Paper On Small Parties - Edt
Paper On Small Parties - Edt
Paper On Small Parties - Edt
Submitted to
Submitted by
Lorena A. Fernandez
Fernandez, Book Review of Electoral Systems; A Comparative Introduction by David Farrell, January 30,
2008, 4.
2
Maurice Duverger, Political Parties; Their Organizations and Activity in the Modern State, Trans,
Barbara and Robert North, N.Y.: John Wiley Science Editions. 1963, 253,
Since 1987, the Philippine government has been run by coalitions of the three to
five biggest parties, which represent centrist interests and have no distinguishable
ideological differences. As such, the legislative could not effectively fiscalize, as the
compromise required to be part of the ruling legislative coalition often requires fealty to
the executive.
Based on Western definitions and functions of political parties, one can easily
argue that parties in the Philippines are not real parties, as their members are primarily
driven by self-preservation, not party platforms, and turncoatism is rampant, particularly
when the party ceases to serve their vested interests. Likewise, parties revolve around
personalities, not platforms, that Presidents are known to make parties rather than the
other way around.
This pattern of personalistic politics has persisted since Philippine independence.
In fact, Carl Lande (1967), in his pre-Martial Law article, concluded that the two major
parties at that time, Nacionalista and Liberal, are identical, making intra-party solidarity
weak, and party-switching common, due to the pervading particularism and parochialism
in the Filipino society.3
The major political and civil society actors in the 1986 EDSA revolution tried to
address this problem during the writing of the 1987 Constitution. According to Mr. Ramon
Casiple, Executive Director of the Institute for Political and Electoral Reform, there was
an agreement to institute a parliamentary system and provide for PR at 50%-50%
district-party list share of the number of Parliament seats. 4 However, the proposal lost by
Carl Lande, The Philippine Political Party System, Journal of Southeast Asian History, 8 March
1967, 20-26.
4
Interview with Ramon Casiple, Executive Director, Institute of Political and Electoral Reform,
Mapagkawanggawa St., UP Village, Quezon City, February 15, 2008.
one vote, and the PR provision was watered down into 80% district-20% party-list (PL),
and was largely dismissed as a concession to civil society.5
Despite the flaws in its conception, the PL system remained the embodiment of
hope to institute political reforms. The PL system is a means of diversifying
representation and widening participation of small groups. More importantly, it enables
PL groups to develop into bonafide political parties. Casiple asserts that the original
purpose of the PL system was to provide such a training ground, and it was only later
that its purpose to represent the marginalized and underrepresented sectors was
highlighted, following a Supreme Court (SC) decision.6
From the 8th to the 10th Congress, PL representatives were appointed by the
President, pursuant to the Transitory Provisions and Section 5 (2) of Article VI of the
1987 Constitution, which provides that 20% of the total number of seats in the House of
Representatives (HOR) shall be reserved to PL representatives. Considering that the
maximum number of seats is 250, party-list groups can occupy as many as 50 seats.
In 1995, RA 7941 or the Party-List System Act was passed, to enable citizens
belonging to marginalized and underrepresented sectors, organizations and parties, who
lack defined political constituencies, to contribute to the formulation and enactment of
legislation.7 The initial foray of PL groups in the election produced only thirteen (13) PL
seats, though the subsequent 2001 election was more problematic as dubious PL
groups infiltrated the screening of the Commission on Elections (Comelec), prompting
the SC to provide the following guidelines:
5
ibid.
Interview with Casiple
7
Section 2 of RA 7941, 2.
6
The 2004 and 2007 elections were more stable, though it was harder to gain
seats due to the increased number of participants, some of which allegedly received
support from big political parties and personalities. The number of PL seats increased
from eighteen (18) in 2001 to twenty-three (23) in 2004 and went down to twenty-one
(21) in 2007.
The meager number of seats obtained is symptomatic of the inherent problems
of the PL system, which, unfortunately, could not be covered entirely by this paper. For
the purpose of this paper, it is enough to ask whether the PL groups have in fact given
justice to the original purpose of graduating them into political parties.
A study by Fernandez (2007) asked a related question, that is, whether PL
groups contribute to political development, and checked their performance vis-a-vis
three indicators, namely, authorship of bills, relevance of authored measures, and quality
of participation in committee meetings. The paper found out that two PL groups,
Akbayan and Bayan Muna, were able to voice their concerns and push for their agenda
despite the strenuous process of legislation8, while there were PL groups which
threaten the system by being adjuncts of the administration, by being passive, and by
acting like traditional politicians, treating their positions as political vehiclesthey
symbolize regression to elite politics, despite the noble way by which they got their
seats.9
Given these findings, this paper hopes to validate whether one of the PL
champions, Akbayan, was able to graduate into a real political party. In as much as the
paper would be more substantive if Bayan Muna were included in the study, this was
decided to ensure the manageability of the research.
To verify their existence as a party, the researcher came up with a list of functions
of parties as forwarded by Neumann (1969) and Heywood (2002), and used this to
evaluate Akbayan. The researcher also interviewed some key informants and reviewed
pertinent Akbayan party documents and news items.
Fernandez, Is the Philippine Party-List System Indicative of Political Development?, paper submitted
for PA 312, April 2007, 29.
9
Ibid.
10
S. Neumann, Toward a Comparative Study of Political Parties, in Jean Blondel, ed., Comparative
Government, London: MacMillan, 1969, 71.
11
Ibid.
With an ultimate goal of winning elections and running the government, the
quantity and quality of membership could make or unmake parties. Duverger, talking of
the French Socialist Party, emphasized the crucial role of members.
12
Andrew Heywood, Politics, 2nd ed, N.Y: Palgrave Foundations, 2002, 12.
In the first place, the party aims at the political education of the working
class, at picking out from it an elite capable of taking over the government and
the administration of the country; the members are therefore the very substance
of the party, the stuff of its activitySecondly, from the financial point of view, the
party is essentially based upon the subscriptions paid by its members: the first
duty of the branch is to ensure that they are regularly collected. 13
Likewise, parties provide a selection and training ground for leaders. Though
Michels Iron Law of Oligarchy warns against the oligarchic tendency of leaders, parties
definitely need them.14 Whether oligarchic or democratic, leaders are indispensable due
to their negotiating and organizing skills, as well as their ability to articulate party
interests amidst an environment of passive supporters.
Parties are important in educating and helping shape the opinion of the public.
Through regular discussion groups, symposia, and fora, parties help the people be more
discerning of issues and government programs, politically socializing them. Parties also
help the public decide on alternative actions, and may mobilize them, not only during
campaign periods, but during periods when there is a need to protest governmental
policies, as well as during times of social unrest.
Goal/Policy/Platform Formulation
Parties set collective goals and ensure that they are carried out.15 While
campaigning, they formulate programs of action if they get elected. While gathering this,
they interact with interest groups, voters groups, and other organizations and individuals
13
Duverger, 63.
Rommel C. Banlaoi and Clarita R. Carlos. Political Parties in the Philippines from 1900 to the
Present. Makati City: Konrad Adenauer Foundation. 1996, 11.
15
Heywood, 254.
14
to achieve the most general program of action which can subsume all these interests.
Once in power, parties help in formulating governmental policies. In the Parliament,
these policies include bills and resolutions and may include speeches and advocacies.
There are two main views on representation, the microcosm and the principalagent perspectives. In the former, the focus is on the composition of the parliament,
positing that its members must approximate a sample of the population. In the latter, the
focus is on decision-making, or how well the representatives articulate in behalf of their
constituents. Thus, while it is necessary that a laborer represent the labor group in the
first perspective, it is not as important for advocates of the latter, as they would rather
have a non-laborer who can speak better for laborers. What binds these views is the
capacity of the party to capture, aggregate, and articulate the interests of the society,
acting as an inputting and a processing device of societal needs and wishes.
16
Heywood, 255-256.
Brief History, uploaded on Tuesday, 01 May 2007, at www.akbayan.com, pp. 1-2.
18
Ibid.
17
10
and sustainable growth; strong state, strong civil society; respect for cultural freedoms
and nurturing the internal political culture of the party.19
Akbayan was formally established in January 1998. In May of the same year, it
won seats in the House of Representatives and in several local government units.20
The first regular Party Congress of Akbayan in 2001 recognized that to become a
strategic political party, Akbayan has to be more cohesive by developing a unifying
narrative and a set of cadre members. Under the narrative, it was proposed that
Akbayan fight for both participatory democracy and participatory socialism by
democratizing the state and by ensuring an autonomous civil society; by defending
against all forms of imperialism; and by defending the working classes from the ravages
of globalization and by fighting for fair trade.
Akbayans GPOA from October 2006 to October 2009 defines the external and
internal/organizational interventions needed to strengthen it as a genuine political party
propelled by a critical mass advancing an alternative national platform 22. The programs
of action includes continuously opposing the present regime, advancing support for
partner organizations, developing transformative governance, expanding relations with
19
Soliman M. Santos, Jr. ed. Papers of a Party in the Making. Institute of Politics and Governance, 1314.
20
Brief History
21
Participatory Democracy, Participatory Socialism: The Akbayan Narrative, Tuesday, 01 May 2007,
(As approved during the 2nd Regular Congress), pp. 1-7, downloaded from www.akbayan.com.
22
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, 3rd Regular Congress, General Program of Action (October 2006October 2009), 1.
11
The highest body of Akbayan is the General Assembly under which the National
Congress, which meets every three years, is subsumed. Under the Congress is the
National Council, the governing and policy-making body of Akbayan in between National
Congress, which meets every six months and which has representatives from Luzon,
Visayas, and Mindanao, and from various sectors. The Executive Committee which is
composed of the staff at the headquarters follows and implements the decisions and
policies reached/formulated by the National Council. The Executive Committee is
composed of the Chairperson, the President, the Secretary-General, the ViceChairperson, the Vice-President, the Treasurer, the Arbiter, 4 members elected at large,
the elected PL representatives, other PL nominees, the Chair Emeritus, two ex-officio
members-- the Congressional chief-of-staff and the Akbayan Youth Chairperson.
Reading the above excerpts from Akbayans official documents, one is drawn to
the seriousness in which the party approaches both theory-building and practice of a
new political culture. However, based on the structural-functional approach, it is in how
roles and functions are performed that one can truly discern the effectiveness of the
23
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, 3rd Regular Congress, General Program of Action, 1-6.
24
12
organization. Following the functions of parties listed above, the research evaluates the
corresponding policies and actions of Akbayan to determine whether it has truly evolved
into a political party.
25
This section is largely based on the researchers interview of Ms Kit Melgar, Chief of Staff of Rep. Rissa
Hontiveros Baraquel, S-511, House of Representatives, February 28, 2008.
13
26
At this point, it can be mentioned that Akbayan is in a fiscal bind, since the party can only depend on
membership fees. Section 6 (4) of RA 7941 prohibits receiving support from any foreign sources.
14
27
15
Kasangga, Akbay Pinoy, Ahon Pinoy, Aangat Tayo, Anak , Biyaheng Pinoy, Anad,
Kakusa, and Agbiag.31
Akbayan party representatives also have frequent TV appearances. Rep. Etta
Rosales was known to be the main defender of the act providing compensation to
human rights victims during the Marcos regime. She also increased the awareness of
the people on the privileges enjoyed by the commissioners of Presidential Commission
on Good Government, fighting it out with Commissioner Abcede. 32 She was also known
for her media appearances on the subject of coco levy.
Akbayan also became known as a major opposition group by leading
mobilizations against the regime during the Hello Garci controversy and the
impeachment calls against PGMA.33
Goal/Policy/Platform Formulation
Akbayan painstakingly consults all members in formulating policies. For one, the
collation of comments and documentation of discussion groups to come up with a party
platform took about six months.34 Akbayan also conducts joint planning sessions to come
up with common analysis, positioning, and tasking on important issues.35
In the 13th Congress, Akbayan was able to help in national policy formulation and
legislation by having central roles in the passage of the measure abolishing the death
penalty and the enactment of the law on juvenile justice. Rep. Rosales guided these bills
through the legislative mill as Chairperson of the House Committee on Human Rights.
31
Gerald Anthony Naval, Akbayan asks Comelec to probe govt party lists. Malaya March 22, 2007.
A2
32
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, S 511 Report; Office of Representative Etta Rosales, July 2004 to
September 2006, 4.
33
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, Akbayan Committee, 1.
34
Interview with Kit Melgar
35
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, Akbayan Committee, 1
16
Rep. Aguja was also instrumental in pushing for the passage of a bill on self-organization
and a local bill on agrarian reform, which unfortunately languished in the Senate. Rep.
Hontiveros-Baraquel was also part of the approval of the income tax reduction bill, which
suffered the same fate in the Senate.
This Congress, Rep. Hontiveros-Baraquel helped input the alternative budget for
health, education, agriculture, and environment in the 2008 General Appropriations Act,
with the help of certain civil society actors. Likewise, she is at the forefront of the
measure extending the agrarian reform program.
Akbayan tries hard to bring into the table the issues of marginalized sectors by
consulting with the various sectors it represents. Rep. Hontiveros-Baraquel spearheaded
an Akbayan consultation in Albay on the Lafayette mining operations to help craft an
alternative mining bill. 36 She also met with stakeholders to figure out how to block the
farmland as collateral bill; and organized a youth forum to enhance Akbayans youth
agenda37
Akbayan represented its sector in the 13th Congress by filing relevant bills
concerning human rights, women, education, electoral reform, local government,
overseas Filipinos, agriculture, media, labor, peace, agrarian reform, fisheries, public
sector, environment, health, youth, and taxes. 38 The following table shows the
accomplishment of Akbayan from the 11th to the 13th Congress.
36
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, S 611 Report; Office of Akbayan Rep. Ana Theresia Hontiveros-Baraquel,
July 2004-September 2006, 2.
37
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, S 611Report, July 2004-September 2006, 2-3.
38
Akbayan Citizens Action Party, Akbayan Committee, 3.
17
Table No. 1. Total Number of Measures Authored by PL Groups from the 11 th to the 13th
Congress
Party
National Bill/Res
Local Bill/Res
Total
11th
12th
13th
11th
12th
13th
11th
12th
13th
Akbayan
44
65
101
21
22
52
86
123
From July 2004 to September 2006, Akbayan representatives also delivered a total of
twenty-three (23) privilege speeches on their represented sectors. 39 Rep. Rosales
delivered speeches on the plight of teachers and on the issue of selecting the President
of the Philippine Normal University (PNU), herself having risen from the ranks of the
teachers in the PNU. Rep. Aguja, the Mindanao representative, inquired on the terms of
reference on the joint US-RP joint military exercises in Sulu.40
3
41
18
successful in the creation of a special committee for the purpose. 42 Likewise, he raised
the issue of inefficiency in housing agencies in facilitating urban poor concerns during
budget hearings.43 He also consulted with the Social Security System (SSS) regarding
the concerns of the informal sector.44 He also filed a resolution and lobbied for the
payment of the missing compulsory contributions of teachers to the Government Service
and Insurance System (GSIS) in the ARMM region.
Rep. Hontiveros- Baraquel facilitated dialogues between the Department of
Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) and sectoral groups on certain
environmental issues and was a constant critical voice in budget deliberations. In the
2005 budget, she asked for the inclusion of items for differently-abled persons, and for
additional health budget, while lambasting the short-sightedness of NEDAs development
plans, among others. In the 2006 budget, she interpellated on environmental, agrarian
reform, security, and agriculture issues, and in the 2007 budget. she participated in a
multisectoral effort to craft an alternative budget.45
Analytical Discussion
Akbayan rates well in the performance of the five functions of political parties. In
the recruitment and selection of members and leaders, its ability to register 40,000
individuals as members and to provide them orientation seminars is plausible. However,
the ratio of organizers to members a 1: 1000 needs to be improved. Also, there is a need
to think of alternative ways to increase the membership fees of sectors which can afford
such, to sustain the party. In terms of selection of leaders, Akbayans consultative
process, though open, is also quite oligarchic. Though the various steps to get elected
42
19
as party nominee ensure competence, it may also have an alienating effect on the
general assembly.
In terms of political education, socialization, and mobilization, Akbayan
distinguishes itself by having a strongly defined ideological narrative. However, there is
a need to provide more forums covering more topics in different areas of the country.
Since funding is a main concern, Akbayan can make use of its leaders, such as former
Reps. Rosales and Aguja to attend more media conferences and to publish more
articles. Rep. Hontiveros-Baraquel may be articulate and charismatic but the effort of
one person is inadequate considering the challenges in further educating the electorate
to look beyond traditional politicos laden with short-term gifts. However, some
calibration is needed to simplify Akbayans message so as not to overwhelm the public
and/or to fall out of synch with them. For a party to be successful, it must proceed in
tandem with the electorates grasp while seeking to further increase its capacity to
understand.
In the third function of goal formulation, Akbayan has a concrete and dynamic
program of action keyed into its core values. In terms of national policy formulation,
Akbayan was successful in the 13th Congress as Rep. Rosales earned a chairmanship in
a relevant committee and was able to pass two important measures. Nonetheless,
several vital bills languished in the Senate, thus Akbayan must forge a partnership with
at least two senators to ensure that its bills move up in the legislative mill. At the end of
the day, it is the product and not the process that counts in public perception.
Akbayans ability to represent its sectors is unquestionable. The fact that Rep.
Aguja was able to lobby for the payment of GSIS contributions of teachers in the ARMM
area is an accomplishment that even bigger parties could not achieve. On the other
hand, the criticisms of several groups, notably of those who left the Akbayan coalition,
20
that certain sectors were not represented well, should be seriously studied. After all, one
of these groups broke away and was able to get one PL seat in the 14th Congress.
In the final function, that is, connection of the government and the public,
Akbayan is effective in facilitating coordination with various government agencies like
PNR, SSS, GSIS, DENR, and others. Nevertheless, it is in the continuous public policy
scrutiny that Akbayan is known for. Akbayan is however guilty of demanding certain
reforms which may not be feasible under the present political system. Though they
belong to the opposition, Akbayan should be responsible and ensure that their brand of
politics, though better ideally, could work under present political conditions. An example
of this is the complicated reforms Akbayan is asking in the bill extending the
implementation of agrarian reform when there is already a press for time to pass it.
Casiple is convinced that party-list groups in general have failed to develop into
real political parties as their local government candidates were not even able to win a
single seat.
46
Notably, Akbayan did not field any candidates for local government
21
uphill battle, primarily due to its financial problems. While there are moves to provide
campaign finance to legitimate parties, it is no secret that even with supporting statutes,
having adequate internally-generated resources spells the difference in strengthening
the party and in funding local campaigns. In fact, in the last 2007 elections, Akbayans
resource limitations led to its failure to obtain more than one PL seat and to enlist local
candidates to run under the party. Though this could be attributed to several factors,
such as the level of organizing of the party, the realpolitik is that ideological speeches,
mass campaigns, media projections, and mobilizations can only go so far, and do not
automatically translate into votes. Perhaps, Akbayan should consider filing the
appropriate case based on their lack of congressional allocation and submit the same to
the SC on the basis that under Section 17 of RA 7941, PL representatives are entitled to
the same salaries and emoluments as regular members of the House of
Representatives. Also, the annual General Appropriations Acts provides at least P15 to
P20 Million per representative under the section on Countrywide Development Fund.
Akbayan can always raise Bayan Munas receipt of the same funds as precedent.47
Likewise, it is high time for Akbayan to target richer but progressive individuals,
and impose a stricter tithing system to increase the level of funding, while finding ways
to optimize use of their present resources. Still, Akbayan must be cautious in expanding
its membership as its strength lies in its institutional credibility. While traditional parties
are unable to draw the emotions and loyalties of their members, Akbayans main
strength is its ability to rally members using their attachment to its various causes. This
perception should be defended against the threats of trapoization, and though funding
may be in dire straits, Akbayans identity and narrative should not be compromised.
47
In the researchers interview with Kit Melgar, she stressed that all other party-list groups, including
opposition groups like Bayan Muna, have received their allocation under the CDF.
22
48
Duverger, 426.
23
References
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Carl Lande. The Philippine Political Party System. Journal of Southeast Asian
History. 8 March 1967.
8.
9.
Soliman M. Santos. Jr. ed. Papers of a Party in the Making. Institute of Politics
and Governance. 13-14
10.
11.
12.
Canlas. Jomar. Akbayan goes to SC for party-list names. Manila Times. April
24. 2007.
13.
Gerald Anthony Naval. Akbayan asks Comelec to probe govt party lists.
Malaya March 22. 2007.
14.
15.
16.
Akbayan Citizens Action Party. 3rd Regular Congress. General Program of Action
(October 2006-October 2009).
17.
Akbayan Citizens Action Party. S 611 Report; Office of Akbayan Rep. Ana
Theresia Hontiveros-Baraquel. July 2004-September 2006.
24
18.
19.
Akbayan Citizens Action Party. S 514 Report; Office of Rep. Mayong Aguja. July
2004-September 2006. 3
20.
21.
Interview of Ms Kit Melgar. Chief of Staff of Rep. Rissa Hontiveros Baraquel. S511. House of Representatives. February 28. 2008.
22.
23.
25