
an organic character and that of a legislative character. The distinction, however, is
one of policy, not of law. Such being the case, approval of the President of any
proposed amendment is a misnomer. The prerogative of the President to approve or
disapprove applies only to the ordinary cases of legislation. The President has
nothing to do with proposition or adoption of amendments to the Constitution.
Carpio-Morales, J:
Facts:
The Memorandum of Agreement on the Ancestral Domain Aspect of the GRP-MILF
Tripoli Agreement of Peace of 2001 (MOA) is assailed on its constitutionality. This
document prepared by the joint efforts of the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines (GRP) Peace Panel and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) Peace
Panel, was merely a codification of consensus points reached between both parties
and the aspirations of the MILF to have a Bangsamoro homeland.
Issue:
When the Executive Department pronounced to abandon the MOA, is the issue of its
constitutionality merely moot and academic and therefore no longer justiciable by
the Court?
Held:
Yes. Since the MOA has not been signed, its provisions will not at all come into
effect. The MOA will forever remain a draft that has never been finalized. It is now
nothing more than a piece of paper, with no legal force or binding effect. It cannot
be the source of, nor be capable of violating, any right. The instant Petitions,
therefore, and all other oppositions to the MOA, have no more leg to stand on. They
no longer present an actual case or a justiciable controversy for resolution by this
Court.
The Court should not feel constrained to rule on the Petitions at bar just because of
the great public interest these cases have generated. We are, after all, a court of
law, and not of public opinion. The power of judicial review of this Court is for
settling real and existent dispute, it is not for allaying fears or addressing public
clamor. In acting on supposed abuses by other branches of government, the Court
must be careful that it is not committing abuse itself by ignoring the fundamental
principles of constitutional law.
Facts:
On 6 December 1996, Atty. Jesus S. Delfin filed with COMELEC a Petition to Amend
the Constitution to Lift Term Limits of elective Officials by Peoples Initiative The
COMELEC then, upon its approval
set the time and dates for signature gathering all over the country,
On 18 Dec 1996, Miriam Santiago et al filed a special civil action for prohibition
against the Delfin Petition. Also, Raul Roco filed with the COMELEC a motion to
dismiss the Delfin petition, the petition having been untenable due to the foregoing.
Santiago argues among others that the Peoples Initiative is limited to amendments
to the Constitution NOT a revision thereof. The extension or the lifting of the term
limits of those in power (particularly the President) constitutes revision and is
therefore beyond the power of peoples initiative. The respondents argued that the
petition filed by Roco is pending under the COMELEC hence the Supreme Court
cannot take cognizance of it.
Issue:
Whether or not the COMELEC has the power to call for Peoples Initiative to amend
the constitution specifically to lift term limits of elected officials.
Whether or not the Supreme Court can take cognizance of the case
Decision:
The COMELEC cannot validly promulgate rules and regulations to implement the
exercise of the right of the people to directly propose amendments to the
Constitution through the system of initiative.
Ratio:
Under R.A. No. 6735. Reliance on the COMELECs power under Section 2(1) of
Article IX-C of the Constitution is misplaced, for the laws and regulations referred to
therein are those promulgated by the COMELEC under (a) Section 3 of Article IX-C of
the Constitution, or (b) a law where subordinate legislation is authorized and which
satisfies the completeness and the sufficient standard tests.
Dissenting Opinion:
Justice Puno does not share the view that R.A. No. 5735 and COMELEC Resolution
No. 2300 are legally defective and cannot implement the peoples initiative to
amend the Constitution. I likewise submit that the petition with respect to the
Pedrosas has no leg to stand on and should be dismissed.
Significantly, the majority decision concedes that . . . R.A. No. 6735 was intended
to cover initiative to propose amendments to the Constitution. It ought to be so for
this intent is crystal clear from the history of the law which was a consolidation of
House Bill No. 21505 3 and Senate Bill No. 17. 4 Senate Bill No. 17 was entitled An
Act Providing for a System of Initiative and Referendum and the Exception
Therefrom, Whereby People in Local Government Units Can Directly Propose and
Enact Resolutions and Ordinances or Approve or Reject any Ordinance or Resolution
Passed by the Local Legislative Body. Beyond doubt, Senate Bill No. 17 did not
include peoples initiative to propose amendments to the Constitution. In checkered
contrast, House Bill No. 21505 5 expressly included peoples initiative to amend the
Constitution.
Oct. 25 2006
Issue:
Whether or Not the Lambino Groups initiative petition complies with Section 2,
Article XVII of the Constitution on amendments to the Constitution through a
peoples initiative.
Whether or Not this Court should revisit its ruling in Santiago declaring RA 6735
incomplete, inadequate or wanting in essential terms and conditions to implement
the initiative clause on proposals to amend the Constitution.
Whether or Not the COMELEC committed grave abuse of discretion in denying due
course to the Lambino Groups petition.
Held: According to the SC the Lambino group failed to comply with the basic
requirements for conducting a peoples initiative. The Court held that the COMELEC
did not grave abuse of discretion on dismissing the Lambino petition.
1. The Initiative Petition Does Not Comply with Section 2, Article XVII of the
Constitution on Direct Proposal by the People
The petitioners failed to show the court that the initiative signer must be informed
at the time of the signing of the nature and effect, failure to do so is deceptive and
misleading which renders the initiative void.
Even assuming that RA 6735 is valid, it will not change the result because the
present petition violated Sec 2 Art 17 to be a valid initiative, must first comply with
the constitution before complying with RA 6735
Petition is dismissed.