Circular MIgration PDF
Circular MIgration PDF
Circular MIgration PDF
of Cultural Assertion
Vinay Gidwani* and K. Sivaramakrishnan**
*Department of Geography and Institute of Global Studies, University of Minnesota
**
Harnessing primary and secondary evidence from India, our essay conceptualizes the cultural dynamics of migration.
In so doing, it demonstrates the incompleteness of standard marginalist and Marxist accounts of labor circulation.
As a corrective, we examine the linkages between culture, politics, space, and labor mobility and offer a way to think
about them by building on poststructural critiques of development and postcolonial theories of migrant subjectivity.
The proverbial compression of space-time not only has made extralocal work more viable for members of
proletarianized groups but, more importantly, has allowed them to transfer their experiences of new ways of being
into local contexts through acts of consumption and labor deployment that can become elements of a Gramscian
counterhegemonic praxis. We argue that the possibility of this sort of body politics compels not merely a critique
of the modernization paradigm that has organized classical migration studies but, more profoundly, a reassessment of
the way we understand modernity itself. We advocate an approach that provincializes the Eurowest and foregrounds
the existence of pluritopic regional modernities. Key Words: consumption, India, migration, regional modernities,
work.
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Inverted form
Naukri uttam (Salaried or nonfarm job best),
Vyapar madhyam (Trade middling),
Kheti kanisht (Cultivation worst).
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A recent econometric study by Haberfeld and colleagues (1999) on the impact of seasonal migration on the
social status and income levels of tribal households in
Dungarpur District of Rajasthan, on the border with
Gujarat, reinforces Rogalys ethnographic findings from
West Bengal. The authors note that migration is widespread, that migrant households have significantly higher
income levels than nonmigrant households, and that
income from migrant labor accounts for almost 60% of
their total annual income (Haberfeld et al., 487). More
pertinently, income from migration appears to allow
migrant households to compensate for structural disadvantages in access to education and agricultural income
vis-a`-vis more privileged caste groups.
Each of the cases cited above reveals the efforts of
subordinated tribal or dalit groups to reject their identification by caste groups as inferior persons whose bodies
and labors can be used, abused, and controlled.
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Consider also the politics of cultural style in Valiyambadu, a multicaste study village, where dalit families
constitute over 40 percent of the village residents (687
families). At the time when migration details were
collected, in the fall of 2000, 15 percent of all families in
the village (110 families) were engaged in some type of
migration. Circular migration was the dominant form,
involving 72 families. Of these, nearly two-thirds were
from dalit households, and destinations included the cities
of Tiruppur, Chennai, and Bangalore. Migrants engaged in
unskilled labor and semiskilled employment, a common
vocation being masonry work at construction sites in
Bangalore. About a dozen dalit migrants had mustered
resources to set up petty businesses in Chennai and
Tiruppur (for example, one barber from Valiyambadu now
plies his trade in Tiruppur, while another dalit has a
tailoring shop in Chennai). In 60 percent of the circular
migration cases, young, single sons left for Kerala, Coorg,
Bangalore, and Chennai to work in construction, as
coolies in public-works projects, as seasonal labor in
plantations, and as attendants or guards (chowkidars) at
private firms and homes. They contributed remittances to
their rural, impoverished families in Valiyambadu, along
with urban styles and city fashions to their peers, younger
siblings, and other children in the village.
In other cases, nucleated dalit families traveled to
Bangalore, where the men found work as masons,
carpenters, and bricklayers and the women worked as
unskilled labor in the same construction sites or, occasionally, ventured into neighboring residential areas to
work as domestic servants. These young men and women
returned to Valiyambadu as bearers of cosmopolitan
lifestyles, in the clothes they wore, the sights and images
they described, and the urban work opportunities they
relayed to kin and neighbors. Their comportment and
display irritated landed families from the Agemudiyar,
Vellala, Naidu, and Kurumba castes, who, habituated to
subservience from older dalits, witnessed these changes
among younger-generation dalits with consternation.30
Consumption as Counterhegemony
The dalits of Vanambaram and Valiyambadu may or
may not consider their consumption and labor deployment choices acts of resistance. But if we judge
resistance through political effect rather than intent, it is
abundantly clear that dalit body practices are experienced
negatively by the dominant group as a repudiation of their
social codes and hierarchiesin other words, as elements
of a counterhegemony. Bourdieu (1984, 57) reminds us
that an important function of the working classes, in any
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Conclusion
Our essay has asked two broad questions: First, how do
circular migrants create spaces for cultural and political
assertion within the context of regional modernities?
And second, what role do cultural politics play in the
subjective experience and assessment of circular migration? These questions relate in important ways to the
historical centrality of migration in the struggle for
livelihood securitya chronic problem in dryland India,
even for villagers with means and status. People from all
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Acknowledgments
Special thanks to John Paul Jones III for his advice on
content and organization, and to the various anonymous
reviewers for their helpful comments on the original
article. We particularly acknowledge the detailed critiques
of two referees, who compelled us to undertake difficult but
entirely necessary revisions and, we hope, write a substantially stronger article. We are grateful to Ron Aminzade,
Ben Crow, Michael Dove, Ben Rogaly, James Scott, and
Mark Steinberg for their meticulous comments on earlier
versions of this article, and we thank Paul Alexander, Tania
Li, Mary Beth Mills, David Mosse, Pauline Peters, and Jeff
Romm for helpful conversations along the way. Thanks also
to Sula Sarkar for her cartographic assistance. Responsibility for remaining errors or inconsistencies is entirely ours.
The various pieces of research on which this essay is based
were supported by grants from the American Institute of
Indian Studies, the Izaak Walton Killam Foundation of
Canada, the Population Council, the Social Science
Research Council, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for
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Notes
1. The observations developed in this essay apply to seasonal or
circular migrants and relay migrants, not to permanent outmigrants. Labor circulation encompasses transhumance,
rural to urban, and intrarural migration, whether of a short
term or semipermanent nature. For taxonomies of migration,
see Chapman and Prothero (1985) and Rogaly (1996).
2. Our stance on modernity deserves clarification: we reject
both the transition narrative that portrays the history of
societies as a discontinuous switch from the traditional to
the modern (hence, implicitly suggests a defining moment
when modernity takes hold of rural society) and the related
modernization narrative that portrays history in progressivist, evolutionary terms. Instead, we take the position of
South Asian and Latin American scholars of subalternity
(Chatterjee 1993; Coronil 1997; Dussel 1998; Mignolo 1999;
Prakash 1999; Chakrabarty 2000) that modernity is a
pluritopic phenomenon, not confined to Europe, and that the
rationalizing effects we observe in societies and ascribe to a
singular, European modernity are in fact the operation of an
Eurocentric discourse that has collapsed geographically
differentiated processes of modernity (representing the
articulation of precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial polities) into a unitary, historicist account. Watts (1995) makes a
similar point.
3. Harvey (1989), Anderson (1998), and Twitchell (1999) offer
trenchant analyses of these pathologies, particularly commodity fetishism.
4. Although we bracket the issue of gender in this article,
obviously our intention is neither to suggest that the
migrating body is only male nor to say that the renegotiation
of gender identities is politically less salient than the tussles
over class, ethnic, caste, and tribal identities. Rather, our
emphasis in this article on caste and tribal identifications
reflects our research trajectory, as well as a perceived gap in
the migration literature on these struggles.
5. We understand labor valorization, in Marxs ([1876] 1976,
ch. 7) sense, as the process whereby the commodity, labor
power, is purchased and consumed for its use-value within a
capitalist production process in order to generate surplus
value. However, in this article we understand acts of
consumption and labor valorization not as merely about the
acquisition of use- or the transfer of exchange-values, but just
as crucially, for their symbolic value in communicating social
distinction. The communicative aspect of commodities is the
subject of a rich literature. We owe debts primarily to Veblen
([1899] 1994), Douglas and Isherwood ([1979] 1996),
Bourdieu (1984), Appadurai (1986), Baudrillard (1988),
McCracken (1988), Parry and Bloch (1989), and Miller
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Correspondence: Department of Geography and Institute of Global Studies, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, MN 55455, e-mail:
[email protected] (Gidwani); Department of Anthropology, University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195-3100, e-mail: sivaram@u.
washington.edu (Sivaramakrishnan).