DIAMOND DIANA

On the whole, Is. 387J is probably nearer to the dorigia, too says that Torezzo discovered the method and
original text than z IC. 208-11. It is not, however, free ngraved thd arms of Charles V. on a diamond, whilst Jacobns
rhronus is said to have engraved on a diamond the arms of
from awkwardness. Explanatory words have evidently England, for Queen Mary of England, Philip's consort.
been introduced, after removing which we get something Diamond occurs four times in EV-once (Jer. 171)
like this : ' Behold, I will cause the shadow to go back o translate the Heb. imu (slzQm<r),which was almost
as many steps as the sun has gone down on the steps 2. The Hebrew certainly corundum (see A DAMANT ,
of Ahaz. So the sun went back as many degrees as it 3), the only substance used by the
had gone down.' The date of this part of the narrative terms. Greeks to engrave gems down to the
is long after the age of Isaiah, who was ordinarily no :nd of the fourth ceuury B .c., and thrice (Ex. 2818
worker of miracles (see ISAIAH,ii. 15, and cp I Cor. 19 11 Ezeli. 28 13) to translate the Heb. o.5~; (yahBZfim).
1z z ) ; and, if Duhm is correct, the phrase ' on the steps
of Ahaz' is the awkward insertion of an editor. The See PRECIOUS STONES. W. R.
reference is, therefore, of very small archzological value. DIANA ( ~ P T B M I C[Ti. WH], +.f+ 19243,). The
Still, we may fairly ask what the late writer meant, and :haracteristic feature of the early religion of Asia Minor
the most usual answer is that the steps were those which L. The goddess was the worship of a mother-goddess
led up to the base of an obelisk, the shadow of which in whom was adored the mystery of
fell on the upper steps at noon, and on the lower in the and her Nature, perpetually dying and perpetu-
morning and the evening. W e may suppose the worship. ally self-reproducing. She 'had her
monument to have been near enough to the palace for :hosen home in the mountains, amid the undisturbed
Hezeliiah to see it from his chamber. This, however, life of Nature, among the wild animals who continue
is quite uncertain, and, nothing being said of such Free from' the artificial and unnatural rules constructed
heathenish objects elsewhere,e it is scarcely probable. by men ' (Ramsay, ZiiSt. Phq'g. 1 8 9 ) ; the lakes with
@ (see Is. 388, and cp Jos. Ant. x. 21) thinks that the their luxuriant shores also were her favoured abode;
steps were those of the palace. This has been too and, generally, in all the world of plants and aninials
hastily rejected. It is perfectly possible that n,?, ' house her power was manifest. It was easy to identify such
(of),' fell out of the text before p,' Ahaz.' W e must 3. goddess with the Greek Artemis, for the latter also
at any rate abandon the view that a dial with concentric was originally the queen of nature and the nurse of all
circles and a central gnomon is meant. Ahaz might no Life ; but from first to last the Ephesian goddess was an
doubt have borrowed this invention from Assyria (cp xiental divinity.
Herod. 2109). There is no evidence, however, that nrsyo Under different names but with essential identity of
can mean 'degrees,' and it must be repeated that the character, the great godddss was worshipped throughout Asia
Minor, and the various modifications of the fundamental con-
narrative appears to be a glorification of Isaiah (cp ception often came into contact with, and influenced, one
Ecclus. 4823), based on no ascertainable tradition of another, as though they were originally distinct. In northern
fact,3 either as regards the wonder or the 'steps.' and eastern Phrygia the great Nature-goddess was worshipped
as Cybele. ln Lydia KatakekaumenC she was invoked as
' Steps ' was the simplest word to use in such a context, Artemis, and also by the Persian name Anaitis, introduced
in speaking of a comparatively remote age. T. IC. c. perhaps by Asiatic colonists planted in the Hermos valley by
Cyrus (Rams. Hist. G e o p . of As. &fin. 131). She was known
DIAMOND (l'P@,' D.$-:,! 3 ; see below, § 2). The there also as Leto, which is her title at Hierapolis and
name diamond is merely a modification of adamant, As Letoshe is traceable through Lycia and
a to the Pamphylian Perga, where again she is
1. Unknown to though, unlike the latter word, it has a also called Artemis (Str. 667). The name Leto is the Semitic
the quite definite meaning, designating the AI-lat (&, cp ' A h ~ h k Herod.
, lr31), and points to Semitic
well-known gem composed of crystal- influence, radiating perhaps from Cyprus (Rams. Hist. Phyg.
lised carbon, with traces of 'silica and earths. -It is 190).
usually colourless, but is often tinged white, gray, or The world-renowned seat of this worship was Ephesus
brown ; more rarely yellow, pink, etc. (Acts 1927 +)v i i h ~fi 'Aula K U ~fi O ~ K O U ~ ~ UU.+CTUL
?, : the
The diamond does not appear to have become known festival in her honour was called O ~ K O I J ~ E YThe ~ K Cfame
~).
to the Greeks till the time of Alexander's successors, of the Ephesian shrine was primarily due to the fact
when the Greek kings had much intercourse with India, that 'the Asian mead bythe streamsof the Cayster' (Horn.
the only place in the ancient world where diamonds are ZZ. 2461) was the natural meeting-point of the religious
known to have been obtained. Delitzsch has, indeed, ideas brought westwards by the expansion of the pre-
ascribed to the Assyrians an acquaintance with the Aryan kingdom ofAsia Minor (Sayce, Anc. Emp. 430),
diamond (comparing eZnz?& with Ar. 'aZmEs); but this and of the foreign, Semitic, influences which penetrated
is precarious. Nor is it any more likely that the the peninsula at various points on the coast where
diamond was known to the Egyptians ; the cutting intercourse with the Phcenicians was active. Thus
point used by them in working hard stones was more must we explain the peculiar composite features of the
probably corundum (Petrie, Pi,?-amids and TenzpZes of hierarchy which early grew up round the temple on the
Gizeph, 173). W e need have little hesitation, therefore, bank of the Cayster. It consisted of certain vestals
in deciding that it was not one of the stones known to (mqOdvoi)l under the presidency of a eunuch-priest,
the Hebrews of the sixth century B. c. (Ezeli. 28 13 EV). bearing the titular name Megabyzos (Str. 641). , Some
Much less could it have been an inscribed gem in the have understood the passage in Strabo to assert the
high-priestly ' breastplate ' of P (Ex. 28 18 = 39 II EV) ; existence of a College of Megabyzoi; but probably
for neither Greeks nor Romans could engrave the merely a succession is meant (one only in Xen. A n d .
diamond. 5 3 . § 6 f. and App. B C 5 9). Persia was probably
I t was not until the sixteenth century A.D. that the wonderful the source of supply. There were three grades among
skill of the cinque-cento engravers succeeded in producing the vestals, who seem to have had, besides, a female
intagli upon the diamond. No doubt, even many of the works superintendent (Plut. A n sen;. 795 34 Reislie). There
celebrated under this name may have been in reality cut in the
white topaz or the colonrless sa phire; but Chmus, a most is no evidence (Hicks, Znscr. Brit. M u s . 3 z , p. 85)
competent judge declares not on?y that Clement Rirago had that they were called plhiuuai, though the statement is
engraved on a diimond the portrait of Don Carlos as a betrothal usually made (after Guhl, Epphesiaca, 108); certain
present to Anna, daughter of the emperor Maximilian II., but
also that he had himself seen it during his stay in Spain in priestesses of the Great Mother were so called, however,
1564. Birago had engraved the arms of Spain as a seal. Paolo according to Lactantius (Znst. ~ z z ) ,and the bee was
1 Cp Duhm, Cheyne. the regular type on the coins (Head, Coins of E@. ).
2 Obelisks were characteristic of Egyptian sun-worship (cp There was also a college of priests ('Euu+Es). The
Jer. 43 13). popular derivation of the name was from hu,uL6s=
3 Bosanqiiet (TSBA 3 37) explained the alleged phenomenon
as the disturbance of the shadow during the solar eclipse of r ~ t h 1 For the meaning of this word in connection with the
Jan. 689 B.C. It is needless to discuss this. Cp CHRONOLOGY, $17. Anatolian system, see Ramsay, Hist. F'hyg. 196.
1098
 DIANA DIBRI '

' swarm'(so Curtius, Ephesos, 36); but it is perhaps wrong it to a radius of a stade from the temple, and again by
to follow Lightfoot ( LbZoss. Intra p. 94)in denying all Mithridates. Antony doubled it, taking in p+s T L T+S
connection with the name of the Jewish sect of the a6X~ws-i.e., part of the suburbs. This extension worlied
Essenes. These priests were the connecting link between in favour of the criminal classes (Strabo, IC.,Tac. Ann.
the hierarchy and civic life-e.g., they cast the lot which 360), so that Augustus in 6 B.c. narrowed the sanctuary
determined the Thousand and Tribe of a newly created area, and surrounded it with a wall (Hicks, IC. no.
citizen (Hicks, Z.C., no. 447,etc. ). Neither their number 522 3). There was a further revision by Tiberius in
nor the mode of their appointment is known, but they 2 2 A. D . (Tac. Ann. 361). Connected with this security
held office only for a year and sugerintended the feasts at was the use of the place as a national and private bank
the Artemisium following the sacrifices at the Artemisia, of deposit (Dio Chrys. Rhod. Or. 595 ; see also Caes.
or annual Festival (Paus. viii. 13I ). For minor sacred BeZl. Civ. 333 105 ; Strabo, 640). From the deposits,
officials see Hicks, IC. S 5 J loans were issued to individuals or communities (Hicks,
The analogous establishments of the goddess Ma in the remote M a n u a l Gr. Hist. Znscr. no. 205).
E. of Asia Minor, at the two Komanas (Cappadocia, Str. 535. It is noteworthy that the opposition to Paul did not
Poiitus, ia?. 557), show us the system in a more thorough-goini
form ; Straho's words (vuvl 66 r h p6v +UhdTTfTuL ri)v voplpwv rh originate among the priests (see EPHESUS). The
s'$no") imply that the grosser features of the cult had heen got energies of the priests of the great shrines must have
rid of at Ephesus. I n the eastern shrines we have a presiding been largely directed to the absorption of kindred
priest allied in blood to the reigning family, and second only
to him in honour, ruling the temple and the attendant kpp6Souho~ elements in the new cults with which they came in con-
(6mo in number), and enjoying the vast revenues of the sacred tact, or at any rate to the harmonising of the various
estates. rival worships. In this they were assisted by the
The cultus-statuewas thoroughly oriental inform, being tendency of the Greeks to see in foreign deities the
a cone surmounted bv a bust covered with breasts (Ter. figures of their own pantheon. That very definite steps
2. The image. eq?
Eph.). Like the most ancient
image of Athena at Athens (Paus.
were taken in Ephesus to avoid conflict with the cult of
Apollo is proved by the localisation there of the birth-
i. 26 6) and the statue-of -4rtemis at Tauris (Eur. Qh. T. place of Apollo and Artemis (Str. 639, Tac. Ann. 361 ;
977). and that of the allied Cybele of Pessinus, it 'fell cp Pauly's ReaZenc. 1373). The teaching of Paul would
clown from Jupiter' (so AV and RV in Acts 19 35 : 700 seem but another importation from the E., likely to
~ L O T E T O ~ S' ,that fell from heaven '). Such was her form effect a revival redounding to the advantage of the
wherever she was worshipped as Ephesian Artemis ; but temple. This blindness of the priesthood to the real
on the coins we find.mostly the purely Hellenic type. tendencies of the new teaching is well illustrated a t
The ' silver shrines' (Acts 1924 vaoi) were offered by the Lystra, where the priest of Zeus Propoleos is .foremost
rich in the temple : poorer worshippers would dedicate in doing honour to Paul and Barnabas (Acts 1413).
shrines of marble or terra-cotta. Not until a later period was this attitude exchanged for
Numerous examples in marble and some in terra-cotta, are one of hostility ; the earliest pagan opposition was based
extant(Athen. Mitth. 249, Arch.'Zeit., 1880) ; the series shows on lower grounds than those of religion (Rams. Church
continuous development from the earliest known representation
of the Mother-goddess (the so-called ' Niobe' at Magnesia near in R.Emp. 131, zoo). [See especially Zimmermann,
Mt. Sipylu,) LO such as that figured in Harrison, Myth. and Ephesos im ersten christX /ahrhundert, 1874.1
Man. oydthens, 48(cp Rams. in/HS, 1882, p. 45). Such shrines W. J. W.
were perhaps also kept in private houses (Paus. iv. 31 8 &Spes
/Si& B G u I*.&UTU Byouurv dv npij). Similar shrines were carried nn 17;
DIBLAH ( T $ 4 AeBAa0a [BAQI), E&. 614
in the sacred processions which 'constituted an importaut part of RV. See R IBLAH .
ancient ritual (Ignat. ad E)h. 9 ulivoSor rrdv~es,6'so+ipo~ K U ~
vna+6po~ ; Metaphr. Vit. Timoth. 1769 : cYSoha S& ~ a p b s (a+??),
DIBLAIM ~ 0 s 1. 3 ; see GOMER (2).
; , y o v ~ s in the festival called I < u T ~ ~;~Jnscr.
~ L oBrit.
v Mus. 3
no. 481, referring to the thirty gold aud silver ~ r r r a ~ ~ o v i u p u ~ a DIBLATH (?lllk:? in M T ; the statement that the
presented by C . Vibius Salutaris in 104 A.D.). true Palestinian reading is '31is weakly attested [Ea.];
In the manufacture of these shrines many hands and
much capital were employed (Acts 1924 W U ~ E ~ X E TTOTS
O
AsBAaed, [BAQ]), Ezek. 614 AV (RV D IBLAH ), where
the ' toward ' of EV demands an emended text. See
T E X Y ~ T U L SOCK dhiyvv dpyauiav).
RIBLAH.
The characteristic formula of invocation was peydhv
" A ~ T E(whence ~ L S we must accept the reading of D as DIBLATHAIM (?IQiQ$??),
Nu. 3346 ; see BETH-
against the p ~ y d h v3 " A ~ T Eof~the
L Sother MSS). The DIBLATHAIM.
epithet is applied in inscriptions (CZG 2963 C, T F ~ S DIBON ( o l t ? ; so thrice [Ba. ad Is. 1521 ; else-
piydhqs B E & 'AprCp~Gos; id. 6797*'E@Caov"Avauua).
where in O T and on Moabite stone 12'7, and so
Its use in invocatibn has been detected at other centres
of the allied cults. AalBw~[BAFLI-whence the true pronunciation is
This was the case, for example, at the shrine of Artemis-Leto probably Daibon, Meyer, Z A W 1 1 2 8 , n. 2-but in
and Apollo-Lairbenos a t Dionysopolis (Rams. Hist. P h q ~ . Josh. 1317 A~iBwp[AI, A ~ B [LI). ~ N
1151, n. 49, us 'Arr6hho Aepp?vds, see 3. Hell. Stud., 1889, I. A city of Moab (Is. 1 5 2 , Avpwv [BKcorr.pl.],
p. 216J ; cp X i s t . ~ h r y g 153,
. n. 53, + p p l q + Mqrpi A?+
AaLp$wv [lu"], A+. [QI'], Jer. 481822 Gepwv [MI,
STL :[ dsvvdrwv Suvarh rorei). In an. inscription from the
Limnai (mod. Egirrlrr Geal and Hoiran G.), where Artemis of [a]Ga~@w [Q]),the modern Didin, about 3 m. N.
the lakes was revered, we have the formula M ~ y i h q' A p ~ e p ~ r from Aroer and 4 from the Arnon. A fragment of an
(Rams. Hisf. G e o p . of AM, 410). The Artemis of Therma i t ancient song preserved by J E in Nu. 21 commemorates
Lesbos is invoked by the phrase 'Great Artemis of Therma
which appears on a stone still standing by the road between the conquests of the Amorite king Sihon over Moab
Therina anJ Mityleue (Bvllde Cow. FfelZ., 1880, p. 430). The 'from Heshbon to Dibon' (v.30). According to Nu.
Artemis of Perga also affords a parallel (Rams. Church in 27. 3234 [E! it was ' built' by the Gadites, and it is alluded
Em). 138 : cp also id. H i s L Geog. o f A M , 292). to as Dibon-Gad in Nu. 3345f: [PI. Josh. 1317 [PI
All these examples show that thepower of the goddess gives it to the Reubenites. In Is. 159 the name is
was a prominent idea in the cult, and give point to the written DIMON [ p . ~ , ] . It was at DibLn that the
reiteration of the formula by the mob (Acts 1934). Cp famous stone of King Mesha was discovered in 1868.
Xen. Eph. 111, dpvLiw & UOL T ; ~ V T ~ T ~ L O +p?v V BE^, 2. In list of Judahite villages (E ZRA , ii. 5 [a] 15
r;1v peydhvv ' E @ E U ~ W V " A P T E ~ L Y . [I] a ) , Neh. 1 1 2 5 (Arpwv [luc.amg,], om. BA) ; perhaps
One of the secrets of the popularity of the temple was the DIMONAH [q.v.]of Josh. 1522.
its right of asylum. Whatever the fate of the town, the
DIBRI ('W7. ; AaBp[e]i [BAFI, Z ~ M B ~ [Ll; I
3.The temple and all within the precinct were
safe (Paus. vii. 2 8 TOTS 6e' m o l ~b kobv D A B R I ) , father Of SHELOYITH [$7.". , no. I] ; Lev. 2411.f
o i r o i k &?pa Tjv oC6Cv: Cp also Herod. 126 ; kic. V i m P s story of the son of Shelomith who blasphemes ' the
ii. 1 3 3 ; Strabo, 641). The peribolos-area was several Name ' 1 bears a close family likeness to the incident in
times enlarged-by Alexander the Great who extended 1 So MT. The original text no doubt had Yahw&.

1099 * 1100
 D’IDYMUS DINAH
Nu. 2 5 1 4 8 There the marriage of Zimri (a name ever, when Simeon and Levi fell upon the people of
not unlike Dibri)’ with a Midianitess is the cause of sin, Shechem, as the Danites fell upon Laish, their attempt
and here the offender is the sou of a mixed union. to carry Dinah away was successful. Two explanations
Zimri belongs to the tribe of Sirneon which, according are possible. Dinah may have disappeared as a tribe
to Gen. 46 IO. had Canaanite relations, and in the person later along with its rescuers1-there is, however, a
of Dibri the tribe of Dan is pilloried (see D A N , 3 8). difference: the brother tribes left traces (see LEVI,
I n both stories the prevailing principle is the necessity S I M E O N ) - the
~ ~ success of the raid may be an element
of cutting off Israel from all strangers ; cp Neh 9 2 1330, of exaggeration in the story : Dinah may ha\ e been
and see Bertholet, SteZLzmE d,ZsmeL 147. absorbed into Shechem. Indeed the question suggests
DIDYMUS (AIAYMOC [Ti. WH]), Jn. 1116 etc. ; itself, as it does in the case of the other ‘ wives ’ in the
see THOMAS. patriarch stories (see Z ILPAH , BILHAII, R ACHEL ,
5:
DIKLAH ( 3 37; A e ~ [AEL], h in Ch. A ~ K A A M
\A] ; om. €3 ; de&), son of Joktan (Gen. 1027 I Ch.
L EAH ), Have we here really a distinct tribe? or does
Dinah simply mean Israelitish families (of whatever
clan) that settled in Shechem ?
21). The name is obscure ; it has been supposed by Unfortunately J’s story is incomplete : we are not
Bochart and others to designate ‘ a palm-bearing told what the dowry demanded of Shechem was, or
district ’ (cp Ar. duaknZ““, a sort of palm tree, and see why the city was attacked. A later age forgot that in
BDB). Hommel connects it with the name of the Canaan only the Philistines were uncircumcised (see
Paradise river Hid-deljel (see P ARADISE ). CIRCUMCISION. 9 3 ) , and thought that Israel could
DILEAN, RV Dilan (p?? ; A ~ h a h[BI; -Aaa EA1 ; never have consented to settle in Shechem unless that
town adopted the circumcision rite. J cannot have
-),),AN [L], Pesh. ell?), an unidentified city in the
meant this.
ShephElah of Judah (Josh. 1538). It occurs with Unlike the raid on Laish, that on Shechem seems to
Mizpeh (Tell es-SXfiyeh) in a group apparently N. of have been condemned by public sentiment. ‘ Cursed
the group comprising Lachish and Eglon. 2. Motive. be their anger,’ says the Blessing of Jacob,’
DILL ( T O ANHBON), Mt.2323 RVmg.; EV ANISE ‘for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it
(G”.). was cruel ’ ; but according to J the chief reason of this
DIMNAH (a$? ; A A M N A [AL] ; c e h h a [B]), one disfavour was that the safety of Israel had been im-
of the cities of Zebulun theoretically assigned to the perilled. The judgment that overtook the perpetration
Levites (Josh. 21 35f P). It is mentioned together with of the raid is clearly indicated in the Blessing : they
NAIiALAL ( g . w . ) . The form, however, seems incorrect ; should be divided and scattered. One instinctively
we should rather read Rimmonah, with Di., . Berth., asks, How does this ‘judgment ’ stand related to the
Bennett. Cp Rimmono (I Ch. 662 [77]), and ‘see name dinah? Does one explain the other? and, if so,
R IMMON , ii. 3. T. K. C. which ?
The Dinah story may be regarded as an explanation
DIMON (on’? ; A ~ I M U N [B twice]; PEMMWN of the ’ ‘judgment ’ either on Shechem or on Simeon-
rNC,asc.b twice, AI? once, Q” once] ; A ~ M M UN [once M IO Levi. It is also, however, fitted to serve as a popular
sup ras KaP; A ~ P M U N K” fort]; A I M U N [onceQmg.]; explanation of the name Jacob, which it assigns to the
NEMMD-) [aye K”]), a town of Moab mentioned only immigrant people : Jacob was a wily people ; and he
in Is. 1 5 9 (twice). According to Che. i ~ ~ isv al corrup- paid back an injury done him. Stories are easily
tion of o”ic1 N IMRIM [ q . ~ . ] it; is no objection to this worked up so as to explain several distinct points.
view that Nimrim has already been mentioned in w. 6 ; It was a common belief in the days of the monarchy
M ADMEN in Jer. 482 is still more plainly a corruption that the Leah tribes had been in the highlands of
of Nimrim. Those who adhere to the traditional text 3. Meaning. Ephraim before they settled in the south
suppose that Dimon=Dibon, the former with 77-2 being (see I SRAEL , 5 7, LEVI, SIMEON,D AN ,
chosen on acconnt of the assonance with diim, ‘ blood,’ 9 2). The point that concerns us here is whether some
or else that some unknown place is referred to (accord- of them settled in Shechem. Unfortunately the earliest
ing to Duhm, on the border of Edom ; cp 161 and see traditions that have conic down to us belong to an age
2 I<. 322). The former view is the more prevalent one. when there was no distinct memory of the real course of
If Abana=Amana, may not Dinion be equivalent to events. Every one knew that there was a time when
Dibon? Jerome in his commentary says, ‘ Usque Israelites had planted themselves in the hill-country
hodie indifferenter et Dimon et Dibon hoc oppidulum but had not yet incorporated Shechem-the belief of
dicitur,’ and in the O T itself we find DIMONAH [q.w.] a later age, that it was the resting-place of the remains
and Dibou ( 2 )used for the same place. If Dibon be of Joseph, had not arisen-but as to how it became
meant in Is. 15, ‘ the waters of Dimon ’ may, according Israelite there were already various theories. One story
to Hitzig and Dillmann, be a reservoir such as many told of deeds of sword and bow (Gen. 4822 Judg. 945) ;
cities probably possessed (cp Cant. 74[5]. but see another made more of a treaty or contract of some kind
HESHBON). The Arnon flowed too far off from the (connubinm ? circumcision ? a sale of property ? an
town to be meant. Still the text may be admitted to alliance [ n w ] ? ; 33 1934). It might perhaps be sug-
be doubtful. H. W. H. gested that the pzdi&alliance with the Shechemites
DIMONAH (3$D’? ; p € r M h [Bl, A I M U N A [AL]), (Judg. 831) points to a third story, a story of an Abiez-
a Judahite city on the border of Edom (Josh. 152%).
Perhaps the DIBON ( 2 ) of Neh. 1125 (cp Dibon and 1 Prof. Cheyne thinks that the disappearance of the tribe is
Dimon in Moab). Knobel and others suggest the modern actually recorded in 3 5 8 : that what E wrote w ~ not s ‘and
Kh. edh-Dlieid or e?- Teiyibeh, 2% m. NE. of Tell ‘Arad ; there died Deborah ’ but ‘and there died Dinah. There are
certainly, as he urgks, difficulties in the text as it stands : the
but this is quite uncertain. Pesh. I J ~ s ~ presupposes connecting of a famous tree with a nurse ; the preservation of
a form 8i)n-p ; cp the variation given under D ANNAH . the name (contrast Gen. 2459, where moreover E6 read n,?n
for nnpm : T& iwcipxovra a h + : cp 31 18); the presence of t i e
DINAH (32’7; A[€]IN& [AL]), ‘daughter’ of Leah nurse in the train of Jacob; the whole Jacob-clan making a
and ‘ sister ’ of Simeon and Levi. solemn mourning over her ; the geographical discrepancy
Whilst Ben-ani left behind it some memorials (see between Gen. 358 and Judg. 4 3. He iherefore proposes to
BEN-ONI), the disappearance of Dinah, to judge from emend np31 npl’c a131 into n p ? ip: n;l and to
1. Gen. 34. the absence of all later traces, seems to read : ‘And Dinah Jacoh‘s eldest daughter died and was buried
have been absolute. In J’s story, how- at the foot of [the hill ofl Bethel, and was b h e d Lnder the Tree ;
so its name is called Allon-baknth’ (see ALLON-BACUTH). The
1 Note L‘s reading above. Zimri in old Ar. (Sah.) com- destruction of a tribe would certainly fully account for the
pounds is g‘iinri (see Ziunr, i., n.); and for interchange of mourning (&%?Zz%). Both J (Gen. 373i) and P (Gen. 467) re-
6 and m cp ZABDI, n. present Jacob as having more than one daughter.
1101 1102
 DINAITES DISEAX€iS
rite settlement in Shechem. The idea of the covenant, :cp esp. P ' p c * ? * p h , ' disciples of the wise '), and found once
however, may be simply a popular attempt to explain 111 I C ~ .258, where the contrast between b paoqnjs and b
the name BAAL-BERITH ( q . ~ . )like , the story connected E L S ~ U K U ~ O (for
S which cp also Mt. 1025) is expressed by I,?!?
with the name Jerubbaal (see G IDEON ). The warlike ?p!fi-P)I 'as well ... the teacher as the scholar' ( T C ~ ~ I O V
story, though early, may have to be classed with others m i fiavOuv6v~wv[BAL], [uvvrbv p e d pavb'dvovros, Ll, doctz6s
of the same type. The peaceable settlement theory is buriter at indoctus [Vg.]). The 'apparent parallel in 'master
historically the most probable ; but it is hardly necessary and scholar ' Mal. 2 12 AV (MT il$ll&f ltzagistrunt et disc&-
to question the occurrence of a Dinah raid, less success- Zunz) is untrustworthy ; the passage is rendered in many different
ful than the Danite. See, further, LEVI, SIMEON, ways, and is certainlycorrupt.1 In the LXX pu8qnjs occurs only,
J UDAH . H. W. H.
in A, for n D h 'friends' (as if from q h ' t o teach'), viz., in
Jer. 1321, and"'i'n Jer. 20 II 4 0 9 where B (and in 40 g Ai?, see
DINAITES (W??), mentioned with the APHAR- Hatch-Redpath, Concordance) correctly redds pamnjq. On the
SATIICHITES, TARPELITES [ q q . ~ . ]and , others, in the subject generally see EDUCATIOS
Aramaic letter from Rehum to Artaxerxes (Ezra 4 9 ) . In the N T pdqrfis (fem. p ~ R f i ~ p Acts i ~ , 936),
It is improbable that the word is an ethnic name (so though limited to the Gospels and Acts, is of frequent
BBA,G[c]ivuioc, d i n m i [Vg.]), and we should rather Here it sometimes agrees
2. NT usage. occurrence.
point ~ 3 1 3 7 'judges' ( s o B" ol KPLTCLI). It is the Aramaic with the usage in Attic (cp especially
T-7-
Plato) and designates merely the pupil. one who is
translation of the Persian title dEtZbhar. Cp Hoffmann,
taught by another (Mt. lO24=I,k. 640): It is then
Z A , 1887, p. 5 5 ; Schrader, HWB(?; Andreas in applied to the followers of a particular teacher, or sect :
Marti, BibL Arm% Gram. 59*.
as, for example, of Moses as opposed to Jesus (Jn.
DINHABAH (?I???? ; A€"&& [ADEL]), the 9 2 8 ) , of the Baptist (Mt. 9 1 4 WIk. 2 1 8 ) , of the Pharisees
city of the Edomite king BELA ( q . ~ . ) Gen. , 3632. (Mt. 2 2 1 6 Mli. 2 1 8 ) ; it is also used of Jesus and
Almost beyond a doubt m n i ~ is a corruption of n i i n l his teaching (Jn. 6 6 6 and often). As referring to the
(cp v. 37). See BELA, and cp Che. OLZ, May '99. followers of Jesus lie find that puRqr4s is appiied ( a ) ,
It is a mere accident that several names can be widely, to all his adherents and followers (Mt. 1042,
quoted somewhat resembling Dinhabah. Thus in the and esp. in Acts 6 2 7 etc., only once followed by TOO
Amarna tablets Tunip or Dunip is mentioned as in the KIJP~OIJ, 9 r ) , including, even, those who had been
land of Martu. Tnnipa also occurs in the list of the baptized only 'into John's baptism' (Acts 1 9 1 - 3 ) ; and
N. Syrian places conquered by Thotmes 111. (Tomkins, ( b ) , in a more restricted manner, to denote the nucleus
RPW 5 2 9 ) . There was a Danaba in Palmyrene Syria out of which the Twelve were chosen, who, themselves,
(Ptol. v. 1 5 2 4 ; Assemani, BidL Or. 32, p. 595f. 606, are also called puRq~alin addition to the more faniiliar
quoted by Kn.), and a Danabe in Babylonia (Zosim. name of dm5uTohoi (Lk. 6 1 3 compared with Mt. 101,
Hist. 3 2 7 ) . There was also a Dannaba in N. Moab cp also Mk. 8 2 7 1 0 2 4 etc. ) ; see APOSTLE.^
( O S 1 1 4 3 1 ) . AToneib(PEFmap)orThenib(Tristram) Finally, in ecclesiastical language, the term ' disciple '
is to be found NE. of HesbBn ; the PEF map calls it is applied (in the plur. ) more particularly to the Seventy
Hodbat el Toneib, but the Beni Sakhr ' knew not Hod- 3. Later who were sent out by Jesus to preach the
b a t ' (Gray Hill, PEFQ, 1896,p. 46). With this place Ghristian Kingdom of Heaven (Lk. 101-17). The
Dinhabah is identified by v. Riess, BibeZ-AtZus, and number varies between seventy (so Text.
usage* Rec., Pesh. KACL) and seventy-two (Vg.
Tomkins, PEFQ, 1891, p. 322J T. K. C.
Cur. B, D etc. ; see more fully Variorum Bible and
DINNER ( & P I C T O N ) , Mt. 2 2 4 etc. See MEALS, Conim.). 'Lists of the names are extant in various
S 2, n. forms and are ascribed to Dorotheos, Epiphanius,
DIONYSIA ( A I O N ~ C I & [VA]),,z Macc. 6 7 RVmg. ; Hippolytus, and Sophronius. They comprise the
EV BACCHUS. names in the Acts and Pauline Epistles ; but variations
DIONYSIUS THE AREOPAGITE ( A I O N ~ C I O CLo] are to be found in each list. See Lipsius, Die ApoRry-
a p s o r r a r [ e ] i ~ ~[Ti.
c WH]), one of Paul's Athenian phen Apostelgesch. u. Apostellegeiid. 1193-206.
converts (Acts 1 7 3 4 ) . See D AMARIS . DISCUS (AICKOC P A ] ) , the Greek game played a t
Eusehius ( H E 3 4 423) tells us on the authority of Dionysius
bishop of Corinth who flourished about 17r A . D . that Dionysiu; the palzstra introduced by Jason among the Hellenistic
the Areopagite hgcame first bishop of Athens. in ecclesiastical Jews of Jerusalem ( z Macc. 414); see H ELLENISM , 14 ;
tradition he is sometimes confounded with St. Denis, the first also CAP. It is mentioned alone, either as the chief, or
apostle of France, a confusion which was greatly fustered by perhaps only as an example, of the games played.
Ahhot Hilduin of St. Denis (834 A.D.) in his AreopaYitica On the discus (a circular plate of stone or metal [cp 'dish']).
which made large use of spurious documents. The inipbortan; see CZms. Dict. S.V. 'Discus ' 'Pentathlon.' The indignatioi
writings of the Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagita, first mentioned in
the sixth century, do not fall within the scope of a Dictionary which the writer displays to&vards this Hellenizing innovation
of the Bihle. is paralleled in later times hy the abhorrence the Jews felt a t
the introduction of the Grecian game of 'dice' (x'xl?, KV,MU):
DIONYSUS (Alo~ycoc[VA]), z Macc. 6 7 RVmg.; see ShaU. 232 and cp Schiir. G V I 233, n. 154.
EV BACCHUS. DISEASES. O T terms for diseases are, as might
DIOSCORINTHIUS (AIOC KOPlNelOY [VA], be expected, vague (it is still a widespread practice in
&&&&&I [Pesh.]; z Macc. 1121.b) ; see M ONTH , 4. the East to refer euphemistically to any illness of a
severe nature rather than to give it a name), and the
DIOSCURI (AIOCKOYPOI [Ti. W H I ) , Acts 2811 nosological explanations which will presently be given
R V W ; AV CASTOR AND POLLUX. are but plausible or probable conjectures. Not to
DIOTREPHES ( A I O T P E ~ H C [Ti. WH]) is the subject spend time on general terms such as b~, nn?, v6aos
of unfavourable comment m 3 Jn. gf. Beyond what is (rendered ' sickness, disease '), or on terms implying a
there stated, nothing is known concerning him. theological theory of disease, such as y?;, I?;,"%;I, n p
DIPHATH (my?),I Ch. 161. AVmg, and R V ; AV (words which are often rendered ' plagne,' but properly
and RVmS RIPIIATH. mean 'stroke,' cp Is. 5 3 4 ) , we pass to special terms for
DISCIPLE. One who learns (cp Gk. M & H T H c , pestilence.
from M & N e & N W ) , as opposed to one who teaches Such are (4 f$p, 127, (4 2pc and >p?, (4If:.
0 (4
I~acKa),oc) ; see R A R I ~T
I ,EACHER. "9, 7?2dWeth (cp Ass. nzz2t&zzr), &&Tar (properly ' death'), is
"AV and RV both give 'disciples' in Is. 816 (discipuli[Vg.]), ~~

1 Torrey's correction is plausible-to read qiyr w l w , 'root and

and RVmg. in 504 and 5413 ( ~ a i 6 [ ~ 1 i uS,L ~ U K T ~[BMQI).
S In branch' (cp 3 1 9 [411).
OT usage. each case this represents D???m?, 'those who a For the same usawe cp Tertullian a&. Marc. 424.
are taught or trained.' A synonymous word 3 Cp Ante-Nicene eihrary ix. Hi&o@tus 2 1 3 2 8
4 For these we have to &knowledge oh6gations to Dr. C.
from the same root is l'P>F, common in late Jewish writings Creighton.
1103 1104
 DISEASES DISPERSION
used for a fatal sickness, such as the plague, in Jer. 152 1821 5), Herod the Great died, one feature of which was
4311 Job 2715. Cp the use of 6’dva~orin Rev. fi8 188. (6) l;;, +/aU K ~ ~ ~ dproioGua,
K U P and of that which 2 Macc.
d&her’(perhaps originally a boil [Socin]), O b a ~ o s is , the most ix. 59) asserts to have caused the death of Antiochus
distinctive term (see, e g . , Ex. 9 3 Dt. 2821). Possibly, too, in Cpiphanes. One is almost led to think that, in the
the phrase 137, rendered ‘an evil disease’ (Ps. 418), we
leficiency of evidence, narrators imagined such a fate
should point 1s; (with Lag. Che.). (c) Xlp, +&bh and &@e6h, s this for wicked kings. Sir R. Bennett conjectures,
‘ cutting-off ’ (Dt. 32 24 1’s. 916 Hos. 13 14), and (d) It?, r&$h iartly on the ground of Josephus’ statement (Ant. xix.
(properly ‘flame,’ cp RESHEPH ; Dt. 32 24 Hab. 3 5 I1l??) are , z ) , that the cause of Herod Agrippa’s death was
poetical words. See PESTILENCE. )erforation of the bowels by intestinal worms (Diseases
The following terms, which are of a more specific f the B i b b , 103).
character, occur chiefly in the threatenings of Lev. 22 On affections of the sight, see E YE ; on other diseases see
26 Dt. 28 :- 3011.. LEPROSY. L UNATIC, PESTILENCE, T HORN IN THE F LESH,
tc. ;’cp MEDICINE.
I . lnlp, &ar&zir (;pc9~up65), Dt. 2Q22tl ‘extreme burning,’
RV ‘fiery heat,’ may refer to some special fever, such as typhus DISH. See BOWL (sZphel), CHARGER ($e’Enih),
or relapsing fever. :RUSE (jaZla&ath),and MEALS, $ 9.
2. n e!?, daZZe&th (;;yosf, Dt. 28 z z t ; probably inflammation.
3. D>F, heres ( ~ v + # q ) ,Dt. 2827t, the itch, probably some DISHAN (I@’?; P [ E ] I C W N [ADEL], see DISHON).
eruptive disease, such as the Zic&en tropicus. :. A Horite clan, reckoned as the seventh and youngest
4. ngj:, yaZZejheU (‘accretion ’? hs&gv), Lev. 2120 2 2 d , ,on of Seir. The name occurs in Gen. 3621 (om. B,
EV ‘scah(bed),’ is, according to Jewish tradition, n’??!’ n’!? LICAN [L]) and I Ch. 1 3 8 , Gen. 3 6 2 8 ( P H C W N [ E l ) ,
the Egyptian herpes. t Ch. 1 4 2 ( M T IlW? ; A A I C W N [BA]), Gen. 3 6 3 0 .
5. &:, yab6eZeth (puppyaSvm), ‘one suffering from warts ’ The name is practically identical with DISHON,and
(so Jew. trad.), Lev. 2222t ; AV ‘having a wen’; RVmg. ,hould perhaps be emended after BEto ]W?.
‘having ,sores ’ (ulcers) ; from l / $ l s ‘to flow,’ hence ‘ a sup- 2. Gen. 31526, RVIw., EV DISHON (p.~.).
puration ; see translation of Lev. in SBOT.
6. flc?,?, kadda4ath ( m p d s ) , Lev. 2616 Dt. 2822t, fever
(AV in Lev. ‘burning ague ’).
DISHON ( ) \ ~ ? .
Tongly pointed
[I Ch. 1 4 1 1 ; (e?[I Ch. 1381 ;
/p’?[Gen. 3 6 2 6 1 ; iW?, [Gen. 36211 ;
Under the last of these (~adda&zth) may be included
malarial or intermittent fevers, which are met with in
~7 [vv. Z S ~ O ] ; § 6 8 ; AHCWN [BADEL]). Twice
the Jordan valley, but are not specially a disease of .eckoned as the fifth son of Seir (Gen. 3621 I Ch. 1 3 8 ) ,
Syria and Palestine, owing to the equable climate and Jut once (Gen. 3 6 2 5 [Aucuwv (L)]) as the son of Anah
the moderate variation of temperature. It was at .he son of Seir. His sons are enumerated in Gen. 36 26
Capernaum (a place liable probably to malaria) that ,RVmg. DISHAN, following present MT), I Ch. I41
Simon’s wife’s mother was ‘ taken with a great fever ‘ ‘Auruwv [BAL]). Cp D UKE , I .
In spite of his genealogical phraseology, the writer is fully
(Lk. 438)-an expression which is thought to indicate :onscious that he is dealing not with individuals but with clans.
medical know1edge.l Certainly Galen and Hippocrates Dishon, like Lotan and the other names, belongs to a Horite
use the phrase, as Wetstein has pointed out. There :Ian. Its meaning seems to be some sort of mountain-goat (see
PYGARG). As Di. and WRS agree, the Horite genealogy is full
are parallel cases in Acts 1 2 2 8 2 8 8 (see 9 IO). Accord- )f animal names.
ing to Ramsay (St. Paul the TrauelZer; cp Expositor,
July 1899, pp. 20-23) the ‘ thorn (stake) in the flesh’ DISPERSION. A l ~ c n o p so ~ , rendered by RV of
spoken of in 2 Cor. 1 2 7 means the severe headache z Macc. 1 2 7 Jn. 7 3 5 Ja. 1 1 I Pet. 1 I, is used partly to
(‘like a hot bar’) which follows an attack of the 3enote the process itself, the gradual distribution of
malarial fever of Asia Minor. Israelites among foreign lands, and partly as a collective
7. IlBnV, &&e+heU, Lev. 2616 Dt. 2822t, ‘consumption,‘ term for the persons so dispersed or for their surround-
perhaps to be understood as the wasting of marasmus which ings. In the present article it is proposed to treat
may attend various sicknesses, Pulmonary consumptiod is not, brieflyof the origin of the Jewish Dispersion (3s 1-14),its
however, frequent in Syria (Pruner, 283). legal standing (5 IS), and its inner and outer life (5s
8. 3?:,g&r&bh,Z Lev. 2120 2222 Dt. 2827, ‘scurvy’(but AV 16-22).
in Dt. ‘scab ’). The reference seems to be to some chronic skin GLaurropb occurs in $j of Dt.2825 Jer.34 [41]17 for Heb.
disease such as eczema ; a sense in which ‘scurvy ’ and ‘ scor- a;pl, ‘tossing to and fro’ (?). In Jer. 13‘4 6. [X*] is apparently
butic ’ were once used.
9. 6uueev7c!pp~ov(so the best MSS), Acts 288; RV ‘dysentery.’ a corruption for GLa+Bopd [so BA, etc.]. It renders ”4 (a collec-
The last of these terms, ‘dysentery,’ occurs in Acts tive) in Dt.304 and Neh.19, and D ’ p in Ps.1472 (‘ouicasts’
2 8 z 8 f , where the combination of relapsing malarial -‘dispersed ones’), and in Is. 496 Siauroph 708 Tupaqh-qiy~
(Ktb. q,y>) ~ N Y W ? ‘the
, preserved of Israel.’ It also occurs in
fever ( T U ~ E T O ~ S ) with dysentery is carefully noted. Jer. 157 Dan. (cod. 87) 122.
According to Josephus (Ant. vi. 11)the disease of the I. Permanent settlements of Israelites in regions out-
Philistines in I S. 5 was dysentery, a view which, if the side Canaan had their origin in one or other of two
traditional Hebrew readings of the text may be accepted, 1. Origin. causes-the exigencies of commerce and the
has some plausibility. The more usual biblical ex- chances of war. The regular commercial
pression for dysentery is the falling out of the bowels, relations into which Solomon and his successors entered
implying either painful straining as if the bowels would with Egypt, Phcenicia, and the countries of Middle and
fall out, or some shedding of the mncous membrane, 01 Northern Syria ( I K. l O z x J ) must of necessity have
a degree of prolapse, such as occurs normally in the led to the formation of small Israelite colonies outside
horse, mule, etc. of Palestine. These enjoyed the protection of the
There is a singular combination of the idea of bursting foreign prince under whom they lived, and had in the
asunder with that of falling out in Acts 1r 8 ; but the seconc
art of this passage will not bear the stress of critical treatment city of their choice a separate quarter of their own,
$is the conventional fate of traitors in apocryphal legends thai where they could follow their distinctive customs with-
is assigned to Judas. The statement must if this view i: ont disturbance or offence (cp I K. 2 0 3 4 , and see
correct, he classed with the less historical portions ofActs. Cg D AMASCUS , § 7 ; ISRAEL, 5 2 3 8 ) . Prisoners of war, on
ACELDAMA.
I O. U K W X ~ K ~ P ~ W (‘
T Oeaten
S of worms ’) gives us thc the other hand, either remained under the power of their
only detail as to the disease by which Herod Agrippa I. captors or were sold as slaves all over the world (Am.
1 6 ) . Obviously it was only in the first of these cases
was carried off (Acts 1 2 2 8 ) . It reminds us, however
of the disease of which, acc. to Josephus (Ant. xvii that the prisoners could by any possibility have formed
the nucleus of a permanent Israelite community living
1 Wetstein (1772) remarks ‘ Lucas medicus morbos accuratiu. abroad; but we know of no actual instance in which
describere solet. Cp Hobart, The Medical Laizguage ofst
Luke, Dublin, 1x52. this happened.
2 Cp Ar.jara6, a contagious eruption consisting ofpustules. The forced migrations arising out of the conquests of
1105 1106
 DISPERSION DISPERSION
5 5 0 8 ; E ZRA, ii. ; CYRUS).
'.
~ -. ~.~
the Assyrian and the Babylonian kings were of a quite
..,. different character. The first was brought
-r-lgla'n- about in 734 by Tiglath-pileser 111. ( z K .
The command of Cyrus to
rebuild the temple of Yahwk in Jerusalem and the
mission of Sheshbazzar in 538 led to the return of but
pileser and 1529) ; at a later date Sargon deported few families to the ancestral home; the tidings that
Nebuchad- 27.280 inhabitants of Samaria to Meso- the restoration, of the temple had been accomplished
Db;amia and Media ( z K. 176). These (519-515) led only to the sending of deputations and
large colonies skem to have become completely absorbed ; of gifts to Jerusalem (Zech. 6 9 $) ; it was not more
history furnishes no clear trace of their continued separ- than some 5000 or 6000 persons that Ezra led back
ate existence. Still, there is no improbability in the to Judaea about 430 B . C . All this abundantly proves
supposition that many of the banished Israelites sub- that the inclination to return was not very strongly
sequently became united with the later exiles from Judah. felt by the exiles.
These later exiles were transported by Nebuchadrezzar For this there were various causes. Many of the
11. to Babylon in 597, 586, and 58z,-according to exiles were indifferent in religious matters ; some had
Jer. 5228-30 to the number of 4600 souls. They in the interval adapted themselves too closely to the
did not readily accommodate themselves to the ar- new conditions in which they found themselves ; others
rangements made by the king in their behalf, having held the return to be premature, deeming that the
3. Feelings been ied by their prophets to expect a
of Israelites. speedy return to Jerusalem (Jer. 29 Ezek.
times of fulfilment had not yet come. In accordance
with prophecy, the last-mentioned were expecting some
13). This view, as we know, was not special divine interposition to put an end to the ' exile '
shared by Jeremiah and Ezekiel; and hence it is that and to give the signal for the beginning of the glori-
the first-named prophet has left us a clear utterance fication of Israel (Jer. 3236 8 Ezek. 3 4 1 1 8 Is. 4 0 3 8
with regard to that (for Israel) perplexing event-the 9 8 Mic. 5 2 ) . Just as, in Jerusalem, men hesitated as
' exile.' For him the Babylonian Exile is a prolonged to whether they should proceed with the building of
punishment from God. It must be submitted to with the temple and not rather wait for YahwFs manifesta-
resignation and patience, and relief will come only tion of himself in glory (Hag. l z f l ) , so in Babylonia
to those in whom the chastisement has fulfilled its pur- they hesitated as to whether they ought to return forth-
pose. Hence he admonishes the exiles to settle quietly with and not rather await some special divine inter-
down in Babylonia, to think of the welfare of their position. It is possible that a few additional families
families, and to seek their own good in that of the may have migrated to Jerusalem after the post-exilic
foreigners among whom their lot is cast (Jer. 294-7). community there had been reconstituted under Nehemiah
On the other hand, in his view the intention of those and Ezra (430 B.C.) ; but in any case it is certain that
men of Judah who were proposing of their own proper a very considerable body of Jews who still adhered to
motion to forsake the land of YahwB and remove to the law remained behind in Babylonia, and thus that
Egypt was against the will of God : it was the road to the same tendencies which had led to the great changes
ruin (Jer. 42J). This view of the prophet did not, in Jerusalem brought about through the help of the
however, turn them from their purpose (see J ERE - Persian kiugs continued to be influential in Babylonia
MIAH ). Nor did the distinction made by the prophet also. The Babylonian Diaspora received an accession
between involuntary and voluntary exile, however ob- under the reign of Artaxerxes 111. Ochus (358-338) when
vious in itself, affect the theorists of a later age, whom he transported Jews to Hyrcania and Babylonia (Georg.
we find expecting the return of the Israelites indis- Syncell. ed. Dindorf, 1486).
criminately from all the lands of the dispersion (Is. The Persian overlordship may be assumed to have
1112 4 3 5 J ) . helped to open the way for the Jews of Babylonia
Let us now seek to trace the subsequent history of 6. Babylonia towards the E. and the N. (The case of
the diasuora in the various lands of its abode. T h e Nehemiah [Neh. 1 8 1 is a clear example
4.Diaspora in Judahites deported to Babylonia con- a radiating of the kind of thing that must often have
stituted, alike in numbers and in worth, centre' happened ; compare also Tobit 19-22.
Babylonia. the vert. kernel of their DeoDle ( z K. Wherever a Jew had established himself in some
24 12-16 25 11 Jer. 52 IS[. They carried- wi'th ;hem, advantageous position there were never wanting others
accordingly, as we learn from the Book of Ezekiel, into to press forward and follow this up for themselves.)
their new home all the political and religions tendencies From Babylonia (and Hyrcania) the Jews advanced to
of the later period. In particular, there was in Baby- Elam (Is. 1111), Persia, Media, Armenia, Cappadocia,
lonia no want of persons who cherished and developed and the Black Sea. The relations which Herod the Great
the ideas of the prophets of the eighth and the seventh had established with the princes of the Upper Euphrates
centuries. For proof we have only to look at the great were utilised, we may be sure, by the Jewish Diaspora.
zeal which was shown in preserving and adapting the Their centre of radiation for the whole of these Eastern
older historical and legal literature, or to call to countries, however, continued always to be in Babylonia,
mind the many prophetical utterances belonging to where the Euphrates and the Tigris begin to merge.
this period. Those who cherished these ideals did not Here was situated Nehardea (tqnim, N u u ~ ~ uwhere ),
constitute any ' close ' community ; they mingled freely the temple tax levied in these parts was annually
with those who were opposed to them, and the pro- collected (see below, J 16). In the same neighbour-
phetic conception always had much to contend with. hood two Jews named Asinaeus and Anilaeus, in the
Still, there were certain centres for Israelitic piety at time of Caligula, founded a sort of robber state which
which fidelity to the Law and hope in the return of the held its own for sixteen years (Jos. Ant. xviii. 91).
exiles were sedulously and specially cherished. TEL- Another important focus of Judaism was the city of
ARIB (Ezek. 3 IS), the river CHERAR(Ezek. 1 3 ) , AHAVA Nisibis ( p 3 3 3 ) , in the upper basin of the Chab6ras.
(Ezra815). and CASIPHIA (Ezra817) are the only The Jewish community in Babylonia could boast of the
names of such places that have come down to u s ; conversion of King Izates of Adiabene ( y i n ) , on the
but doubtless there were others. When we find Ezra upper Tigris, along with his mother and the rest of his
fetching Levites from Casiphia we have evidence kindred, in the reign of Claudius (Jos. Ant. xx. 2-4).
enough to mark the place as a centre of deutero- The development of the Diaspora in Egypt followed
nomistic legalism. The Babylonian Diaspora was by a auite different course from that which has iust heen
no means entirely deprived of these sketched. Whilst the Judaism bf Baby-
r e ~ ~ devoted ~ ~ treligious
o workers in the sixth 7' Diaspora lonia maintained its Oriental character
Judah. and fifth centuries. The return under in Ewpt; with considerable strictness, in Egypt, or
Cyrus must not be construed exactly (to speak more precisely) in Alexandria, it entered upon
as we find it represented in E z r a l - 3 (see ISRAEL, that remarkable alliance with Hellenism which was
1107 1108
 DISPERSION DISPERSION
destined to have such important effects on the history of permission to settle on the eastern border of the Nile
religion. Whether Psametilc I. (663-609 B.C. ) actually delta in the nonie of Heliopolis. Here Onias built a
had Jewish mercenaries in his service (Letter of Aristeas) fortress, and within this a sanctuary (on the pattern of
may be left an open question. W e know, however, the temple of Jerusalem), in which he established a legal
that in 609 Nechd 11. condemned King Jehoahaz to exile worship of YahwB. Philometor endowed the temple
in Egypt, and that in 586 a body of Jews, including with laud (cp Jos. BJi.1 1 ; vii. 1 0 2 8 ; A7~t.xii. 5 1 ;
Jeremiah the prophet, under the leadership of Johanan 97 ; xiii. 3 1 8 ; also the recent discussions of the date
b. Kareah, migrated to TAHPANHES ( TeZZ Defenne; cp of this exodus and the persons engaged in it in Willrich,
Jer. 42 J ) . According to Jer. 4416 (an insertion op. cit. 64 8 126 8 ; Wellh. G G A , 1895, p. 9 4 7 8 ;
dating from about the fifth century) Jews settled also in also ISRAEL, 7).
MIGDOL, NOPH (Memphis), and PATHROS(Upper The temple of Onias, however, did not receive
Egypt). Their settlement in Alexandria is assigned by universal recognition even in Egypt (not to speak of
the Pseudo-Hecatzus, by Aristeas, and by Josephus to Palestine). It had, indeed, the legitimate high priest,
the period of Alexander the Great or Ptolemy I. It has of the family of Aaron ; but it did not occupy the
been shown by H. Willrich,l however, that the state- legitimate site. Thus the Diaspora in Egypt was brought
ments of these writers must be taken with great caution. to a state of schism, which is alluded to in a veiled
In his own view there was no considerable Jewish manner in Ant. xiii. 3 4 and elsewhere, as Willrich (09.
element in Alexandria until the second century B.C. cit. 1 2 9 8 ) has conjectured, no doubt correctly. At
Against this theory two objections can he urged. First, the same time, the antagonism between Leontopolis (as
the Statement of Apion that the Jews settled to the E. the city of the Onias-temple was called) and Jerusalem
of the harbour of Alexandria (Jos. c.\Ap. 24) can he does not seem to have been very intense : otherwise the
understood only with reference to the time of the rise of allusion to the temple of Onias in Is. 1918f: (hut cp
the city. Secondly, the statement of Josephus (ih.;cp H ERES , CITY OF) would hardly have been allowed to
BJ ii. 787) that the Jews in Alexandria received the pass. Moreover, national feeling appears on repeated
honorific name of Macedonian can hardly he doubted. occasions to have overridden religious or ecclesiastical
Josephus indeed exaggerates ; the Jews in Alexandria differences (Jos. Ant. xii. 132 ; xiv. 81 ; BJ i. 94).
were in the first instance under the protection of the Peculiarly noteworthy is the readiness for war and the
' phyle' of the Macedonians, and the Jewish quarter ability for self-defence to which Josephus frequently calls
formed a part of this ' phyle' ; in the limited sense only attention in the followers of Onias (c. Ap. 2 5 ; Ant. xiii.
came they to be called Macedonians. As th& later 104 ; 131J ; BJ i. 9 4 : Ant. xiv. 81). The temple a t
Ptolemies, especially from the time of Ptolemy VI. Leontopolis was destroyed in 73 A.D. by Lupus and
Philometor onwards, favoured the Egyptian more than Paulinus by order of Vespasian (Jos. BJvii. 1 0 ~ 3 ) .
the Grecian element in Alexandria, it is not to be sup- Jews penetrated also into Upper Egypt and Cush
posed that the Jews reached this privileged position so (Is. I ~ I I )as, we learn from lately . published
_ papyri.
. ..
late as the second century.2 This being so, they can 9. Upper They were strongly represented in Cyre-
have obtained it only under the first Ptolemies, and in naica also (c. Ap. 2 4 ; Jer. on Dan.
that case it is very far indeed from improbable that 1114). Strabo Icp Tos. Ant. xiv. 72).
Jews were included among the earliest inhabitants of writing of 85 ~.c.,'dividesthe inhabitants of the city of
Alexandria and thus acquired special privileges there. Cyrene into four classes-citizens, peasants, settlers
They had a separate quarter of their own, known as (metmci), and Jews. In the city of Berenice the inscrip-
the A (Delta) quarter (Jos. BJ ii. 188). The repeated tions show a special T O X I T E U ~ Uof the Jews dating from
struggles between Ptolemies and Seleucids, and the 13 B.C. (cp CZG iii. no. 5361).
preference of the Jews for the former dynasty, may he T h e Diaspora in Egypt did not owe its origin entirely
presumed to have led in succeeding generations to -as, in the first instance, did that of Babylonia-to
further Jewish migrations into Egypt, especially to lo. Attrac- external compulsion. It owed its growth
Alexandria, partly even as prisoners of war (cp Jer. in and its reputable standing mainly to the
ban. 11 4 ) . tions of great changes produced throughout the
civilisation.
We are told of Ptolemy 11. Philadelphus Uos. Ant. xii. 2 I) East generally by the conquests of
that, as a fitting prelude to the Greek translation of the Alexander. The greatly enlarged channels of com-
Hebrew Scriptures he redeemed some ~zo,oooJewish prisoners
of war. The story)is doubtless a fiction ; but it throws light on merce, especially by sea-routes, attracted many from
some of the circumstances which had to do with the increase of the interior to the coasts. The newly-founded Grecian
the Jewish population in Egypt. Ptolemy VI. Philometor cities, rendered attractive by all the achievements of
(181.145) also is mentioned in history as a friend to the Jews ;
Ptolemy VII. (see EUERGETES), as a relentless enemy. For the Greek art and civilisation, became favourite resorts.
former see Jos. Ant. xiii. 3 I $ ; for the latter Jos. c. [email protected] 5. We Henceforth trade relations, the desire to see the world,
may take it that Euergetes for some years regarded the Jews as soon also political considerations and (we may well
his political opponents siding as they did with his rival Ptolemy suppose) a certain conscious or unconscious craving for
Philometor ; hut we have evidence of papyri -and inscriptions
that he also showed them various marks of favour (Willrich, 03. culture, became operative in promoting the dispersion
L i t . 1428:). of the Jews over the civilised world. .
In Philo's time (40 A. D. ) the Jews in Alexandria were Such things seem to have been specially influential
so many as to occupy two entire quarters, besides in bringing about the settlement of Jews in Syria. It
furnishing a sprinkling over the rest of the city (in is quite possible, indeed, that the old
Flaccum, 8, ed. Mangey, 2525). 'I Diaspora Israelite colony in Damascus (see above,
An exceptional position was taken by the Onias in Syria* I) may have maintained an uninter-
colony in the nome of Heliopolis. T h e high priest rupted existence and gradually developed into the Jewish
8. Leon- ONIAS ( q . ~ . )son, of Simon the Just, had community to the largeness of which Josephus bears
topolis. taken refuge from his adversaries, the witness (BY ii. 202 ; vii. 87). In some of the Phcenician
children of Tobias, and from Antiochus IV. cities also, as, for example, in Tyre (cp Ezek. 27) and
Epiphanes, in 173 or 170, by flight into Egypt. H e Sidon, Israelites may have settled from a very early
was accompanied by a body of his adherents-among period ; as at the main points on the great trade route
them DOSITHEUS (4), who is named in the subscription between Jerusalem and Mesopotamia, such as Hamath
to the Greek version of the Book of Esther. From (Is. 1111). The Syria of the SeleucidE, however, seems
Ptolemy VI. Philometor he and his people received first to have become thoroughly accessible to Jews only
after the reign of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes. It was his
-. PAT.
1 I d e n u. Griechen vor d. makkabaischen Erhebunc. successors, for example, who first conceded to them the
1 2 6 3 ['gs]. right of free settlement in Antioch (Jos. Ant. vii. 33).
2 Cp Lumhroso, L'Egffto dei Greci e de; Romani ['gs];
Mahaffy, The Emjire of the Ptolernies, 3593 3833 rg51. The later Seleucidse had abundant occasion for showing
1109 I110
 DISPERSION DISPERSION
consideration to the resident Jews : in the frequent acquaintance. Jewish inscriptions, moreover, occur in
struggles for the crown, the support of the Maccabees Greece, and the apostle Paul found firmly organised
became important (Jos. Ant. xiii. 53). T h e opposite communities there (Acts 17jT.). In 63 B .c., Jewish
statement of Josephus that it was Seleucus I. (306-280 captives were brought to Rome by Pompey and sold as
B .c.) who granted to the Jews the rights of citizenship slaves. Soon emancipated, they acquired the Roman
in Antioch ( 6 . Ap. 24), or even equal rights with Greeks citizenship and founded the Jewish colony upon the
in all the cities founded by him in Asia and Lower right bank of the Tiber (Philo. ed. Mangey, 2568).
Syria (Ant.xii. 3 1 ) ,is probably to be understood only as Caesar conferred upon the Jews many favours : compare
meaning that the Jews ultimately received the rights of the decree of the senate in Jos. Ant. xiv. 8 5 , and the
citizenship in all the places named. It is easy to under- immediately preceding narrative. Herod the Great,
stand how the astonishing increase in numbers, power, who always interested himself in the welfare of the Jewish
and influence, which the Jewish commonwealth gained Diaspora (Ant. xvi. 22-5, 6 I+?), cultivated relationst
under the rule of the Maccabees, should first have made with Rome assiduously, and greatly promoted the Jewish
itself felt in the neighbouring kingdom of the Seleucidae. settlements there. Thus in the course of the first
The Maccabees had subjugated and converted the Idu- Christian century the Jews had already been able to
maeans in the south as well as the Iturzeans in the north ; establish themselves on the left bank of the Tiber beside
Galilee and Peraea also became Jndaised during their the Porta Capena (Juv. Sat. 3 12-16), and at a some-
supremacy. What was the little community founded what later date on the Campus Martius and even in the
by Ezra and Nehemiah, either in extent or in numbers, Subura. In connection with events in the year 4 B.C.
in comparison with this? Jerusalem bad become so Josephus (BJ ii. 6 1 ) speaks of a Jewish embassy to
strong that-reversing the prophetical prediction-it Rome as having been supported by more than 8000
could lend to the Dispersion from the abundance of its Jews there. Under the same year he incidentally
own forces. From this time forward it was, we may mentions (BJ ii. 71) the existence of Jews in Dicaearchia
plausibly conjecture, that the Diaspora in Syria became (Puteoli). The friendship of the two Agrippas with the
so strong as to exhibit the largest admixture of the imperial house, the relations of Josephus with the Flavii,
Jewish element known anywhere (Jos. BY vii. 33). the love of Titus for Berenick, all testify to the progress
Precise details regarding the individual localities are, which Judaism had made in the highest Roman circles ;
however, lacking. and no one will imagine the Jews of that day to have
The immigration of Jews to Asia Minor and its been so self-forgetful as not to utilise such favouring
islands was partly overland by way of Syria and Meso- circumstances, as far as they possibly could, for their
potamia, and partly by sea from Egypt own advantage.
In Asia and Phcenicia, but for the most part not T o complete the present survey, Arabia also ought to
Minor and before the Grecian period. It is possible, be mentioned as one of the fields of the Jewish Diaspora.
West* however, that Jews may have been sold From Acts 2 II and Gal. 117 the inference that in the first
as slaves into these regions at an earlier date (cp Ezek. century there were Jewish communities there is certain ;
2713 Joel 3[4]7). It is interesting that Clearchus of but as to their origin we are left entirely to conjecture.
Soli (circa 320 B.c.) speaks of a meeting between his Philo (in FZacc. 6, ed. Mangey, 2523) estimates the
master Aristotle and an already Hellenised Jew (Jos. numbtr of Tews living - in Egypt alone in the time of
I_~

c. Ap. i. 22). In the passage in question the Jews are 14. Approxi- Caligula at a million. If to this figure
represented as descendants of the Indian philosophers ; mate numbers. we add the total of the other groups
which shows that at that time and place the Jew was mentioned above, we shall not be far
looked upon with wonder as a new phenomenon-the wrong in putting the figure at three or four millions.
educated Jew, at least. Josephus (Ant. xii. 34) will The violent breaking-up of the Jewish population in
have it that a colony of 2000 Jewish families was trans- Palestine in consequence of the war of 66-70 A. D . (cp
ported by Antiochus 111. the Great (224-187) from Jos. BJ vi. 8 2 , 93) raised this number still further ; and
Mesopotamia and Babylonia into Lydia and Phrygia. thus the expression of Dio Cassius (693) in speaking of
The form and the substance of the statement alike the Jewish insurrection under Hadrian-that all theworld,
arouse suspicion (Willrich, 3 9 8 ) . Here again we are so to say (3o I ~ o u , u & ~was
) , stirred-is intelligible enough.
in ignorance as to the details of the migration. In any 11. The legal standing of the communities of the Dia-
case, it was to the advantage of the Jewish Diaspora mora at first varied in the various lands. The colonies
when Greece and Asia Minor in 146 and 130 B.C. 15. Legal in the Assyrio - Babylonian empire were
became Roman provinces and the kings of Eastern Asia standing. crown possessions, under royal protec-
Minor accepted the supremacy of Rome. From the tion (Ezra 4 14). The lands they tilled were
days of Simon, the Maccabees had been in friendly grants from the king, on which they were free to live in
alliance with Rome, and the Jews very soon began to accordance with their own laws and customs (cp the
realise that under the R o m a n . d e they enjoyed greater counterpart in Israel 2 K. 1 7 2 4 3 ) . If the colonists
freedom in the exercise of their religious customs than flourished they gradually established their independence ;
they had found in the Grecian kingdoms (cp Jos. Ant. if otherwise, they ultimately lapsed into a state of serf-
xvi. 24, and below). Accordingly, as early as the first dom (cp Gen. 4 7 1 3 3 ) . In this respect it is not to be
century B. c . , we find them making use of their good supposed that any considerable change came about
relations with the Romans to secure any doubtful or under Persian or Greek supremacy as long as the aliens
disputed rights in the cities of Asia Minor and Syria by continued to be members of the colony. In Egypt the
decisions of the supreme authority (cp decrees and the same course was followed by the rulers or pharaohs, as
names therein mentioned as given in Jos. Ant. xiv. 10, Gen. 47 3 3 shows : to shepherds a pastoral region was
xiv. 1 2 3 8 , xvi. 2 3 8 : .6 2 8 : for Cyprus, Ant. xiii. 104, assigned, and the pharaoh was their master (u. 61r ; Ex.
Acts 1 3 4 3 ; for Crete, BJ ii. 7 1 ; also Acts 13-21 111). It must be borne in mind, however, that in this
passim). case Israelites came into Egypt not only as prisoners,
Jews arrived in Greece and Italy in the second century hut also as refugees.
B.C. if not earlier. Between 170 and 1<6 we find an Brighter prospects opened up before Israelites in
13. In Greece emancipated Jewish slave named in a foreign parts as Alexander and his successors founded
inscription (Willrich, 123J: ), new cities in the east. In Alexandria they received
and Italy. Delphi
and Valerius Mmimus (132) mentions important privileges ; they came into a fellowship' of
that in 139 B.C. certain proselytising Jews were ex- protection with the Macedonians - the ' phyle ' which
pelled from Rome. The fabulous assertion of kinship probably was considered the foremost of all and was
between the Jews and the Spartans ( I Macc. 1221) pre- therefore named after Dionysus (see above, 5 7). What
supposes for the time of its origin (see SPARTA) a mutual use the Jews made of this privilege is shown by Josephus,
I111 I112
 DISPERSION DISPERSION
who asserts that they had equal rights (iuoriyla, iuovopfa, had been quite otherwise in Palestine, and the Jewish
iuorroXi7ela) with the Macedonians and even the right laws in their original framing had contemplated Pales-
to bear this honorific name (c. Ap. 24 ; BJ ii. 18 7). As 16. Inner and tinian conditions alone. Communities
Alexandria never attained the characteristic constitu- of some sort, however, had to be formed
tion of a Greek city with a pouX-;l, but continued to be outer life. abroad, if Judaism was to maintain
governed directly by royal officials. it is probable that itself there at all. Thus the attempt to secure local
the special administration and special jurisdiction in civil separateness was abandoned. Attention was concen-
matters which the Jews enjoyed within the bounds of trated on the effort to maintain the bond of union by
their own quarter of the city were of ancient standing. means of a separate, if restricted, jurisdiction, and ad-
At a later period, as the Ptolemies came to take more ministration of property ; the sacrificial worship was
account of the Egyptian population, it is possible that given up ; and the means for a new spiritual worship
many of the Jewish privileges may have been curtailed were sought in regularly recurring meetings for prayer,
(cp Mahaffy, The Empire of the PtoZemies, 76, 3 5 9 3 , reading of the scriptures, and preaching (see S YNA -
381 3 ;Lumbroso. L'Egittu dei Greci e dei Romnni, GOGUE ). For the central sacrificial worship there re-
1895, 1 4 0 8 ) . In Strabo's time, however, they still mained the high honour of being the expression of the
had an administration of their own under the special connection still subsisting between Jerusalem and the
jurisdiction of an ethnarch (Jos. Ant. xiv. 7 2). In any outside communities ; every Jew of twenty years old or
case, they again received full rights of citizenship in niore had yearly to pay a half-shekel or didrachma to
Alexandria from Czsar (Jus. Ant. xiv. 10 T ; c. A$. 24). the temple for the maintenance of the sacrificial system
In Cyrenaica also they enjoyed special privileges (Jos. still carried on there. This tax was collected yearly in
Ant. xiv. 7 2 ) . The Onias colony doubtless enjoyed the the various districts, and transmitted to Jerusalem by
special protection of the sovereign (see above, § 8). the hands of persons of repute (Philo, de &/on. 23)
In the Greek cities properly so called the Jews were under carefully framed regulations (Jos. Ant. xviii. 9 I).
not so favourably situated. In these a group of Further, the pilgrimages to the three principal feasts,
foreigners could keep up the observance of its ancestral particularly that of Tabernacles, annually brought vast
customs, especially its religious cnstoms, only as a crowds of Jews of the Diaspora to the religious capital.
private society or club (Blauos,.+avos ; cp E. Ziebarth, Josephus (BJvi. 93) gives the number of persons-
Das griechische Vereinswesen, 1896). The Jews in this natives and strangers together-presentat the Passover,
,respect followed the lead of the Phcenicians in Athens according to a census taken in the time of Cestius Gallus
and Delos. W e do not possess definite evidence of the (63-66 A.D.), as having been 2,700,000. After the
fact, though it is interesting to note that in the Roman sacrificial system had been brought to an end in 70 A. D .,
decree preserved in Jos. Ant. xiv. 10 8 the Jewish com- it was by the forms of religious fellowship which had
munities without prejudice to their privileges are placed been developed in the Diaspora that the continued
upon a level with Oiauoi. In particular cities, such as existence of Judaism was rendered possible.
Ephesus and Sardis. they no doubt sooner or later The individual community was called nmp (lit. 'con-
acquired the rights of citizenship (Jos. c. Ap. 24 ; Ant.
gregation' ; uuvaywy.;l). In towns with a large Jewish
xiv. 1024) ; but whether they already had it under the
Seleucidae, as Josephus asserts, or whether they first
17. Syria- population (Alexandria, Antioch, Rome)
there were many synagogues. The heads
received it from the Romans, is not quite clear (see gogues' of the communities are usually spoken of as
above, 11). It frequently happened that their citizen-
&pXovres. In Alexandria an $6vdpxys was at the head
ship became in turn a source of embarrassment. In
of the entire Jewish community (Jos. Ant. xiv. 7 z ) : it
the Greek cities, by ancient custom, community of place
may be added that he had nothing to do with the
was held to imply community of worship ; in many
office of the Alabarch or Arabarch (cp ALEXANDRIA,
places the fact of citizenship found its expression in some
special cult, such a s that of Dionysus. Hence a demand
5 2). Under Augustus the direction of affairs was
handed over to a yepouula with &pXovres at its head.
that the Jews should worship the local god-a demand
In Rome each of the many synagogues had its own
which they were compelled by their creed to resist (Jos.
yepouufa with &pip~ov~es and a yepouutdpxys over all.
c. Ap. 26). Even in Czsarea Palaestina their iuoaoXtrela
The building in which the meetings were held-on
did not secure them full protection (Jos. Ant. xx. 8 7 g sabbaths and feast days especially-was called [n.~]
BJ ii. 13 7 1 4 4-5 18 I).
It was not till the time of Julius Czesar and Augustus ng!??, in Gr. uuvuywy.;l or rrpoueux.;l, less frequently
that the Jews of the Diaspora received a general recogni- auvay6yiov, rrpoueuKr-;lpiov, uapparekw. See, further,
tion of their legal standingthroughout the Roman Empire. SYNAGOGUE.
Josephus (Ant. xiv. 8 5 1 0 12 3-6 xvi. 6 2-7) quotes a The contact brought about by the Diaspora com
series of enactments from 47 B.c.-IO B.C. by which munities between Judaism and the Grzco-Roman culture
the Jews had secured to them the enjoyment of religious 18. Contact was of great consequence to the history
freedom, exemption from military service, special rights with of civilisation. Here again it is the
in the administration of property, and special juris- world. Western Diaspora that principally
diction (in civil matters). Nicolans Damascenus, in his claims our attention; the Eastern, in
apology for the Jews before M. Vipsanius Agrippa in Mesopotamia and Babylonia, had little share in this move-
Lesbos, in 14 B.c., says: ' T h e happiness which all ment, and indeed hardly comes under observation at
mankind do now enjoy by your means we estimate by all. It was not until comparatively late in the day, it
this very thing, that on all hands we are allowed each would seem, that the Greeks began to take any but the
one of us to live according to his conviction and to most superficial interest in Judaism and the Jews.
practise his religion ' (Jos. Ant. xvi. 2 4). In Roman Willrich (43-63) has collected all that Greek writers
law the Jewish communities came under the category had to say about them down to the time of Antiochus
of coZZegia &ita (Tertullian, rt.Zifl.0 Zicita). After 70 Epiphanes, and remarks (170) : ' In the period before
A.D. this held only for the Jewish religion, not for the Antiochus Epiphanes the Greek regarded the Jew with
Jewish nation. From cases covered by these general feelings of mingled curiosity and wonder, astonishment
regulations we must distinguish those in which individual and instinctive antipathy.' In these circumstances it is
Jews had obtained for themselves the Roman citizenship not surprising that, down to the date in question, the
(Acts 22 25-29 ; Jos. Ant. xiv. 10 16 17f:). See G OVERN - intellectual importance of the Diaspora was slight.
MENT, § 3 0 5 Traders, freedmen, and prisoners of war constituted the
111. The great difficulty of Jewish social life in the majority of the Diaspora of these days ; that such people
Diaspora lay in the fact that community of place and should excite the interest and attention of educated
community of worship no longer coincided. The case Greeks was not to be expected. An educated Jew
1113 1114
 DISPERSION DISPERSION
acquainted with Greek is spoken of as a rarity by :veryday life. They were only unconsciously proving
Clearchus of Soli (c. Ap. 122). .he respect which they themselves cherished for foreign
T h e question of the rapidity or tardiness of the :ulture when they tried to trace the origin of culture to
change in this respect that ultimately came depends on .heir own forefathers. Such literary phenomena could
i9. The
Septuagint.
whether we date the production of the
Greek translation of the Pentateuch
iot be produced in Jerusalem, the home of Judaism ;
.hey prove that Judaism abroad, although still wearing
from the reign of Philadelphus ( 2 8 ~ ; - .he garment of the Law, carried a very different nature
246 R . c . ) , or, as has recentb been done 6y W i k g h inder that old-fashioned vestment. It had now found
(ut sup. 154 fl), from that of Philometor (181-145 t large range of activities which it shared with con-
B.c.). Whatever its date, this attempt to make the Law .emporary humanity at large.
speak in Greek conclusively shows that wfien it was This struggle-itself an evidence of the power to
made the Jews of Alexandria had already assimilated which the Judaism of the Diaspora had attained-does
so much of what was Greek that they could no longer 22. Friendly not exhaust the history. There were
get on with Hebrew alone, either in their synagogues or many points of friendly contact between
in their courts. Their sojourn abroad made it impera-
contact. Judaism and the outer world. For the
tive on Jews everywhere to complete their mappmoche- more educated circles of the Gentile world the Judaism
ment with Hellenism. In the process many may well >f the Diaspora had, in fact, a great attraction. In it
have become lost to Judaism altogether. The Greek men felt themselves face to face with a power which had
version of the Pentateuch, however, evinces the fixed ieveloped new forces-unflinching self-sacrificingfidelity
determination of the majority not to allow themselves to m the maintenance of religious customs which seenicd
be robbed of the old faith by the new culture. As the :o the outsider meaningless-sabbath observance, cir-
influence of the Jews,'on trade and public life gener- xmcision, laws of purity. Through Judaism they
ally, advanced-in Egypt and Syria in the first instance became acquainted with a conception of God which,
-it became increasingly necessary for the Greeks to strange in its severity, enlightened by its simplicity,
decide definitelywhat their own attitude towards them was and attracted religious natures by its purity and its
to be. This led to struggle, but also to friendly dealings. sincerity. The popular polytheism of Greece and Rome
Antipathy to Judaism manifested itself both in coarse had been shattered by philosophy; in the Oriental
and in refined ways. The uneducated masses scoffed religions, which at that time were advancing in triumph
20. Foreign a t the Jews for their outlandish customs, westward, the idea of a supreme God found many
antipathy. plundered them at all hands. and occasion- supporters ; Judaism in its monotheism presented the
ally gave expression to their hatred in explicit conception for which so many were looking.
massacres. Civic authorities tried to infringe Jewish Inseparably connected with it was the, thought of a
privileges or to hinder the transmission of the temple divine creation of the world, of the original oneness of
money to Jerusalem (see the decree in Jos. Ant. the world and ;he human race, as well as that of the
xiv. 10). Roman emperors even more than once providential ordering of the world-thoughts which
sanctioned measures that pressed hardly on the Jews. promised to provide fixed formulae for the cosmopolitan
Tiberius in 19 A.D. expelled them from Rome, and tendencies of the time, and were welcome on that
forced 4000 of them upon military service to Sardinia xcount. N o one has set forth the contents of Judaism
(Jos. Ant. xviii.85; similarly Tac. Ann. 2 8 5 Suet. from this point of view more nobly than Philo. the
Ti6.36). They seem soon afterwards to have been re- contemporary of Jesus in Alexandria. The confidence
stored to the enjoyment of their rights. Caligula gave with which he handles these conceptions makes it
free course to a bloody persecution of the Jews in probable not only that he had literary predecessors in
Alexandria in 38 A. D . Petitions and embassies (Philo, this style but also that an appeal to practical experience
Apion) to the emperor proved of no avail. It was gave a powerful support to his teaching (cp Strabo ap.
not until Claudius had come to the throne that the old Jos. Ant. xiv. 7 z ; also Jos. c. A$. l z n 2363941 B3iv.
privileges were again restored to the victims of persecu- 5 2 K O U ~ L K + OpquKEIa; also PROSELYTE, 5 3). T h e
tion (Philo, in FZucc. and Leg. ad Cuiuin; Jos. Ant. Diaspora of the Mediterranean, and especially in Alex-
xviii. 8 I xix. 62). Later, Claudius intervened in Rome andria, thus not only led the way to the breaking of the
in a hostile sense (Acts 18 z Suet. CZaud. 25 Dio Cassius narrow bonds of the Jewish Law, but also was the first
lx. 6). T h e Jews defended themselves as best they to make the heathen world acquainted with a spiritual
could, not so much by force as by money or writings, conception of God and a spiritual worship presented in
and by cultivating friendly relations with those in high a positive religion, and thus paved the way for the
places. coming of Christianity.
The controversy carried on with the pen is worthy of Schiirer GVI 2 493-548' 0. Holtmann Ende des j u d .
remark. Gentile writers made it a reproach that the S t a a t m e & z s u .Entsteh. d. ~ h r i s ~ e n t h u n r s ( ' ~ 8 )Stade,
= B . GVI
2 2 7 0 3 ; 0. Holtzmann, NTliche Zeitgesch.
21. Literary Jews as a people had done nothing for Literature. ('95) : H. Willrich, /uden u. Griechen v o r deer
controversy~civilisation and had produced no men makha6aischen ErheGung 1895 (see also We.
of distinction (so Posidonius, Polybius, in GGA 1895, p. 9 4 7 3 and Schiirer in TLk, 1896, no. 2); Th.
Mommsen, Rdin Gesch. 5 489 3 1,851; Th. Reinach, Textes
Strabo, Apion). These and 'similar charges the- Jews Gaateurs grecs e t ronzains relati# au /udaisme, rdunis,
answered in innumerable apologies-some of them (such traduits, et annoth, 1895 ; Cless, De Coloniis /udreom7n i?
as thoseof Nicolaus Damascenusand Philo) with adignity Ag. deductis, i. (132); Schiirer, 'Die Alabarchen in Agypteu
and earnestness worthy of the cause, though others (such in Z W T , 1875, p. 13 j?(cp Marquardt. Rom StaatsuemaZ-
tungl?, 1446 A); Pauly-Wissowa, Real. Encycl. d. class.
as that of Josephus in many cases) showed a disposition Alterthumsiuiss. (s.v. ' Arabych ') : Lumbroso, L'Egitto de?
to confound the convenient with the true, and others Greci e dei RoinaniP), 1895, Ricerche Alessandrine' in Mem.
did not hesitate to resort to misrepresentation and d. Accademin d. Scienea di Torino, ser. ii. t. a7 ['731, sc. mor.
e filol. 237-245 : J. P. Mahaffy, The Empire o the Pfolenties
positive falsGhood (Pseudo - Hecataeus, Eupolemus, 1895 ; The FZinders Petvie Papyri,' ed. by {P. Mahaffy, i:
Artapanus, Aristobulus, Aristeas, etc. ). The most and ii. 1891, 1893 ; Ulr. Wilcken, Alexandrinische Gesandt-
incredible fables were gravely set forth. schaftln vor Kaiser Claudius' in Hemes, 30481 8 r951; Th.
Abraham was the founder of astronomy ; Joseph the founder Reinach ' L'Empereur Claude et les anti-Semites Alexandrins
ofgeometry and the inventor of agriculture ; Moses the author of d'aprhs ;n nouveau Papyrus' in RE/ 3 1 1 6 1 8 ['ssl; B.P.
the division of Egypt into nomes, and even of the Egyptian aninial Grenfell, A n A lexandnkn Erotic Fragment and other Greek
worship. Jews and Spartans exchanged salutations as descend- pajyn' c:tiefly Ptolemaic, 1896 ; Revenue Laws O f Ptoienzy
ants of Abraham ( I Macc. 12 .of: ; cp Ant. xiv. 10 22). PhiladeQhus, ed. B. P. Grenfell, introd. J. P. Mahaffy, 1896:
Schiirer Die Gewteindeue~fmmn~ der / u d m in Ko7n in der
Such things could be written only by Jews who had Kaiserzkit nnch den Inschriften da+yesteZlt, 1879 ; A. Berliner,
become familiar with the activities and intellectual life Gesch. derjuden in Rom von der Eltesten Zeit Gis ZUY Gegen-
wart ('95) : Erich Ziebarth, Das griechische Vereinmesen
of Hellenistic circles, by men for whom the Graeco- ('96); Alf. Bertholet, Die SteZZung der Israeliten u. d e ~ 3 u d e n
Roman culture had become an indispensable element of zu den Fremden, 1896 ; E. Schhrer, 'Die Juden im bospora-
1115 1116
 DISTAFF DIVINATION
nischen Reich U. die Genossenschaften der ueS6pfvob 06bv mrting of the way,’ and to have ‘ shaken the arrows to
i i $ c u ~ o v ebendaselhst ’ in SBA W 1897, p. z m # H. G . ind fro.’ The doubtful point was whether he was to
DISTAFF. See FLAX. narch from Babylon to Egypt by Jerusalem or by
iabbath-Amnion. As Pocock (quoted by Rosenmuller)
,.
DISTRICT 1. (+? ; 1 m p l x w p o c viczls [once ong ago pointed out, belomancy was much in use
f a g u s 3 1 5 1 ; Neh. 391214-18j‘ RV), the name given unong the Arabs (see also We. Heid.(2) 132). For
to certain administrative divisions of Judzea in he Babylonian practice, see Lenormant, La Divination,
Nehemiah’s time, each of ‘which was under a ‘ ruler ‘ :hap. 2 ; as this able though sometimes uncritical writer
or ‘ chief’ ( y e ) . These ‘ districts ’ comprise Jerusalem ruly points out, belomancy had but a secondary im-
and Keilah (each with two rulers), Beth-haccerem, 3ortance. Nebuchadrezzar had certainly consulted the
Beth-zur, and Mizpah (BKA om. [L p + o s ; for Vg. ;tars and the regular omens in order to ascertain
see above]). It is not impossible that the list was whether the right time had come for the campaign
originally much fuller. From the character of the tgainst Egypt. Arab tradition tells how Imra-al-Kais
names of the ‘ rulers ’ Meyer (Entst. 166 3) has con- xactised belomancy before setting out against Asad.
cluded that they were Calebites (see C A L ~ B§, 4). He did so ‘ by shuffling before the image of the god a
The organisation of the Calebites in the genealogies jet of arrows. These were here three in number, called
I Ch. 2 4 suggests further that the peleek was a tribal -espectively, ‘ I the Commanding,” ‘ ‘ the Forbidding,”
subdivision,2 the head of which would correspond to tnd “the Waiting.” He drew the second, and there-
the IOvdpxvs (in Gr. inscr. from the HaurZn) of the upon broke the arrows, and flung them in the face of
later Nabataean kingdom (cp z Cor. 1132, and see the idol.’ Mohammed forbade the use of arrows, as ‘ an
E THNARCH). abomination of Satan’s work’ (Koran, Sur. 592). The
2. ‘ District ’ in Acts 1612 RV also translates pepls, arrows were special, pointless arrows (originally rods).
which here represents, apparently, the Latin regio. iii. The Babylonian king, however, did more than
See M ACEDONIA , PHILIPPI. S. A. C. shake the sacred arrows ; the passage continues, ’ he
looked in the liver’ (‘hputoxopy’). (We omit the refer-
DITCHES ( D r X ) , z K. 316, etc. See CONDUITS, ence to the teraphini because no new point is indicated
I (3, 5 ) . and PIT. by it ; the king consulted the teraphim [singuLar],by
DIVINATION. Men instinctively wish to know the shaking the arrows 6eJore it, as was always done also by
-
future, and among all Deoules there have been those
I _

1. Divination. who have, from certain omens, claimed

the heathen Arabs.) The liver, which was regarded as
the chief seat of life (Prov. 7 q),was supposed to give
to be able to uredict it. Such know- warning of the future by its convulsive motions, when
ledge could only come from supernatural beings. taken from the sacrificed victim (see LIVER). That a n
When beasts or birds, by their movements, or other- application for oracles was accompanied by sacrifices
wise, gave men intelligible signs, it was because they we know from the story of Balaam. Lenormant (op.
were ‘ indwelt ’ by beings that were supernatural, or cif. 58f.) refers to two Babylonian fragments relative.
because they were supernatural themselves. ‘ Omens to the inspection of the entrails, giving some of the
are not blind tokens; the animals know what they features which had to be watched for. The Greeks,
tell to men ’ (WRS Rel. Sem.(2),443). too, practised +prarouKo7rla.
Necroeznncy is a kind of divination, not a thing iv. The objects used for lots in Arabia were as
distinct in itself (see below, 3). It is difficult, if not we have seen, pointless arrows. Among the IsraGites,
impossible, to indicate the boundary line between however, the principal objects employed were probably
divination and prophecy. In both the same general stones of different colours, one of which gave the
principle obtains-intercourse of man with the spiritual affirmative, the other the negative answer to the question
world in order to obtain special knowledge. In divi- put (so Wellh., Bu., H. P. Smith, in connection with the
nation, this knowledge is usually got by observing classical passage, I S. 1441). Other passages in the
certain omens or signs ; but this is by no means always historical books in which the phrase ss$ ( ’ to inquire
the case, since sometimes the beings consulted possessed of’) occurs should probably be explained on the anaIogy
the soothsayer. Divination, as practised in this last of this passage. c p EPHOD, URIM AND THUMMIM,
method, does,not differ from prophecy of the lowest T ERAPHIM.
kind-that of the ecstatic state-as distinguished from v. Passing over such omens as Gideon’s in Judg. 636
that higher species of prophecy which in Riehm’s happy and Jonathan’s in I S. 1 4 8 3 , and reserving astrology
phrase is ‘ psychologically mediated. See PROPHECY. for subsequent consideration (see S TARS ), we pause
The ancient Greeks, Romans, Arabs, etc., had next at the most impoktant of all the modes of divina-
modes of divining that apparently were unknown to the tion that linked the Hebrews with other peoples-
2. Methods. Hebrews of the OT-eg., by observa- (vi. ) The method of dreams (oneiromancy). Jacob may
tion of the flights and cries of birds, have sufficient reason for making good his escape from
inspection of the entrails of animals, etc. (see Freytag, Laban ; but he will not take the decisive step without a
EinZ. 1 5 9 3 ) ; but there are mentioned in the OT direct revelation (Gen. 31 10-13). In other cases the divine
many signs or omens that resemble or are identical communication is such as exceeds the power of human
with those in use among other nations. reason to discover ; instances are the dreams of Abime-
i. Rhaddomancy (divination by rods) appears to be lech (Gen. 2 0 3 6f.), and especially those of Joseph (Gen.
referred to in Hos. 4 12, ‘ My people ask counsel at 3 7 5 cp 408 411J). Other noteworthy instances of
their “wood,” and their “staff” declares unto them’ (cp divinely sent dreams are Gen. 28 1 2 3 31 24 Judg. 7 13
Herod. 467). The higher prophets of course forbade I IC. 35J Mt. l z o 2 1 2 8 2719. Notice E’s fondness
this; but we may perhaps assume that it was uncon- for relating dreams. The author of the speeches of
demned in earlier times. Elihu also attaches great importance to dreams as a
ii. Belonzancy (divination by arrows), a development channel of divine communications (Job 33 14-r6). It
of rhabdomancy, is mentioned in Ezek. 2 1 2 3 3 [193]. would almost seem as if the belief in the symbolic
where the Babylonian king is said to have stood ‘ at the character of dreams should be reckoned among other
revivals of primitive beliefs in the period of early
1 T h e word is no doubt the Ass. juZug(g)u,jiZku, juZukku, Judaism (cp the dream-visions in Enoch chapb. 83-90, and
‘border,’ ‘district’; cp probably Phmn. 1 7 ~ 5 153,
‘district of
the dreams in the Book of Daniel ; also Jos. B/ ii. 7 4
Laodicea,’ CIS 1, no. 7. On the Heb. ’5, see also Dr. on
2 s. 329. iii. 8 3 ) . Men were oppressed by constant anxiety as to
a Cp nib$ Judg. 5156 (if correct, see Moore), niJ.Lp the future, and there was no prophet in the great old
nisllm, c h . 3 5 5 IZ. style to assuage this. They looked abont, therefore, for
3 Messianic Projhecy, 45 atjassinz. artificial means of satisfying their curiosity. Prophets
1117 I118
 DIVINATION DIVINATION
like Isaiah, however, never refer to their dreams, and 7. For 72 (Gad) and 'In ( M e n i ) in Is. 651rt, see FORTUNE
it is even a question how far the visions of which they ~ N DD ESTINY. See also other terms under MAGIC.
speak are to be taken literally (see PROPHECY). Necromancy, to which we turn next, is, as the etynio-
vii. On a possible divination by means of sacred
garments, see D RESS , § 8.
*. Necromancy. logy of the word implies, divination by
resort to the spirits of deceased persons.
We must now consider briefly the various terms Three terms or expressions f&1 to be notice& all of
applied to divination and diviners, and endeavour to them met with in Dt. 18 11.
define their application. i. We shall begin with that which occurs last in' the
I. 088, Kesenr, a general term for divination of all kinds
verse, viz. om&! d ? ; ~(one who resorts with an inquiry
(cp the Ar. hcihin, and see PRIESTS), on the derivation of to the dead), rendered by EV 'necromancer.' It is
which see MAGIC, $ 3 ( I ). Thus E V renders dear from Is. 8 1 9 that this is a general description
3' Terms' OJC, 'divination '(once 'witchcraft,' I S.15 23 EV), cmbracing the kinds of necromancy indicated by the
OD?, 'diviner' (I S. G z Zech. 102)) also 'soothsayer' (Josh. two words next to be considered and other kinds (see
1322 EV) and 'prudent' (Is. 3 2 AV); and @ gives the more Dr. on Dt. 1811): the conjunction with which it is
general terms pduns, pavwhpa', pavmia, p a v ~ e i o v . Ezek. introduced is simply the explanatory ' waw,'answering
21 26 [SI], however, shows plainly enough that the word had to the Gk. epexegetic ai.
!
the distinct sense of obtaining an oracle by casting lots by
means of arrows (see above, z [2]).1 The one selected by ii. 3 i K setci (sha'il 'ab), one who consults an '66. The
chance was supposed to represent the divine decision on the
other hand, in T S. 258, Saul is made to ask the \;itch to
. word '86 is generally found withyiddz'6nni (see below, iii. ),
divine for him by means of the 'a6 (21~); see below, $ 4, (ii.) ;
like which, from meaning the spirit of a departed one,
and cp M AGIC. it came to stand for the person who possessed such a
2. ]JjVg (me'dntn). The etymology of this word is much spirit and divined by its aid. The full phrase n>ys
disputed (cp Del. on Is. 26). Two interpretations deserve 3iK (the possessor of an '66)is found in I S. 28 7, where
mention : (a) NIe'6?12n is one who divines by observing the it is applied to the ' witch of Endor.'
clouds (denom. from IW), a mode of divination well known d explains the expression by .!yyau.rplfiuOos, 'ventrilo-
among the ancients ; or perhaps, one who brings clouds, or causes quist ' (i.e., in the OT passages, one who, ' by throwing
storms (capnomancy). In the passages in which the word occurs
however, there is nothing to suggest that the m**fin&has an$ his voice into the ground, where the spirit was supposed
thing to do with the sky. (6) One who smites with the 'evil to be, made people believe that a ghost spoke through
eye (denom. from;)!li spa;
but, from otherconsiderations, the him'), and Lenormant (Diu. 161 &), Renan (Hist.
Targ. rendering appears to he decidedly against this view. ET, 1347), and others so explain the phenomenon ; but
In the absence of further evidence it is best to follow Ewvald the writer of Samuel, and other biblical writers who
(Bi6. Theol. 1234) and WRS (loc. cit. : cp also Dr.), who com- speak of this species of divination, evidently regard it
pare the Arabic &znna, 'to emit a hoarse, nasal sound.' The as being really what it claimed to be. Lev. 2 0 2 7 is the
fact that so niany of the words connected with magic and only possible exception.
divination denote low subdued mournful speaking, favours this The etymology of the word is very uncertain. Other sug-
last surmise though there must ever remain much doubt about
the exact &gin and meaning. 63 renders by a word which gestions may be passed by, for the field seems to be held by
means primarily to take an omen from the flight of birds two principal views, H. P. Smith's view 1 (Sam. 2 3 9 3 ) being
not very probable. ( a ) Ob has been connected with Arab. Zb,a
examples of which practice may be found in Arabia (cp We:
Heid.P) znzJ). The word'is usually rendered by 'observers =aw&a, and explained ' a son1 which returns (from ShGl) .
(once Judg. 9 3 7 AVmg. regarders') of times' (AV) or cp French reuenant. So Hitz. and KO. (on Is. 8 ~g), St. (GV;
augurs' (RV) (Dt. 1810 1 4 Lev. 1926 2 K. 216), in 1 ;. 2 6 1 504), and Schwally (Das L d e n nach dem Tode, 69). Scliwally
y i . 5 12 [ I I ] EV ' soothsayers' (so also Jer. 279 RV, where AV also suggests a connection with 2: 'father' (note plu. of both
enchanter'): once (fern.) 'sorceress' (Is. 573). An oak near in 0th). Van Hoonacker (Ex+. T.9 1 5 7 8 ) objects that in Dt.
Shechan, famous in divination, bears the name 'Oak of MEON- 18 TI the 'a6 is distinguishcd from the dead (mm%hi;n)' but if
ENIM (Judg. 937). For other examples of sacred trees cp the latter clause of the verse is simply a generalisatio; of the
I DOLATRY, $ 2, and see N ATURE- WORSHIP. two foregoing clauses, this objection falls.
3. dfl! (ni&Pg,' t o use enchantment' (2 IC. 21 6 = 2 Ch. 336 (6) The pther view (Ges., Del., Di.)conjlects the word with'Q6
' a bottle, literally 'something hollow. A similar word i;
Lev. 1926; cp Wp, 'enchantment' Nu. 2323 241), or 'to Arabic (7ua'Ja) means ' a hole in a rock,' a large and deep pit-
divine' (Gen. 445 15 E V : and Gen. 3027 RV where AV 'to Le. somethipg hollow.2
learn by experience'. cp I K. 20 33 ' diligently dbserve ' RVmg. d n the assumption that the fundamental idea of the word
' take as an omen '),'is probably used to include an; kind of is hollowness, many explanations have been suggested (see
divination (WRS). I n Gen. 445 15 the same word is used for Van Hoonacker as above). Of these, two may be noted as
divination by a cupZ-i.e., probably by Jzydromancy,where a probably approdmating most nearly to the truth.
vessel is filled with water and the rings formed by the liquid I. BOttcher(De inferis, 101)) Kau. (Riehm, HWB(21,'Todten-
are observed. Was unj originally used in a special sense, and beschworer '), and Di. (on Lev. 19 31) hold that the spirit is called
connected with WQ;,'a serpent'? So at least Bochart, Lenor- '66, on account of the hollow tone of the voice-such a tone as
mant, and Bandissin (Studien ZUY sem. ReL-gesch. 1287) ; see might be expected to issue from any empty place. Other terms
S ERPENT , $ 1, 3, MAGIC, $,3, 3. for practising magic and divination lend some support to this
view.
4. ]'!ift, grizem, is found only in Daniel (2 27 4 4 [71 5 7 11, 2. The idea of hollowness has been held to apply in the first
E V 'soothsayers'), and may be rendered 'prognosticators,' place to the cave or opening in the ground out of which the
properly those who determine [what is doubtful]' ; cp Eev. ad spirit speaks. Among the Greeks and the Romans, oracles de-
Loc. The root means 'to cut'; but whether the 'cutting oC the pending on necromancy were situated among large deep caverns
heavens' by Babylonian astrologers is meant, is uncertain (see which were supposed to communicate with the spirit-world.
STARS $ 5). Perhaps (cp Ar. jazarn ' t o slaughter') the If the Hebrew '86 is parallel to the Greek chthonic deities and
gEz& originally offered a sacrifice in cdnnection with the art to the Arabian ah2 al-ard or 'earth-folk,' with whom wizards
(cp Vg. Laruspices). See $ 2, iii. have intercourse, it is conceivable that, by a metonymy-con-
5. ('~Griph) and ('riiaph) occur in the Heb. (1 20 2 2) tained for container, and vice versa-the hollow cavern may
have come to be used for the spirit that spoke out of it. See
and the Aram. (2 10 4 7 [4], etc.) parts of Daniel respectively, and WRS Ril. Se17z.P)195.
are rendered astrologer,' RV 'enchanter.' The word is of
A5svrian oriein (STARS. 8 5). I t is difficult to say whether ~ 1 1 ~ iii. vy?: (yidde'tani). The English word 'wizard,'
n& and the other te;ms-'found were meant to represent'; by which this Hebrew term is rendered, means ' a very
skparate class or whether the writer employed these terms wise one,' and agrees with d yvQarqs (in Dt. 1811
indiscriminateiy (Bev. Dan. 63). rEparouKbros), Syriac ynrid~'ci,Arabic 'arrdf, and with
6. D'Wya (hasdci'inz) in Dan. 14 2 IO (5 7 11) means the caste Ewald's rendering ' viel-wisserisch.'
of wise men. This usage (well known from classical writers) Like '6b, yiddp'6ni is used, in the first instance, for the
arose after the fall of the Babylonian empire, when the only
Chaldaeans known were astrolhgers and soothsayers. spirit of a deceased person ; then it came to mean him
1 Possibly the Teraphim were similarly employed; see 1 Namely, that the '66 was originally a skull prepaked by
TERAPHINI. superstitious rites for magical purposes ; H. A. Redpath, on
2 The so-called K V h L K O p a v T d a . Cp Joseph's divining-cup the other band, suggests that the 'a6 was one who spoke out of
with the famous goblet of Jemshid, and see Lenormant L a a hollow mask or domino.
Divination, 78-80. For a parallel French superstition: see 2 I n Job 3219 njlk seems to mean 'bellows' (@ & m ~ p
B. Thiers, Trait6 des superstitions(?, Paris, 1697, 1 ~ 8 7 3 g u q ~ lp- n j s N"1 xahrildos).
1119 I120
 DIVORCE DODANIM
or her that divines by such a spirit. Robertson Smith line aqueduct (Rob. BR 2309 ; PEF Meent. 3173 Igo ;
(I.Phil. 14127), followed by Driver (on' Dt. l811), Baed.(") 152 ; v. Kasteren, Rev. Bi6Z. 1897,p. 9 3 8 ) .
distinguishes the two terms thus :- DOD, NAMES WITH. This group of compound
Yidde'ani is a familiar spirit, one known to him that consults
it. The '66 is any ghost that is called up from the grave to names comprises with certainty only Dodavah and
answer questions,pnt to it (cp I S. 2s). The yiddc'6ni speaks Dodiel (see D ANIEL , I), and virtually David, Do.dai,
through a personal medium ; that is, through the person whom Dodo. T o these Gray (HPN 60-63) would add iih
it possesses. The 'a6 speaks directly, as for example ont of
the grave (cp I S. 28). Rashi (on Dt.,18 11) says that yidde'bni (Eldad), iisl (Bildad). In all these names he in-
differs from iiK \ys (6u'aZ '66) in that he held in his mouth a terprets 11 as meaning < uncle on the father's side,'
bone which uttered the oracle. It is hard to establish these which is no doubt a perfectly legitimate sense of l i s or
distinctions, the data for forming a judgment heingso slight. 1% (see z K. 24 17). ( u )First, as to Eldad and Bildad.
Is it quite certain, however, that the words are to be The objection to admitting that these names are com-
held as standing for distinct things? Why may we pounded with the divine name Dad is obviously pro-
not have in them different aspects of the same spirit? visional. The god Rarnmsn w-as so well-known in
So regarded, '86 would convey the notion that the spirit Canaan that we may expect to find a t any rate isolated
bas returned from the other world, while yidde'8ni would names compounded with Dad, which was one of the
suggest that the spirit so returned is knowing, and names of this deity (Wi. A T Untersuch. 69, n. I ) .
therefore able to answer the questions of the inquirer. In the Amarna letters, it is true, the form we find in
The fact that in all the eleven instances of its occurrence compound proper names is Addu ; but the equivalence
yidde'tni is invariably preceded by '86 is in favour of of Addu and Daddu is admitted. ( 6 ) Next, as
its being a mere interpretation of it. 'Ob, on the other to the other names. That Dod is not the name of
hand, is often found by itself ( I S. 2878 I Ch. 10 13 some one special deity, is admitted ; but whether it is,
etc. ). It is probable, therefore, that these two characters or is not, a term designating some degree of kinship,
are at bottom one, the ' a n d ' in Dt. 1811 joining '56 is disputed. It is undeniable that ii? (=Ass. didu)
and yidde'8nzi in the way of a hendiadys : he who means 'beloved,' and also, by a natural transition,
seeks a departed spirit that is knowing,' just as the 'divine patron' (cp ne?, used of God, Job 1621). The
remaining part of the verse is, as we have seen already present writer contends that it is more natural to give
(J 3, i.), simply a repetition in different words of the this second sense to Dod in the few Hebrew names
same thought. This is in complete harmony with the compounded with it than to adopt the theory (Gray,
usages of Hebrew parallelism. The whole compound HPN 60) that 11 as well as ~y )I proper names has
expression might be rendered as follows :-' H e who the sense of ' uncle ' or ' kinsman.
inquires of the departed spirit that is knowing, even This is not affected by the discovery that there are some
he who seeks unto the dead.' S. Arabian names compounded yith Amnzi, and some others
withKhdZi, both meaning 'uncle. Nor need we enter into the
iv. To the expressions considered already may be question whether the S. Arabian name Diidi-kariba (so Homme!
added n'Fy, itti774 Is. 193+, EV 'charmers.' RVmS gives the name) really means 'My cousin hath blessed
(Hommel, A H T 85). See DODO,DODAVAH. T. K. c.
prefers ' whisperers ' ; cp Ar. a@& ' to emit a moaning
or creaking sound ' ; or perhaps rather Ass. e&. ' dark- DODAI ('lh,$19, 5 2 ; but Ginsb. in 2 S. 2 3 9
ness.' d apparently renders by T& & ~ & ~ ~ cU~T&. cTu points Kt. 't,?), another form of DODO [ q . ~ . ] ,pre-
Though condemned in the O T ( I S. 28 7 8 ; Is. 8 19 ; sumably shortened from a form il;(?iS : see under
cp Lev. 1 9 3 1 2 0 6 2 7 Dt. 1 8 1 1 )necromancy
~ among DODAVAH ; ' YahwB is patron' (Marquart, Fund. 16),
the Israelites held its own till a late period. The 2 S. 2 3 9 (RV following Kt. ; but AV DODO ; coycei
leaders of religious thought were opposed to both witch- [B*]. cwc. [A], AoyAei [BbYid.L]) and I Ch. 274 (AV
craft and necromancy ; but the influence of habit and and R V ; A w h e i ~PIC] -,h a [BbI2 -Ai& [AI3 - A y
of intercourse with people around was too strong to be [L]), where the words ' Eleazar, sou of,' found in I Ch.
wholly overcome. See Schultz, O T TheuZogy,2 322 (ET). 1112 are wanting, but are supplied by Kittel ( S B O T )
WinerN ( RWB s. v. ' Todtenbeschworer ' ; see refer- from I Ch. 1112 ; see DODO (2),ELEAZAR.
ences) shows that in the ancient world divination by
calling back the spirits of the dead was very widespread DODANIM (W?:?), or R ODANIM (D???).
among the Greeks, the Romans, and the other ancient ' 1, Gen. 104, Vg. DODANZM (cp Pesh.), s y EV, AVmc
1
nations. Cp B ABYLONIA , 31 8 , and see MAGIC. Rodanim' after POSLOL [BADEL], and Sam. ; 111, I Ch. 1 7
AVmg., RV 'Rodanim' after p o 8 r o ~ [ B B A ] , but many MSS
For the literature see M AGIC. T. W. D. i)~, cp GwSavecp [Ll, DODA'VIM [Vg.], whence AV 'Dodanim.
DIVORCE, DIVORCEMENT (n.rn$?B; In Is. 21 13 Aq. Sym. SoSam@ for .?!'D
C T & C ~ O N[BKAQ]), Jer. 3 8 Is. 50 I. See M ARRIAGE, J 6. A son of J AVAN [q.v.], son of Japheth, Gen. l o 4 =
DIZAHAB (ZGl'?, K & T & X P Y C ~ ABAFL), ubi a& I Ch. 17. The same name-i.e., either D 5 d h (r;~) or
estpZuurimum--i.e., I o! '7 [Vg.]), in the topographical Rddsn (j$-should possibly be restored for ' Dedan '
description Dt. 11. 'If it be the name of a place in (jm) in Ezek. 2715 (p08rwv [BQ; adnot. po8roc opaurs
the "steppes of Moab" the situation is unknown' KPLUEWS Qm",], upa8rwv [A]; so Pesh. but Aq. Sym.
(Dr. in Hastings' DB, S.V. ) ; on the identifications, cp Theod. 8a8av). The -merchants there referred to
Dillmann. The explanation ' place of gold ' is difficult brought to Tyre the ivory and ebony which they had
to justify (see Dr. Deut., ad Zuc.). T h e name corre- themselves procured from Africa or India. Two views
sponds to 'Me-zahab' in Gen. 3639 (as Sayce, Acad. are held.
Oct. 22, 1892,and Marq. Fund. IO, have observed), and ( a ) Stade, Cornill, Bertholet are strongly for ' RddHn,'
like ME-ZAIIAB [q.'~.]is no doubt a corruption of n w n (1 and naturally hold a similar opinion as to the reading
came from n)-i.e., the N. Arabian land of MuSri in Gen. 104. It is, however, by no means certain that
or M u ~ u r ,which adjoined Edom (see MIZRAIM, J 26, M T is not right in reading 1-17 *?,+, ' sons of Dedau,' in
and cp Che. Or. L Z , May 15, 1899). It was perhaps Ezek., IC. ; Edom (so all [except Aq.] read for
premature to identify ' Di-zahab,' before the correctness
' Aram') follows in W. 16. As to Gen. 1 0 4 , the most
of the reading had been investigated. T. X. C.
prevalent opinion certainly is that RFJdZnim is the better
DOCUS, RV Dok (Am K [AHV]), called by Josephus reading, and that this term designates not only the
Dagon (A&rwN ; Ant. xiii. 81 ; BI i. 23). a small for- Rhodians properly so-called (on whom cp. Hom.
tress near Jericho, in which Simon the Maccabee was ZZ.2654fl), but also ( ' many islands' being also
treacherously murdered by Ptolemy his son-in-law mentioned) the people of other Bgean islands. ( S o
(I Macc. 1615). The name, doubtless, still survives in Di.. Hal., Kan., Holzinger, Ball, GASm. HG 135.)
the mod. 'Ained-Dzik, 24 m. N. of Jericho, where there This view is geographically plausible, but the short o
we traces of ancient substructions and remains of a in 'P680s must not be overlooked.
36 112.1 " 1122
 DODAVAH DOG
)!( Another view, so far as the name goes, is more leath, and they refused, it was this foreigner who lifted
satisfactory. The Rodanim of the text of Chronicles ~phis hand against &hem(I S. 229-18).
(if we folloy most MSS and 6 )may be as inaccurate The two passages in which Doeg’s office is referred to are no
as the Diphath‘ which it gives for ’ Riphath’ mger in their original form in MT. I n 21 8 [AV 71 he is called
(I Ch. 1 6 ) , and Dodanim itself may be incorrectly the mightiest of the shepherds’ (0’91 l’?”J, a strange descrip-
given for Dardanim (Tg. Jon., Luzzatto, Ges., Knob., ion of a shepherd, and still stranger when we observe that
Franz Del.). The name Dardan, as inscriptions of ’?E occurs nowhere else in Hebrew narratives. The conjecture
Rameses 11. show, comes down from early times; it the mightiest of the runnels’,!:’O( Gratz, Dr., Ki., Bu.) gives
designates properly a people of Asia Minor, not far n easier but still not a natural phrase, and disregards the
froin the Lycians (see WMM, As. u. Bur. 354f:). endering of @BAL in 21 7 [81, ve‘pwu rks rjprdvovs ‘Eaauh. There
an be little doubt that Lagarde (~Mittlzril.3 350) is right in
It is not impossible that for om1-1 (Ch. reads >) the eading D T e +?iK, which he renders ‘driver of the mules,’-
original source of P s information read (cp less natural rendering than. that given above, but still possible.
T OGARMAH ), and it would be natural for writers and Nords like 1;p and $?iN are flexible. For the former see
scholars of the Greek period (6 and perhaps Ch.) .agarde (Z.C.) ; for the latter, see ABEL. Almost as certainly
to convert Dardanim into Rodanim, and to understand ve should also read ’l.’?, for ’17Y in 22 g (see @). We.’s oh-
the Rhodians. It has been proposed elsewhere to ection to following @ here (TBS 125) falls to the ground
identify another son of Javan (Tarshish, or rather LS soo? a5 it is recognised that 21 7 [81 is a later insertion in the
TuruS) with another people mentioned in the Egyptian larratlve.
inscriptions (see TIRAS). The author of the list used The reference to Doeg in the title of Ps. 52 is due
by P may have known Dardan as well as TuruS. If o the thirst of later Jewish readers for biblical justifica-
1 1 ~is the correct reading in Ezek. we should perhaps ion of their idealising view of David. The Psalni was
pronounce it Redan, not Rodan. Recent critics may, mitten for use in the temple (see ZI. 8). T. K . c.
however, have been too hasty in rejecting MT‘s reading
Dedan. The ‘islands’ are not necessarily those in DOG (2$;, a name, of unknown origin, common to
which the merchants spoken of resided ; they may very 11.11 Semitic dialects ; K Y W N , cunix [hut Mt. 15263 =
well be the coast-lands with which Dedan had com- References. Mk. $27$ K Y N A P I O N , catellm]). No
mercial dealings. C p D EDAN , and, on Ezek. 2715, dogs of any noble type are mentioned
see EBONY. T. IC. C. n the Bible. The Israelitish kings were not, like
.he Assyrian,’ great hunters, and even the Hebrew
DODAYAH, as AV, or rather D ODAVAHU as egend of Nimrod the hunter (but is ‘hunter’ meant
RV (9Ql7, perhaps for 3 P l F l , ‘ YahwB is friend or iterally? see N IMROD ) in Gen. 1 0 9 says nothing of his
patron,’ 47-whence come the abbreviated forms l o g s 2 According to EV the greyhound is referred to
D ODO , DODAI[qu.v.’]--wA[s]ia [BAI, AoyAioy [Ll ; u Prov. 3031 as one of the four things which are
Dodou ; Pesh. implies the reading ‘ Dodo ’), the father ‘statelyin going’ ; but this is doubtful (see C OCK, GKEY-
of a prophet called Eliezer ( 2 Ch. 2037). T. K . C. HOUND ). The shepherds dog is mentioned in Job 30 I ,
DODO (ith,5 52, with which cp ’?is, D ODAI , and md dogs which guard the house may be intended in
[s. 5610 ; but neither passage vouchsafes the dog any
117, D AVID ). The fuller form is probably ‘13:?\’1 ..
-riendly words. The O T references are in fact almost
[cp DODAVAH], which means ‘Yahwb is friend or sntirely to the pariah dog, such as may be seen in any
patron’ [so Marq. P m d . 161. 99,g-enius loci, is
>f the ‘Bible lands’ to-day. They seem to have gone
rightly restored by Wi. in Am. 814,and there appears :areering in packs round the city at night (Ps. 596
to be an allusion to the ‘ divine friend ’ in Is. 5 T (where
r43) ; it was dangerous to stop one of them (Prov.
note that -111 and 71-1-are parallel). The Dodah ( m l ) 26 17). Doubtless, however, they were useful as
of Ataroth is mentioned in the Mesha inscription I 12.
scavengers. They were ready to devour even human
May we also compare Dudu, the name of a high bodies ( I K. 1417 164 2123f. 2 I<. 9x0 36andsimilarly
Egyptian official in the Amarna tablets ( A m . Ta6. Jer. 153 cp I K. 21 19 2238 Ps. 684241). and to them
4445 5215, cp Wi. AP 194)? T. K. C.
flesh that men might not eat was thrown (Ex. 2231;
I A Bethlehemite father of the renowned hero ELHANAN
(4.; ) ; z S. 2324 (6&S[elc [BL], Aou. [AI), I Ch. 1126 (Sw6we contrast Mt. 76). From Mk. 728 (Mt. 1527) some
[BK], - a[A],~ -SOL [L]). have inferred a sympathy between men and dogs in the
2. (AV following &@; but see DODAI.) An AHOHITE(q.7!.), time of Christ; but this is hazardous. Paul has no
father of David’s warrior Eleazar, z S. 23 g (ulbr lrarpa6MQou such sympathy (Phil. 32),and a certain Rabbi dissuades
a h 0 0 [BA],
~. see A HOHITE , BouSe~ [L]); I Ch. 11 12 (SwSac [BAL], from keeping fierce dogs in the house, apparently
-Se [N] ’ p a t n u s eius). because they would frighten away the poor (Shubd.
3. Ah ancestor of Tola of Issacbar, one of the Judges,
Judg. 10 I , if we should not rather follow eight cursive MSS of 6 3 a ) . Most dogs, then, were fierce. Yet Tobit,
B and rFad, for ‘ son of Dodo,’ ‘ son of his (Abirnelech‘s) uncle according to the Greek text, makes a companion of his
Kareah. See Holleuberg, Z A T W , 1881, p. 1043 @BAL has dog on his journeys (Tob. 516 114) ; see TOBIT.
vtbs warpacSdh+ou a h 0 0 (so Pesh. Vg.). See TOLA.
The pariah dog referred to above is a variety of the
DOE (3$#:), Pr. 5 ~ g t RV. , See GOAT. cosmopolitan dog (Canis famiZz’uris),though the breed
2. dog. probably been intermixed by cross-
DOEG.(2&’1, I S. 217[8] 229, but 3’11,I S. 221822 ing with iackals or wolves. The dogs
[Kt.], 3817,Ps. 522 : A W H K [BXARTL]. but A W H r , live in companies, each ddg having its own lair (some-
1S.22g[A]; Jos. Ant.vi. la,, A&)Hroc). An Edomite times two), to which it returns for rest during the day.
(for the reading v+ny, ‘ Syrian,’ presupposed [except in Those that frequent the towns act as scavengers, living
Ps. 5221 by BBA[but not L] and Jos., is certainly on offal; but in the country they are trained by the
wrong) who filled some minor post among the servants shepherds and farmers to act as sheep-dogs (cp Job 30 I).
of Saul ; most probably he was ‘keeper of the saddle Not much good, however, can be said of the latter:
asses’ (cp Judg. 104 I S. 93 2 S. 162 I Ch. 2730), I S. they are ‘ a mean, sinister, ill-conditioned generation,’
21 [a] 22 9. He had been detained (so one tradition whose use consists in barking at intruders and warning
tells us) before Yahwb ’-Le., in the sacred precincts at the shepherds of any possible danger.3 In appearance
Nob (or Gibeon ; see N0B)-by some obscure religious they resemble the Scotch collie, and are said to be
prescription (see RSP) 456), and had cunningly watched
1 On the breeds of hunting dogs known in Assyria, see
David in his intercourse with the priest Ahimelech (see Houghton TSBA 552-62 [‘77].
D AVID , 3 3). Soon after, he denounced the latter to 2 On th; four ‘dogs’ of Marduk (Merodach) see below. So
the suspicious Saul, and when the king commanded his in some legends the T ian Heracles (or Melkart) is accompanied
‘runners’ to put Ahimelech and the other priests to by a dog ( R e l Sem.rrzg2).
3 Thomson, L B (ed. ’94), 202 ; cp Doughty, A?. Des. 1309
1 See also under DANIEL, 4. 337.f 2 6.
1123 I124
 DOG DOR
intelligent, and sagacious when trained. Rabies is HarrHn) points bo Marduk and his four dogs. It is
almost, or entirely, unlrnown among them. possible that the dog may have been among the animals
The stress laid in Judg. 75- 7 on the way in which worshipped by the earliest Semites as a totem (as, e.g.,
Gideon’s three hundred drank, laDDina with their
I I I
among some N. American Indians and in Java).
3. Exegetical tongues, like dogs, probably indicates Robertson Smith refers to Justin (181 I O ), who states
that they were flerce uncivilised men that Darius forbade the Carthaginians to sacrifice human
details. (Moore..~I u d ~ e s 202).
. , The mention of
Y ,
victims and to eat the f l e h of dogs (in a religious meal,
‘ dogs ’ in company with ‘ lions ’ in Ps. 23 as typical of it is implied). There seems also to be an allusion to
the fierce enemies of pions Israel, is surprising. There something of this kind in post-exilic Palestine-to a
is no O T parallel for the use of the pariah dogs of custom, chiefly prevalent perhaps among the mixed
Eastern cities as symbolic of the enemies of Israel. In Samaritan population,2 of sacrificing the dog3 on certain
later times the Gentiles were called ‘dogs’ (Niddah, occasions (Is. 63 3). T. K. C . § 3.
77 a ; Bnda Kama, 49 a , etc.) ; but the Talmudic use
has no biblical authority ; Mli. 7 27 surely does not DOLEFUL CREATURES (D’nk), Is. 13 21 ; see
express what may be called BibLiicaZ doctrine. More- JACKAL.
over in Ps. 2221 only lions and wild oxen are re- DOMINIONS ( KYPIOTHTCC), or rather ‘ lordships,’
ferred to. Aq., Theod., and Jer. evidently read D’?I~ 2 Pet. 210. See A NGEL , 0 I.
Col. 116 ; cp Eph. 121Jude 8
‘ hunters’ ; this is a clever attempt to get over a real
difficulty. In v. 17 (EV 16) we should certainly read DOOR (n\q, Bypa,’ 8 y p w M a r etc. [BAFLI, per-
, 0 ~ nip
o ’ ~ $ ?~ y $ and ~ The
1 sense then becomes, haps from J277, ,‘ to swing,’ or cp Ass. edik, ‘ to
Greedy lions in their strength surround me, bolt, bar’).
A troop of wild oxen encircles me. The Hebrew del& is used of the doors of a chamber (Judg.
Similarly in v. ZI (EV 20) we should read 3n;g wh, 3 z3&), or of a gate ( I S. 21 73 [14L), and even of the gate itself
(Dt. 35, E V ‘gates’). The difference betweeii jetha6 which
D xina),
and render (reading T ~ for may be any opening or eiitrance ( e g . , of the ark, Geh. 6 16 :
Snatch my soul from the young lion LATTICE, 8 2 [7]) and deleth is clearly illustrated by Gen. 1 9 6
My life from the clutch of the greed; lion. where Lot standi in thepeth& to keep hack the men of Sodoii
We now pass on to a group of five passages which from approaching the del& (cp also I K. 631). For lY3
have been much misunderstood. (‘door’ Ex. 35 77 Job 38 17 AV) see GATE.
I. z K. 8 13 ‘ What is thy servant the dpg [@ has ‘the dead However necessary for ventilation doorways were in
pOg’j, that he should,do this great ihing? RV, paraphrasing!
which is hut a dog. AV incorrectly, Is thy servant a dog, the East (see LATTICE, § I ), the doors themselves were
etc. not employed so much as in less tropical regions.
2. z S. 1 6 9 ‘Why should this
dead dog [ @ L this cursed ‘ T h e lock was doubtless like those now in use in
dog ’j curse my lord the king? the East, so constructed that the bolt ( k y q , Cant. 5 5
3. z S. 9 8 ‘What :i thy servant that thou shouldest look upon
a dead dog like me? Neh. 3 3 etc., RV ; ‘ lock,’ AV) was shot ‘by the hand
4. S. 2414[151 ‘After whom dost thou pursue? after a dead or by a thong; the key (grip ‘opener’) was only
dog?
,I5. z S. 38 ‘Am I a dog’s head that helongeth to Judah?’
._. used for unlocking the door’ (Moore, SBOT [Eng.],
(ISV). Judges, 60). For descriptions of keys and loclcs, see
A s to ( I ) A V i.: quit- wrong. H ~ i i r dots
l not kcvolt in horror
Wilk. A n c . Ef.1 3 5 3 ; Moore, Judf. 99 ; Che. Zs.SBOT,
from thcdcscriptionof KliAa, hut un1y;dT:cti IO rhir kit 10,)gr:oi
an a~hievcnrcnrfor him. ‘ T h g :’ i, h c r ~nn cnpreniun of‘scrvilc ET, 1593
humility towards Elisha, as in Assyrian (‘we are the king’s The Hebrew terms for the component parts of the doorway
dogs,’ L e . his humble servants).l In (2) ‘dead dog’ (nQ 2>?) are ( I ) qD, sa#h, the threshold (rpdOupov, I F U ~ & Y , etc., a+h<
cannot be right, as @ L indicates hy the substituted epithet (see [Bg*Aj, Jer. 354, 6136sib.N‘.aPQ, maOp6s Aq. Syn. Theod.), also
above). The text must he incorrect. We want some word
which will he equally suitable in (2) (3) and (4) ; and if possible ]i??p I S. 54f: ; see THRESHOLD, and cp T EMPLE. (2) a p ,
some word which will make better sense than ‘dead’ (nn) even mezzzzdh, door post, Dt. 6 9 1120 ; on derivation cp Schwally,
in (3) and (4), where it has hitherto been plausibly takm as an Z D X G 52 136J: ; see FRONTLETS. (3) 1\p$J, ma@ZSph, lintel,
Oriental exaggeration. The word which we seek is N;?i, Ex. 1 2 7, 2 2 8 ( + A d [BALj) ; cp M H I)@. (4) l’s,sir, hinge,
‘unclean’ ; ‘dead dog should be ‘unclean, despised, pariah Prov. 26 14 wrpd+cyt ; cp also PI. njnj I K. 7 50 (if correct, @up&-
dog.’ To explain his see Doughty’s striking description of the [BALj).
pa~a See GATE.
treatment of their hounds by the Bedouin, who ‘with blows
cast out these profane creatures from the beyt.’2 As to (5) the
text is evidently not quite correct (see Klo.); there seems to
DOPHKAH (?lp?T; AKA [BAFL], - A N [A
he a play on the name of Caleh the dog-tribe (see 1025 n. I ’ after els in v. IZ]), one of the stages in the wandering in
NABAL). T o read ‘Am I a dog’s head ’ (omitting th: ne,; the wilderness (Nu. 3 3 1 2 J ) . See W ANDERINGS , 12.
words), with Prof. H. P. Smith, can hardly be called satisfactory.,
This idiom may cast light upon Dt. 2318[1g] where ‘dog DOR (7i7, A w p [BAL]; Josh. 1 2 2 3 , GAAWM [B],
appears to be applied to the class of persons elsewhere called aGGwp [A]; Jndg. 127 and I Ch. 7 zg Gwpa [Lj ; also written id?,
ktd22m. It was natural to explain the word as a term of com- cp Ph. ygl below, Josh. 17 11, Gwp [Bab mg.]),
iempt (see IDOLATRY, 8 6). If, however, ‘unclean dog’or some
similar phrase was a common circumlocution indicative of 1. Name. more fully Naphath-dor ( I K. .4 I T RVmp. : n g
humble deference used in addressing superiors, as haSal6a is in id?; vsgaGGop [A], represented by ava + a k avyi
Assyrian (especially in the Amarna letters), kelp6 need not, as [B], and fla0avay o v m w + a n avyp [L] ; Josh. 1223 RVmg ii? 3
applied to these temple servants, have been a termof contempt : cov gsvvsSSop [B, for variants see Sw.] T. va+sGGop [AI, T.
it may have been their ordinary name (so RSP) 292). The word
appears in fact in Phcenician, applied to a class of servants [vla+aBSop [Ll), and Naphoth Dor (Josh. 11 2 RVmg., nis:,
(0352)attached to a temple of Ashtoreth in Cyprus (CIS1 no. 86 +evasGGwp [Bl, v a + d w p [A*], -08. [AlFLI), themodern
B, 1. IO). T a n ? u ~ a hlay
, ~ on the Mediterranean coast about mid-
There are not wanting indications that the dog was
held in religious veneration. h river running into the 1 There is still, however, some obscurity. Compare also such
*.The dig sea a few miles N. of BeirEt is called the proper names as ti>’?:, o h & (Phen.), i ~ h
115~(Nab. and Sin. inscr.), )a&&
n ,h , U & J ~
(Cur. Am. Syr. Doc.
Dog river (Nakr-eZ-KeZb, Lyciis Jumen),
in and al-Nadim informs us that the dog 156), ICaQ., plur. KiZdb Aklub, and dim. Kulaib among Ar.
was sacred among the Harranians. ‘They offere& tribal names, and the Heh. 25: (cp Kin. z w , Jounz. Phil.
sacrificial gifts to it, and in certain mysteries dogs were 989 ; though NOld. ZDMG, 1886, 164, n. I , throws doubt on the
solemnly declared to be the brothers of the mystz.’3 identification of Caleh and 253 .... ,: see NAMES., 6-88).,
This seems to be connected with primitive Babylonian 2 See Che. I&. Is. 367, and cp RSW 357, and (on breaking
mythology ; ‘ my lord with the dogs ’ (a divine title at the neck) Kin. 309J:
3 Note that both the Sam. text and the Sam. Targum of Ex.
2231 omit the cootemptuous’reference to the dog, and spea!;
1 The explanation of RY,therefore, is not quite correct. simply of ca5ting away.
2 AY. Des. 1337. 4 Bdpa is the usual word in N T ; cp Acts 5 19 23 etc.
3 iZS(’4291,referring to Fihrist, 326, and other passages. 5 On the origin of the name cp Ges. Iher. 33r.
I125 1126
 DOR DOTHAN
way between the promontory of Carmel and Caesarea, iii. 12.24). From Pompey's time it was directly under
at a distance of about eight miles from the latter. toman rule. Gabinius restored the town and harbour
The fuller form of the name is explaiued by Sym. 56 B. C. ), and it enjoyed autonomy under the emperors
as the rapahia of Dor, or as Awp T) rapahia (cp OS2) ib. xiv. 4 4 xv. 5 3 ) . It possessed a synagogue in 42 A. D.
11522 2 5 0 5 6 , dol. nafefh, 6 d ~ pTOG ua$aO, 1 4 2 1 3 2 8 3 3 , Ant. xix. 6 3 ) . At a comparatively early date after
nefeddor, va$aObwp) ; it probably includes the undulating his its prosperity declined, and in the time of Jerome
plain of Sharon lying inland. The exact meaning of OS(y)11522 1 4 2 1 4 ) it was already deserted, and soon
"4, ni3; (RV 'height,' AV 'region, coast, border, carcely a n ~ h i n gwas left but its ruins-which were
country') as well as that of ' Dor' is very uncertain.l ,till an object of admiration-and the memory of its
Outside the O T the shorter form of the name is usual. ormer greatness (cp Plin. 5 1 7 : memoria u ~ b i s ) . Down
I t is frequently mentioned by Greek writers and appears o at least the seventh century it continued to give its
as GGpos, 6Gpa (bwph. in I Macc. 15 T I 13 z5 AV, Dora), lame to an-episcopal see.' Its prosperity was largely
also 6o0pa (Polyb. ), D o ~ u m(Pliny), and T h o ~ a(Tab. , lue to the abundance of the purple-yielding murex on
Peut. ). In Ass. D,~-ru(by the side of Megiddo) occurs ts rocky coast, and to its favourable position (but sea
only once, in a geographical list ( 2 R. 5 3 , no. 4, 1. 57). 4nt. xv. 9 6 ) . The modern village consists merely of
The meaning of the name is obscure (see E N - DOR , and I few hovels.
for HAMMATH-DOR see HAMMATH). The ancient remains urhich lie to the N. of the
Dor is first mentioned in the Pap. Golenischeff (temp. nodern village are inconsiderable (Baed.Pi 271 J ,
Hri-l?or, circa 1050 B.c.), where D-ira belongs to the PEF Mmz. 2 6 JF), the most conspicuous object, to
-Taknra', a race which entered-Palestine ^ornier travellers, being the ruins of a tower (of the
OT and Other along with the Purusati, and occupied time of the Crusaders) which crowns a rocky eminence.
the sea-coast (cp WMM .4s. ZL. Eur. The tower (el-Burj ; cp Pirgnl [=dpyog in Foulcher
388, and see CAPHTOR, 2, 4 f P HILISTINES ).~ Their 3e Chartres) has since collapsed (PEFQ, 1895, p. 1 1 3 ) . ~
prince bears the name Ba-d-ira, which appears to repre- S. A. C.
sent a theophorous name (Ahd-il, 'servant of El' or DORCAS (AOPKAC [Ti. WH], ; . e . , Igazelle,' §68),
Bod-el). That Dor continued to remain in the hands the Greek name of the Christian disciple (,uaO-i/Tpta)at
of a non-Israelite people seems highly probable. Joppa, whom Peter, by prayer, raised from the dead
Later writers, with Deuteronomic sympathies supposed that (Acts 936-42). She was manifestly a Jewess, her Greek
.Dor joined the northern coalition against Joshha (Josh. 11 z), name being simply a translation of that by which she
and they include its king among those who fell (ib. 1223). In
the same spirit Dor is assigned to Manasseh (Josh. 17 11 ;.cp was known in Aramaic, Tabitha (N?'?!, ;.e., ' gazelle,'
I C ~ .729).8 A more historical view is presented in Judg. =Heh. ?:; see G AZELLE ). A handmaid of R.
127, where Beth-shean, Ibleam, Megiddo, and Dor (in M T the
order is disturbed) form a belt of Canaanite towns stretching Gamaliel was called Tabitha ( Wayyikra R. 19).
from E. to W., which must have separated Ephraim from the In the so-called Acts ofProchoms, dating from about the
more northerly tribes. I n the time of Solomon, it is true dhe middle of the fifth century, Tabitha figures as the hostess of
'heights of Dor' was under one of his commissaries ; hurlit is John and Prochorus during their three days' stay at Joppa on
hardly probable that the town of Dor was itself included ( I K. their way to Egypt.
4 T I ; see B EN - ABINADAB ).
DORYMENES (AOPYMBNHC [AKV]; in 2 Macc.
For the next few centuries Dor drops out of Jewish AWPOYMBNOC [VI), father of Ptolemy Macron [see
history. It was well known, however, to the Greeks, PTOLEMY] ; I Macc. 3 3 8 2 Macc. 445.
3. Later the earliest authority in which the name
history. occurs being Hecataens of Miletus (circa DOSITHEUS ( A wc I ~ E O C[B"AV], hoc, [Ba.bLPV]).
I. A captain under Judas the Maccahee ; he and his fellow-
500 B.c.). It is not improbable that it officer Sosipater had Timothens in their power after the action
ought to be identified with the AGpos which, in the fifth hefore Carnion, hut allowed themselves to he persuaded to let
century, was tributary to the Athenians (Steph. Byz. him off (2 Macc. 12 19 24).
2. A mounted soldier who distinguished himself in battle by a
S.D. AGpos), and this agrees with the view that the brave though unsuccessful attempt to take Gorgias prisoner
Takara (the earliest known occupants of Dor) were (2 Macc. 12 35).
from Asia Minor, and, therefore, might have been in 3. A renegade Jew in the camp of Ptolemy Philopator (3 Macc.
close touch with Greece. At the beginning of the fourth 13). '
' Said to he a priest and Levite,' who, with his son Ptolemy,
century ESmunazar relates that Dor (%-I) and Joppa cdiied to Egypt the (translated) letter of Mordecai respecting
( w ) , rich corn-lands (111nxiN) in the field of Sharon the feast of Purim (Esth. 11I, @ ; AourOsos [AI, AWUEL. [N]).
(iiv T V ~ ) were
, handed over to Sidon by the king of DOTEA (AUTEA [A]), Judith 3 9 AVW. ; AV JUDEA,
Persia (Artaxerxes Mnemon ?), probably (as Schlottmann RV DOTBA. See DOTHAN.
conjectured) in return for their help in the battles of DOTHAN (I@, Gen. 3717 2 K. 6 1 3 , and i\n?,Gen.
Cnidus (394) and Citium (386)." Hence perhaps 37 r7 [NAMES # 1071 ; Di. (in Zoc.) thinks the latter a vocalic
arose the belief of later Greek geographers that Dor modification df the former. This is doubtful (cp Ba. NB, $ 194
was originally a Phcenician -colony. It successfully c.) ; hut in any case the termination 1:- is very ancient, occurring
resisted two sieges, one by Antiochns the Great (ANTI- in the Palestine lists of Thotmes III., sixteenth century B.c.,
OC H U S , I ) during his war with Ptolemy Philopator in tu-ti-y-nu (WMM As. u. EUY.88). It is possible, therefore,
219 B.C. (Polyb. 5 6 6 ) , and the second by Antiochus that p i 1 is merely a defective form of p [AwOaaLp[BNADEL],
Sidetes (A NTIOCHUS , 5) in 139-8 B . C . , when the siege in Judith 3 9, Awraaa [ B N ]; Awrsa [AI ; Ensehius has AwOacLp,
was raised in consequence of the flight of Trypho Jerome Dothai?n]).
( I Macc. 1 5 1 1 8 ) . It was afterwards held along with Ensebins placed it 1 2 R. ni. N. of Sebast6 (Samaria).
Strato's tower ( C ~ S A R E A 5 , I ) by a tyrant named The site was identified by Van de Velde (13 6 4 8 ) with
Zoilus, on whose subjugation by Ptolemy Lathyrus it TeZZ Diththdn IO m. N. of Sebastiyeh. It is a green
became part of the Hasmonaean dominions (Jos. Ant. mound lying on the S. of a plain, sometimes called after it
(Judith 4 5 [ 6 ] , ~b ae6ior ~b rr)lvulov AwOaeLp, Dothaim),
1 Wholly obscure is nD; n v i v Josh. 1711 which $i (rb
and sometimes called Sahl 'Arriibeh, which lies some
rpirov 6 s pa+e~o. [B] . .. va.+eBa [AI, ...
vo+eO [L]) treats
as a place-name (note ;hat @B gives only three names). Sym.
500 feet above sea-level, and drains to the Mediterranean
here again has al rp& rrupdiar. Slav. Ostrogothic adds the by the Wiidy Selhab, afterwards WRdy 'Abti Niir, and is
gloss rpia dim. connected with Esdraelon by the wide descending valley
2 On the identification of the Tukara town Dor with the Ass. of Bel'ameh, the ancient IBLEAM [g.v.]. Thus it carries
Zakkalu $4 R 34 no. 2, 2. 45) ; see Hommel, PSBA 17 203 ('95) ;
AH I 236. 1 BapiX'os Aipwv drriu~orrosis mentioned in the Acts of the
3 The passage in Josh. is hardly sound ; Addis corrects after Council of Constantinonle 1281 A . D . ~ .
Jndg. 127. See also ASHER 0 3: 2 See further for cofnagg, etc., Schiir. GYP' 0 23. i. IO.
4 Rn*__
- -TGmnnazar's
. inscripkon, cp Schlottmann, Die Znschrifl 3 AIS& indepLndently, a few days later, by 'Robinson [LBX
Esclzmunazars ('68), and see CIS 1, no. 3. Skylax assigns Dor 1221. Rabbi Parchi had noted it in the fourteenth century;
t o %don and Ashkelon to Tyre daring the Persian period. see Asher s Benj. of Tudela, 2 434).
1127 1128
 DOUGH DOVE’S DUNG
the great caravan road from Damascus and Gilead to lowever, do not involve a sacrificial meal (Lev. 5 7 128
Egypt, which is still in use, as it was when the story of :tc. ; in N T Lk. 224).l This exceptional treatment of
Joseph and the company of Ishmaelite traders passing he dove suggests that originally the Hebrews Gere wont
Dothan with spices from Gilead for Egypt was written .o ascribe to the bird a sacrosanct character, similar to
(GASm. H G q ~ f356). : Van de Velde found the re- hat which it has obtained among other branches of the
mainsof a Jewishroadcrossing from Esdraelon to Sharon. Semites. In Palestine ‘ the dove was sacred with the
At the S. foot of the Tell is a fountain called El-Hafireh ; Phoenicians and Philistines, and on this superstition
there is a second fountain and two large cisterns (cp the s based the common Jewish accusations against the
cistern into which Joseph‘s brethren are said to have Samaritans that they were worshippers of the dove.’
lowered him). There is very fine pasturage on the sur- rhere were holy doves at Mecca (the custom is hardly
rounding plain, which the present writer found covered ndigenous), and according to Lucian (Dea Syria, 54,
with flocks, some of them belonging to a camp of nomad :p 14) doves were taboo to the Syrians, he who
Arabs. From its site on so ancient a road through the .ouched them remaining unclean a whole day.2 On
country, and near the mouth of the main pass from the :he symbolism of the dove in N T (Mt. 316 etc.) and in
N. into the hills of Samaria, the Tell must always have :arly Christian times, see Smith’s Dict. Christ. Ant.,
been a military position of importance; note the de- P. v.
scription in 2 K. 6 1 3 8 , and the frequent mention of it The following species occur in Palestine :-
in the Book of Judith (advance of Holofernes). Cp (i.) CoZu?ndapaZum6us,the ring-dove or wood-pigeon, common
PEFMem. 2169 2 1 5 ; Thomson, LB., ed. 1877, p. in England and throughout most of Europe. Large flocks
466f: : Buhl, P a l 24J, 102, ro7. G. A. S. of these assemble in the winter months and do
4. Species. much damage by feeding on the young leaves of
DOUGH. For Nu. 152of. Neh. 1037 [38] (3[?’?LJ: cultivated plants ; some migrate in the autumn
but many pass the winter in Palestine. (ii.) C. @nus, the stock!
RVms. ‘coarse meal’), see FOOD, $ I, and for 2 S. 138 RV dove, smaller and darker than the above and rarer in Palestine.
(psz), cp BREAD, $ I . unlike C. paluuaz6us it does not build on branches of trees, bu;
lays its eggs in holes or in biirrows. (iii.) C. Ziviu the rock-
DOVE. The word dove is somewhat loosely applied dove, is abundant on the coast and uplands; it is ‘the parent
to certain members of the suborder CoZumh or pigeons ; stock from which the domesticated varieties have been derived.
1. Hebrew y d , as no sharp distinction can be drawn, (iv.) C. schimperi, closely allied to the preceding, which it takes
the place of, in the interior and along the Jordan valley. It is
it is proposed to treat the doves and pigeons elsewhere found in Egypt and in Abyssinia. I t nests in crevices
terms. together in this article. and fissures of the rock (cp Jer. 48 28). (v.) Turtnr communis or
Three Heb. words come under consideration : (I) il$’,yZn&, auritus, the turtle-dove, which probably represents (see 5 z),
is a migratory species whose return is very constant (Jer. 8 7
probably derived from its mournful note ( w p p ~ m ~ p[@I) 6 ; (2) Cant. 2 12) about the beginning of April, when they become verg
i j n , ih, tjr (probably onomatopoetic, cp Lat. t n r h r ; ~ p u y h v plentiful and are to be found in every tree and shrub. This
@I), EV ‘turtle-dove’ : and (3) \$,gc%d, EV ‘young pigeon’ species is the most abundant of all the CoZuwz6e in Palestine.
(Gen. 159, II iin, m p i m f p & [ADL]), properly any young (vi.) I(: r i s o n t ~ s ,the Barbaiy or collared dove, which extends
from Constantinople to India. Around the Dead Sea this species
bird; cp Dt. 32 I r t (with reference to the lt?). is a permanent resident, being found as a rule in small flocks of
Apart from its occurrence in P and Gen. 1 5 9 (see eight or ten. ( v i ) ,T.senegalensis, the palm turtle-dove, has
been regarded by lristram as the turtle-dove of the Bible, I t
below). ,. i m.. is found onlv in Cant. 212 (where allusion is lives amongst the courtyards of houses in Jerusalem and seems
made to its ’ voice ‘), in Jer. 8 7 (a migratory to he half tame ; it especially frequents palm groves.
2. OT bird; cp 4 [v.] below; EV in both A. E. S.-S. A. C .
references* ‘turtle’), and in Ps. 7419 (not a).
In
DOVE’S DUNG (immn or w?\’ ‘7.i-1, Kt. [Ginsb.],
the last-quoted passage iin, as the harmless, timid dove
(cp Hos. 711 1111 Mt. 1016), is usually thought to P’?l’7?,3 1 9 . ; KOI-I~OC I-I~PICTEPWN [BAL]). In
be symbolical of Israel. The text-reading, however, is a graphic account of the siege of Samaria, side by side
doubtfu1.l Elsewhere it is to the 3319 ( ’ dove’) that Israel with ‘ an ass’s head’ appears ’ the fourth part of a kab
is compared (see J O N A H , ii. § 3). This is the most of dove’s dung’ (@ZrZ yCnEm) as a food only to be
common term, which appears notably in the Deluge- bought at a very high price ( 2 K. 625). Much has been
story, Gen. 88-12 (D ELUGE , § 1.7). Allusion is made in written to account for this strange-sounding detail ;
Ps. 556 171 to its plumage, in Is. 3814 5911 to its Josephus (Ant. ix. 44) even suggested that the dung was
mournful note.2 Its gentle nature makes the dove a a substitute for salt ! The reference to it, however, is
favourite simile or term of endearment in love poems doubtless due to an error of an ancient scribe, which
(Cant. 115 41 52 12 69). That doves were domesticated is precisely analogous to one in Ps. 1234 (MT).
among the Hebrews may be inferred from Is. 6 0 8 (see In that passage a questionable word (rendered in EV ‘the
FOWLS, 3 5). and it is of interest to recall that carrier- proud ’) is represented in the mg. as being really two words, one
of which is ~ 9 3 1 7 . I t is more than probable that ‘an ass’s head ’ 4
pigeons were well known in Egypt, and that at the (>lDfl-WNl) should be D’tTy: it$, ‘a homeroflentils,’and ‘doves’
coronation ceremony four were let fly to carry the
tidings of the newly-made king to the four corners of dung ’ (D’ll’ ’in) should be 0’?3i& ‘ pods of the carob tree ’ (see
the earth (Wilk. Anc. Eg. 3320). HUSKS). That the ancients agreed with M T and that the correct-
ness of the reading can be defended (see Post in Hastings’ BD,
Are there reasons for supposing that among the s.v.) by observation of the habits of pigeons is no reason why
Hebrews the dove ever enjoyed a reputation for sanctity ? we should acquiesce in it ; similarly we might defend the painful
3. Sacred Conclusive evidence in support of this view figure of the ‘snail’ in Ps. 668[9] (see S N AIL, 2). For the
character. is absent: but it is remarkable that the attempts of modern writers to mitigate the unpleasantness of
the expression ‘ dove’s dung ’ by finding some plant which might
dove, although a ‘ clean ’ bird, is never have been so called, see articles in Smith’s and Hastings’
mentioned in the O T as an article of diet. It was a dictionaries. Two illustrative passages (z K. 16 27 Is. 1.0) have,
favourite food of the Egyptians, and is commonly eaten we may believe, been recovered by similar corrections of the
text, one certain, the other highly probable. See HUSKS.
in Palestine at the present day. Moreover, we have to T. I<. C .
note that the iin and $3 are mentioned in an old cove-
nant ceremony by E (Gen. 15g), and that in P’s legis- 1 In N T times doves for such purposes were sold in the temple
lation ‘ turtle-doves ’ (n*im) and ‘ young pigeons ’ (*I? itself (Mt. 21 12 Mk. 11 15 Jn. 2 14 16).
2 On the whole subject see Bochart Hieroz. ii. 1I and WKS
j$’) are frequent sacrificial victims in ceremonies which, Kin. 196f: : RSW zig n. z 294, etc. d p also, for ‘dove’ oracles,
Frazer, Paw. 4 r49f: Th; white dove was especially venerated;
Tibullus 1 7 : ‘alba Palaestino sancta columba Syro.’
1 ‘Deliver not the soul of thy turtle-dove’ is a strange ex- 3 Thidis a euphemistic substitute. Some authorities recognise
pression. Sym. Tg. Jer. find an allusion to the Law (Tg. the
~,>i,, ‘doves,’ as an element in the phrase (so Kan. Lelrrge6.
souls of the teachers of thy Lay’) : hut @ Pesh. read q1m :’ ; so 2 102) ; others take 11 to be simply a termination (Ginsh. Introd.
Gunkel, Che. : ‘Deliver not the soul which praises thee,’ be. 346 ‘decayed leave‘s’).
comes the sense. 4’Such ‘unclean‘ food was not likely to be exposed for sale
2 Cp also Nah. 2 7 [SI ; on the text of Ezek. 7 16 see Co. even during a siege. And why specially the head7
1129 1130
 DOWRY DRAGON
DOWRY. For Gen. 3412 Ex. 2217 [16] I S. 1825t We pass on to (h) Esth. 107 [4] 11 6. Two dragons come forth
to fight against the ‘righteous people,’ ie., the Jews (cp Jer.
@, m 8 h a ~ ;+ e p d ; dos [in S.sjonsaLiul), see MARRIAGE, 8 I. 5134). These are interpreted in the story as
For Gen. 302ot (l?!, zrbed), see Z EBULUN. 3. In OT Mardocheus and Amao and the justification
? Apocrmh. of this is that they fighi together, as Mordecai
contended with Haman. This is evidently
DRACHM, RV Drachma (APAXMH), Tob. 514 i late modification of an uncomprehended traditional story.
z Macc. 4 1 9 1020 1 2 4 3 . See MONEY. r h e connection of the dragons with water is evidently an echo
If the TBmat myth. The writer, however, did not understand
DRAG (nlQ?p),Hab. 1155 See FISH, 3. t, and explained the ‘ much water ’ of Esther. (i) Bel and the
Dragon strikes us at once by its Babylonian colouring. That
DRAGON (l93m; APAKUN). t is Daniel, not a god, who kills the Dra on, is an alteration
iatural to Haggadic stories, to which, as %all has shown, this
For Dt. 32 33 E V Ps. 91 13 (RV ‘serpent ’) see SERPENT, $ I
IT ; and for Ps. 148 7 (RVnlg. sea-monsters’ or waterspouts’), ;tory belongs. No trace remains of the old myth beyond what
s found in Jer. 51 34. (k) Ps. Sol. 2 28-34 is a picture of the
SERPENT, $ 3 ( f ) n . For the ‘dragons’(O’?!, ]’?s, ni35 [sing. .ate of Pompey, the profaner of the temple, which would be
]g] : in Lam. 4 3 AV ‘ sea-monsters,’ AVmg. ‘ sea-calves ‘)of Mal. iyperholical if it were not obviously coloured by a semi-mythicat
1 3 etc. see J ACKALS (so RV). .radition.
In addition to the passages in which the term tannin Resuming the consideration of (a)-i.e., Is. 27 I-we
is used of a natural species of animals (such as Gen. 121 lotice that the two Leviathans and the Dragon in the
1. Mythological R? sea-monsters’,’ AV WHALE
6 a. OT allusions Sea are distinctly mythical forms (the
allusions in [T.U.] ; Ex. 7 9 5 EV S ERPENT two former, differentiations of ‘rigmat;
considered. the latter, Kingu, Tiamat’s husband) ;
OT and NT. [shorter
q . ~ . ] there
) are various longer or
passages in which a mytho- :hey are identified by the apocaGptist (see Zntr. Zs. 155)
logical or semi-mythological explanation of the term sith the three great powers hostile to the Jews,-
may be reasonably supposed. Some of these have Babylonia, Persia, and Egypt. The reference to the
been, with more or less fulness, treated elsewhere, and sea confirms the mythological origin of the expression,
may therefore be here considered more briefly. For Tiamat is the personification of the primeval ocean.’
The passages are as follows (for discussion, see $ 3J)-(a) 3 n YahwCs sword see Gen. 3 2 4 , and cp Mardulc’s
Is. 27 I (see B E H E M O T H A N D L EVIATHAN, 3 [L]) : (6) Is. 51 g weapon, called in Creation tablet iv. 1. 49, n6z&r,
(see RAHAB) ; (c) Jer. 51 34 (see J O N A H , ii. $ 4) ; (4 Ezek. ‘ storm ’ (cp I.!. 30 39). As to (a), note again the two
29 3-6, I will attack thee, Pharaoh king of Egypt, thou great
dragoo,l which liest in the midst of thy streams which hast conquered monsters (Rahab and the Dragon), and the
said, Mine are the streams,Z I have made them.’ I will put connection with the sea in v. IO. The old myth is ap-
hooks in thy jaws, and cause the fish of thy streams to stick to plied to the passage of the Israelites through the Red
thy scales. I will bring thee up out of thy streams .. .
hurl thee into the desert, thee and all the fish of thy streams ;
I will
Sea ; but the application would have been impossible had
upon the open couiitr? shalt thou fall ; thou shalt not he taken not the destruction of Rahab and the Dragon been
up nor gathered. ... ...
(e) Ezek. 32 2-8 ‘ as for thee thou equivalent to the subjugation of the sea. The poet
wast like the dragoil 8 in the sea, tho; didst break forth) with does not say, but obviously supposes, that Rahab and
thy streams, didst trouble the water with thy feet, and didst
foul its streams. Thus saith Yahwk, I will spread my net Pharaoh are in some sense identical, just as in Rev.
Over thee and bring thee up into my snare. I will lay thy flesh 12 the impious power of Rome is identified with the
upon the kountains, and fill the valley with thy corruption.4 . .. Dragon. The ’ shattering ’ of Rahab is repeated) from
I will ?over the heavens a t thy setting, and clothe its stars in
. ( A Job 7 12, ‘Am I the sea or the dragon,3 the Babylonian myth.
that thou settest watchers against me?’ (g)Neh. 2 13, ‘ before Of (c) nothing more need now be said (see J ONAH ) ;
the dragon-well.’ These are probably all the passages in the but ( d ) and ( e ) require to be clearly interpreted. It is
Hehrew O T ; for Ps. 4419[201, ref*rred to hy Gunkel in this not to an ordinary crocodile that Pharaoh is compared.
connection, is certainly corrupt; hut (h) Esth. 107[41 116 [5],
( i ) Bel and the Dragon, and (k) Ps. Sol. 228-34 have to he The ’ hyperholical’ language would, in this case, be
grouped with them (see $ 3). intolerable. It is the despotic and blasphemous dragon
The N T references are all in Revelation, viz., in (;it) 1 2 3-17, TiHmat. The blasphemy is at once explained when we
( n ) 1 3 z 4 1 1 , (o)1613, (#)ZOz; c p l 2 g .
remember that TiHmat was originally a divine being-
These last require to be treated separately, but with older in fact than the gods. The denial of burial to
due cognisance of that old Babylonian dragon-myth, Pharaoh is of course explicable out of mere vindictive-
,kr:es. uncomprehended fragments of which
circulated in the eschatological tradition
of ANTICHRIST ( q . ~ . ) . The dragon
ness ; but it is a worthier supposition that we have here
a somewhat pale reflection of the outrages inflicted on
the body of TiHmat by the young sun-god Marduk. The
which sought to devour the child of the woman is the ‘ hook ’ reminds us of Job 41 I [40 251 (Leviathan) ; the
very same development of Babylonian mythology which net, of a striking detail in Creation-tablet iv., ZZ. 95,
lies at .the bnse of Jer. 5 1 3 4 . From a Jewish point of 112.~The ‘setting’ of the dragon implies that there was
view the woman (cp Mic. 410)is either the earthly or a constellation identified with the dragon (cp Lockyer.
the heavenly Zion, and the dragon (originally Tiamat) Dawn ofAstrononzy, 137, 146). In (f)the conibina-
with its seven heads is Arniilos, or ~ y w (‘i the wicked tion of ‘ sea’ and ‘ dragoq,’ and the occurrence of
one ’ ; cp 2 Thess. 2 3 8 ) , i . e . , Rome, the new Babylon, references elsewhere in Job to Rahab and Leviathan,
which is identified with ‘the ancient serpent,’ wnj sufficiently prove the mythological affinities of the
qinipa (cp Rev. 129, and see Weber, l e d . TheoL. 218). passage. The Dragon was, according to one current
The storming of heaven by the dragon is also Baby- version of the old myth, not destroyed, but placed in
lonian; it is the primeval rebellion of TiHmat (see confinement (cp Job 3 8 4 1 ) . Cp the stress laid in Job
C REATION , z) transferred to the latter days6 (cp 388-11 Ps. 1 0 4 5 9 3 3 6 [7] 6 5 7 J on the long-past subju-
Eph. 6 1 2 , the spiritual hosts of wickedness Qv m i s gation of the sea by Yahwk.
Aroupavlocs). The additions of the apocalyptic writer One passage only remains (g). The term ‘dragon-
do not concern us here.7 On the affinities of Rev. well’ suggests a different class of myths-those in
to a Greek myth see H ELLENISM , 1 8 . which the supernatural serpent is a friendly being.
Primitive sanctuaries were often at wells (E N-ROGEL),
1 Reading I’m for O’?g of MT. and serpents love moist places3 Serpents, too, are the
Reading O’?kl (E6 Gunkel).
2
1 Rashi, on Is. 27 I, remarks that the ‘coiled’ Leviathan
3 (AV ‘whale,’ RV ‘sea-monster’).
encompasses the earth (&ryfl 5 , n N q’pn). Cp Griinhaum,
4 Reading ?n$’? (Symm., Pesh., Rodiger, Gunkel). ZDMG3l 275. The ‘coils’ of the Egyptian Leviathan (Apapi)
5 Cp the ‘great serpentofseven heads’ in a primitive Sumerian were in heaven (Book of Hades, RP 12 13). Apapi seems ulti-
poem (Sayce, Hihb. Lect. 282). mately identical with Tiamat ; hut the details of the myth are
6 Cp Charles, .Yecrets of Enoch, g (note’on chap. I) ; Rrandt, Egyptian.
Mandaische Schrifren 1 3 7 8 (the latter cited by Bousset). 2 Cp Lyon, ] B L 14 131.
7 Cp Bousset, Der hntichrist, 7 173, and the same writer’s 3 Schick and Baldensperger (PEFQ r981, p: 23 : [‘gg], p. 57)
conimentary on the Apocalypse ; see also APOCALYPSE, $ 41. state that long worms and serpents abound in and near the
1131 1132
 DRAGON DRAM
emblems of healing (cp Nu. 2 1 5 - 9 ) , and sacred wells mythology will account for all the details of the biblical
are often also healing wells. The intermittent character Jescriptions which an accurate exegesis will admit. W e
of St. Mary's Well (connected with the lower Pool of need not suppose a reference to the myth of the daily
Siloah) is accounted for in folklore by the story that a struggle between the Lig5t-god and the serpent. The
great dragon who lies there makes the water gush forth Tiiimat story, as known to the Jews, was briefly this.
in his sleep. Cp also the dragon-myth connected with At the commencement of creation, Tiamat was, accord-
the Orontes, the serpent's pool, Jos. BY v. 32, and the ing to some, destroyed, according to others, completely
serpent myths of the ancient Arabs (WRS ReZ. Send2) iubdued and confined in the ocean which encompasses
131, 171). and see ZOHELETH. the earth. Without God's permission he can henceforth
Thus we have two views of the dragon represented,- do nothing. Only the angelic powers, commissioned
as a friendly and as a hostile being. Into the wider by God to keep watch over Leviathan, can 'arouse'
5. Babylonian subject suggested by this result we him and even they 'shudder' as they do so (see BE-
origin of myth. cannot enter now (cp S ERPENT ). It HEMOTH AND LEVIATHAN). This form of the story
is more important to consider the 6. Later became popular in later biblical times,
question, How came these oniy half-understood myths, biblical because it met the requirements of apoca-
represented by Behemoth, Leviathan, Rahab, and the times. lyptic writing. It was a necessity of biblical
inclusive appellation Dragon, to be so prominent? We idealism to anticipate a return of the ' first
have already seen that they are not of native Palestinian things,' of Paradise and its felicity. Evil seemed to
growth, but (apart from the myth of the Dragon's Well) have been intensified ; the reign of Tiiimat was renewed,
of Babylonian origin. Not that every important as it were, upon the earth. A deliverance as great as
Dragon-myth in Asiatic countries must necessarily be that wrought by Yahw-A ( a greater Marduk) of old must
derived ultimately from Babylon-this would be an therefore be anticipated, and the struggle which would
unscientific theory-but that for the myths now under precede it would be as severe as that which took place
consideration the evidence points unmistakably to a at the creation. Then would 'the old things pass
Babylonian origin. If we ask how these myths away, and all things become new.' It is not
came to be so prominent, the answer is that a great improbable, as Budge long ago pointed out (PSBA,
revival of mythology took place among the Jews, under 1,831, 6), that Tiiimat in course of time acquired a
Babylonian influences, in exilic and post-exilic times. symbolic meaning ; certainly the serpent of Egyptian,
Jewish folklore became more assimilated to that of the and not less of Jewish, belief acquired one. The
other nations, and the leaders of religion permitted what inoralisation of the old dragon-myth is recorded in the
they could not prevent, with the object of impressing mysterious but fascinating story of ANTICHRIST [q. a].
an orthodox stamp on popular beliefs. This has long On the twofold representation of Tiamat (dragon and
since been noticed, especially by the present writer in a serpent), see SERPENT, 13f.
series of works (see also CREATION, 23), where it is Into the' dragon-myths of non-Semitic peoples frequently
pointed out that the Dragon-myth comes from pre- adduced to illustrate Job 38, it is not necessary to enter. The
Semitic (Babylonian) times, and where several explana- Semitic material has been growing to such a considerable mass
that it is wise to restrict ourselves at present to this. Otherwise
tions are indicated as perhaps equally historica1.l Like we might discuss a striking passage in The Times, Jan. 14, 1898
other interpreters who used the mythological clue, how- on the cry for al s in Hindu quarters for the recovery of th;
ever, he was not clear enough as to the nature of the sun from the j a w 3 f the dragon Rahu. Jan. 22, 1898, was the
day of a solar eclipse. Cp ECI.IPSE,z.
conflict between the God of light and the serpent, referred The fullest English investigation of the different forms taken
to in Job 9 1 3 Is. 5 1 9 etc.2 Continued study of the by the mythic dragon is to be found in W. H. Ward's article
new cuneiform material has done much to clear up his 'Bel and the Dragon' (Am. Journal of
difficulties, one of which may be expressed thm. The 7. Literature. Sem. Lung. and Lit., Jan. 1898, p. 9 4 8 ) .
In early Babylonian art the dragon does not
Babylonian epic spoke of Tiiimat as having been de- represent Tiamat the chaos-dragon, but a destructive demon of
stroyed by the God of light, whereas certain biblical pestilence or tornado. The sex of the dragon is not as a rule
passages appeared to describe the dragon as still existing indicated in the primitive representations, even when the dragon
is given together with a god (or goddess); an exception however
' in the sea,' as capable of being ' aroused' by magicians, is figured by Ward in which the dragon appears to he male.
and as destined to ,be slain by YahwB's sword. Hence I n the Assyrian pkriod, to which the representations of the
it seemed as if there was a Hebrew myth (of non- conflict hetween Marduk and the Dragon belong, the dragon is
Hebraic origin) which represented the war between the of the male sex, which reminds us that the evil serpent Ahriman
in Persian mythology is male. It is very possible that in the
God of light and the serpent of darkness as still going oldest Bahylonian representations the dragon was female (cp
on, and Egyptian parallels seemed to teach us how to DEEP, THE). With regard to the view (implied in parts of the
conceive of this3 The defeat and destruction of the OT) that the chaos-dragon was not slain, hut only subdued by
the Light-god, we may compare some Babylonian cylinders,
gigantic serpent ApCpi and his helpers, when chaos older than Ijammurabi, which represent the dragon as harnessed
gave way to order and darkness to light, was not in a chariot and driven by Bel while a goddess stands on his
absolute and final. They still seemed to the Egyptians hack and wields the thunderbolt ; or else the mod stands on the
to menace the order of nature, and in his daily voyage hack of the dragon. The Assyrian represent&ons do not it is
true, show that the dragon was slain ; hut thendtnral suppogition
the sun is threatened by the serpent, and has a time of is that the conflict ended ill his destruction.
anguish. When they see this, human folk seek to See also Gnnkel Schb3J u. Chaos; Toy, 3udaism and
frighten the monster by a loud clamour, and so to Christianity, 162, 145, zoo (n.), 375 ; Maspero, Struggle of the
help the sun. The sun's boatmen, too, have recourse Nations; Brugsch, Religion u. .Wythologip der alten Agypter;
Wiedemann, Egyjtian Religion; Bousset, DerAntichnit('gG),
to prayers and spear-thrusts. At last, paralysed and pp. 94, 97 ; and, for a popular summary of facts on the Dragon-
wounded, Apdpi sinks back into the abyss. Gunlcel, myth, A. Smythe Palmer, Bahybnian Zng'iuence un the B i b b
however, has shown for the first time that Babylonian ('97). T. K. C.
Birket es-Sultnn ' the latter writer suggests that this may have
helped to fix ;he Lame to the locality.
DRAGON WELL (i'?n?
j's!; m i r H TUN C Y K W N
[BHA], m. TOY APAKONTOC [L]; fons druconis;
1 For a Phoenician dragon-myth, see Daniasc. D e p n m princ.
123, and Eus. P r u j . Eu. 1 IO (ap. Lenormant, Les Origines,
1533-535, 551).
e),
Neh. 2 I&. For topography see
2 Projh. Is. 1159 2 37 ; 106 and Submon, 76-78 ; cp CnX
G IHON, JERUSALEM, and for folklore see D RAGON ,
Rev July 1 8 9 ~p. 262. § 4 (8).
3 ?ob and .f~lumon,7 6 : cp Maspero, 0). cit. 90 f: 159.
Book of the Dead, 15 39 ; Book of Hades, transl. by Lefkbure, DRAM, RV DARIC. The rendering of two late Hebrew
RP, 12 13. words : ( u ) 0'$3lV, I Ch. 2 9 7 Ezra 827+-i.e., ap-
4 Schcj$fnng u. Chaos, 41-69. This is not the place to discuss
the points in which the present writer differs from Gunkel (see parently A ~ p ~ l (Syr.
~ o c b'?"j.ir,'
MH ]W)7'7, pl.
C+. Rev. 1895 p. z j 6 8 ) , whose general view of the earlier
period of fsraeliiish belief is perhaps too much in advance of the
nbiII,?3 [Dalman]), or cp Ass. =duriku (pl. durikanu)
evidence. 'piece of money' MussLArnolt; and (d) D ~ J f i l b ~ l ? ,
'133 1134
 DREAMS DRESS
dar&m5nim, Ezra 269 Neh. 7 708,?apparently A paXMH.l 3 1 h plainly=jh in Is. 323, which Peiser identifies with
Possibly a loan-word (Asiatic) in both Heb. and Gr., Bab. @<nu, a kind of garment’ ( Z AT W [ g 7 ] ,17348).
see Ew. GGA, 1855, 1392 .j? ; 1856, 7 9 8 ; and cp Zp CHEST.
BDB,S.V. 3. *!?, P Z i , a word of the widest signification, is (like
The Vss. give Spawai [L], delikana [Pesh. except I Ch.], the German Zeug)used of garments in Dt. 2 2 5 (1;; ’ 2 )
soZidus [Vg., in Neh. drachma]. But in I Ch. xpuuoirs [BA],
Gpawal [HP ’931, qi1, Targ. (see Lag. Hug. 23), Pesh. Lev. 1349 (iiy’3).
apparently connected ’ R with 7: ‘lead.’ I n Ezra 827 61s + 4. rime, Keszith, ‘covering,’ Ex. 2110 2226 etc.,
dsbv Xapavecp [Bl ... Spaxpds [AL] agree in presupposing restored by Grfitz, Ball, and Cheyne in Gen. 49 I T ( M T
~p]n,+,i+, <.e., 6; 1I I Esd. 857 [56] BAL om. Ezra 269 pv2s nqo 11 d n ? , m p p o h ~pnZZium),
, and by Cheyne in Ps. 7 3 6
[BA] 11 I Esd. 545 [44]puss [BAL]. Neh. 770.72 BRA om., hut Prov. 710 ( M T nv$,2 EV ‘garment,’ ‘attire’). Cp
vopiupams [Sixt.] v. 71,and vopiupauru [Nc‘a] v. 72.
According to the commpnly accepted view a and I are m?n. . Is. 23 18 (EV ‘ clothing ’) ; see AWNING.
identical and mean ‘darics. Against this two objections may 5. tjn?,ZebZiP (the root w i s ‘ to wear, put o n ’ is
be urged : (I) the n in 6 is left unexplained, and (2) the form a ,
which alone supports this meaning, is untrustworthy. In I Ch. found in all the Semitic languages), a general term (not
it is doubtful (iii ~*3171~1 may he a gloss : the amount of gold so frequent as I.); used of the dress of women
has been already mentioned), and in Ezra 827 the better ( 2 S. 124 Prov. 31zz), etc. Cognates are d n ! ~ ,2 K.
reading is ~-3in3ii(see above). The form p l l (Spaxplj) is
preferable, not for this reason alone, hut also on account of its 1022 (EV ‘vestment’) etc., and n+$ Is. 59 171.
identity with the Phmn. 0319377 (pl.),2 which, as the analogy ‘ clothing.’
from Gk. inscriptions shows, must represent Gpaxpai. The We turn now to the Hebrew terms denoting particular
occurrence of this Gk. (or Asiatic?) word in Ezra-Neh. is due
perhaps to repeated glosses : cp Ezra 8 27 with I Esd. 8 57 and articles of dress. It is one of the defects of the EV
observe that in some of the passages (above) BA omit. See 2. Special that the same English word is often used
further MONEY,WEIGHTS A N D MEASURES.3 S. A. C. to represent several distinct Hebrew terms,,
terms. and that, vice veym, the Same Hebrew term
DREAMS (n\D>tJ), Zech. 102, etc. ; see D IVINA-
is rendered by different English words (promiscuously).
TION, 2 (vi.).
This is due partly to the difficulty of finding an exact
DRESS. A complete discussion of the subject of equivalent for many of the Hebrew terms, partly to our
ancient Israelitish dress (including toilet and ornaments) ignorance of their precise meaning, and the uncertainty
is impossible with our present limited knowledge. It of tradition as represented by the versions, Rabbinical
is true, the Assyrian and Egyptian artists had keen eyes e ~ e g e s i setc.
,~
for costume ; but trustworthy representations of Israelites Of the numerous Hebrew terms denoting articles of
are unfortunately few. It might be tempting to fill up dress, those referring to the feet are discussed under
this lacuna by noting the usages of dress in the SHOE. For the various head-dresses ( 1 ~ 3 ,1333, etc. ) see
modern East. This, ,however, would be an uncritical T URBAN. One of the special terms for garments worn
procedure. W e might presume on obtaining more about the body is i i i E j , ’iz& ‘kilt ’ or ‘ loin-cloth ’ (see
than analogies from the customs of the present ; but GIRDLE).4 Out of this an evolutionary process has
common sense shows that to look for a Hebrew equiva- brought breeches (cp Ar. mi’zir), which, however,
lent to every modern garment would be unnatural. among the Hebrews appear first as a late priestly
Consequently, in spite of the scantiness of detail in the garment (viz. o.~13p); see BREECHES. For the ordinary
OT, we must base our conceptions upon O T evidence under-garment worn next the skin (rub?), see TUNIC.
(viewed in the light of criticism) treated by fhe com-
parative method. The over-garment (corresponding rougky to the Gr.
i p h ~ t o uand Roman tofa) varied in size, in shape, and
There are several general terms in Hebrew for
‘dress,’ ‘garments,’ ‘attire.’ It is needful to give in richness, and had several distinct names ( j i m l a h ,
1. General +tails, as there are distinctions of some etc.), for which see MANTLE.
Certain classes and certain occasions required special
importance which could not be brought
terms. out otherwise. -
dresses. The clothine of ambassadors is called -
3. Special ( m e d i w i m ? ) , 2 S. 104 = I Ch. 194, EV
nmn
.
I. ~ $ 2 beserf
, (cp perh. Ar. b q i d ; we cannot assume
‘ garments.’ A kindred word ‘ mad’ (fem.
a root meaning ’ to cover ‘ ; the verb i n known to us ntiddah. if the text of Ps. 1832
~. is correctl5
~ ~~~~

means, ‘ t o deal treacherously’; it is perhaps a verb is used of the priestly garb in Lev. 610 [3], Ps. Z.;.
denom.),4 may be used for a garment of any kind (8v6upu); of the outer garment of the warrior (plur.
‘ from the filthy clothing of the leper to the holy robes ynly) in Jndg. 3 16 ( E V ’ raiment ’), I S. 4 12 (EV
of the priest,’ for ‘ the simplest covering of the poor as clothes’), 1 7 3 8 , ( A V ‘armour,’ RV ‘apparel’), 184
well as the costly raiment of the rich and noble’ (AV ‘garments, RV ‘apparel’), and 2 S. 208 (A\‘
[BDB] : for women’s dress (Dt. 2417 ; cp Gen. 3814), ‘garment,’ RV ‘apparel of w a r ’ ) 7 ; in all
for royal robes ( I K. 2230), and apparently once for passages pav6l;as, except I S. 412,where iphnu. The
the outer robe or M ANTLE ( 2 K. 9x3) ; also for the mad of the .warrior was perhaps some stiff garment
coverlet of a bed ( I S. 1913 I K. 11),and for the which was a (poor) substitute for a coat of mail. In
covering of the tabernacle furniture (Nu. 46-13 P.). Ps. 109 18 mad is used of the dress of the wicked tyrant
2. n$, p Z m , Ezek. 2724, AV clothes,‘ RV wrap-
pings,’ mg. ‘ bales. ’ Prof. Cheyne writes : ‘ The exist- 1 Others cp Ph. n’lo and Heb. ?!,Dp (Ex. 3433 where Che.
ence of an old Hebrew root 052 “ to roll together ’’ is not reads ”g)?).
proved by z K. 2 8 Ps. 13916; both passages are very 2 Others’vocalise n;? (ZDMG 37 535 ; properly ‘that which
doubtful, and can be emended with much advantage. is set’ upon one).
1 Cp, c.g., Torrey, Conrp. Ezr. Neh. 18 : the one obviously 3 So for the obscure Aram. ~ ~ (Dan.1 3 3 21 KrE) we find such
corresponding to Sapst& the other to GpaxpG.‘ remarkable variant renderings as ‘ hosen (AV), tunics’ (RV),
2 A Phcenician inscrip& of the first century B.C. from the and ‘turbans ’ (RVmg.).
Piraeus : see Lidzbarski, Handl. d. Nordsem. Eji‘r. 160. 4 We may compare the sa$ of camel‘s or goat’s hair which
3 See also Meyer, Entst. 1963, Prince, Daniel 265 (‘99).
like other primitive garments, long continued to form a garb ok
From Ezra 269 (Neh. 770-72 [see BL]) compared &th I Esd. mourning. The suk was perhaps identical with the kilt of the
545 it would seem that 61 pJn377=r pv2 (cp the royal ancient Egyptians, for which see Wilk. A m . Eg.(21 2322.
maneh of 60 shekels). In 6,however, the Heb. \pj is repre- 6 Che. (Ps.(z))reads 12Ro ’IF-sY, ‘on the surface of the
sented by SlSpaXpou, and Gpaxpj represents the y?? or half- desert.’
6 On 2 S. 208 see next note.
shekel; cp Gen. 2422 Ex. 3826.
7 In z S. 208 qi2n should probablybe cancelled ; note the Pasek,
4 So Gerher, ffebr. Yer6. Denom. 2 5 The verb 723 is found
only in E, and later. See, e.g., Ex. 217 Judg. 923; I S.1433 is so often placed in doubtful passages. Read
?:’l dD). See
probably no exception. LGhr and cp We. ad loc. For other views see Klo., H. P. Sm.
1135 1136
 DRESS DRESS
who is cursed (but the whole passage is in disorder ; was ever prevalent among the Israelites. For simplicity
see Che. Ps.C2)). In the Talm. Nqn is a robe distinctive 3f attire it would not be easy to surpass the dress of the
of the Nssi’ or prince. On the priestly head-dress, Sinaitic Bedawin (see WMM As. zi. Bur. 140),and
see M ITRE ; the priests in later times indulged in this simplicity once doubtless marked the garb of the
sumptuous appare1.l In Talmudic times Rabbis wore Hebrew.l Later, life in cities and contact with foreign
a special dress, and were crowned until the death of influences paved the way to luxury. The more elabor-
Eliezer b. Azarya ( T o s i f a , Sotah, IS). In Babylonia ate dress of the Canaanite would soon be imitated.
a golden ordination robe was used at the conferring Several signs of increasing sumptuousness in- dress are
of the Rabbinical dignity. A festive garb was worn met with in the later writings. The dress at the court
at the creation of an Elder (z@Zn) ; the NBsi’ had a of Solomon is aptly represented as an object of ad-
special mantle, the Exilarch a girdle.2 For the king’s miration to an Arabian queen (d& I I<. 105). One
regalia see CORONATION, CROWN, 5 2. On the notes that it is in the later writings that several of the
warrior’s dress we can add very little. RVmg. finds names for articles of dress appear for the first time.
the military boot (PND) in Is. 9 4 [ 3 ] ; and a reference to Extra garments and ornaments were added and finer
the distinctive outer garment (maddim) of the warrior, materials used. The traditional materials of garments
and to his shoes, has been conjectured in Nah. 2 4 a were wool and flax woven by the women; but now
See also HELMET. For bridal attire (cp Is. trade brought purple from Phcenicia, byssus from
4918 6110, Ev8upa ydpou Mt. 2211) see M ARRIAGE , 3, Egypt, and figured embroideries from Babylon (see
and for the garb of mourning (523 n ~ Is.p 61 3, ’N EMBROIDERY). That silk was known in the time of
z S. 142). see MOURNING CUSTOMS. Ezekiel (Ezek. 1610 13) is doubtful (see COTTON,
With the exception of the swaddling-clothes of the new- L INEN , S ILK , W OOL ). New luxurious costumes (cp
born babe (&ithullah,Job 389 ; cp verb in Ezek. 1 6 4 ; hsJn 3 w $ , Ezek. 23 12 384f ; ~ - % ? p i6.
, 2724f.) are a
u7rdpyavov, Wisd. 7 4 ; cp Lk. 27 I,), children seem to frequent’ subject of denunciation in the later prophets,
have had no distinctive dress. The boy Samuel wore a partly because of the oppression of the poor involved
a small me“&? (see M ANTLE ), and if the lad Joseph in the effort to extort the means of providing them, and
possessed a special kuthineth (see T UNIC), it was partly because of the introduction of alien rites and
regarded by the narrator in Genesis as exceptional. In customs encouraged by contact with foreign merchants.
Talmudic times boys wore a peculiar shirt ( ~ 3 1 3 9 7315” In later times intercourse with other peoples led to the
Sha66. 1 3 4 a ) . ~ introduction of fresh articles of apparel and new terms.
In ancient times, dress depended to a large extent Such for example is the essentially Grecian whauos (if
on climatic considerations. The simplest and most correct) of z Macc. 412 (see C AP ). Three obscure
primitive covering was the loin-cloth (see words denoting articles of dress, most probably of foreign
*’ History* G IRDLE), a valuable safeguard in tropical
climates, adopted perhaps for this reason rather than
origin, are mentioned in the description of the three
who were cast into the fiery furnace (Dan. 321).$ For
from the feeling of shame to which its origin was after- Talnindic times Schiirer ( G J V 2 3 9 J ) notes the mention
wards traced (Gem 3 7 ) . The use of sandals in early of o m (sagurn) worn by labourers and soldiers, n h s ~
times was not looked upon as an absolute necessity (see (stoZu), p i i o (uou8aplov ; see N APKIN ), 1 i b (aihiov),
SHOES), and although the T URBAN in some form or &gnN (8p7rtXca). Among under-garments are the
other may be old, the custom of wearing the hair long ]r*p.anh (daZmztica),according to Epiphanius ( H e r . 15)
was for very many a sufficient protection for the head. worn by scribes ; and the 1i.n~ &aragazidion), of which
It is impossible to say how early the ordinary Israelite the equivalent paregbt is used in the Armen. Vers. for
assumed the two garments (tunic and mantle) which xi~dv. To these may beadded p a p (mactoren) an
became the common attire of both sexes. The
outer garment, ]&p ( K o X ~ P L O V )n, h a fringed garment
garments of the women probably differed in length and of fine linen (see FRINGES). Gloves are mentioned
in colour from those of the men-Dt. 225 leaves no
(13 n ~ Chelin,
~ p 1616, etc.) ; but they were wbrn by
doubt as to the fact that there was some distinction. workmen to protect their hands (cp also p n ~Targ. i on
Several terms are common to the dress of both sexes Ruth 47).y
(beged, kuttfineth, Simhh, etc. ) ; for some distinctive
Increased luxury of dress among the Israelites was
terms see VAIL, and cp TUNIC, MANTLE. The Jewish accompanied by an excess of ornaments. Ornaments
prisoners pictured on the marble-reliefs of Sennacherib
5. Ornaments, of manx kinds were worn by both sexes
are bareheaded and wear short-sleeved tunics reaching
-primarilyfor protective purposes (as
to the ankles. This costume differs so markedly from AMULETS), at a later time (when their
the Assyrian, that the artist seems to have been drawing
original purpose was forgotten) to beautify‘and adorn
from life. Jehu’s tribute-bearers on Shalmaneser’s
the person. T h e elaborate enumeration of the fine
obelisk wear Assyrian dress and headgear, due probably
lady’s attire in Is. 3, though not from the hand of
to the conventionality of the artist. The Syrian envoy
Isaiah (see I SAIAH, ii. § 5), is arch~ologicallyim-
in a wall painting in the tomb of Hui at el-KBb wears
portant. Here the Hebrew women (of the post-exilic
a dress so unlike the Egyptian that we seem once
period?), following foreign customs, wear arm-chains,
more in presence of an authentic record. The over-
nose-rings, step-chains, etc., in great profusion. For
garment of this envoy, which is long and narrow, and
these cp O RNAMENTS , and see the separate articles.
is folded close to the body, is of blue and dark-red
On the manner of treating the hair, see BEARD,
material richly ornamented ; he has yellow underclothes
C UTTINGS OF THE FLESH, 3 ; H AIR , M OURNING
with narrow sleeves and wears tight breeches. In the
CUSTOMS. Women crisped their hair, bound it with
OT, however, there is no indication that such a costume
veils (see VAIL) and G ARLANDS ( T . v . ) , etc. Later, the
1 The exact meaning of ???a ’.?REx. 31 IO 35 19 39 41 t Roman habit of curling was introduced (Jos. BJ iv. 9 IO).
(AV ‘cloths of service’ RV ‘finely wrought garments’) is Washing the body with water was usual on festal
veryuncertain; see Di.-ky. ad Zoc., Ges.P). I t is possible that occasions, at bridals (Ezek. l 6 9 ) , at meals (Gen. 252
the words are a gloss to y ~ (ZZ.c.),
x for which cp Ex. 1910 Lk. 744), before formal visits (Rn.33), before
28 2.4 Lev. 16 32, and the enumeration in Lev. 16 4.
2 Cp Briill, Trachien der/zL?en (Einleitung). 1 In the Roman period .Gnplicity of attire (almost amounting
to nakedness; Talm. Sanh. 446) was enforced in the case of
3 Che. JBL 1’1 106 (‘98), where 0’7Q or r’zp is detected criminals. whilst Dersons on trial were exDected to dress verv
in the obscure OiKn, and &ymn, ‘put on their shoes,’ in soberly (Jos. Anf.’xiv. 94).
aha. . 2 For a discussion of the terms see Cook, J. Phil. 26 3 0 6 3 (‘99).
4 Possibly the Israelite boys shaved their hair and only left 3 On these points see Briill, o$. ci’., and Levy NHGVB, under
curls hanging over the ear. This was done in ancient Egypt the various terms. For later Jewish dress’ see Abrahams,
and the custom prevails a t the present time among the Jew& Je7ttslt L y e in the Middle Aces, - . chap.- X V . ~ . ’ , and entries in
boys of Yemen. Index, 440.
1137 1138
 DRESS DRESS
officiating in the temple, in ritual purifications, and so >ev. 1919 ; see L INEN , 7,n. I). Such.garments were
forth. Rubbing the body with sand or sherds was also vorn by the priests; and the law, which may, like
practised. Unguents prepared by female slaves (I S. he term itself, be of foreign origin, is at all events
813) or by male professionals (npn) were used after ater than Ezek. 4418. Another law, which ordered
washing (Ru. 3 3 Amos 6 6 etc. ) ; see A NOINTING , 3 2, aymen to wear tassels or twisted threads upon the
CONFECTIONARIES. After the Hellenistic period such #kirt of their simZuah, seems to go back to a former
festal customs became more and more elaborate. . acred custom (see F RINGES ). See, further, SHOE, 3 4.
The eye-lids of women were painted to make the eyes Garments had to be changed or purified upon the
larger, ko&Z being used for the purpose (see PAINT). xcasion of a religious observance (CD Gen. 352 Ex.
It is doubtful whether henna dye was placed on nails l h o ) or before a 'kast (cp nip?n,
and toes. " ~ ' changes,' ~ nir);p, ~I festal robes,'
~ and d
The references in the EV to dress are so frequent and
see M ANTLE ). Primarilv. ,, however.
the symbolical usages so familiar that a passing glance
s OT at them may suffice. Food and clothing tll festive occasions are sacred occasions, and there
s therefore no real difference between best clothes and
all&ions. are naturally regarded as the two great ioly clothes. When a garment comes in contact with
necessaries of life (e.g., Gen. 2820 I Tim.
tnything partaking of a sacred nature it becomes 'holy,'
68). An outfit is called ??y (Judg. 1710). In md, once ' holy,' it must never be worn save on ' holy '
Talmudic times it consisted of eighteen pieces (Jer. xcasions.2 This is why in early Arabia certain rites
Shabb. 15). Clothes were made by the women (Prov. were performed naked or in 'garments borrowed from
3122 Acts 939). but references to sewing are few (ion, ;he sanctuary (We. Heid.(2)56, 110). The same prin-
Gen. 37 Job 1615 Eccles. 37 Ezek. 1318, &rippd?r.rw 3iple illustrates the command of Jehu to ' bring forth
Mk. 221). vestments for all the worshippers of Baal '; the vestments
Clothes were presented in token of friendship ( I S. were in the custody of the keeper of the meZtZ&h ( 2 K.
18 4 ; see W R S KeZ. Sem. P)335), as a proof of affection 1022 ; text perhaps corrupt : see VESTRY). That certain
(Gen. 45z2), and as a gift of honour ( I K. 102s ; cp rites among the Hebrews were performed in a semi-
Am. Tab. 270). Garments were rent (yip, 015) as a naked condition seems not improbable. The Ephod
sign of grief, of despair, of indignation, etc. (see itself was once perhaps nothing more than a loin-cloth
M OURNING CUSI'OMS). Shaking the clothes was a sign (cp z S. 614 16 20, and see EPHOD, 0 I ) . ~
of renunciation ' a n d abhorrence (Acts 186 ; cp Neh. Elijahs kilt ('ezOr)of skin and the prophet's customary
513). Promotion was often accompanied by the ' hairy mantle ' (see MANTLE)-in later times often
assumption of robes of dignity (cp Is. 2221). So falsely assumed (Zech. 134)-remind us of the priests
Eleazar takes the robes of Aaron (Nu. 2Oz8), and of the PalmEtum who were dressed in skins (Strabo xvi.
Elisha the mantleof Elijah ( 2 K. 2); see also CORONA- 4 18 ; for other analogies see RS2)437f:) ; but there-is
TION. Conversely, disrobing might be equivalent to always a tendency in cults to return to ancient custom
dismissal ( z Macc. 438). Rich people doubtless had in the performance of sacred rites, and, as Robertson
large wardrobes; the royal wardrobe (or was it the Smith has shown, later priestly ritual is only a develop-
wardrobe of the temple?) had a special 'keeper ' (I K. ment of what was originally observed by all worshippers
2214). The danger to such collections from moths (see when every man was his own priest. The dressing of
MOTH) and from the so-called ' plague of leprosy ' (see worshippers in skins of the sacred kind (cp E SAU)
L EPROSY) was no doubt an urgent one. The simile of implies that they have come to worship as kinsmen of
a worn-out garment ( a h , cp Dt. 8 4 ) is often employed the victim and of the god, and in this connection it is
(cp Is. 509 516 Ps. 10226 [27]). Rags are called suggestive to remember that the eponyms of the Levites
o'y;q (Prov. 2321 EV) ; cp also n h n "58, ni3pq7 >$? and Joseph tribes are the ' wild-cow ' (Leah) and the
cold cast clouts and old rotten rags ' (Jer. 3811f: RV), ' ewe ' (Rachel) respectively. See LEAH, RACHEL. '
all apparently contgining the idea of something rent Again, we note that clothing may be looked upon as
(cp )&cos Mt. 916 Mk. 221); forming so far part of a man as to serve as a vehicle of
T o cast a garment over a woman was in Arabia personal connection. The clothes thus tend to become
equivalent to claiming her.2 Robertson Smith (Kin. 87) identified with the owner, as in the custom alluded to in
7. Legal cites a case from Tabari where the heir by Ruth 39 above. The Arab seizes hold of the garments
throwing his dress over the widow claimed of the man whose protection he seeks, and ' pluck away
usages' the right to marry her under the dowry paid
my garments from thine ' in the older literature means
by her husband, or to give her in marriage and take the 'put an end to our attachment.' So a. man will
dowry. This explains Ruth's words (Ruth 3 9 ) and the deposit with a god a garment or merely a shred of it,
use of 'garment' to designate a woman or wife in and even to the present day rag-offerings are to be
Mal. 216 (Kin. 87, 269). A benevolent law, found seen upon the sacred trees of Syria and on the tombs of
already in the Book of the Covenant, enacts that every Mohammedan saints. They are not gifts in the ordinay
garment retained by a creditor in pledge shall be sense, but pledges of the connection between worshipper
returned before sunset (Ex. 2226) ; the necessity of this and object or person worshipped (RSC2)3 3 5 J ) . Thus
law appears from Am. 28 Ezek. 187 16 ; PLEDGE. garments are offered to sacred objects, to wells (i6.
D's injunction ' a man shall not put on the Siinlult 177),but more particularly to trees and idols (see
of a woman,' ' a woman shall not wear the appurte- N ATURE WORSHIP).^ So z K. 237 speaks of the women
nances (b) of a man' (Dt. 225) may have been who wove tunics (so Klo. ) for the ashzrah. The custom
dksigned as a safeguard against impropriety ; but more is not confined to the Semitic world, and instances of
probably it was directed against the simulated changes 1 This is distinctly asserted by Jos. Ant. iv. 8 IT. ' To pray
of sex which were so prevalent and demoralising in for a blessing on the flax and sheep,' says Maimonides. This
Syrian heathenism.3 Quite obscure, on the other hand, prohibition in the case of laymen was re-enacted under the
is the law prohibiting the layman from wearing garments Frankish emperors (Capihclam'utn,646). It is just possible that
the law aimed at marking more distinctly the priest from the
made of a mixture of linen and wool D I(Y,I Dt. 2211 layman.
2 Cp &e". 6 2 7 Hag. 212, and, on the contagion of holiness,
1 Amos (66 see Dr. ad loc.) speaks of 'the chief ointments' cp Ezek. 44 19 and see CLEAN, $ 2. On Is. 65 5 (where point
(EV), or rathgr 'the best of oils. the Piel) see R S 2 )451, n. I.
2 Hence some explain 32 17333 in Ex. 21 8 to mean that the 3 Verse 146,however, may be an addition. For Ex. 20 26 cp
master could not sell his female s!,ve 'seeing that (he had BREECHES, 3.
placed) his garment (bcgpn') over her. See SLAVERY. 4 In Zeph. 1 8 the wearing of ' strange garments ' ("l?:th$'@
3 See Dr. a d loc., Frazer, Paus. 3 197, ASHTORETH, 5 2. It
may be doubted whether in ancient times dressing boys as girls is associated with foreign worship (cp 21. 9).
was due, as among later Orientals, to a desire to avert the evil 6 Cp Bertholet, IsraeZ. &'orstellwagen w. Zustand nach d.
eye. Tode ('99).
I139 1140
 DRINK OFFERING DURA
draped images in Greece are collected by Frazer (Paus. exceptions (see I , below) this now misleading term has
25743). ‘ The Greek images,’ he observes, ‘ which given place in RV to a more modern equivalent.
are historically known to have worn real clothes seem I. qSbF1 ( ; l y ~ ~ i r[BAL]),
v a title applied to the Edomite
generally to have been remarkable for their great ‘chiefs’(so RVmg. only) in Gen. 3 8 1 5 3 I Ch. 1512. (“7 Ex.
antiquity.’ The custom does not seem to be indigenous ; 1515 E V and see EDOM 5 4)’ but also (rarely) to the chief-
it was probably borrowed from the East.l The counter- Iains’ (sd RV) of J u d a i (ZeGh. 9 7 1 2 5 6 2 @ ~ ~ h i a p AV
p ~ ,
governors’). The tribal subdivision of \;hich the ’aLZiijL is
‘part of the custom of offering a garment to the sanctified
the head-is called qktj ’eZejh.
object is the wearing of something which has been in
2. TDJ, in pl., of the ‘dukes (RV ‘princes’) of Sihon (Josh.
contact with it. At the present day in Palestine the
?321). Elsewhere the word is always translated ‘ rinces’ or
. man who hangs a rag upon a sacred tree takes away, principal men’ (Ps. 8311 [IZ] Ezek. 3230 Mic. 5 4 [5$
as a preservative against evil, one of the rags that have
been sanctified by hanging there for some time (see DULCIMER (nRbplD),Dan. 35 IO I5 ; see MUSIC,
PEFQ, 1893, p. ~04). The custom of wearing sacred § 4 (4.
relics as charms is clearly parallel. Now, just as the DUMAR (nQ17). I. In Gen. 25 14 (i8oupa[v] [ADE],
priests had their special garments, so particular vestments 8oupa [L]) and I Ch. 130 (icioupa [BAL]) Dumah
,were used for purposes of divination. Thus a magician appears as a son of Ishmael. The form i8oupa=
wears the clothes of Er-ti-Le;, Eridu, a town mentioned 3 ~ 1 suggests
1 ~ comparison with Adumu, the ‘ fortress of
often in Babylonian incantations (Del. Ass. U W B 3716). the land of Aribi’ (KB 2131), which, as Esar-haddon
Another instance of the wearing of special dress is cited by tells us, Sennacherib had conquered.
Friedrich Delitzsch in Baer’s Ezek. p. xiii. An important 2. If the Dumah of Gen. is the same as Adumu, it may
parallel to this custom appears in Ezekiel’s denunciation be tempting to suppose with Winckler ( A T Unt. 37)
of the false prophetesses and the divination to which that the heading ‘ oracle of Dumah ’ (Is. ,2111) also refers
- they resorted (Ezek. 1317-23). Two special articles are to this fortress.’ The prophecy itself, however, seems
mentioned : (a)nin:, Besdth5th, ‘ bands ’ or fetters ’ to forbid this ; it begins ‘ One calleth to me out of Seir.’
worn upon the arms (cp the use of FRONTLETS [ q . ~ . ] ) , More probably not Adumu but U d ~ m u i.e. , ~ Edom,
and (6) nin?op, ‘long mantles ‘ (Pmp6Xaia [BAQ], is meant (Che. Pro$. Zs. 1130) ; in other words,
mpp. [A w. 2.1, Pesh. tnksidhd, md’nd, EV incorrectly ‘ Dumah ’ is a corruption of ‘ Edom ’ ( T ~ S’IGoupalas
KERCHIEFS), which were placed over the head of the [BKAQ ; see Sw.]), facilitated perhaps by the neighbour-
diviner.“ It becomes very tempting to conjecture that hood of Massa (maSSa,v. 11, being misunderstood) and
these garments were not merely special garments; but Tema (v.14); see Gen. 25 14f: It is a less probable view
the garments actually worn by the deity or sacred that ‘ Dumah ’ (‘ silence ’-ie., desolation) is a mystical
object itself, siqce it is plausible to infer that they would name for Edom (6T+S ’IGoupaids). See also ISHMAEL,
be held to be permeated with the sanctity of the deified § 4 (4),EDOM(footnote on name of Edom).
object and that supernatural power might be thus im- 3. There is another (apparently) enigmatical heading
parted to the wearer.6 It is true, the link is still in Is. 21 I ( ‘ Oracle of the wilderness of the sea ’), which
missing to connect the diviner’s garb with that of the should probably be emended into ‘ Oracle of Chaldaea’
clothed image ; but such a conjecture as this would seem ( n i b 3 N w n ; see SBOT). Both headings are un-
to explain how the use of ‘ Ephod,’ as an article of doubtedly late.
divination, in its twofold sense of image and garment 4. I n . Josh. 155zf the reading followed by EV is
(in which it has been clothed), might have arisen (cp found in some MSS and edd. (see Ginsb.), and
Bertholet on Ezelc. 1318) ; see EPHOD. being supported by the O S (8oupa ; see below) is very
See Weiss, Kostiinzkunde i ch. 5 ; Nowack, HA, $ 20 ; Ben- probably more correct than the Rumah of M T (iinn
zinger, H A , $ 16; and the‘ special articles referred to in the [sa. p. 86,Gi.]; so Pesh. and 6,ppuu [B] poupa [AL]).
course of this summary I. A. -S. A. C. In favour of this is the fact that the name is assigned to
DRINK OFFERING (TD?.), Gen. 35 14 ; see SACRI- a town in the hill country of Judah, mentioned in the
FICE ;Cp R ITUAL , I. same group with Hebron and Beth-tapphah. For there
is still a place called ed-Dfimeh, 2190 ft. above the sea-
DROMEDARY. The word rill???, Kirkdroth, is level, I O m. SW. from Hebron and IZ SE. from Beit-
rendered ‘ dromedaries ’ in Is. 66 20, RVmg. (so Boch., Jibrin, a position which coincides nearly with the
Ges., Che., Di., Duhm. ; cp 7373 ’ towhirl about’ and EV definition of Jer. and Eus. ( O S 1164 25068), ‘ a very
‘swift beasts ’). The rendering ‘ panniers ’ (cp p d UU- large village now in the Daroma,’ 17 m. southward
a8iwv [BKAQ] ; Sym. Pv Gopeiors) has little in its favour. from Eleutheropolis. T. K. C.
For Jer. 2 . ~ 3(?I;?? and
) Is. 606 (id.p1ur.)-EV ‘dromedary,’
DUNGEON (liag),Gen. 401541 14; Dungeon House
RVmg. correctly ‘young camel’-see CAMEL, $ I , n. For
I K. 428 [ 5 8 ] (ls’al) and Esth. 8 ro(O’??!? ’?:)see HORSE, $ I [4].
(lia;?rI’s),Jer.
3716 ; see PRISON.

DRUXILLA ( ~ p o y c [Ti. l ~ ~WH]),

~ Acts 2424. DUNG-GATE (niD@Bz ly@ [Ba. Gi.]; Neh. 313
See HERODIAN FAMILY, IO. il\Byc [Ba.]), Neh. 213 313f: 1231. See J ERUSALEM .
DUKE had not yet become a title when the AV was DURA j ~ y 4 TOY , I - E ~ ~ B O A O YI ~ T .I - K ~ I B O A O N
made, but was still employed in its literal sense of any [SY? nfg,,], Asslpa [Theod.]=NVl), the name of a
dux or chief: cp Hen. K , iii. 223 : ‘ Be merciful, great plain ‘in the province of Babylon ’ where Nebuchad-
duke (viz., Fluellen), to men of mould.’ With but two iezzar’s golden image was set up (Dan. 31). If the
1 The brazen statue in Elis bears the title of Satrap and seems word is Aram., it should mean ‘ dwelling-place’ or
t o be of Eastern origin (Frazer 2 575). ‘ village’ ; but 6 ’ s rendering, even if a guess, may
2 The importance of womed in divination will not be over- suggest that the name had come down from old Baby-
looked. One notes how frequently the Grecian images, above lonian times and means ‘ wall.’ In fact, three localities
referred to, represent goddesses.
3 See C UTTINGS, 8 7, n. ; but ’J might also mean garments, are mentioned in the tablets as bearing the name Diiru,
cp Ass. kmitu.
4 I t is surely wrong to suppose that the mantles were worn 1 In all the passages quoted there may have been a confusion
by the enpuikr. We have to read the fem. suffix in ‘nmn between q?%F and q>S.
(v. ma: cp the fem. suffix in ‘nln~3 v. zoa) ; there is a similar 2 I n Zech. written defectively 1%. The St. Petersburg MS,
error in ~ 3 3 II. 1 ~196. anrp-53 (v. 18) should probably he however, points I$!.
emended to 7$DiYb, ‘every diviner.’ 3 Udumu, as Wi. .now reads (but cp GI 1189), was the name
5 Cp RSP) 438 and see S ACRIFICE. This may have given of a city in the land of Gar, which may he identical with the
rise to the figure ‘robe of righteousness’ and other well-known Adumu of Esar-haddon, and from this city the land of Udumu
usages, cp also Job 2914, ‘I put on truth and it clothed me may have derived its name. Still the remark in the text
~ ~ ~ > $ i ) ’ - i . became,
e., as it were, incarnate in me. appears to be sound.
1141 1142
 DUST DYSENTERY
'wall' or 'walled town' (Del: Par. z16), and several for iY!, which has been variously rendered ' freckled '
Babylonian cities had names compounded with Dur.l
That the writer of the narrative knew any of these
(~,J,HAOC [aBAPL], Zppus, 'blear-eyed ' [Vg.]), ' short-
sighted, ' weak-eyed, ' affected with a cataract ' (Rabb.,
places, appears improbable. Possibly the old name cp Targ. Jer.). The literal meaning of the word, viz.
Dcru had attwhcd itself in his time to the plain ' shrunk,' ' withered ' (Ges., Kn., Ke. ), seems most
gdjacent to the remains of the walls of Babylon. At natural. '
any rate, the scene of the dedication of the image must DYED ATTIRE (&lq), Ezek. 23 15 EV ; R V W
in the writer's mind have been close to Babylon. ' dyed turbans ' ; see TURBAN.
T.K. C.
DYED GARBIENTS. For Judg. 5 3 0 RVmS CP'p2Y)
DUST (le?),Gen. 2 7 1827 etc. See ASHES. see col. 869, n.
COLOURS, 2 ; and for Is. 631 AV (v?DQ) see
DWARF, mentioned among those who were for- ia.,g 10.
bidden access to the temple (Lev. 2120), is the EV DYES. See COLOURS, 8 1 3 8
1 Oppert finds an echo of Dura in the Nahr Dzrr and the DYSENTERY (AYCENTEPION), Acts 288 R V ; AV
D?ir&(EzjJd. en Mhoj. [162] 1238).
T?Z7&? 'bloody flux.' See DISEASES,
g, and cp EMERODS.
I143 1'44

END OF VOL. I