Contents

Preface: From Fear Politics to Harmony in Action

1 The Liberal Arts and the Martial Arts (1984)

iii
1

2 Martial Arts as a Resource for Liberal Education (1991)

20

3 Social Conflict, Aggression, and the Body (1994)

36

4 The Many Dimensions of Aiki Extensions (2003)

49

5 Somatic Elements in Social Conflict (2006)

59

6 The Masculinity Ethic and the Spirit of Warriorhood (2006)

74

7 The Aiki Way to Therapeutic and Creative Human Interaction (2007) 92

8 Extending the Way (2009)

107

9 A Paradigm of the Aiki Way (2010)

112

10 Clashes or Dialogue Among Civilizations (2011)

113

11 Aikido and the Art of Mediation (2013)

129

12 Extending the Mature Vision of Morihei Ueshiba Sensei (2013)

150

Appendix A: Conflict Theory and Aikido Course Syllabus

160

Appendix B: Student Reflections on the Aikido Course Experience

164

ii

Preface: From Fear Politics to Harmony in

Action
When invited to take part in an event celebrating forty years of Linda Holiday Sensei in aikido and the 41st anniversary of the dojo she has guided so
lustrously, I asked myself what sentiments inform my feeling of a special connection with her. What sprang to mind was the dictum that forms the title
of this collection, words attributed to the Founder of this discipline, Morihei Ueshiba Sensei. In my network of aikido instructors, Linda subscribed to
that dictum prominently, cherishing its kanjis and embodying the notion that
the point of aikido practice is not mastery of a repertoire of techniques but
guidance toward The Way they illuminate.
That thought in turn prompted me to reflect on what I might bring to the
event from my own journey on behalf of the Aiki Way. In a moment I had it:
how about ransack my sprawling bibliography for a selection of articles and
talks that evolved over the years as I pursued the meaning of that dictum?
not for the sake of a coherent book but rather to collect a random set of
stepping-stones along the Way. Now that the collection of pieces lies before
me, I am astonished to find how much coherence they evince, created as they
were in rather dierent formats for even more dierent kinds of occasions. So
it may be of interest for some readers to view some threads that appear now
as I think about weaving them into a single bound volume.
ALTHOUGH NONE of this could have been foreseen at the time, the entire
sequence was sparked by an invitation to present a public lecture to an audience
of undergraduate students at The University of Chicago in 1983. This event
transpired in the framework of a locally celebrated lecture seriesorganized
by a Residence Hall Master, the beloved late Professor of Mathematics Isaac
Wirszup, and his warm wife, Vera. In the midst of serving a term as dean of
The College, it made sense for me to say something related to education; but
then I seized the opportunity to speculate about what might be educational
about the new disciplines which, at the age of 48, had recently evoked so strong
a passion in my being. Thus was born the first of these chapters, The Liberal
Arts and the Martial Arts, a title then so absurd that a neighbor quipped,
when he heard of it: Why thats like giving a talk on the subject, Lincoln:
Man and Car.

iii

My neighbors quip in fact motivated me to dig more deeply than I might

have, to search for historical and philosophical justifications for combining
the two notions. And what I found was in fact more of a revelation than I
had expected, so striking that it eventuated in a searching book two decades
later, Powers of the Mind: The Reinvention of Liberal Learning in America
(2005)a book that brazenly asserts the value of including something like
aikido practice in the curriculum of every undergraduate program of liberal
education.
As dean, however, I had more on my plate than public spectacles and
routine administration. I made it my principal business to reconsider the
whole curriculum of The College, to launch a discursive enterprise of a sort
that distinguished the University of Chicago since its founding (as narrated in
Chapter Three of Powers). In so doing, I designed a curricular project, which
engaged close to a hundred faculty members and advisers in a yearlong eort to
rethink the whole four or more years of undergraduate experience. This project
took shape through teams of colleagues grouped around a dozen themes, such
as the Task Forces on Musical and Visual Arts, on Civilizations, on the Senior
Year, on Writing, and the like. One task forcebizarre for the notoriously
cerebral University of Chicago communitywas assigned to examine afresh
the role of physical education. This group, headed by John MacAloon, author
of the first cultural- historical analysis of the Olympic Games, produced the
report that exerted the greatest impact on my pedagogic development. It
broached the novel idea of linking the academic side of undergraduate work
with experience in the gymnasium, through courses in which some sort of
physical activity could be linked with an academic subject.
The notion gripped me, much as I had been gripped shortly before by
the idea of conjoining the liberal arts and the martial arts. By the final
year of my decanal term, I found myself oering a course entitled Conflict
Theory and Aikido. I oered the course more or less regularly from Autumn
1986 to Autumn 2010; its most recent syllabus appears as Appendix A below.
The course proved so successful and engaging that a few years later I found
myself reporting on it at a Japanese-American Conference on athletics and
undergraduate education. The published version of that talk appears here as
Chapter 2, and an updated report on student comments as Appendix B.
As I reflected on the materials and issues of that course, moreover, I came
to ponder some intellectual issues incorporated in them. This led to the first
strictly academic paper in this collection, Chapter 3: Social Conflict, Aggression and the Body in Euro-American and Asian Social Thought. Presented
at an international sociological conference in Paris in 1993 and published soon
after in the International Journal of Group Tensions, the paper took aikido
iv

practices as a kind of text that could be compared with other texts about
conflict by figures such as Hobbes, Freud, Morgenthau, Lorenz, and Gandhi.
It was a sort of crib sheet for my course.
By the mid-1990s, much else was going on in my life: completion of a
major work on the sociological tradition that was perhaps my most visible
accomplishment in the sociological community; renewed interest in Ethiopia
(on which I had already published two books) thanks to the fall of the hated
Derg regime in 1991; an evolving interest in the history and culture of Japan,
which I visited with my son Bill in 1992 and my wife Ruth in 1997; first shoots
of the work that would constitute my major statement in the field of liberal
learning; and a more prominent role in the area of social theory, including an
array of fresh papers and an active term as chair of the Theory Section of
the American Sociological Association in 1996. Even so, the trajectory laid
out the first three pieces of this collection could not be stopped. I began to
conjure the idea of a book-length work on what I wanted to call The Aiki
Way. I even sketched an outline for a number of chapters, to be focused on
such diverse areas of aikido applications as conflict resolution, psychotherapy,
administration, character development, and even philosophy. My mature version of conceptualizing aikido in this manner appears as A Paradigm of the
Aiki Way, here Appendix C, which oers a schema with which to list concepts
that embody aikido practices and their practical applications all at once.
Rather than pursue the idea of that book, however, I decided instead to
form an association, one that would bring together the small number of aikido
practitioners and instructors Id met who were also committed to using the
ideas and movements of aikido to eect changes in everyday life. During
a semester at the University of California, Berkeley, in 1998, I met with a
number of kindred souls and began to plot the outlines of the nongovernmental
organization that came to be called Aiki Extensions, Inc. We began to hold
international conferences: in Tucson, AZ (hosted by Bill Leicht), Columbus,
OH (Paul Linden), Mill Valley, CA (Wendy Palmer), and Chicago, IL (myself).
The story of the first five years of this NGO and its work is told in Chapter
4The Many Directions of Aiki Extensionsa talk given at Augsburg,
Germany at the fifth of the International Conferences.
As the work of Aiki Extensions grew, so did the range of intellectual issues I wished to associate with explorations of the Aiki Way. The ensuing
publicationshere chapters 5 through 8appeared in response to a sequence
of occasions where aiki-relevant themes came to my attention.
The invitation to contribute to a session on the Sociology of the Body
at meetings of the International Institute of Sociology in Stockholm, 2005,
oered an apt venue for developing the ideas broached in chapter 3. The result,
v

here chapter 5, appeared in 2006 as Somatic Elements in Social Conflict, in

Embodying Sociology: Retrospect, Progress and Prospects, ed. Chris Shilling.
Oxford: Blackwell.
Shortly before that, I was invited a session of the Research Committee
on Armed Forces and Conflict Resolution at the World Congress of Sociology
in Brisbane. That gave me an occasion to develop ideas from work on a
long paper, Ethiopia in Japan in Comparative Civilizational Perspective.
I had become more convinced than ever that certain self-destructive aspects
of Ethiopias political life reflected the persistence of age old features of their
warrior culture, a concern that came to the fore in a widely read paper from
the Fourth International Conference on Ethiopian Development Studies at
Western Michigan University.
A key point of the comparison held that Ethiopia had missed the kind
of transition represented in the felicitous title of Eiko Ikegamis book, The
Taming of the Samurai. In Japan, martial traditions of killing techniques,
bu-jutsu, had been transformed into character-building ways of life, budo, a
transformation of which I believe aikido is the highest exemplar. The resulting
2006 paperhere Chapter 6was titled The Masculinity Ethic and the Spirit
of Warriorhood in Ethiopian and Japanese Cultures. International Journal
of Ethiopian Studies Vol.2, Nos.1&2.
Locating the cultural context of aikido in comparative perspective proved
too enticing not to extend further. An invitation to honor the doyen of comparative historical sociologists, Professor Shmuel N. Eisenstadt of Jerusalem,
provided a wonderful occasion in which to do so. That 2003 presentation, Civilizational Resources for Dialogic Engagement?, was published in Comparing
Modern Civilizations: Pluralism versus Homogeneity, ed. Eliezer Ben-Rafael.
Boston: Brill. For the Journal of Classical Sociology, producing an issue to
commemorate the now late Professor Eisenstadt, I have substantially revised
and updated the paper, a text that forms the basis for chapter 7, The Dialogue of Civilizations.
Chapter 8 returns to a context shaped by Aiki Extensions: a conference
on Living Aikido: Art of Movement, Art of Life, May 18, 2007 at the Aiki
Institut in Schweinfurt, Germany. The lecture presented there, The Aiki Way
to Therapeutic and Creative Intersubjectivity connects aiki work with earlier
interests in psychoanalytic sociology and Parsonian theory.
The last chapter brings the journey up to date. Chapter 9 expands the
narrative of Aiki Extensions further back in time and forward into future
challenges and promises. The story was retold later in a video produced by
AE Board member David Luko.

vi

The foregoing narrative projects the gist of the story and rounds out my
tale. Except for one obvious question: how did an academic intellectual ever
get into this whole business in the first place???
FINISHING HIGH SCHOOL IN 1948, I felt buoyed by Americas upbeat
political atmosphere. Despite forebodings, hopeful and confident voices ruled.
It was after all the time of the Marshall Plan, of Point Four, of the critical turn
among progressive forces by those willing to take a strong stand against totalitarianism Left as well as Right. My own postwar idealism found nourishment
in the world government movement, subserving an impeccable logic that found
a ready analogy between policemen on the corner who spelled local security
and a prospective world federal authority that spelled collective security.
Koreas War smashed the hopes of those of us who assumed the road to
world federal union might be forward and continuous. Voices and forces of
U.S. belligerence forged a bipolar world. Public life suered a remorseless
escalation of fear. In 1950 I signed a plea for the United States not to be
the first party to use a nuclear strikethe Stockholm Peace Petitionand
nearly went to jail; news I had done so treasonous a thing flashed from the
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette front page. Building on the anti-communist hysteria
fed by ambitious politicians, our State Department got cleansed of patriotic
public servants knowledgeable about Russia and China.
One piece of this upsetting development related to the self-image of American males. As Talcott Parsons precociously surmised (1954), overly mothered
males turned fear of sissiness (and, Norman Mailer would add later, homophobia) into protest masculinity and externalized aggression. Free-floating anxiety
permeated the Eisenhower-Dulles decade, starting with the CIAs miserable
decimation of Irans democratic regime under Mossadegh. Few understood and
none acted on Eisenhowers testamentary warning of the military-industrial
complex. The young senator who downed Ikes would-be successor trumpeted
a spurious claim that the U.S. had an inadequate military arsenal.
After 1950 I searched for plausible countervailing forces, and found only
the sterling pacifism of the American Friends Service Committee. I loved what
they did but my mind could not accept absolute pacifism as a life doctrine.
Like many of my activist colleagues, I turned toward what we thought we had
named, in quiet protest against the bipolar structure of the Cold War, le tiers
monde, the Third World. My friend and role model Harris Woordlater
architect of the Peace Corps and a U.S. Senatorwent with his wife Claire to
Israel and then India; Manny Wallerstein (now a distinguished senior professor
of sociology) went to the Gold Coast (later Ghana); Larry Fuchs went to the

vii

Philippines; Myron Weiner went to India; others went to Turkey, Indonesia,

and elsewhere. Many forsook politics for philosophy.
I almost went the latter way, immersing myself in abstract social theory instead of social realities. Georg Simmel and Talcott Parsons became my homies.
I became drawn wholeheartedly to the philosophical outlook of Richard McKeon, whose contribution to calming Cold War tensions consisted of elaborating
a way of embracing philosophic dierences without having to resort to ideological combat. Eventually, though, I found my way back into la vie engagee.
I discovered and embraced the land of Ethiopia.
ETHIOPIA APPEALED for several reasons. Ethiopians I met impressed
me with their self-confidence, ego strength, and cheer under adversityquite
unlike the many fearful and frenzied Americans I encountered. Symbolically,
Ethiopias bitter invasion by Italian Fascistswho opted to pursue a missione civilatrice by dropping poisoned gas on barefoot farmersrepresented
par excellence the failure of the international community to manifest collective security and develop a reliable system of world governance. To a budding
sociologist, moreover, Ethiopia oered a challenge to use the resources of social science to mediate a traditional societys lurch into modernization (the
topic of my first book on Ethiopia, Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation
in Ethiopian Culture [1965]). It also oered the intriguing puzzle of how a
backward society could possibly have defeated a European colonial power.
This was Ethiopias stunning victory under Emperor Menilek II against Italian invaders in (the point of departure of my second book about the country,
Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society [1974].)
What I had not expected to find in Ethiopia was the prominence of the cult
of warriorhood. The provincial region where I did my main fieldwork, Menz,
was noted for the hardiness of its denizens. The people of Menz cheered their
boys on when they had temper tantrums. They gave them names like Ahide
(Thrasher), Belaymeta (Hit Him on the Head), Chafchefe (Hacker), Nadaw
(Wipe Him Out), and Tasaw (Smash Him). These and related findings were
reported in Wax and Gold. The association of masculinity with warriorhood
became a theme I would explore further in Ethiopia. I found that in all the
70-some ethnicities, aggressive hardiness and virtues of the soldier were highly
prized. This proved to be one factor behind the amazing defeat of Italian
forces at the Battle of Adwa in 1896. And, half a century later, this cultural
trait resurfaced on the international stage when Ethiopians earned a golden
reputation as reliable and eective soldiery on behalf of missions for the United
Nations, in Korea in the early 1950s, and in the Congo in 1960the same year

viii

in which an Ethiopian named Abebe Bikila, running barefoot and without the
benefit of much formal training, surprised the world by winning a gold medal
in the marathon race of the Olympic games at Rome.
As it turned out, then, my three years of experience in Ethiopia, 1958-60,
led me to internalize some of the Ethopians warrior ethos and to feel myself
more of a man by virtue of being more disposed to combat. That of course
conflicted not only with my earlier inclinations toward pacifism, but also with
what appeared to be the new rash of mindless escalation of US militarism in
the Vietnam War. Before long I became active in protests against that War,
even as I refused to give up my high regard for the virtues of warriorhoodand
wishing that I could manifest more of those virtues.
By the late 1970s, in my upper forties then, I decided finally to begin
training in the martial arts. One day I went to a martial arts shop and
purchased two books, one on karate and one on aikido. I knew nothing about
the latter but thought I would look it over even as I kept looking for a place to
learn karate. Then I chanced upon a notice of a campus aikido class, of a club
founded by Jon Eley Sensei, and thought there would be no harm in checking
it over. I did, and fell forward for it; it was love at first sight.
AIKIDO APPEALED to me initially as a martial art that seemed to oer
a person in my age group an entree into a martial discipline that I might
learn to excel in. That of course was flattering to my ego. Above all, its
rhetoric of combining warriorhood with nonviolence oered just what I had
been searching for. I plunged right in, never missing a class. Before long I was
ready for my 6th kyu test. Slowly I began to walk through the dark streets of
Hyde Park with greater confidence and to ease my way into what Andr Protin
termed perfectly as un art martial, une autre mani`ere detre: a martial art
that embodies a whole other way of Being.
More slowly but no less surely, aikido promised to oer the path I had
sought for decades, wherein one could conjoin elements of what might be
called an ethic of warriorhood with an ethic of nonviolence. Awareness of this
potential emerged during the second year of my aikido training, which took
place during a sabbatical year at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in Palo Alto. Studying that year with Senseis Frank Doran and
Bob Nadeau, training with so many community-minded partners in Northern Californiaincluding many present at the 2010 Santa Cruz celebration
during that Golden Era of American aikido, and then having the good fortune
of become a student of Shihan Mitsugi Saotome nourished my receptiveness
to the idea of aikido as a Way in the spiritual sense. It was in that rich soil

ix

that seeds were planted, which not long after grew into the foundations of
my teaching and research founded on the principle that Aikido Practice is a
Signpost to The Way.

CHAPTER ONE

The Liberal Arts and the Martial Arts1

A complete rhetoric for liberal education must address the following six questions:
1. What is liberal about liberal education?
2. What kinds of cultural forms are most suitable for the constitution of a
liberal program?
3. What kinds of individual capacities should liberal training foster?
4. What are the characteristics of training programs designed to cultivate
those capacities?
5. What is the relationship between liberal and utilitarian learning?
6. What is the ethical justification of liberal learning?
In what follows I propose to clarify these questions by asking what we
might gain by comparing the liberal arts with the martial artsthose forms
of physical training and expression epitomized in the cultures of East Asia by
kung fu, tai chi chuan, judo, karate-do, kendo, and aikido. My point is not
to argue that some form of athletic training ought to be an integral part of
the liberal curriculum, though on that question I find myself in accord with
the views expressed by William Rainey Harper, who said: The athletic work
of the students is a vital part of student life . . . The athletic field, like the
gymnasium, is one of the University laboratories and by no means the least
important one.2 My argument, rather, is that courses of training in the
martial arts often constitute exemplary educational programs, and that we
might learn something of value for the liberal arts by examining them closely.
1
Donald N Levine is a professor of sociology and the dean of the College at the University of Chicago. Larry Basem and Susan Henking assisted in its preparation for publication.
c 1984 Association of American Colleges, Liberal Education, 1984, Vol. 70, No. 3. Reprinted
in The Overlook Martial Arts Reader: An Anthology of Historical and Philosophical Writings, Overlook Press, 1989.
2

William Rainey Harper, Convocation, 1 July 1896. Cited in W.M. Murphy and D.J.R.
Bruckner, eds., The Idea of the University of Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1976), p. 212.

Just to propose this will perhaps seem to some an act of buoonery. To suggest
that the martial arts are worthy of consideration on the same plane as that
usually reserved for the liberal artssurely that is nothing more than a bad
pun. So I must begin by justifying my brazenness in coupling the arts, liberal
and martial.
Before proceeding to justify my topic, however, I must confess that one
thing about it is indeed gauche. Its two contrasting terms, liberal and
martial, are not logically comparable. For martial refers to a kind of
contentphysical training for self-defensewhile liberal refers to a quality
of approach in training. A logical contrast to the martial arts would be either some other kind of physical training, or else some kind of non-physical
trainingwhich, of course, is what we have in mind, what might be called
mental or intellectual arts. The logical contrast to liberal would be . . . illiberal. If we provisionally define liberal arts as signifying pursuits undertaken
for the sake of personal growth and self-development, then it is clearly the
case that both the martial arts and the intellectual arts have both liberal and
illiberal forms. So the comparison I want to make here is between the liberal
(intellectual) arts and the (liberal) martial arts.
So rephrased, my topic will be justified by arguing that the very culture
that originated and legitimated the basic conception of liberal arts we follow
in the West supported, at the same time, a conception of martial training as
an integral part of the ideal educational program; and that, moreover, the
tradition that provided the matrix for the martial arts in the East saw them
as part of what can be called an Oriental program of liberal education as well.
Once I have defended those propositions, I shall turn to the comparison that
is the heart of this exercise.

I
To talk about liberal training is to talk about a form of education that emerged
historically only in two very special cultures, those of classical Greece and
China. In ancient Greece, this kind of educational aspiration was linked to the
ideal of paideia, the notion of using culture as a means to create a higher type
of human being. According to Werner Jaeger, who wrote a celebrated book
on the subject, the Greeks believed that education in this sense embodied
the purpose of all human eort. It was, they held, the ultimate justification
for the existence of both the individual and the community.3 That ennobling
3

Werner Jaeger, Paideia: The Ideals of Greek Culture, Vol. I, trans. from the second
German edition by Gilbert Highet (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1939), p. xvii.

education took two major forms that were equally praised by the writers of
ancient Greece, albeit with dierent emphases at dierent timesthe cultivation of combative skills, on the one hand, and the contemplative intellect, on
the other.
To see the affinity between the martial arts and the arts of contemplation
in ancient Greece let us look at two notions central to Greek thought: the
concept of arete and the understanding of the divine.
Arete, often translated by the word virtue, was the Greek term that
conveyed the notion of qualitative excellence. Arete signified a special power,
an ability to do something; its possession was the hallmark of the man of
nobility. The same term arete was used to designate both the special powers
of the body, such as strength and vigor, and the powers of the mind, such as
sharpness and insight. In the Homeric epics, martial prowess was the kind of
arete that was preeminently extolled, but with Xenophanes and other writers
of the sixth century B.C., the attainment of sophia, or intellectual culture, was
hailed as the path to arete. Although Xenophanes wrote in a rather polemical
vein against the older ideals of martial arete, most classical Greek writers
embraced them both. Thus, the poet Simonides could write: How hard it is
to become a man of true arete, four-square and faultless in hand and foot and
mind.4 For Plato and Aristotle, the list of preeminent virtues begins with
courage, and ends with philosophic wisdom (with prudence and justice in the
middle).
Although the Greeks are best known to us as the progenitors of secular science and philosophy, they are known to classical scholars as a God-intoxicated
people as well. And, so far as I can tell, there are preeminently two human activities that are repeatedly described as divine in Greek thoughtthe
achievements of victors in athletic contests, and the activities of philosophic
speculation. Since earliest known history Greek gymnastic activity was connected with the festivals of the gods. The four great pan-Hellenic games, of
which the Olympics were the most famous, were cloaked in religious symbolism; thus, both the Olympian and the Nemean games were held in honor of
Zeus. As Norman Gardiner has written of the former, the Games were much
more than a mere athletic meeting. It was the national religious festival of the
whole Greek race.5 The poetry of Pindar celebrated this linkage with . . .
Pindaric rapture. In his triumphal hymns for victors of the athletic contests,
4

Ibid., p. 212.

E. Norman Gardiner, Athletics of the Ancient World (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1930),
p. 222.

Pindar expressed the religious significance of the spectacle of men struggling

to bring their humanity to perfection in victorious combat.
One finds the pursuit of metaphysical speculation described with tones no
less transcendent. Greek natural philosophers of the sixth century created a
conception of a cosmos under the rule of law that oered a focus for their
religious ideals; and Pindars contemporary, Heraclitus, developed a doctrine
that located man in that cosmos, one that held that through its kinship with
the everlasting fire of the cosmos the philosophical soul is capable of knowing divine wisdom and harbouring it in itself.6 A century later, Plato and
Aristotle in dierent ways depicted the activity of philosophic contemplation
of pure Being as the most godlike of human activities.
In the classic Greek synthesis, then, the arts of combat and the arts of
intellect were conjointly eulogized. They were the vehicles of that supreme
educational eort, the cultivation of the virtues, and of the journey to transcendence. In both, the Greeks found a supreme expression of their aesthetic
quest, the beauty of the bodily form perfected, and the beauty of the universe
refracted in the contemplation of pure cosmic forms.
By the end of the fifth century, however, the unity of body and spirit
that Simonides and others idealized became fractured. Due to the heightened
importance of prizes and spectators, the athletic games became much more
competitive. Athletes became professionalized; physical training no longer
sought all-round development but aimed to produce strength at the expense
of vitality, health, and beauty. Moreover, once the Greeks began to feel that
the spirit was separate from or even hostile to the body, Jaeger tells us, the
old athletic ideal was degraded beyond hope of salvation, and at once lost its
important position in Greek life.7
During the Hellenistic period, the liberal program underwent changes that
were fateful for the subsequent evolution of education in the West. Although
athletic sports continued as a popular public spectacle, their formative role
as part of liberal training declined markedly, and disappeared altogether by
the time of the Christian period. There was a similarly progressive decline
and eventual disappearance of artistic, especially musical, education, which
had also been a major component of education in the classical period. What
emerged as the sole respectable form of liberal education was literary studies.
During the Roman period the literary curriculum was further elaborated,
particularly the study of grammar and rhetoric. Although early Christian
fathers were suspicious of these pagan subjects, by the fourth century A.D.
6

Cited in Jaeger, p. 183.

Ibid., p. 206.

Christian leaders like Augustine embraced major elements of the classical curriculum. Consequently, when the barbarian invasions had swept aside the
traditional Roman schools, the Christian church, needing a literary culture for
the education of its clergy, kept alive many of the educational traditions that
Rome had adapted from the Hellenistic world.
By the sixth century A.D. the clergy had rationalized the literary curriculum into the triviumthe arts of logic, grammar, and rhetoricand a
few centuries later institutionalized the quadriviumthe ancient Pythagorean
program of mathematics consisting of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and
music.
In the ninth century, Charlemagne restored some semblance of higher studies, drawing on traditions that had been maintained in Italian and Irish monasteries. The Carolingian Renaissance, reinforced by the rise of scholasticism,
the beginnings of law and medicine as professions, and the recovery of classical knowledge nourished the liberal arts curriculum until it was securely
established in the medieval university. During the Renaissance this curriculum was enriched by an emphasis on the humanistic significance of the classic
texts. The Reformation brought a renewed eort to subordinate the trivium
and quadrivium to religious materials and purposes.
The liberal arts tradition (in its English manifestation) came to America
with the Puritan divines in Massachusetts. Liberal education came to be instituted in the American college in a framework that combined Protestant piety
and mental discipline. The mental discipline approach, justified in English
and Scottish moral philosophy, held that mental faculties were best developed
through their exercise. In the course of recitations in the areas of Latin, Greek,
and mathematics, the student disciplined mental and moral faculties such as
will, emotion, and intellect. As William F. Allen wrote: The student who has
acquired the habit of never letting go a puzzling problemsay a rare Greek
verbuntil he has analyzed its every element, and under-stands every point
in its etymology, has the habit of mind which will enable him to follow out a
legal subtlety with the same accuracy.8
The rapid modernization of American society after the Civil War gave rise
to new perspectives on the role of higher education. Laurence Veysey has
identified three rationales of academic reform, which came to compete with
that of mental discipline in the late nineteenth century. He calls these the
programs of utility, research, and liberal culture. The advocates of utility argued that the American university should prepare students to serve the needs
8

Laurence Veysey, The Emergence of the American University (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1965), p. 24.

of American society for skilled leadership in modern industry, business, and

government. Inspired by the model of the German university, the advocates
of research insisted that the sole mission of the American university should
be the furthering of the frontiers of knowledge. The advocates of liberal culture, however, condemned utility for its crass philistinism, and research for its
encouragement of what they considered sterile specialization. In their emphasis on a refined sense of value, through the study of language and literature,
the advocates of liberal culture in late nineteenth century America hearkened
back to the humanists of the Renaissance. The discovery of an essential and
irreducible humanity, which they called character, was made possible by
breadth of learning. This, together with the aim of self-realization, was the
appropriate rationale for higher education according to such advocates of liberal culture as Barrett Wendell, Charles Eliot Norton, Andrew F. West, and
Woodrow Wilson.9 Such was the intellectual background behind those wellknown experiments in the liberal curriculum following World War I associated
with the general education program at Columbia, with Alexander Meiklejohn
at Amherst and Wisconsin, and with the Hutchins College at the University
of Chicago.

II
Contemporary with the archaic and classical periods of ancient Greece, in
China during the Chou dynasty we find an educational program that bears
significant resemblance to that of the Greeks. The goal of education was
to produce a broadly cultivated person, and this included training both in
literary and martial subjects. The curriculum codified during the Chou period
consisted of six subjects, often referred to as the liberal arts of classical Chinese
education: rituals, music, archery, charioteering, writing, and mathematics.
According to the historian Ping Wen Kuo: A liberal education included five
kinds of ritual, five kinds of music, five ways of archery, five ways of directing
9

Some sense of the ideals of this movement may be gleaned from the following quotations
from Andrew F. West: In the rush of American life . . . [the college] . . . [is] the quiet and
convincing teacher of higher things. It has been preparing young men for a better career
in the world by withdrawing them for a while from the world to cultivate their minds and
hearts by contact with things intellectual and spiritual. . . . and from Woodrow Wilson:
If the chief end of man is to make a living, why, make a living any way you can. But if
ever it has been shown to him in some quiet place where he has been withdrawn from the
interests of the world, that the chief end of man is to keep his soul untouched from the
corrupt influences and to see to it that his fellow-men hear the truth from his lips, he will
never get that out of conscious-ness again. (Cited in Veysey, p. 216.)

a chariot, six kinds of writing, and nine operations of mathematics. . . . The

training was moral, physical, and intellectual in character. . . . The ideal of
education of the time of the Chou seems to have been the harmonious and
symmetrical development of the body and mind, and may be said to represent
a combination of Spartan and Athenian ideals of education, which called for
a training at once intellectual and moral, as well as physical and military.10
During the latter sixth century B.C., Confucius articulated the conception
of the ideal person to be produced by this Chinese version of paideia. He
defined that ideal as one who possesses wisdom and courage, who is also magnanimous and accomplished in courtesy, ceremonial, and music. He heavily
stressed the virtue of sincerity and held that education was a means to gain an
enlightened mind, enlightened in the sense of coming to grasp the remarkable
harmonies of nature.
In later centuries this ideal of liberal learning was eroded as the study of
Confucian texts became viewed in a more utilitarian vein, simply as preparation for the requirements of bureaucratic office. The martial subjects were
dropped from the standard curriculum. However, new forms of martial training
were incorporated in disciplines followed in Chinese monasteries. To understand that development, we must digress for a moment to ancient India.
When the Hindus rationalized a program of muscular and breathing training in the discipline of Yoga, they created a system directed toward the perfection of the body with the intent of making it a fit instrument for spiritual
perfection-a perfection consisting of beauty, grace, strength, and adamantine
hardness. At an early stage in the development of Buddhism, systematic physical training became a central component of religious discipline. It is said that
Gautama was so impressed with Indian fist fighting as an eective method
of unifying mind and body that fist art was incorporated into the framework
of Buddhism. This can be seen in the images of certain gods of the Buddhist pantheon-the two Guardian deities, the Devas, and the twelve Divine
Generalswho appear in ancient fist-fighting stances.
The movement of Buddhism to China was not only a fateful episode to the
history of Buddhism but in the evolution of the martial arts as well. The agent
of that migration was the Buddhist monk Boddhidharma, considered the 28th
patriarch in a direct line from Gautama Buddha. In the sixth century A.D.,
Boddhidharma journeyed from India to China, where he introduced the form
of Buddhism known as Dhyana (in Sanskrit), Chan (in Chinese), and Zen (in
Japanese). While in China, Boddhidharma lived at the Shaolin Monastery in
10

Ping Wen Kuo, The Chinese System of Public Education (New York: Teachers College
Press, 1914), p. 18.

Honan Province. He found the monks there solely concerned with achieving
spiritual enlightenment and negligent of their physical health. In fact, they
were sickly and fell asleep during zazen (seated meditation). As a member
of the kshatriya (warrior class) as well as a monk, Boddhidharma was very
well versed in the fighting arts and understood the interdependence of mental,
physical, and spiritual health. He introduced a series of eighteen exercises
(the eighteen hands of the Lo-han) to the monks for the improvement of
their health and for their protection against dangerous forces. These exercises
became the basis of Shaolin Temple boxing, which, along with other varieties
of Chinese boxing, later influenced the development of the fighting arts in
Japan, Korea, and Okinawa.
A second line of development in the liberal martial arts of Asia derives from
another Chinese religious tradition, that of Taoism. Tai chi chuan (Grand Ultimate Boxing) was evolved to combine certain forms of Shaolin boxing with an
emphasis on breathing and inner control based on Taoist breathing practices
and medical lore. According to the most prevalent account of the origins of
tai chi, a Taoist monk of the late Sung Dynasty (twelfth or thirteenth century
A.D.), Chang San-feng, created the thirteen basic postures of tai chi as bodily expressions of the eight trigrams of the ancient text I Ching, and the five
basic elements of ancient Chinese cosmology. Somewhat later, a schoolteacher
named Wang Chang-yueh is believed to have linked those postures in a continuous sequence of movement that formed the disciplinary core of the tai chi
training program.
Yet another set of innovations in the martial arts took place in Japan
following the rise of the samurai class after the tenth century and the introduction of Zen Buddhism there in the twelfth century. From this time the
culture of bushido, the way of the warrior, developed gradually from ideas
drawn from Buddhism, Confucianism, and Shintoism. Samurai training included unarmed combat, the use of weapons, literary subjects, and training
in Zen Buddhism, which provided the courage to face possible death every
day. Following the unification and pacification of Japan during the Tokugawa
Shogunate, many samurai adapted that Buddhist strain to transform the martial arts from illiberal to liberal uses, vehicles for training that emphasized the
spiritual development of participants.
After the suppression of the samurai under the Meiji regime in the latter
part of the nineteenth century, new martial arts were specifically created as
forms of liberal training. This was the same period, incidentally, when Yang
Lu-Chan for the first time taught tai chi publicly, in Beijing; until then it had
been a secret heritage carefully guarded by certain elite Chinese families. In
Japan a number of masters sought to revive the old bushido-Zen ethic by creat8

ing new forms that were non-lethal in intent and designed to provide personal
growth and spiritual uplift. In 1882, Jigoro Kano, an educator proficient in
ju-jitsu, founded the first Judo Institute in Tokyo. The change from ju-jitsu
to ju-do exemplifies, in terminology and practice, the self-conscious transformation of the martial arts from lethal weapons to means of self-development.
The suffix jitsu means technique; ju-jitsu was, thus, a technique for inflicting
serious damage on an opponent. The suffix do means way. It derives from
the Chinese Tao, and in Japanese has connotations related to the outlook of
Taoism. More fully, do means the way to enlightenment, self-realization,
and understanding. As conceived by Jigoro Kano, judoliterally, the gentle
wayadapted the best techniques from jujitsu, eliminated the harmful ones,
and modified others so they could be practiced safely. As practiced by Kano
and his followers, the aim of judo is to perfect oneself by systematic training
of the mind and body so that each person works in harmony with others.
Comparable developments took place a little later with other arts. Around
1905, when karate was introduced from Okinawa into mainland Japan, the
symbol kara (signifying Tang, or Chinese,) was reinterpreted by invoking
another meaning of the word kara: empty. This was to allude not only to
the idea of fighting with empty hands-without weapons-but also to the notion
of emptiness in Zen, that is to say, emptiness of mind, mind like a mirror
or water that reflects without distortion, and thus to connote the ideals of
selflessness, austerity, and humbleness. Later, this philosophic component was
stressed by adding the suffix do, and some of the preeminent schools now
refer to themselves as teaching karatedothat is, the way of life centering on
the empty hand.
In the early 1920s, when experiments to revive liberal learning began to
flourish in the United States, a gifted master experienced in all the traditional
Japanese martial arts, Morihei Ueshiba, evolved a new system which he called
aikido. In this art, he created a program for the cultivation of ki, the cosmic
energy that flows through ones body and is thought to produce health and
spiritual uplift, and the capacity for ai, harmonious blending, a blending of
the forces within oneself, with other people, and with the natural universe.
A major institutional locus of the martial arts in the Far East today is the
educational system. They have come out of the secrecy of monasteries and
esoteric cults into the curricula of school systems and the clubs of universities.
Although divided into hundreds of specialized forms, which vary considerably
in styles, techniques, attitudes, and objectives, what can arguably be called
their most rationalized formsthose that involve a coherent approach to dealing with aggressive attacks, a systematic approach to training, and a nontrivial
grounding in philosophic beliefsall pursue the goals of developing a harmo9

nious blending of mental and physical powers, a sensitivity to the responses of

others, the virtues of calmness and courage under stress, and some form of an
experience of transcendence.
This survey of the paidetic curriculum in two great traditions suggests,
then, that the coupling of the intellectual and the martial arts is no mere
trick of the tongue. Indeed, my sketch suggests that developments within the
two traditions where each was perfected exhibit some instructive evolutionary
parallels. 1) By the sixth century B.C., both in Greece and China, an ideal
and a program of liberal training had evolved, which included both intellectual
and martial components. 2) In both cases, this ideal became corrupted in
later centuries, as combative arts became commercialized in the Hellenistic
period, and as Confucian training became bureaucratized. 3) During the sixth
century A.D., a liberal component of the older curriculum became codified and
institutionalized in those havens of ideal pursuits, the monasteries. 4) In the
medieval period, these paedetic curricula became enriched and extended, with
the firm establishment of the trivium and quadrivium in medieval universities,
and of the arts of kung fu and tai chi chuan in Chinese monasteries. 5) In
the late nineteenth century, mainly in the United States and Japan, the ideals
of those curricula were revived and propagated in the form of new secular
programs of liberal training.

III
Let us proceed now to draw on these suggestive parallels between the intellectual arts and the martial arts to address the set of questions I posed at the
outset. To begin with, what is liberal about liberal education?
The terms in which Westerners are inclined to think about the distinction
between education that is liberal and education that is notor illiberal, or
banausicwere classically formulated by Aristotle.11 Aristotles emphasis was
not so much on dierent kinds of subjects as on the spirit in which a subject is
pursued. One may pursue a subject out of necessity, as, for example, learning
a trade is necessary to make a living. One may pursue a subject out of utility,
as reading is useful because it enables one to find numbers in a telephone
directory. Or one may pursue a subject because, as we would say, of peer
pressure: It is the fashionable thing to do. But by definition, to act from
necessity is not the mark of being free; to seek for utility everywhere is not
11
A more complete response to this question would, of course, have to attend to postclassical formulations of liberality and, indeed, include reference to some of the complexities
associated with the idea of freedom.

10

suited for men who are great-souled and free; and to follow some pursuit
because of the opinion of other people, says Aristotle, would appear to be
acting in a menial and servile manner. In contrast to these kinds of motives,
Aristotle describes motives for the sort of learning that befits a free person:
learning that is undertaken for its own sake, learning that is appropriate for
promoting happiness and a good life. And, although Aristotle certainly does
not deny the need to study the useful arts, he insists that they should not
constitute the whole point of learning: people should study drawing, he urges,
not merely to avoid being cheated when buying and selling furniture, but for
the liberal reason that this study makes one observant of bodily beauty.
Now one does not need to turn to the martial arts to catch the import of
Aristotles distinction, although it may be useful to see how readily it can be
exemplified in that domain. Illiberal training in the martial arts, then, would
be undertaken out of necessity-learning to fight to prevent your community
from being enslaved or slaughtered by an invader; or, for utility-to know how
to defend yourself in case you happen to get mugged on the street. And there
are other kinds of reasons for studying the martial arts that would render the
pursuit illiberal-as when one trains because it is the glamorous thing to do, or
to impress ones friends. By contrast, when the martial arts are taught and
practiced in a liberal manner, it is for the sake of perfecting oneself as a human
being and for acquiring a kind of culture that is intrinsically valuable.
At this juncture, Id like to share an observation from my own experience with the martial arts that suggests an instructive elaboration on the
Aristotelian notion of liberality in education. When I ask persons who have
progressed rather deeply into the study of the martial arts why they are doing
it, I get an answer that is typically dierent from what brings people to training in the first place. The reasons why people begin martial arts training are
frequently illiberal: for self-defense, or to cure an ailment, or as an outlet for
aggression, or because of social inducements. Once they have been training for
a while, their motivations usually undergo some subtle change. By the time
one has been actively training for a year or two, the reasons tend to converge
on a single rationale: Im training to perfect my masters of the art. What
emerges is the sense of a lifelong quest for perfection, wherein each moment is
intrinsically satisfying, but the experience is framed as a part of an unlimited
pursuit of growth and improved expression. One is reminded of what John
Dewey wrote concerning the fine arts: that the works of the fine arts are not
merely ends in themselves which give satisfaction, but their creation and contemplation whet the appetite for new eort and achievement and thus bring

11

a continuously expanding satisfaction.12 What this suggests is a criterion for

liberal learning that amends the familiar classical definitions: that education
is free and liberating insofar as it involves the quest for mastery of some domain of autonomous forms, forms that are in themselves the free creation of
the human spirit. And because that world of form is in principle limitless, this
entails a connection with transcendence that is part of the attraction toward
liberal learning.
So I would add, as another component of the generic definition of liberal
education, martial and intellectual, that it is an enterprise devoted to the
acquisition of cultural forms for their own sake. Having said this, my next
question is then: what types of cultural forms are most suitable for a liberal
program? Once we have distinguished liberal education from the various illiberal forms of training-training for occupations, for solving particular social
problems, for transmitting a certain tradition, and the like-there remains the
more complicated problem of defining the best content for a liberal curriculum.
Dierent philosophies of liberal education tend to take one of three positions.
One position holds that the liberal curriculum should consist of a set of fundamental questions and plausible answers, e.g., those contained in a list of
Great Books, or those simply having to do with the nature of the world and
mans place in it. A second position holds that the liberal curriculum should
consist of the most important structures of organized knowledge, e.g., a basic
acquaintance with the principal disciplines of the humanities, social sciences,
and natural sciences. A third position holds that the liberal curriculum should
represent primarily those basic modes of inquiry and expression exemplified
in the disciplines, e.g. how a scientist conducts experiments, or how a poet
constructs a sonnet.
A strong case could be made for viewing each of these as the central principle for a liberal curriculum, and perhaps an even stronger case for a perspective
that attempted to represent them all in some balanced way. But what all of
them have in common is a stress on what Georg Simmel called objective culture: the external representations of reality and the externalized expressions
of meaning that have been created in human history. The true cultivation of
individuals, by contrast, takes place in what Simmel called subjective culture:
the personal growth that comes about through the internal appropriation of
cultural forms.
12

John Dewey, Experience, Nature and Art, in John Dewey on Education: Selected
Writings, ed. by Reginald D. Archambault (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974),
pp. 157-65.

12

The advantage of looking at the martial arts in this context is that such
training is almost exclusively concerned with the development of subjective
culture-in this case, the competences of bodily movement that enable one to
defend oneself in certain stylized ways. There is simply no way to think about
the martial arts curriculum without dealing with the ways in which personal
capacities of various sorts-perceiving, moving, responding-are nurtured and
shaped and perfected. Thus, the martial arts curriculum provides a model
for a kind of liberal training in which the principle of the learners capacities
is unmistakably and unavoidably at the center of attention. Although this
principle was prominent in early nineteenth-century American notions of liberal intellectual learning, which focused on the goal of mental discipline, it
has fallen by the way in contemporary discussions. The principle deserves, I
believe, to be revived and viewed afresh as an important basis for organizing
the modern liberal curriculum.
Once we have set the cultivation of subjective capacities as a primary
goal of liberal education, however, we must deal with what is perhaps the
most complicated of all the questions in the theory and practice of liberal
education: What competences should be cultivated? And the obvious answer
to that question is another question: What competences are there? Open ten
books about competences, and you will find seventeen lists. How does one
compose an inventory of competences that can be ordered and ranked so as to
provide a set of priorities for liberal education?
Because I do not think this is a matter that can be resolved definitively
for all time, or even that there is a single best way to resolve it at any given
moment, I would not look to the martial arts for a model of how to solve it.
The problem of identifying a basic list of competences is nearly as intractable
in the martial and in the intellectual arts. But martial arts can be helpful on
the question, because they illustrate so transparently what the issues are and
how one might grapple with them.
Complications here stem from the fact that disciplines emerge historically
as concrete traditions, while technical competences can be generalized and
used across a variety of disciplines. For example, aikido is a tradition that uses
diused energy, circular body movements, and wrist and elbow throws, while
karate relies on concentrated energy, direct body movements, and punches,
blocks, and kicks. Yet in both of them a basic movement is the straightforward
punch. Moreover, both have a variety of defenses against said punch. So
one could imagine a type of competence called punching and responding to
punching, the first learnable within either of the two arts but usable beyond,
the other requiring some new curricular eort to bring together a wide variety
of defenses against punches into a single training program. Just in the last few
13

years, in fact, some martial arts programs have come out with eclectic training
approaches not unlike this.
There is, moreover, a set of generalized competences involved in various
ways in all the martial arts that may be formulated as follows: Know oneself;
know the other; and observe the right timing in ones response to the other.
The idea of self-knowledge in the martial arts is tied to a concern for being
centered. One must be in touch with the true center of ones being. One must
be unified, the hands with the arms, the limbs with the torso, the body with the
feelings and the mind. One must be poised in a state between relaxation and
readiness to move-at all times. In the words of the seventeenth-century martial
artist, Miyamoto Musashi, Do not become tense and do not let yourself go.
Keep your mind on the center and do not waver. Calm your mind, and do not
cease the firmness for even a second. Always maintain a fluid and flexible, free
and open mind.13
And yet preoccupation with oneself and ones readiness to act, by itself,
would be foolhardy. One must be alert to the dispositions and responses of
others no less. One must be aware of the others balance points, the four
corners of his position in which he is vulnerable. One must sense the precise
direction and intensity of an attack from the other. In aikido, the term ai, or
harmony, refers in an important sense to the idea of blending eectively with
the energy of ones attacker.
Finally, the relational field between self and other must be viewed in
dynamic terms, such that the timing of ones response to the other is allimportant. It does no good to be centered in oneself, and aware of the flow of
the others energy, if one responds too soon, or too late, to the others attack.
So a great deal of emphasis in training focuses on these three areas: how to
maintain ones own center; how to perceive and blend in with the energy of
the other; and how to time ones responses with pinpoint precision. What
this suggests for the intellectual arts is that we might well start looking for
basic forms of intellectual competence that are not tied to concrete traditions.
In my judgment, this constitutes one of the most exciting challenges facing
the academic profession today. Those who are honest about the matter acknowledge that a concrete tradition-sociology, say, or biochemistry-is rarely
13

Miyamoto Musashi, The Book of Five Rings, trans. by Bradford J. Brown, Yuko Kashiwagi, William H. Barrett, and Eisuke Sasagawa (New York: Bantam Books, 1982), p. 34.
In much theorizing about the martial arts, especially in Japan, this principle of subjective
centralization, or centeredness, is viewed as a process of concentrating ones attention on
the lower abdominal center-the hara. Maintaining this center is viewed as an essential
condition of maintaining some mental distance between yourself and events as they unfold
around you.

14

coterminous with a particular set of competences. I know, for example, that

the distinctive skills needed to analyze social phenomena in the economistic
terms of rational exchange, or the culturological terms of symbolic codes, are
practiced across all of the social science disciplines, including cultural anthropology and economics. The challenge today is to take stock of the enormous
changes in all the intellectual disciplines over the last few decades and, for
purposes of liberal training, attempt to translate them into competence fields
that can be truly defensible components of a future liberal curriculum.
Closely connected to the question of what subjective capacities are to be
cultivated in the liberal curriculum is that of the kind of training program
best suited to develop those capacities. On this question, I believe, training
programs in the martial arts oer much that might be relevant to the design
of training programs in the intellectual arts. Of many possible suggestions, let
me mention two.
The first is the stress on practiceregular, systematic, unremitting practice. The components of each art must be identified and laid out in such a
way as to admit increasing mastery through incessant practice. As Miyamoto
Musashi has written: Practicing a thousand days is said to be a discipline,
and practicing ten thousand days is said to be refining.14 One must practice
continuously, and make a lot of mistakes, so that one can be corrected, and
be ever on the lookout for ways to refine ones art.
Second, there is a sequence of phases in developing the practice of ones
art. Gradations of rank, marked by a succession of tests that examine clearly
defined levels of competence, form a crucial part of the training. Beyond that,
there is a kind of progression, common to all arts, that I would call the road to
the transcendence of mere technique. One begins by self-consciously practicing
a certain technique. One proceeds slowly, deliberately, and reflectively; but
one keeps on practicing until the technique becomes internalized and one is
no longer self-conscious when executing it. After a set of techniques has been
thoroughly internalized, one begins to grasp the principles behind them. And
finally, when one has understood and internalized the basic principles, one
no longer responds mechanically to a given attack, but begins to use the art
creatively and in a manner whereby ones individual style and insights can find
expression.15
14

Ibid., p. 53.

15

A parallel formulation of this progression appears in the classic treatise on tai chi chuan
by Wang Chung-Yeh: From the stage of familiarity with the techniques comes the stage of
a gradual understanding of the inner strength, and from the stage of understanding of the
inner strength comes the state of spiritual illumination. However, without going through

15

Notions like these seem to me enormously suggestive for training programs

in the intellectual arts. As one of their possible implications, I would stress the
importance of some specialization as an essential component of a truly liberal
education. There is simply no way to acquire any art to the point where it
becomes truly eective as a means of advanced personal growth without the
intensity of involvement that requires years of work and progressive mastery.
Whether the capacity in question is knowing how to interpret an ancient text,
or how to perform chemical experiments in the lab, or to formulate and analyze a problem of public policy, an enormous amount of practice is required
in order to be able to progress in some field from techniques to principles to
expression (and, indeed, if you will, to develop a sense of personal groundedness and sensitivity to the objects and knowledge of how and when to time
interventions). That is the rationale, I believe, for including concentration
programs as an integral component of a full curriculum in liberal education.

IV
I want now to discuss the question of the relationship between liberal and
utilitarian learning. The rhetoric of liberal educators vacillates between two
apparently contradictory positions. On the one hand, we say that liberal
training is a good in itself, superior in worth to those illiberal pursuits that
are merely practical. On the other hand, we often say that a liberal education
is really the most practical of all. Is this just double-talk, somewhat like saying:
I never borrowed your book, and besides, I returned it to you last week?
Perhaps; but let us look at the martial arts once more to see if some clarification of this matter can be found. In the martial arts, the question of practical
utility is always right at hand. In training dojos one often hears an instructor
make some ohand reference to what might happen in real situationson the
street, as they say. Yet nothing could be more clear-cut than the dierence
between an applied training program in self-defense and a liberal curriculum in
the martial arts. If you want to acquire some immediate skills for the street, I
would say: Dont take up one of the martial arts, but take a crash eight-week
course in self-defense; just as I would say, if all you want is a job as a lab
technician or an interviewer in a survey research organization, take a crash
vocational course in those areas. Yet there is, I believe, a higher practical
value in the liberal form of self-defense training. By proceeding to the point
prolonged and serious practice, it is impossible to reach ultimate enlightenment. Cited in
Tem Horwitz and Susan Kimmelman, Tai Chi Chuan: The Technique of Power (Chicago:
Chicago Review Press, 1976), p. 78.

16

where one has mastered the basic principles of the art of self-defense, one
has acquired resources for responding to a much wider range of threatening
situations and a readiness to respond that flows from basic qualities of selfcontrol, calmness, and courage that one has internalized as a result of years
of dedicated training. It certainly would be advantageous to combine some
techniques of practical self-defense with a liberal martial trainingremember
that Aristotle, after all, advocated that training in useful arts be combined
with liberal trainingbut then the former are enhanced by being grounded in
a broader conception of the principles of direct combat. The argument may
proceed similarly in regard to the liberal intellectual arts: by learning, not
merely the specific facts and techniques of a particular subject-matter but its
most basic principles and methods, and by understanding these as exemplified
in a range of fields, one has gained capacities that enable one to respond intelligently and independently, critically and creatively, to the conditions of a
complex and rapidly changing environment, the kind of environment in which
all of us are now fated to spend our lives. This is like the ideal that Pericles
attributed to the free citizens of Athens: To be able to meet even variety of
circumstance with the greatest versatilityand with grace.16
The last question I want to raise in this comparative exercise may be put
as follows: Isnt there something basically immoral in this program for liberal
training? Doesnt it focus too much on the individual at the expense of the
community? Whats worse, couldnt it simply set people upby training them
in the artsto carry out amoral or even vicious purposes? No matter how
much the arts are glamorized, do they not only amount to sets of technical
skills that can be put to evil purposes? And if my argument that liberal
training produces a higher form of utilitarian competence is sound, then does it
not follow that the person with an advanced liberal education has the capacity
to be more evil than others?
Certainly this is a question that can never be far from the mind of those
training in the martial arts. Indeed, the old masters in Asia were often very
selective about whom they allowed to train with them, for they feared the
consequences of putting their lore into the hands of those who might use these
very potent powers for destructive purposes. In Japanese culture there is in
fact a social type associated with that negative possibility-the ninja. The ninja
is precisely one who has mastered martial techniques but puts them to selfish
or destructive purposes. And I must say, before we liberal educators take too
much pride in oering a wholly blameless product, that we must come to terms
16

Cited, interestingly enough, in A. Westbrook and O. Ratti, Aikido and the Dynamic
Sphere (Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo, Japan: Tuttle, 1970), p. 87.

17

with the possibility of creating intellectual ninjaspeople who are very adept
indeed in the manipulation of linguistic and mathematical symbols, and other
intellectual capacities, and use them in the service of the basest opportunistic
motives and even for destructive purposes.
To say this is to raise the most fundamental issue of all about the liberal
arts: the need for an ideological framework in which they find some ethical
grounding. Precisely because the immoral potentialities of martial arts are
so transparent, this question is harder to dodge. It is answered forthrightly
by ethical formulations associated with the educational programs of all those
martial arts I would call liberal today. In a manual of tai chi chuan, for
example, one reads:
The technique of self-defense . . . implies a coherent vision of life that
includes self-protection. The world is viewed as an ever-changing interplay of
forces. Each creature seeks to realize its own nature, to find its place in the
universe. Not to conquer, but to endure. The assumption is that there are
hostile forces. One can be attacked by animals, by angry or arrogant people,
or just by the forces of Nature, within and without. In the human world,
attack is verbal and emotional as often as it is physical. The most subtle and
manipulative struggles are the ones of which we are the least conscious. But
the prescription for survival is always the same-integrity. [In the martial arts]
this is more than a moral adage, it is a physical actuality.17
The practice of aikido is suused by the kind of ethical vision embodied in
these words by its founder, Morihei Ueshiba:
Understand Aikido first as budo and then as a way of service to construct
the World Family.
True budo is the loving protection of all beings with a spirit of reconciliation. Reconciliation means to allow the completion of everyones
mission.
True budo is a work of love. It is a work of giving life to all beings, and
not killing or struggling with each other . . . Aikido is the realization of
love.18
17

Horwitz and Kimmelman, pp. 64-65.

18

Kisshomaru Ueshiba, Aikido (Tokyo: Hozansha, 1974), pp. 179-180.

18

V
As college educators face the need to develop a fresh rhetoric for liberal education, a rhetoric responsive to the enormous changes undergone in recent
decades by the academic world and the global environment, we may do well to
seek the insights and suggestions that can come from stepping outside our customary universe of discourse on the subject. This is a process we are familiar
with from the numerous instances of cross-fertilization among the intellectual
arts and disciplines. The foregoing essay at comparison has explored one such
channel of cross-fertilization, with the following results:
1. We have raised the question of the dierence between liberal and illiberal
learning. The experience of the martial arts suggests that one principle
of the liberal program might be formulated as the cultivation of free
cultural forms for their own sake.
2. We have asked about the kinds of cultural forms appropriate to a liberal
program. The martial arts exemplify for us a neglected type of culture,
that which concerns the perfection of the capacities of human subjects.
3. We have asked about the types of subjective cultivation that constitute
a plausible inventory. The martial arts clarify for us the problem of distinguishing between concrete traditions and general technical capacities.
4. We have asked about the character of training programs appropriate to
develop such capacities. The martial arts exemplify for us the significance of practice; of a phased program of development, from techniques
to principles to expression; and of the need for specialized work to develop any capacity through that curriculum.
5. We have asked about the relation of liberality to utility. The martial
arts exemplify the way in which liberally acquired powers are of especial
utilitarian value in a complex and changing environment.
6. We have asked about the moral justification of liberal training. The
martial arts provide models in which those questions are resolved through
being linked to an ethical worldview.

19

CHAPTER TWO

Martial Arts as a Resource for Liberal

Education: The Case of Aikido1
In the Autumn 1984 issue of Liberal Education I published The Liberal Arts
and the Martial Arts, an essay which explored how eorts to rethink the
rationales of liberal education might benefit from comparing the liberal arts
as developed in the West to certain educational programs, commonly known
as the martial arts, developed in the cultures of East Asia. The paper made
three main points.
To begin with, I suggested that the distinction embodied in the Japanese
contrast between bujutsu and budo parallels an age-old Western distinction
between strictly utilitarian arts and arts that possess a liberal character. The
Japanese distinction contrasts techniques used for practical, combative purposes (bujutsu) with disciplines that employ training in combative forms as a
means to cultivate the students physical, mental, and spiritual powers (budo).
The Western distinction derives from Aristotles discrimination of knowledge
which is tied to necessities and so of a servile sort from the kind of knowledge
that is worthy of free men (eleutheron)2 a notion embodied in later formulations about the liberal arts (Greek: eleutheriai technai; Latin: artes liberales),
arts whose study was intended to cultivate a persons humanity. In both
cases, techniques3 learned for mundane instrumental purposes stand in contrast with arts which are studied in order to enhance their learners capacities
as a free and virtuous human being.
Second, I suggested that affinities between the traditions from which both
budo and Western liberal arts emerged could be found by noticing parallels in
their patterns of historical evolution. In the West, we find in ancient Greece
the ideal of paideia, the notion of using culture as a means to create a higher
1
1991 Martial Arts as a Resource for Liberal Education: The Case of Aikido, in The
Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, eds. M. Featherstone, M. Hepworth, & B.S.
Turner (London: Sage), 209-24. [Reprint of 1990.] This paper was originally presented at
the U.S.-Japan Conference on Japanese Martial Arts and American Sports: Cross-Cultural
Perspectives on Means to Personal Growth, University of Wisconsin-Madison, August 7-10,
1989. I am grateful to David Waterhouse and Cliord Winnig for suggestions which helped
me improve the final version.
2

Politics, 1255b, 1258b.

Sino-Japanese jutsu corresponds exactly to Greek techne.

20

type of human being. Classic Greek thought celebrated the way to arete, or
virtue, through cultivating powers of the body, like strength and vigor, as well
as powers of the mind, like sharpness and insight. In later centuries cultivation of the body disappeared as a component of liberal training, so that only
intellectual arts, organized eventually as the trivium and quadrivium in the
Middle Ages, emerged as suitable subjects for liberal learning. Transmitted
by monastics for centuries, this curriculum entered secular universities during
the Renaissance. American educators of the late 19th century hearkened back
to this Renaissance tradition while devising a program of liberal education
oriented to the formation of character and the goal of self-realization. This
formed the intellectual background for the experiments in the liberal curriculum which flourished in the United States after World War I.
I traced a comparable development in East Asia, beginning with the movement in China during the Chou dynasty to form an educational program aimed
to produce a broadly cultivated person. This curriculum, often referred to as
the liberal arts of classical Chinese education, included training both in
literary and martial subjects. Confucius articulated the conception of the
ideal person to be produced by this Chinese version of paideia.4 The eventual decline of that curriculum was followed by the institution of new kinds of
martial arts training in Chinese monasteries, which cultivated Shaolin Temple boxing, derived from exercises introduced by the Indian Buddhist monk
Boddhidharma and, subsequently, the Taoist-inspired forms of tai chi chuan.
In Japan during the Tokugawa Shogunate, a number of samurai adapted the
martial techniques into vehicles of spiritual training and, beginning with the
eorts by Jigoro Kano in the 1880s, a number of Japanese arts evolved to
constitute the resources of modern budo.
The main part of my paper, finally, drew on the experience of martial arts
training programs to suggest ideas relevant to a number of central issues in
the modern philosophy of liberal education. These issues included the question
of what is liberal about liberal education; the kinds of cultural forms most
suitable for a liberal curriculum; the kinds of capacities liberal training should
foster; the characteristics of training programs designed to cultivate those
capacities; the relationship between liberal and utilitarian learning; and the
ethical justification of liberal learning.
4

Cf. Max Weber: For the Confucian . . . the decisive factor was that . . . in his selfperfection [the cultured man] was an end unto himself, not a means for any functional
end. The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism, trans. and ed. H. Gerth (New
York: Free Press, 1951), 246.

21

In that earlier paper, then, I used training programs in the martial arts
as a source of ideas to enrich our thinking about the liberal curriculum. I
did not explore the possible role which actual training in the martial arts
might play in contemporary programs of liberal education, nor did I explore
the ways in which the philosophy of the liberal arts might provide ideas for
enriching instructional programs in the martial arts. These two questions
form the agenda of the present paper. In addressing them I shall first discuss
some general issues raised by the aspiration to incorporate budo training into
programs of liberal education. I shall then report on an experiment in which
I have incorporated martial arts training in an academic course and conclude
by reflecting on some implications of that experiment for those who might like
to attempt similar eorts in other institutions.

Is There a Role For Budo in the Liberal Curriculum?

In my earlier paper I proceeded on the assumption that there are no inherent
dierences between the educational approaches of budo and the liberal intellectual arts. At this point I wish to question that assumption and suggest that
in certain respects budo training appears incompatible with the objectives of
the kind of liberal education suited for modern democratic societies.
Although there are clear lines of continuity between the ideals of paideia
and humanitas which informed the liberal curricula of ancient Greece and
Rome and subsequent developments in the history of Western Civilization,
what constituted liberation and the development of humanity underwent changes.
In each epoch new curricula and rationales had to be devised to accommodate
changes in the state of knowledge, in the circumstances of life, and in the
meaning of a free and fully realized human being. In the course of the 20th
century, a number of Western educators have worked to articulate the aims
and rationales of a liberal education appropriate to life in advanced industrial
world society. If, now, we wish to find a place for budo within this emerging educational culture, we must consider whether or not the properties of
budo as it emerged from Japanese feudal martial traditions are in all respects
consistent with the ethos of a modern liberal education.
Suppose we identify the central features of the state of knowledge in our
time as those of accelerated rationalization and fragmentation; and the central
features of our historical situation as those of one small world and cultural
diversity. Then what notions should guide the construction of educational
programs which cultivate the arts of freedom appropriate to the conditions of
life in the late 20th century? Two notions would command a great deal of
22

consensus among modern exponents of liberal education, I believe: autonomy

and generality. We want students to become autonomous as persons, able to
critically understand rationalized courses of thought and action, to formulate
rational grounds in support of their positions and present their thoughts clearly
and persuasively, and to recover relevant traditions and adapt them creatively
to changing circumstances. We want students to attain general breadth, in
the senses of possessing ideas and skills which can apply to broad domains
of experience, of being able to find connections among dispersed branches
of knowledge, and having the capacity to understand and communicate with
persons oriented by radically diverse cultures.5
If we take some formulation such as this as a standard for the kind of liberal curriculum that is suited for our times, then we may question whether
contemporary forms of budo training are in fact conducive to the educational goals of autonomy amidst complexity and rapid change, and generality amidst fragmentation and diversity. A good deal of contemporary budo
practice exhibits characteristics one could describe as authoritarianism, antiintellectualism, particularism, doctrinaire rigidity, narrowness of focus, and
excessive competitiveness.
Authoritarianism. It is common to attribute absolute authority to the
instructor in a dojo. The sensei must not only be accorded complete
respect, but no aspect of his teaching is to be questioned. In describing
the pedagogy of the dojo, Richard Schmidt among others has observed:
The sensei serves as the model for the trainee to emulate. Long and
difficult hours of intense, repetitive training and prescribed movements
5

In a powerful elaboration of many of these points which Richard McKeon set forth a
quarter-century ago, the liberating arts were described as general in four senses. They
are general in the sense of applying to all subject matters and therefore in the sense of
providing an approach to any particular subject matter placed in a context of other parts of
information or knowledge. They are general in the sense of embracing all fundamental skills
that can be acquired in education and therefore in the sense of providing a basis for any
particular skill. . . . They are general in the sense of bearing on the formation of the whole
man and therefore in the sense of providing a model or ruling principle for any particular
excellence fitted into achievements of a good life. . . . [T]hey are general in the sense of being
the arts of all men and therefore in the sense of providing guidance for each particular man
and each particular association of men responsive to the cultures and objectives of other
men and of mankind. The Liberating Arts and the Humanizing Arts in Education, in
Arthur H. Cohen, ed., Humanistic Education and Western Civilization (NY: Holt, Rinehart,
and Winston, 1964), 171-72.

23

punctuated at times by physical and verbal abuse by the sensei is the

mode of instruction.6
Anti-intellectualism. Budo teaching places a great premium on nonverbal
training and often exhibits a studied hostility toward discursive presentations of any sort. As Richard Schmidt further observes: Reflective of
the Zen method of training, the emphasis is on a nonverbalized, intuitive
approach rather than rational intellection. The trainee is encouraged to
think with his body and not with his mind.7 It is generally considered poor form to discuss issues regarding principles or techniques while
training.
Particularism. Many martial arts senseis expect absolute loyalty to their
persons and their organizations. Some senseis even forbid their students
to train with any other instructor while they are under his tutelage. This
trait accounts for the pronounced sectarianism which aicts a number
of budo organizations.
Doctrinaire rigidity. The combination of authoritarianism, anti-intellectualism,
and particularism supports the belief that the teachings of a particular
sensei represent the one right way of doing things. His approach is presented as one which all students must reproduce faithfully in every detail.
Narrowness of focus. Virtually all the training in most dojos is confined
to the mastery of a circumscribed set of techniques. Although these may
be taught on the assumption that that kind of training develops the
student in accord with certain more general principles, those principles
are rarely articulated. It is even more rare to find explicit consideration given to ways in which those principles might be applied in other
domains.
Excessive competitiveness. Some schools of budo place considerable emphasis on competition, both within the dojo and with other, rival, dojos.
It becomes a primary goal to defeat the enemy, which can be another
student, members of another school, or another martial art.
Insofar as these characteristics are inherent in budo, it would seem that
they operate in an illiberal direction. However appropriate they may have been
6

Richard J. Schmidt, Japanese Martial Arts as Spiritual Education Somatics,

Aut./Win., 1983, 47, citing H. Befu, Japan: An Anthropological Introduction (1971).
7

Ibid., 48.

24

in earlier times, they seem inconsistent with the objectives of a liberalizing and
humanizing approach to education suitable for the late 20th century. Authoritarianism and anti-intellectualism run counter to eorts to cultivate personal
autonomy; particularism, rigidity, and narrowness of focus run counter to the
spirit of generality; and an exclusively competitive ethic runs counter to the
capacities for mutual understanding and synergistic collaboration which arguably are essential to the advancement of the life of the human species at
this point in history.
This raises the question whether one can modify these features of traditional martial arts pedagogy in a liberalizing direction without losing the heart
and soul of authentic budo. I believe it is possible. My belief is inspired by
the fact that a number of exemplary aikido teachers have shown ways of doing
so.
On the matter of authoritarianism I have witnessed a number of prominent
aikido teachers question this as an absolute value, by example as well as by
precept. Although they naturally expect proper respect, they do not appreciate slavish compliance or obsequious attention. While following the senseis
directives remains an important condition for proper training, if only for reasons of safety, this is fully compatible with an active and questioning spirit on
the part of students. Some of the most highly ranked aikido instructors with
whom I have trained often conclude their demonstration of a certain technique
with the remark: Try this out and see if it works for you. In my own course,
to be described presently, I give students an opportunity to raise questions
from time to time on the mat, and encourage them to reflect on our practices
critically when they are o the mat.
Again, one can affirm the importance of nondiscursive teaching and nonverbal learning in the dojo without supposing that committed training in a
martial art entails the sacrifice of the intellect. Nonverbal learning is good
for the mind as well as the body, but one can also benefit from reflection and
discourse about what one has learned thereby.
Although it is natural and helpful to develop sentiments of attachment to
ones sensei, this need not take the form of fanatic or highly partisan loyalty.
As Mitsugi Saotome Shihan has written wisely on this point, Blind loyalty
is most dangerous for it is all too easy to twist the ideas of loyalty and righteousness with the lever of human greed and selfish ego.8 Some aikido senseis
8

University of Chicago Aikido Club Handbook (1989), 24. See also Mitsugi Saotome,
The Principles of Aikido (Boston & Shaftesbury: Shambhala, 1989), 198: If you accept
the idea that budo is a study that can encompass all aspects of your life, there is another
fallacy which you must avoid. This is the temptation to turn the teachings of your art into

25

make a point of encouraging their students to visit other dojos and to train
with dierent kinds of instructors. The Founder of aikido, Morihei Ueshiba,
encouraged aikido students to learn from as many teachers as possible.
On the issue of doctrinaire rigidity, two points can be made which draw on
the most reputable of budo authorities. At the highest level of practice, one can
cite the ideal which many budo masters subscribe to, that of the technique
of no-technique or the form of no-form. Indeed, one interpretation of that
formula could serve as a standard for the highest ideal of liberal education, in
which particular forms are viewed merely as resources to be employed variably
as the occasion indicates. A magnificent formulation of this ideal appears
in the dictum by Matsuo Basho, Only by entering into the principles and
then taking leave of them can one attain autonomy.9 In addition, one can
cite the importance which great budo masters have accorded to continuous
growth and change. Recall the dictum attributed to the 17th-century master,
Miyamoto Musashithe purpose of todays training is to defeat yesterdays
understanding not to mention the experience of Founder Morihei Ueshiba,
who continuously changed ideas as his practice evolved.
A certain amount of rote training is indispensable for any art. One must
drill basic movements in any martial art just as one must practice scales and
arpeggios in learning to play musical instruments. Yet to master techniques
without learning the principles which underlie them is patently illiberal, and it
is also illiberal to learn principles but to confine their application to a narrow
domain. Budo faces the challenge of finding ways to apply its principles to
domains outside the martial art in question. A number of aikido masters have
met this challenge with enormous creativity. Koichi Tohei Shihan has written
books on the application of aikido principles in daily life. Robert Nadeau
Sensei has devised a repertoire of ways to show the applicability of aikido
moves to interpersonal situations o the mat. Frank Doran Sensei regularly
articulates the more general human meanings of various aikido principles and
gestures.10
doctrines, or your teacher into an idol. . . . Your teacher is a guide, not a guru. There is a
great dierence between respect and idolization.
9

Cited in Uzawa Yoshiuki, The Relation of Ethics to Budo and Bushido in Japan,
paper presented at U.S.-Japan Conference on Japanese Martial Arts and American Sports,
10.
10

On the connection between budo applications and general knowledge, see also Mitsugi
Saotomes statement: Budo means organizing society. It is management. . . . Unfortunately, many managers come from very narrow, categorizing educations. How many business
schools are teaching universal knowledge? They give specialized knowledge but never make
a general mind. Modern universities seem to pursue the opposite of the original meaning [a

26

Finally, one must question the extent to which a competitive spirit is needed
to achieve the developmental goals of budo training. This question is complicated by the surface similarity of competitive and combative ethics. While
too much competitiveness is degrading, most forms of budo which are entirely
liberal in orientation focus mainly on combat. At issue here is a distinction
between becoming proficient at combat as a way to advance at the expense of
others and becoming proficient for the sake of defending oneself and others,
and improving ones own character.
Master Morihei Ueshiba understood this distinction and how easy it is to
confuse the two notions. He wanted to guard against the competitive spirit
in aikido, so he removed the aspect of competitive combat from the art. He
proclaimed that the only victory worth going for was the victory over ones
self, and that the only kind of character worth cultivating in our time is one
devoted to the task of bringing peace to mankind around the world. His words
eloquently depict the transformed budo this entails:
In Ueshibas budo there are no enemies. The mistake is to begin
to think that budo means to have an opponent or enemy; someone
you want to be stronger than, someone you want to throw down.
In true budo there is no enemy or opponent. . . . True budo is the
loving protection of all beings with a spirit of reconciliation. Reconciliation means to allow the completion of everyones mission.11

Employing Martial Arts Training in a Liberal Arts Program

I turn now to report on an experiment in which I have incorporated martial
arts training in an academic course and present some reflections on what that
experience suggests for colleagues who might like to attempt similar eorts in
other institutions.
Over the past few years I have twice taught a course at The University
of Chicago which includes martial arts training as an integral component.
place to study universal knowledge]. Some professors do not study biology or the ecology of
systems, not even human psychology. They dont understand what it means to be human.
Many of the problems are caused by very narrow professional people controlling the world.
. . . Top executives must study philosophy, religion, nature, art, science; otherwise they do
not have the knowledge to create a vision for themselves and their workers. Budo and
Management, Aikidoka, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Washington DC Aikikai, 1987), 7-11.
11

Memoir of the Master, in Kisshomaru Ueshiba, Aikido (Tokyo: Hozansha, 1974),

179-80. Translation altered.

27

Oered as a regular credit course under my Department of Sociology, it is

called Conflict Theory and Aikido. Half of the time this course proceeds
like any other academic oering. Twice a week I meet with the students to
discuss a series of texts, chiefly writings by sociologists and philosophers which
deal with the sources, dynamics, and consequences of dierent forms of human
conflict.
In addition, twice a week the class meets at the mat, for a systematic
introduction to the art of aikido. (I also ask the students to participate in at
least half a dozen of the regular training sessions of the campus Aikido Club.) I
define the mat training sessions as lab sessions and ask the students to keep a
lab notebook in which they write down after each session some lessons learned
and questions raised by the mat training. The grade for the course is based on
six components: frequency of training, performance in a modified 6th-kyu test
taken during exam week, quality of the lab notebook, participation in class
discussions, short assigned papers, and a final paper in which the students are
asked to integrate the major things they have learned in the course as a whole.
In organizing the sequence of sessions on the mat, I attempt not only
to provide a graduated introduction into the art of aikido, but also to time
certain mat experiences so that they will be relevant to issues raised by the
reading. For example, I introduce the notion of ma-ai, the proper distance
between training partners, in connection with the sociologist Georg Simmels
discussion of the proper distance between individuals in social interaction; or
I focus on the alternation of attack and defense in aikido training with the
notion of reciprocal priority discussed by the philosopher Walter Watson.
In presenting this course, I have four chief educational objectives.
1. By having the students experience regular physical activity as an integral
part of the class work, I attempt to overcome the mind-body split which
so pervades Western education. Besides reading about issues involving
human conflict, on the mat we have an opportunity to experience actual
feelings which accompany the expression of physical aggression and the
dierent responses, conflictual and non-conflictual, which one can make
to that aggression. As a sociologist, I find this particularly valuable since
my academic discipline tends to operate at a high level of abstraction
and often represents human relations as though they took place outside
of human bodies.12
12
In recent years some sociologists have in fact rediscovered the body. For a seminal
contribution, see Bryan S. Turner, The Body and Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984). Arthur
W. Frank has composed an exceptionally helpful overview of this newer literature, in an

28

2. By acquainting students with traditional dojo etiquette and basic aikido

ideas, I provide an experiential basis for some cross-cultural learning.
Aikido is particularly suitable for aording entree into a number of
Asian traditions, including Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Shinto, and Bushido, as well as elements of the Japanese language.
3. The major theoretical point of the course is to refine the students abilities to think critically about human conflict, both descriptively and
normatively. I try not to sell a particular point of view on the subject
but require that students articulate and reflect on the assumptions regarding conflict which they bring to the class. At the first session, I
asked them to write a short paper indicating what they understand by
conflict, whether they think that conflict is good or bad, and what questions about conflict they would most like to have answered. At the end
of the course, I asked them to return to their initial formulations and
write a long essay which incorporates ideas and insights provided by the
texts and the training experience.
4. Throughout the course, I attempt to cultivate their ability to follow the
aiki13 way, in everything they do related to the course and not just on
the mat. In reading, I encourage them to respect the ki of the author
and to blend with it in a centered way. In learning, I encourage them
to treat mistakes as useful features of the learning process. When they
communicate with one another in class discussions, I encourage them to
use aiki principles of communication, instead of ignoring or combatting
responses from their fellow students. I encourage them to think of ways
to adapt aiki principles to their life outside the classroom. In my own
teaching, I attempt to model the aiki approach, respecting the ki of the
students and blending with it to make the points I wish to get across.
More generally, I encourage them to think of ways to extend aiki modes
of response into all aspects of their living.

Outcomes of the Course

In discussing the outcomes of this course, I shall incorporate statements made
by the students in their lab notebooks and their final papers.
essay entitled Bringing Bodies Back In: A Decade in Review, Theory Culture & Society,
forthcoming.
13

The central concept of aikido, aiki refers to the process by which energies from dierent
sources are brought into harmonious integration rather than opposition.

29

1. One outcome of the course related to the goal of integrating experiences

of the body with experiences of the mind. Many students appreciated the
challenge presented by an opportunity to experience non-verbal learning.
Some expressed appreciation for the special kind of learning that only
bodily practice provides
I am sore in a real and profound way that only a good nights
sleep will cure. I had one worthwhile thought during the club
session this evening. Conflict is only one possible outcome of
one persons violence. The point of aikido is to prevent this
violence from resulting in conflict. On paper, this hardly seems
a profound comment, but my body is beginning to understand
the concept.
or the access physical practice provides to truths which are not accessible
through verbal means
If, in fact, thinking and speaking and reasoning are all mere
imitations or descriptions of some greater truth, it seems hopeless indeed that we could ever know such a truth. . . . Aikido is
one way of learning the nameless truthwhile I cannot explain
what ki is, I can certainly experience it as it flows through me
or when it throws me to the ground.
For some students the challenge of experiencing pain in a protected space
provided a stimulus to reflection:
One thing that impressed me during our first meeting today
was the obvious fact of physical stress. I am accustomed to
exertion, but not self-imposed, arbitrary pain, i.e., the selftorture of sitting seiza. It is very interesting to experience, but
only endurable if one assumes the view that it is good. One
must adopt the ethos of nobility in self-denial, the importance
of the ritual, and grim, unhesitating determination with the
immediate task, in order to persist. I did so, though it is really
contrary to my normal way.
Some students were able after a relatively short period to experience
a dierent state of consciousness attendant on the experience of bodily
relaxation:

30

I have discovered a state in myself which I call the simple

mind. I discovered the simple mind by accident when I actually joined with ukes14 ki and successfully defended myself
against katate-dori. When uke attacked, I was day dreaming and relaxed; I was not thinking of the impending attack.
When uke attacked, I simply reacted without thinking. My
response was hardly fluid or graceful but it was more powerful
than anything I have ever done. The simple mind, I deduce,
is a state of readiness that can only be reached, permanently,
through years of practice. It is a state, not of thinking or
reasoning, but of knowing. The simple mind reflects an understanding that is so deep and innate that it operates without
conscious thought or eort. I doubt that I have the discipline
to achieve what I term the simple mind but I feel privileged to
know that it exists. In other words, I feel as if I was aorded
a rare glimpse of what I can possibly achieve.
Many students came to understand the importance of patience in learning worthwhile skills. Thus:
Frustration again wins the day. I can never seem to do anything in the way it is supposed to be done. I am beginning to
think that I will have to conquer tremendous obstacles just to
become coordinated. I wish that there was some short-cut to
grace, but I know that eort is the only answer. . . . The first
rule of aikido should really be patience!
Finally, many students came to an awareness of the possibility of new
forms of body-mind integration. Thus one student wrote:
Strangely, I have always been cognizant of a ki force but I
located its center in my skull, not my body. However, I like
aikidos hara location better because it could forge a link between my mind and body that I have always lacked. In the
past, I tended to view my body as nothing more than a vehicle
for my brain. I am hoping to forge real mind-body connections
so that I can break out of this mold.
14

In aikido practice, uke signifies the person who initiates the attack and takes the fall.

31

2. The course did appear to provide a relatively efficient way to give students entree into exotic features of a dierent culture. This was particularly visible with regard to respect rituals which are emphasized in the
aikido dojo. Following the first day of training, one student wrote:
Today, I overcame a taboo; I accepted bowing. In addition
to the foreignness of the custom, bowing to another human is
considered unacceptable to Judaism. However, I tried to think
like a visitor in another culture. I know that bowing in Japan
is a sign of respect, not worship, and thus I should view it only
as a courtesy. If I were in Japan I would bow and thus I should
accept it here. If nothing else, today I accepted bowing.
Following the second day of training, this student wrote:
Today I felt a little less intimidated with the rituals that accompany the training. I accepted bowing as a foreign but valid
method expressing courtesy and respect.
For other students, the course provided experiences which facilitated
their understanding of notions from East Asian traditions which previously they had only grasped intellectually. So, one student wrote that
he had previously had some understanding of the concept of ki from a
Japanese civilization course, but previously it was hard for him not to
intellectualize the idea and just feel it. Others made similar comments
regarding the concept of hara. Finally, some students responded to my
invitation to regard the whole practice of aikido as a text and to consider it critically in comparison with other kinds of texts. One student,
for example, wrote an extended comment on the question of whether
philosophical conceptions embodied in Asian notions of ki and chi are
compatible with concepts generated by Western positive science.
3. The practice of aikido facilitated the students inquiry into the nature of
human conflict in a number of ways. It not only gave them a concrete
physical anchoring of some of the phenomena we were talking about; it
gave them resources for raising new kinds of questions about the meaning
of conflict. This was true with respect to the status of conflict in aikido
itself. As one student wrote:
It appears that on the mat that we are turning anothers aggression toward ourselves to work for our benefit, but why all
this talk of avoiding conflict? The phrase, getting o the
32

line sounds like avoiding the conflict. In the same movement we will use the force an opponent applies to us in order
to engage in contact/conflict to overpower him or make him
weak. Is that not engaging in conflict? Is that not using our
forces to surmount another? So is the significance of aikido to
avoid conflictto reduce conflictto resolve conflictor to
stimulate conflict?
It is precisely that kind of probing, that encounter with the ambiguities
of conflict within and outside of aikido, that enables the students to
reach a much more sophisticated level of thought when considering the
subject of conflict.
4. In learning the aiki way, a number of students felt that they had acquired a resource that would be helpful in many other learning contexts.
The students who habitually rebelled against authors found that they
could learn to respect the ki of the authors without sacrificing their own
individuality, their ability to remain centered. Students learned how to
integrate mistakes as part of the learning process, rather than waste energy blaming themselves and expressing remorse for making mistakes.
They learned to listen to and communicate with one another in a more
empathic and constructive way. Thus, about halfway through the course,
one student wrote in her lab notebook:
I sense a dierent feeling among the members of our class in
and out of the dojo. We all appear to communicate better and
more freely among ourselves. Smiling and praising are so much
more present than they were at the beginning of the quarter.
More generally, most of the students found some ways in which the training experiences on the mat carried over into benefits for their everyday
living. One student summed up his experience:
The most important thing I learned from the mat sessions
is the concept of relaxing, joining with the surrounding ki.
. . . When relaxed, one feels more confident about working
or studying; there exists no mental resistance or tension in
writing or thinking or just talking with people. When stress
or conflict arises, I relax and accept the ki of the oender or
attacker, which in return calms him/her also. On one occasion,
someone pointed out that I radiate an aura of calm, which
33

caught me o guard, seeing I feel no dierent from when I

began this course.
Not only did I learn to relax, I also learned the concept of
being centered. When one is centered, one is in control. In
Colemans diagram of the stages of conflict, conflict escalates
because there does not exist a controlling element in its progression. Coleman presents barriers to control the progress of
the escalating conflict but provides no control for conflict itself. In the way of dealing with conflict, there exists a center,
a calm, relaxed center, containing the range of conflict.
The notion of being centered also transcends aikido and the
dojo; [it can] establish a sense of control or stability in your
environment. Being centered allows one to be in control of
the eect of external forces rather than being controlled by
these same forces. These external forces will generally create
unnecessary confusion and anxiety, causing ones ki to be o.

Concluding Reflections
Courses on the dynamics of conflict or on conflict resolution provide logical
contexts in which to introduce aikido practice. Yet I could imagine other kinds
of thematic foci with which aikido practice might be coupled beneficially. One
could readily organize a course around any of the other themes I mentioned at
the beginning, such as an introduction to East Asian civilization or a course
on body-mind connections.
Topics like the body-mind nexus, the East Asian connection, and the dynamics of conflict represent academic themes which could be linked with a
wide range of martial arts, not just aikido. Other kinds of thematic foci might
be specific to aikido. For example, I could imagine a course dealing with the
aiki processsynergyas it manifests itself in a wide range of human activities, from the domains of business enterprise or international diplomacy to
those of family counseling and the organization of research projects. Training
in other martial arts might imaginably be coupled with other, specific kinds
of themes. But my sense is that there is a great range of possibilities relevant
to both aikido and other arts which I have not yet begun to contemplate. One
thinks of courses on religion; on anatomy and physiology; on approaches to
healing; on the aesthetics of movement; and so on.
In concluding, I wish to reaffirm my sense that the search for linkages between martial arts training and the liberal arts holds promise for educators.
34

The flow of influence can and should go in both directions. At a time when
the pressures of a technicalized society, accelerated now on a worldwide scale,
have weakened the traditional case for liberal education, the arts of budo,
taught as they were originally intendedas vehicles for personal growth and
spiritual enlightenmentprovide a formidable exemplar of education for human excellence at its purest. Incorporated judiciously into high school and
college curricula, they can add new dimensions to education by focusing on
the richness of mind-body learning, new roads for intercultural understanding,
new kinds of experience to illustrate general principles, and new ways of being
centered in a de-centering universe. On the other hand, martial arts pedagogy stands to be reinvigorated as a force pertinent to the needs of a truly
liberating and humanizing culture in our time if it abandons older features
of authoritarianism and provincialism in favor of a more open, inclusive, and
harmonizing ethos.

35

CHAPTER THREE

Social Conflict, Aggression, and the Body in

Euro-American and Asian Social Thought1
Abstract
Philosophical perspectives on social conflict in Western social thought
comprise four general positions, formulable by cross-classifying two variables: (1) is conflict viewed as inexorable or contingent, and (2) is
conflict viewed primarily as a negative or a positive phenomenon? A
pessimist views conflict as negative but inexorable. An optimist
holds that conflict is inevitable but positive. A prudential position
views conflict as contingent and entirely negative. Finally, a provocative view holds that conflict is a definite positive that needs to be
promoted.
These positions can be linked with assumptions about the bodily bases
of human aggression. Views of conflict as inexorable regard the body
as a source of egoistic impulses that well up and initiate aggressive
behaviors. Views of conflict as contingent regard the body as a source
of flight or fear. A variant of the prudential position sees the body as a
source of malleable plastic energies. In contrast, certain Asian traditions
imagine a body that is neither at the mercy of aggressive instincts, nor
a scene of conflicting drives, nor utterly lacking in natural structure.
In particular, the traditions of yoga in India and of aikido in Japan
depict the body as disposed to a state of calm and serenity through
becoming unified with the mind and spirit. In the aikido view, conflict
need not be the outcome of aggression, since the response to attacks can
be neutralization rather than counterattack or submission. To reduce
conflict, this prudential view relies, not on external social arrangements,
but on internal practices that calm the mind and promote harmony
within oneself and with others.

The theory of social conflict includes a number of more or less consensually

validated propositions about the causes, forms, levels, dynamics, resolution,
1

Social Conflict, Aggression, and the Body in Euro-American and Asian Social
Thought, International Journal of Group Tensions, vol. 24, no. 3: 205-17.

36

and consequences of interpersonal and intergroup conflict. Regarding philosophical presuppositions about conflict, however, strong dierences persist despite agreement on the more empirically ascertainable aspects of conflictual
phenomena. I propose here to articulate some of these dierences. I shall
do so by constructing four ideal types, which I designate as pessimistic, optimistic, prudential, and provocative perspectives on conflict.2 After discussing
the defining features of each perspective and some of its eminent representatives, I shall analyze how these positions relate to assumptions about the
natural human body. That will lead to an opening through which certain ideas
developed in Asian thought could be included in the discourse about conflict,
with the consequence of inviting us to take a look at the entire subject in fresh
ways.

Social Conflict As Inexorable

What I am calling a pessimistic perspective on social conflict has deep roots
in Christian theology. Humans are essentially sinful creatures, disposed to
aggress against their neighbors. The wages of this sinfulness are misery and
suering, which is the human lot on earth. Immanuel Kant presents a secular
version of this view. Kant finds the disposition to engage in conflict everpresent and inherently immoral. From the day of birth human egoism advances
unrestrained. Humans expect opposition on all sides because they know from
within that they are inclined to oppose all others. In consequence, the tableau
of human history is woven from childish vanity, malice, and destructiveness.3
The tenets of a Kantian philosophical anthropology have found their way
into modern social science through research traditions in psychology, ethology, and political science. Psychoanalytic psychology, despite vicissitudes of
thought regarding the instincts, has tended to assume both an inherent human
disposition to aggression that leads to conflict, and inexhaustible reservoirs of
intrapersonal conflicts that spill over, via externalization and projection, into
2

Calling these constructions ideal types signals my intent to present the perspectives in
simplified form so as to clarify the issues. In particular, I note two egregious simplifications:
the paper does not make stable distinctions between conflict and such overlapping terms
as antagonism, competition, and combat; and in maintaining an opposition between views
of conflict as mainly positive or negative, it runs the risk of appearing to support what
Boulding rightly describes as the illusion . . . that conflict in any amount is either bad or
good in itself (1988, 305).
3

To be sure, Kant overlaid this pessimistic diagnosis of the human condition with a
secular version of Providence that found in mans unsocial sociability the dynamic that
leads to civil order and eventually a world state.

37

interpersonal conflicts. Freud held that violent conflict was endemic to human
experience, as a means to resolve conflicts of interest and as an expression of
an instinctive craving-an active instinct for hatred and destruction. He
bemoaned the destructiveness of modern warfare but held little hope that cultured aversions to war could overcome the aggressive dispositions so deeply
rooted in mans biological makeup ([1932] 1939). Freud theorized about this
by positing a self-destructive death instinct which gets turned away from
the self toward others to produce a constant fund of conflictual energies. Although most psychoanalysts rejected Freuds assumption of a death instinct,
they substituted a destructive instinct for the polar opposite of the sexual
instinct, which let them incorporate Freuds pessimistic views on aggression
without having to subscribe to what they considered a far-fetched metapsychological construct.
The ethologist Nikolaas Tinbergen likewise posits a universal proclivity to
intraspecific conflict based on genetically transmitted instincts. Comparing
human aggression with aggression in other animals, however, he finds human
aggressiveness distinguished by the fact that it is socially disruptive: Man is
the only species that is a mass murderer, the only misfit in his own society
(1968, 180). This condition comes from a combination of instinctual, cultural,
and technological factors. Whereas in other species and earlier human periods
the impulse to fight got balanced by the fear response, humans have contrived
cultural conditions that dampen the impulse to flee from battle, while the
technology of fighting at a distance eliminates the taming eect of personal
contact in face-to-face encounters. Dismayed about these seemingly ineradicable dispositions which threaten to convulse modern society with destructive
warfare, Tinbergen acknowledges the impact of increased population density
on the impulse to fight and pessimistically admits that the internal urge to
engage in combat will be difficult if not impossible to eliminate. A similar
diagnosis was made a half-century earlier by William James. Despite the acknowledged horrors of modern warfare, James wrote on the eve of World War
I, modern people have inherited a pugnacious disposition and a love of glory
that inexorably feed combat: Our ancestors have bred pugnacity into our
bone and marrow, and thousands of years of peace wont breed it out of us
([1910] 1939, 314).
Political scientists who espouse a position of political realism express a
comparably pessimistic position. Long an eminent spokesman for this position, Hans Morgenthau holds that the social world results from forces inherent
in human nature which makes it inherently a world of opposing interests
and of conflict among them (1960, 4). These conflicts are inexorable, and
Morgenthau sees no need to glamorize them or consider them benign. Indeed,
38

he cautions social scientists to take care not to mistake the policy prescriptions
that follow from the perspective as moral. Morgenthau thinks it important to
uphold morality as a set of ideals, but urges social scientists and policy-makers
to understand that reality consists of conflicts of interests that can neither be
understood nor practically mediated from a moral point of view.
What I call an optimistic position draws on a philosophic outlook in which
conflict figures as an inexorable yet essential source of human well being. Its
proponents hail the Heraclitean dictum that war is the father of all and king
of all. Heraclitus chided those who dreamed of eliminating strife from among
gods and men. Things exist only insofar as they embody a tension between
opposites, and human goods come into being only through strife.
Among ethologists, Konrad Lorenz has been a prominent advocate of viewing conflict as inexorable but basically positive. Conflict has provided such
adaptive advantages as balancing the ecological distribution of members of
the same species, selection of the fittest specimens through fights among rivals, mediating the ranking orders need for complex organizations, and instigating ceremonies that promote social bonding. Aggression, he argues, far
from being the diabolical, destructive principle that classical psychoanalysis
makes it out to be, is really an essential part of the life-preserving organization of instincts (1966, 48). If not war, then at least conflict should be called
the father of all things. Conflict between independent sources of impulse can
produce tensions that lend firmness to systems, much as the stays of a mast
give it stability by pulling in opposed directions (95).
The optimistic position was developed in classic sociology through the seminal work of Georg Simmel (1903/4; [1908] 1955). Simmel saw conflict not just
as an inexorable feature of human social life but also as a process with essentially benign consequences. That is, Simmel conceptualized conflict as an
essential constitutive feature of social structure. This is because antagonisms
maintain distances essential to stable social structures. It is also because the
expression of conflict preserves association among parties who might otherwise sever relations. Simmel suggested that mutual aversions are indispensable ingredients both of small intimate groups which involve numerous vital
relations among their members and of large concentrations of people in modern metropolises. The capacity to accommodate conflict he considered to be
a sign of the vitality of intimate relationships.
Simmels classic analysis was recovered half a century later by Lewis Coser.
In The Functions of Social Conflict (1956) Coser refined Simmels ideas by
casting them in the form of discrete, clearly formulated propositions; comparing them with relevant materials from psychoanalysis, psychology, and social
psychology; and showing how they could be qualified by the interposition of
39

intervening variables. Although Coser argued that intragroup and intergroup

conflicts promote social unification only under specified circumstances, he also
identified ways in which the expression of conflictual sentiments enhances the
eectiveness and long-term stability of groups.

Social Conflict As Contingent

For all their dierences, the pessimistic and the optimistic perspectives share
the assumption that social conflict is universal and inexorable. A dierent perspective appears in authors who consider social conflict to be something that
can be avoided or minimized. Among such authors, one group regards conflict
as essentially negative in its nature or consequences. These authors therefore
hold that social conflict can and should be kept under check or prevented
through appropriate social interventions. I call this a prudential perspective,
with two main variantsone represented classically by Thomas Hobbes, the
other by cultural psychologists like Margaret Mead and Erich Fromm.
The Hobbesian perspective presumes that the pursuit of personal interests
sooner or later disposes all human actors to engage in social conflict. This
stems both from the promptings of pride and from the need to acquire power
to defend ones goods against others. Unrestrained social conflict produces a
condition he famously described as the war of every man against every man,
in which people live in chronic fear and misery. To counter this ever-present
possibility, fearful humans institute sovereign authorities. In exchange for the
protection against anarchy and civil strife aorded by those authorities, citizens transfer their rights to self-defense. More generally, a Hobbesian perspective sees conflict as always latent but actually contingent. It can and should
be forestalled through the establishment of appropriate governing authorities.
A variant of this perspective appears in authors who hold that the disposition for conflict does not inhere in the human condition, but results rather
from how persons are brought up and how their relations are conventionally
organized. Margaret Mead (1937) was perhaps the first cultural anthropologist
to examine this variable across many cultures. She found that primitive societies range from highly competitive to highly cooperative ones, and that the
main determinant of whether people behave in a competitive or a cooperative
manner was the cultural conditioning which they experienced. Erich Fromm
(1973) pursued the issue more intensively, examining thirty primitive societies from the standpoint of aggressiveness versus peacefulness. Fromm found
severallike the Aztecs, the Dobu, and the Gandawho evince a great deal
of interpersonal aggression and violence, both within the tribe and against
40

others. The atmosphere of life within those societies is truly Hobbesian, a

condition of constant fear and tension. On the other hand, Fromm found a
number of primitive societies where precisely the opposite qualities manifest
themselves. Among the Zuni Pueblo Indians, the Mountain Arapesh, and the
Mbutu, for example, he found little hostility and violence, virtually no warfare,
hardly any crime, little envy and exploitation, and a generally cooperative and
friendly attitude. Fromm goes on to analyze the specific social conditions that
tend to generate aggressive responses, both of the biologically adaptive sort
he calls defensive aggression and the nonadaptive, purely destructive sorts he
calls malignant aggression. Psychologists from the behaviorist tradition, like
Watson and Skinner, likewise view conflict as contingent. Since aggression
represents a response to frustrating experiences and the reinforcement of aggressive behavior patterns, it can be curbed through the proper reinforcement
of nonaggressive dispositions. Whatever the disciplinary orientation, this variant of the prudential perspective views much if not all conflict as eradicable
through practices which dispose a largely if not entirely plastic human nature
to live in accord with nonconflictual patterns.
Quite the reverse of the prudential perspective is an outlook that advocates
social interventions not to eliminate conflict but to stimulate itwhat I am
calling a provocative perspective. Its most extreme versions appear in writers
who extol the virtues of war and berate their contemporaries for not being
sufficiently martial. Nietzsches Zarathustra asks: You say that it is the good
cause that hallows even war? and comments: I say unto you: it is the
good war that hallows any causeyet Nietzsche viewed the general run of
mankind in his time as objectionably timid. Among social thinkers this stance
appears classically in George Sorels Reflexions sur la violence. Although Sorel
proceeded from a radical socialist perspective, his arguments are generalizable
and did in fact become utilized by spokesmen for a wide spectrum of ideological
positions. Sorel advocates a view of combat that highlights its noble side in
the way that poets have eulogized illustrious armies. The whole of classical
history, he argues, was dominated by the idea of war conceived heroically.
This idea celebrates the profession of arms as an elite vocation, reflecting the
opportunities that great battles aord for submitting to tests of strength and
for appealing to the sentiment of glory. Voluntary participation in war and
the myths associated with such combat provide the inspiration for the loftiest
moral convictions.
Sorelian ideas found their way into 20th-century apologia both for colonial expansion and for anti-colonial violence. Benito Mussolini cited Sorels
forefather, Proudhon, to claim a divine origin for war. Everlasting peace
would be depressing and destructive of mans basic virtues: pacifism repre41

sents cowardice before sacrifice. Fascism thus rejects all international structures designed to ensure peace, despite their having possibly been accepted
temporarily for opportunistic reasons. War alone, Mussolini declaimed, carries to the maximum of tension all human energies and stamps with a seal
of nobility the peoples which have the virtue of facing it. All other tests are
substitutes which never put man in front of himself (Borgese 1938, 392, 346f.).
Writing on the other side of the imperialist divide, psychiatrist Frantz
Fanon invokes overtones of Sorelian combat against capitalist oppression to
proclaim the ennobling eects of participation in violent struggle against colonial domination. Fanon sees liberation to be possible only after a murderous
and decisive struggle between the two protagonists. He criticizes social forms
that permit violence to be averted, either by channeling legitimate combative energies into outlets such as dance, spirit possession, or self-destructive
symptoms where they are dissipated; or else by defusing them through antipolemical ideational forms like religion, philosophies of human rights, ethics
of non-violence, or a politics of compromise. Nonviolent forms of political
oppositionwork stoppages in a few industries, mass demonstrations, boycotting of buses or imported commoditiessimply represent other forms of
action that let people work o their energy and so constitute a kind of therapy
by hibernation. Violent combat alone can liquidate colonialism, regionalism,
and tribalism, and thereby introduce into common consciousness the ideas of
a common cause, national destiny, and collective history. At the level of individual personality, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the native from his
inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless
and restores his self-respect (1968, 37, 66, 94).
However, the provocative perspective on conflict need not be tied to an
espousal of physical violence. It can and has been expressed by those who
advocate an increase in verbal forms of conflict as a means of promoting social
change or as the preferred means of arriving at the truth. Herbert Marcuse
helped persuade a generation of intellectuals to follow an ethic of negation on
grounds that harmony of opinion was counter-emancipatory. Wayne Booth
has described a polemicist position among literary critics that holds that the
more vigorous the conflict, the healthier the body critical (1979, 4). Such
a position appears among those who promote conflict as the best way to approach truth, an epistemological stance that Walter Watson (1985) designates
as the agonistic method. Watson cites Machiavelli as one who applies the agonistic method to politics in arguing that the opposition of conflicting parties
is needed to preserve liberty.

42

Bodily Bases of Aggression and Nonaggression

Like much sociological discourse, conflict theory can become highly abstract.
Yet its intimate connection with the realities of physical combat, by metaphor
when not literally, makes it easy to relate the discussion of social conflict to
the interaction of physical bodies. And the tendency to adduce biologically
rooted dispositions for the presence or absence of conflict invites us to consider
how diering perspectives on conflict might be related to diering assumptions
about the human body.
The pessimistic perspective tends to view the human body as a continuously bubbling cauldron of egoistic and aggressive impulses that sooner or
later spill over into combative action. The bodily imagery that underlies this
view has been depicted most vividly in classical psychoanalysis. Freud saw
the human organism as a perpetually renewed source of instinctual energies
that well up and produce inner discomfort until they get released. Psychic and
somatic symptoms reflect failures in the personalitys ability to release those
instinctual tensions, which eventually find release through indirect channels.
In one way or another, directly or indirectly, human aggression represents a
constantly flowing impulse that emanates from the human body such that
humans can never escape the proclivity to destroy either themselves or others.
Although Lorenz took a more positive view of conflict, he too espoused a
mechanistic-hydraulic view of aggression. Lorenz likens aggression to a gas
constantly being pumped into a container or to a liquid in a reservoir dischargeable through a spring-loaded valve at the bottom. In Lorenzs conception, energies specific for an instinctive act accumulate continuously in neural
centers for that behavior, leading animals and humans to hunt for stimuli in
order to trigger the release of those energies. Although Simmel downplayed the
salience of instinctive aggressive energies as a source of conflict, he considered
the mobilization of such energies useful for the prosecution of conflicts once
they get started on the basis of conflicting interests. Even so, Simmel admits
the existence of a pure hostility drive which manifests itself in the institution
of combative games.
Insofar as they entertain considerations of the bodily sources of aggression
and conflict, then, those who think of conflict as inexorable tend to see the
body as a mechanism that regularly produces aggressive energies. Authors
who regard conflict as contingent have a dierent set of images: either they
see the body as producing other impulses that swamp the aggressive instincts,
or they look at aggressive behavior altogether as not instinctually based.
Hobbes represents the former alternative. The perpetual and restless desire
of power after power to which all men are inclined would lead inexorably to
43

constant civil strife were it not for the activation of an even stronger natural
inclination: the wish to avoid violent death. Humans are also motivated by
a wish to live comfortably by means of conveniences which only a regime of
peace can procure. So the impulse to aggress against others gets subordinated
to a wish for peaceful coexistence, a condition procured by establishing a
sovereign political authority. The logic of Hobbess argument can be modified
to cover a variety of social arrangements designed to prevent conflict, but his
logic regarding the bodily bases of action can be left intact: the body is the
home of divergent impulses including aggressiveness, but aggression can get
inhibited by other propensities that support institutions designed to prevent
conflict. This image of the body is not unlike what we find in writers like
Nietzsche and Sorel. The latter visualize a natural human disposition to be
fierce and combative, a disposition that (for them, unhappily) gets swamped
by fear and desires for convenience, thereby deflecting martial impulses into
innocuous channels.
A third view of the body appears in authors who reject instinctual determinisms of any sort. The model here presents an organism whose genetic
programming is so minimal that it extends only to general response capacities. Without cultural patterns to give some particular shape to human lives,
mans behavior would be virtually ungovernable, a mere chaos of pointless
acts . . . his experience virtually shapeless (Geertz 1973, 46). Margaret Mead
first applied this credo of the cultural anthropologist to the variable of conflict versus cooperation. Bodily dispositions to engage in combat reflect the
internalization of symbols and the cultivation of habits promoted by combative cultures, but pacific cultures can just as successfully create nonaggressive
dispositions.

Some Asian Views of the Body, Aggression, and Conflict

Although disciplines concerned with bodily healing have recently started to
examine what non-Western arts might contribute, it is rare that EuroAmerican social science has an opportunity to draw on the insights and understandings of other traditions. Yet it may be the case that certain Asian
traditions aord ways of thinking about conflict that are hard to encompass
within available Euro-American paradigms, and that the most direct entree
into those traditions might come from looking at their distinctive views of the
body and aggression. In what follows I shall discuss the traditions of yoga in
India and aikido in Japan, although comparable ideas may also be found in

44

certain aspects of the lore of Taoism in China and of the Korean tradition of
hwarangdo.
The general thesis I wish to advance is that these traditions imagine a body
that is neither at the mercy of aggressive instincts, nor a scene of conflicting
drives, nor utterly lacking in natural structure. Rather, the state of being
battered about by desires, whether shaped or chaotic, represents human nature
only in an immature state. Mature humanity exhibits a body that is unified
internally and unified with the mind, a being living in inner harmony and with
little inclination to aggress against others.
Two thousand years ago the Sanskrit classic Bhagavad Gita represented a
state of human joy and fulfillment brought about by a practice that calms the
mind and the passions. This practice of unificationof yoking, or yoga
the body with the soul, the individual self with the universal spiritinvolves
a complex of methods that are not only moral and meditative but physical as
well. They include asana, a discipline of holding carefully designed postures,
and pranayama, exercises in the rhythmic control of the breath. These are not
extraordinary practices, the privilege of an exceptional elite or of superhuman
creatures, but are available to anyone willing to work hard at them. Exercising
every muscle, nerve and gland in the body, the asanas secure a fine physique,
one that is energized, limber, and strong yet not muscle-bound. They are
designed to produce a state of superb bodily health, understood as a state of
complete equilibrium of body, mind, and spirit.
A millennium-and-a-half after the principles of yoga were classically codified in a book of aphorisms by Patanjali, another Asian discipline was developed which holds a similar view of the human potential for living with a harmonious body-mind. The art of aikido, developed by the martial artist/religionist
Morihei Ueshiba in the 1930s and 1940s, draws on a combination of Asian disciplines, including neo-Confucianism and Shinto as well as budo (Japanese:
martial ways). Foundational to this art are the notions of unifying the entire bodily system through proper posture and of unifying the body with the
mind through focusing ones attention on the bodily center of gravity. The
movements that adepts learn for responding to physical attacks require the
body-mind system to be centered in this way, and certain exercises have been
designed to enhance body-mind harmony. In the words of its founder, aikido
is the way of unifying the mind, body, and spirit (Saotome 1989, 33).
What does the image of the body conveyed by yoga and aikido imply
about social conflict? When students of those disciplines stand or sit in the
relaxed and centered postures cultivated in their practice, they experience a
state of calmness. From that experience they derive a conviction that there is
no inherent, inexorable force driving all human beings to aggress against one
45

another. They also know that, compared to the state of calm enjoyment they
experience, the act of committing aggression is unpleasanteven when one
commits aggressive acts in self-defense. When they sense an impulse to aggress
proactively or reactively, they connect it with an immature response which can
readily be overcome. So the bodily states experienced in yoga or aikido practice
support a belief that conflict is neither inexorable nor desirable, which aligns
them with proponents of what I have called the prudential perspective.
In contrast to the Hobbesian version of that perspective, however, they
do not make refraining from aggression dependent on fear. The body in the
relaxed and unified state experiences anxiety as little as it does aggression.
Nor do they presume, as do cultural anthropologists, that only in a specially
designed culture is it possible for an infinitely plastic human nature to be
molded in nonaggressive directions. The body in the relaxed and unified state
experiences itself as unaggressive, whatever cultural patterns may prescribe.
Yoga and aikido conceive the bodily harmony promoted by their teachings
as a model of mature human functioning and thus a model for right living.
They also connect it with teachings about interpersonal conflict. They see
such conflict as a byproduct of inner discord and thus neither inexorable nor
necessary for the good human life. Yoga complements the state of inner harmony which its physical and meditative disciplines aim at with various yama,
or ethical disciplines, that cultivate harmony with others. These include the
commandment of ahimsa or non-violence. Ahimsa is an injunction to show
respect to all living creatures. Closely related to this is the principle of abhaya,
freedom from fear. As a distinguished contemporary yogi puts it, Violence
arises out of fear, weakness, ignorance or restlessness. To curb it most what is
needed is freedom from fear (Iyengar 1979, 32). Far from basing understanding of social life on a presumption of ineradicable instincts of aggressiveness
and fear, this strand of classic Hindu thought evolved a conception of healthy
human functioning in which both fear and combativeness could be avoided.
The preeminent application of yogic principles to contemporary social thought
about conflict was the work of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi embraced certain
well-known notions of the yogic tradition, including ahimsa and satya (truth),4
and reworked them into an approach to conflict based on refusal to respond
to aggression with counter aggression. Following the yogic philosophy Gandhi
4

Gandhi came to call the technique of political action he devised satyagraha, the force
that is born of truth. He defended its commitment to nonviolence on grounds that truth
is absolute, equivalent to God, and man is not capable of knowing the absolute truth and
therefore not competent to punish (Bondurant 1988, 16).

46

insisted that it is possibleand finally more eectiveto oppose the evil in

the wrong-doer without opposing the wrong-doer.
Similar ideas were articulated by the founder of aikido, Morihei Ueshiba.
Although Ueshiba created his discipline as a budo, a martial art, he came to
insist that in his particular form of budo there are no enemies. The only
enemy consisted of the egoistic and aggressive strivings of the immature self,
and the only victory worth pursuing was a victory over that immature self.
Ueshiba described the goal of his budo as a kind of ahimsa, a spirit of loving
protection of all living creatures. He dedicated his art to the ideal of promoting
peace and harmony throughout the entire world community.
This does not mean that aikido presumes a world wholly free of aggression.
Aikido teachings do presume that from time to time some people will, wittingly
or not, attack other persons or intrude into their space, physically or verbally.
But aikido also assumes that the options for response are not restricted to
those motivated by the impulses to fight back, to take to flight, or to submit
obsequiously and so plant seeds for resentment and later conflict. The aikido
position presents a fourth option, that of neutralizing the aggression of the
attacker so that conflict can be avoided. The person or group attacked can
respond in an aiki way by blending with the energy of the attacker, remaining
centered, and redirecting that energy in a way that protects the victim but
respects the attacker.
Yoga, satyagraha, and aikido introduce a new position into the inventory
of perspectives on conflict developed in Euro-American social thought. Like
the other prudential perspectives, they argue that conflict is not good, because
human life does not fulfill itself through discord: assaulting others bespeaks
an expression of the immature self and disrespect for the truth that each
person representsnot to mention the horrors brought about by warfare in this
century. The virtues of courage, self-respect, and enlarged truth espoused by
the supporters of conflict can be attainedindeed, attained more eectively
through modes of assertiveness that do not entail aggression against others.
In contrast to the two other variants of the prudential position which I
have sketched, the Asian approaches discussed here do not look to external
institutions to curb conflict. To be sure, they would not repudiate formal political arrangements as espoused by Hobbes and others, or the eects of benign
cultural conditioning as espoused by cultural anthropologists. Their primary
emphasis, however, is on internal practices that calm the mind and unify body,
mind, and spirit. Such practices promote a naturally-based harmony that

47

energizes nonconflictual interactions and gets fortified by doctrines supportive of respectful relations with others. Perhaps contemporary discourse about
social conflict might benefit from pondering the implications of this piece of
Asian social thought.

48

CHAPTER FOUR

The Many Dimensions of Aiki Extensions

Standing before a sculpture of the Greek god Apolloa torso only, without
head, arms, or feetRainer Maria Rilke was overcome with emotion. This
fragment, of a god who represented order, harmony, and civilization, radiated
a luminous energy that held him in thrall. Beholding the archaic torso, the
poet tells us:
. . . da ist keine Stelle
die dich nicht sieht. Du musst dein Leben andern.
. . . there is no place at all
that isnt looking at you. You must change your life.
Entering the aikido dojo, I see the head of an old man with a white beard.
There is something in his look, and in the attitude of the people who practice
there in his name, that holds me in thrall. Wherever I go in the dojo, I feel:
there is no place this man is not looking at me. And I imagine I hear him say:
Du musst dein Leben andern. You must change your life.
If I shall have entered the dojo for the first time, I will not have this
experience. More likely, I have begun to practice this Japanese martial art
of self-defense for a particular personal reason: to gain streetwise confidence,
improve my health, impress old friends, meet new friends, who knows what.
It is only after I have practiced for a while that the spirit of OSensei takes me
in, and that my reasons for going there begin to change.
And slowly, I come to realize: what we are working on is not an art, not a
set of techniques to accomplish something, but a practice, a way of being and
acting. Nor is this practice concerned with war, but about promoting Peace.
Strictly speaking it is not Japanese: its roots are in ancient India and China;
it is cultivated and refined in dozens of countries all over the world. Nor is it
about self-defense, really. Aikido helps one to transcend the self, not to firm
up the ego. And it is not about being defensive, but about connecting with
and neutralizing aggression. OSensei was a prophet who sought to deal with
the chaos and strife of the modern world by promoting order, harmony, and
civilized conduct.
This view of aikido could not have been expressed more directly than by
the title of a book by Andre Protin published in Paris in 1977, Aikido: une art
martiale, une autre mani`ere detre (Aikido: A Martial Art, an Alternative Way
49

of Being). If aikido does indeed represent an alternative way of being, then

once we come under its spell, we become mindful of an injunction implicit
in every moment of our practice: du musst dein Leben andern. We begin
to understand what the Founder meant when he said, Aikido is not about
moving your feet, its about moving your mind. And how, when he saw
advanced students teaching it like some sort of athletic activity he said sadly,
like a forsaken prophet, What they are doing is okay, but that is not what I
do.
OSensei reportedly was serious when he claimed that he wanted aikido to
function as a medium for bringing peace to the world community; he wanted
us to experience the world with compassion and equanimity, and to extend
our energy outward in all we do. If that is his message, then are we who follow
the practice he created not obliged to consider what we can do to change our
lives in that direction?in everything we do, including our work and social
lives?
Several years ago, I became aware of several aikidoka who were struggling
to do just that, by taking aikido out of the conventional dojo setting. Most of
them were doing so in isolation, unaware that anyone else was following that
path. I thought there might be as many as two dozen aikidoka so engaged
using aikido ideas and movements to alter the ways they would practice therapy, or teach, or run a business, or resolve conflictsand clapped to see if they
wanted to connect with one another. Before long, some two hundred aikidoka
in seventeen countries had clapped back. The result is Aiki Extensions, and
it is now my pleasant task to tell our story.

Aiki Extensions: The Three Modalities

One way in which we extend aikido practice outside the conventional dojo
setting is to provide such practice in settings that are closer to where the
participants actually live. This can take place in high schools, churches, hospitals, detention centers, recreation centers, or anywhere else that such practice
is approved and safe conditions are present. For example, Steve Ives of San
Anselmo, CA, has oered regular aikido classes in the San Rafael Youth Center; members of Aikido Harmonia teach aikido to 7-to-14-year-old in a center
for children from the favelas (slums) of Sao Paolo, Brazil; Sren Beaulieu
has worked with teen-agers in central city high schools in Philadelphia; and
Martha Levenson teaches in middle schools in Seattle.
A second modality of extension work is the use of selected exercise and
movements to convey certain ideas. Practitioners might ask novices to ex50

periment with dierent physical responses to attacks to experience how the

attacker feels when the response is counter-attack, or acquiescence, or a neutral o-the-line response. Or they might have students experiment with tight
vision and soft vision, to observe the bodily sensations associated with each,
and to experience the dierence that relaxing the face and eyes makes in the
scope of ones visual awareness. Or they might have executives feel the dierence by moving a tight restraint with tight versus relaxed muscles.
The third modality is to use aikido ideas purely in non-physical forms. This
modality has sometimes been called verbal aikido. The late Terry Dobson
pioneered this sort of work. Among AE members, Aviv Goldsmith has implemented what prove to be powerful exercises of verbal aikido. For example, he
has the group form a standing circle, facing inward. Each person takes a turn
being in the center (uke). Facing each person around the perimeter in turn,
uke receives an insult/negative statement of some sort, acknowledging it with
a simple thank you. In a second, integral round of the practice, the same
format is followed by having each participant receive compliments/positive
statements.
In a variant of this technique, I emphasize the notion of reframing. First
we practice, on the mat, experiencing the dierence, when responding to an
attack, between perceiving it as threatening, in a defensive state of mind, or
as energizing, in a welcoming state of mind. Then I ask them to carry out this
exercise non-verballywith a room-mate, an acquaintance, a work partner,
etc.and write a short report of the reframing experience. Students often
report major changes in the quality of the relationship.

Aiki Extensions in Work with Individuals

Creative aikidoka have devised a rich repertoire of techniques for conveying
insights about centering and how to relate harmoniously with others.

Body Work and Somatic Education

Much discourse in the teaching of aikido concerns the process of staying centered and re-centering oneself. This theme was verbalized in the teachings of
Koichi Tohei sensei, who talked about keeping one point. Relatedly, he also
tied this process to bodily relaxation and correct posture. These aiki teachings
converge with some major developments in Western somatic education, including F. T. Alexanders work on correcting posture, Ida Rolfs work on structural
integration, and Moshe Feldenkraiss work on functional integration.
51

One of the earliest aikidoka to sense the affinity between aikido practice
and Feldenkraiss work was Paul Linden, who developed a modality of somatic
education he calls Being in Movement R . One point of departure for this work
was the awareness of what a dierence it makes in ones stability when grabbed
if one bends ones head or not. Lindens work utilizes a number of directives
to improve posture, breathing, and related somatic functioning. The set of
practices Linden evolved have been used eectively in treating cases of paralysis, stress disorders following physical or sexual abuse, and severe backaches,
and for promoting pain-free computer work and athletic functioning.
Through a system of aikido-inspired practices she calls Conscious Embodiment, Wendy Palmer has developed a series of bodily practices that enable
students to enhance intuitive capacity and to identify dierent modes of experiencing mental attention. Thus, they gain awareness of distinct attentional
states (dropped, open, and blended), which serve specific purposes, while they
become aware of other attentional states (contracted, ellipted, and split) which
are inherently dysfunctional. Palmer employs awareness of ones responses to
being led by the hand in dierent ways to elicit understandings about separation and connection. Her repertoire includes practices that expand understanding of the dynamics of fear, empower the self through becoming more
centered, and engage inquiry about ethical choices.
The line between bodywork and psychotherapy is thin to nonexistent. Assignment to one or the other category is often arbitrary, if not counterproductive. Aspergers syndrome (AS) oers one challenge that conspicuously
involves both dimensions. Martha Levenson oers aikido practice as therapy
to children who suer from the debilitating social and physical disorder. She
has found that through aikido, AS children find creative ways to develop social skills and integrate sensory input, while becoming successful in physical
activity.

Psychotherapy
Numerous aikidoka are professional psychotherapistsmore than three dozen
in our list of members. Charlie Badenhop has created a practice he calls
Seishindo R , which integrates with aikido various modalities of psychological
growth, including NLP and Ericksonian psychotherapy. Hanna and G
unther
Buck have had success in utilizing aikido-based techniques in clinical work with
children, adolescents, and adults who suer from Attention-Deficit-HyperactivityDisorder, and in helping managers in leading positions who often suer from
shadow symptoms of emotional regulation and self-monitoring problems. Scott
Evans has taught aikido to groups of disturbed adolescents in a psychological
52

treatment center, in the course of which the participants improved noticeably

in their management of anger, control of anxiety, and relief of depression.
Tim Warneka adapts aiki techniques in clinical work with physically and/or
sexually aggressive children and adolescents at an outpatient treatment center.
Coming to believe that the degree of awareness concerning aect is directly
correlated to the degree of awareness concerning somatic states, he has drawn
on Paul Lindens work to create somatic, verbal, and combined exercises for
this population. Thus, with adolescents who are up against the legal system
for their oenses, he might have them stand up and push against a brick wall
as a way to demonstrate the level of force they were trying to push against.
This would lead to talk about ways to get around the brick wall instead of
trying to GO THROUGH IT and then help the teen identify ways to blend
and enter and do tenkan with their present situation.
In work with substance abusers, Steve Schuh has used an aiki-focused
counseling approach to help recovering people face their addictions. In-group
and individual therapy sessions, Steve has used simple aikido techniques to
demonstrate recovery principles including how to blend with obstacles on
the path of recovery. Learning how to center and breath properly is paramount
in reducing stress, a key component in many relapses to substance use. Steve
helps patients to physically experience handling anger and other difficult emotional states by having them pair up and do blending exercises. By learning
how to connect physically with a partner who represents a negative emotional
state, the patient regains a locus of control over the roller-coaster ride of
emotions that surface in recovery. Steve has also designed and implemented
a wellness component in a substance abuse residential treatment center that
features aikido exercises and partner practices.
In Dynamic Counseling (1994), Jim Lee compiled exercises with themes
from Morita Therapy, Naikan Therapy, and other mind-body modalities as
well as aikido. Jim draws on ki development ideas to train therapists to join,
lead, connect, and maneuver clients for more harmonious outcomes. His
exercises include: Being Centered in Relationships, Feedback and Centering,
Aligning and Moving with Gravity, and Mind and Body Are One.

Education
Aikido aords a number of techniques that benefit academic work, including
the ways students read and write, how they and the instructor relate to each
other, and how they relate to one another in the classroom. Jim Lee has
applied aikido methods to test students on the final exam of a counseling
skills course: in randori style, students were attacked randomly with orders
53

to perform particular counseling techniques called out by group peers. Jim Lee
has applied aikido methods to test students on the final exam of a counseling
skills course: in randori style in groups of 8. Students took turns being in
the middle and were attacked randomly by reading client statements with
orders to perform particular counseling techniques called out by Jim.
Aiki ideas assist the learning process in extra-academic settings as well.
Fiona Kelty uses aiki techniques to assist blind people in Dublin, Ireland, to
deal confidently and eectively with helpand hindrancefrom strangers.
When teaching my class on Conflict Theory and Aikido (the syllabus is
included here as Appendix A) I treat the academic classroom itself as a dojo.
We consider the dierence between collaborative and competitive learning,
and explore what it means to read a text, write a paper, converse with others,
and take exams in an aiki manner. I ask students to consider their internal
sensations from time to time, and use movements in the class to illustrate or
explore certain concepts. On the mat, we use more expansive techniques to illustrate concepts dealt with in the classroom such as social distance, dynamics
of escalation, and reciprocal priority.

Aiki Extensions in Work Within and Between Groups

For a long time, Aiki Extensions work has invigorated the area of organizational and human resources development, bringing fresh resources to questions
of leadership and coaching, conflict management, team development, and personal mastery. Pioneers like Terry Dobson and Victor Miller led workshops on
conflict management for business executives during the 1980s. Chris Thorsen
and Richard Moon created Quantum Edge, an aiki-inspired consulting enterprise that focuses on leadership development and change management in corporate settings. Tom Crum founded Aiki Works, and teaches aiki extensions
ideas in management seminars on leadership skills, personal vision, development and change. His popular book, The Magic of Conflict, emphasizes the
creative push conflict management gets by trained aiki responses: centering, connecting, and openness to change (and has been extended to work with
children in Your New Conflict Cookbook, with Judy Warner). Richard StrozziHecklers Institute oers seminars and in-house projects on how to apply aiki
principles to organizations and human resources management. He has recently
anthologized pieces by twenty-two authors which explore ways that somatics
and aiki practices can enhance creativity in the workplace, Being Human At
Work: Bringing a Somatic Intelligence to Your Professional Life. A number
of AE members in Germany and Poland provide aiki-based consulting groups.
54

A small library of books and models has emerged in this area, including
Leadership Aikido (ONeil 1997), Corporate Aikido (Pino 1999), and The Randori Principles The Path of Eortless Leadership (Baum & Hassinger 2002).
These provide materials for courses in schools of business that present the systematic transfer of aiki principles to organizational settings. At the University
of Augsburg Peter Schettgen teaches such courses using Aikicom, i.e., aiki
communication for solving verbal disputes through centering, grounding, reframing, and using verbal analogies to the physical irimi-tenkan movement (see
his Der alltagliche Kampf in Organisationen [Everyday Conflicts in Organizations], 2000), while at Georgia State University in Atlanta, George Kennedy
teaches graduate students in business aikido-based techniques of managing
conflict.
This modality of Aiki Extensions work was exemplified by AE founding
member Philip Emminger, whose business enterprise reaped great benefits and
profitability from adapting aiki methods into his managerial approach, which
included holding center with the presence and awareness of a martial artist, yet
blending compassionatelyand seeing the fulfillment of the needs of others as a
benefit to the whole. When a management consultant once approached Philip
to hire the consulting firm that he worked for, to adopt their conventional,
competitive approach, the aiki-based alternative so impressed the agent that
the consultant left his job and came to work for Phil!

Mediation
Almost by definition, the field of mediation is a natural for aiki practitioners.
Donald Saposnek broke fresh ground in this area with his paper on using
aikido in family therapy. His book, Mediating Child Custody Disputes, which
has become the classic text in its field, includes a chapter in which aikido
diagrams represent ways of reducing conflict in disputes over child custody.
Rod Windle has devised imaginative aiki techniques, including the use of jo,
to mediate a wide range of civil and domestic disputes, and conflicts with
schools.
In the international theatre, Chris Thorsen and Richard Moon have used
aiki principles to aid peace processes. In Bosnia, Moon led peace-building work
with a group of young people from the various factions in the conflict, while
Thorsen carried out similar assignments in Cyprus. By teaching mediators
and organizational leaders how to operate with the power of openness and
listening, Thorsen and Moon have helped restructure systems so that they
will operate more harmoniously and experience less conflict both internally
and externally.
55

Dual American-Israeli citizen Jamie Zimron works with Israelis and Palestinians in Israel and in the US, teaching aiki principles of Peaceful Power
as part of the Mideast peace process. In 1997 she helped found the Israel
Womens Martial Arts Federation, which brings Palestinian girls and women
into Jerusalem for training conferences. Despite the ongoing war and media
emphasis on violence, Jamie reports that many people engage in non-violent
conflict resolution eorts and co-operative educational and business projects,
and that aikido is practiced all over Israel, as well as in Egypt, Jordan and
other Arab countries. Her dream is to work with aikidoka throughout the
Middle East to create an international peace dojo, Dojo Salaam Shalom

Law Enforcement and Public Safety

Aikido has long been used in the training of policemen. Yoshinkan aikido has
been taught to Tokyo riot police since 1955. Aikido of diverse schools has been
taught to Law Enforcement officers in several countries, including Australia,
Canada, Poland, and the Philippines.
Officer Matthew Little of the Chicago Police Departments Education and
Training Division has been involved in the training of military and police personnel for over a decade. He applies the principles and doctrine of Aiki not only
directly as defensive tactics techniques, but also for principle-based firearms
and tactical training. This aiki-based principle-driven training methodology
allows officers to resolve violent conflict in a calm and appropriate manner,
increasing officer safety and lessening the need for use of debilitating or deadly
force.
Three years ago, Richard Heckler introduced a Martial Art program into
the U. S. Marine Corps using aiki principles. Dojos have been established
in every Marine base in the world, and all current personnel and recruits are
required to participate in the program. Heckler envisioned this program both
as a way to enhance the eectiveness and ethical comportment of marines,
and as a kind of character training that would stand them, and their society,
in good stead after discharge. Since its inception, reports continuously come
in about how incidents of drunkenness, brawling, drug abuse, and domestic
violence have gone down and morale has risen in cases where Marines have
been engaged in regular practice of the art. Last year, the results of the Marine
Corps Martial Art Program were presented to an appreciative audience at a
conference of Marine Commandants from all over the world.

56

Youth Outreach
An area that is just starting to be developed involves a more proactive approach to extending aiki practice to young people outside conventional settings.
For several yeas now, Bill Leicht has headed a Bronx Peace Village/Dojo,
where fundamentals of aikido, conflict resolution, meditation and council circle
are taught to help inner city children how to live non-violently in high-violence
areas. [A slide show on this project was shown after this talk; copies can be
ordered for $10 through Aiki Extensions, via the same method as for payment
of dues and donations.] In Chicago, a Greater Chicago Aikido Youth Project
coordinated three dierent projects for youth, with an eye to reaching out
into all high schools in the area. In Providence, RI, aikidoka Michael Werth
helped organize a kata-a-thon to promote awareness of martial arts training for
nonviolent objectives. Dr. Victor la Cerva has transformed his public health
work into a campaign for violence prevention. Working for the state of New
Mexico, he makes the rounds of high schools with his interactive message of
aiki-based alternatives to violence, a message also conveyed in publications,
including Pathways to Peace: 40 steps to a less violent America.

Extending Aiki Principles in Symbolic Work

Theatre, Dance, Music, and Spirituality
In a dojo built inside a professional school for dance, music, and theater near
Munich, Martin Gruber teaches Aikido for Actors, as a way to enhance their
resources for dealing with scenic demands as well as promote physical and mental training. Working with actors, dancers and singers in northern California,
Pamela Ricard uses aiki-based techniques to help performers stay present
and thereby maintain moment-to-moment physical, emotional, and mental
awareness in order to create believable characters. Through theatrical practices of creating and developing characters in imaginary scenarios, actors learn
to identify with, feel compassion and empathy for another persons point of
viewsomeone for whom they might not otherwise feel any affinity. She accompanies this training with some grounding and centering practicesto help
them tolerate the discomforts of conflict so they can stay present more skillfully.
Bill Levine, a jazz pianist and film composer working in Hollywood, experiences aikido as a time-based art, similar to music and dance, which contains
improvised phrases of energy. He speaks of playing and composing musical
phrases, from beautiful/smooth (spiraling) to dynamic/sharp (entering), more
57

eectively when he applies the discipline, wisdom, and compassion cultivated

from the practice of aikido, and of how aikido has enabled him to viscerally
feel varying degrees of harmonic tension as sound moves around a tonal center,
analogous to the hara (center) in aikido.
Jack Susman has found considerable connections between the mysticism of
aikido and the mysticism of Judaism. Both in the Shinto-based tradition of
kototama and in the kabbalah, the fundamental views of the systems are set
forth in a form that is often paradoxical, usually unintelligible, and always surprising. One fascinating connection is in their respective theories of creation:
both use a symbol of exhalation to explain the origin of the cosmos.
The activities Ive just described represent a small fraction of work going on in many countries by aikidoka who are affiliated with Aiki Extensions, not to mention many hundreds more who are not. For a complete
list of members and their activities, see the web site link at http://www.aikiextensions.org/affiliates/, where you may also find links to the various AE
members mentioned in these remarks. The network is growing, the work is
deepening, and there is no reason not to believe that the aiki spirit may accumulate substantial momentum in the years ahead.

Connecting the Links of Aiki Extensions

These areas of application require a good deal of specialized training. Normally, professionals in one domain would have little or nothing to say to those
in others. Nevertheless, the fact that all of them are aikidoka, seeking to
manifest dierent dimensions of the Aiki Way, might lead one to think that
sooner or later they could develop valuable understandings to exchange with
one another.
The work of Jose Roberto Bueno in Brazil begins to suggest some openings
of this sort. To begin with, Bueno organized a program to bring young people
from the favela to an after-school center for regular classes in aikido taught
by volunteers. At the same time, he also teaches aikido to members of an
upscale business consulting firm, Amana-Key. Thanks to his own personal
networking, the employees of Amana-Key who practice aikido in a small dojo
there have become interested in the favela project, to the extent that some
have become sponsors of the children in the favela center and a few have even
reached a point of aikido training where they can serve as volunteers in the
youth outreach center as well.
And suddenly, the possibilities seem endless. Ask me, I think it is what
OSensei would have wished.
58

CHAPTER FIVE

Somatic Elements in Social Conflict1

Introduction
Social conflict presents a topic where the wish to bring bodies into sociological
analysis should meet no resistance. Although conflict theory can be dryly
abstract, its close connections to the realities of physical combat, by metaphor
when not literally, makes it easy to link representations of social conflict with
the interaction of physical bodies. Think of conflict and you quickly bump
up against bodiesyelling and screaming, pushing and shoving, punching and
wrestling, stabbing and shooting. Even in purely verbal conflict the body
swerves quickly into view: reddened faces, clenched jaws, tensed muscles, and
quickened breath. Even when conflicts of interests or ideas are negotiated in
a non-combative mode, dierences in bodily posture and demeanor readily
appear. And bodily changes manifest even when the parties to conflict are not
in direct physical proximity.
Yet for the past century the literature on social conflict has ignored its corporeal substratum. Post-war classicsCoser (1956), Coleman (1957), Boulding (1962/1988), and Shelling (1960)do not mention the body. Randall
Collinss (1975) comprehensive Conflict Sociology has nary a reference to the
bodily dimensions of his subject, nor does Louis Kriesbergs (1998) compendious analysis of conflicts, destructive and constructive. Instead of bemoaning
such neglect, suppose we turn the point around and view that neglect as understandable, if not warranted, given the paucity of theoretical resources on
how to formulate such linkages. Suppose then that we address the problematic of social conflict and the body with an eye for openings through which we
might insert fresh lines of substantive work.
As point of departure for such an eort I shall reference the contributions
of Talcott Parsons. This will seem odd to those who consider Parsons irrelevant to such concerns on grounds that his stressing the normative dimension
of action precluded engagement with the body in society. As with many other
dismissive glosses on Parsons, this one is hard to square with a review of what
he actually produced. In publications spanning more than thirty-five years,
1

Revised version of a paper presented at the 37th World Congress of the International
Institute of Sociology, Stockholm, Sweden. July 6, 2005. For help in revising I thank Michael
Bare, Daniel Kimmel, Paki Reid-Brossard, Dan Silver, and Mark Walsh.

59

Parsons considered the organismic dimension of human action in a number of

places. These encompass subjects related to age and sex, including seminal
papers on the incest taboo and youth subcultures; contributions to the theory
of socialization; analyses of the cultural framing of life and death; an influential
discussion of the parameters of medical practice; classic papers on aggression
and reactions to social strains; writings on the human body itselfwith attention to such phenomena as proper clothing, treatment of bodily injuries,
and norms regarding physicians access to patients bodies; and intermittent
eorts to weave the corporeal dimension into the general theory of action,
culminating in his testamentary Paradigm of the Human Condition in 1978.
In spite of these substantive contributions, in his general theory of action
Parsons did not focus on the organismic dimension anywhere near to the extent
that he did when analyzing the psychological, social, and cultural dimensions
of action. To be sure, on occasion he signaled his awareness of the theoretical
lacuna between the physiological body, as one of the external environments of
action, and the orientations of actors. Given his commitment to the Weberian
concept of action, which conceives action as subjectively meaningful conduct,
Parsons had some sense of the difficulty involved in leaping from purely biological process to a process imbued with meanings. He attempted to address
that problem with intermittent, almost perfunctory, glosses on what he called
the behavioural organism. This concept made it possible to represent aspects
of action that involved the body but contrasted with the merely vegetative
aspects of the organisms functioning. The conception of the behavioural organism came to include certain organ systems and physiological processes,
especially those involved in mental functioning. Although the usual connotations of behaviour excluded meaning, Parsons used the term behaviour to
mean that these processes represent capacities that manifested certain kinds
of meaning. He located that dimension in what he was calling the adaptive
subsystem of the general universe of action, and treated it in terms of the
general quality of intelligence. Lidz and Lidz (1976) developed this notion further, emphasizing the separation from purely organismic processes by calling
it the behavioural system and incorporating thereunder work by Jean Piaget
that analyzed complexes of intelligent operations as universal capacities.
Three decades later it appears that this piece of action theory has been left
where Lidz and Lidz left it (Bare, 2006). In the meantime, explorations in other
disciplines, related especially to education, have greatly extended the notion
of behavioural capacity. The notion of intelligence has been expanded well
beyond its earlier restricted sphere, to include a number of dierent functions
including audiovisual powers, interpersonal skills, emotional capacities, and

60

language abilities.2 Although the Lidzes intervention threw new light on the
topic, it rested on a questionable Cartesian split between body/mind and
neglected the fact that humans possess, after all, only one nervous system.
What is more, the body itself has come to be theorized as the seat of a number
of powers of its own, involving kinesthetic perceptual abilities and movement
skills, and has come to be understood as participating intimately in all of
the other powers just enumerated. The latter field has been investigated and
documented by work in the field known as somatics. In the words of one of
the most brilliant pioneer somatic investigators, Moshe Feldenkrais, the most
abstract thought has emotional- vegetative and sensory-motor components;
the whole nervous system participates in every act (Feldenkrais, 1949, 26).
Following Piaget, Lidz and Lidz articulated the constituents of the behavioural system as capacities to act which are intrinsic to human adaptation, likening them to the notion of grammar in transformational linguistics;
that is, grammar as denoting the ability of competent speakers to form sentences under any conditions (1976, 197). Adopting this notion provisionally,
I propose to understand the behavioural system as signifying the repertoire
of human capacities that consist of physical abilities and dispositions together
with the somatic components of non-physical behaviours. Accordingly, this
would include physical capacities that are involved in the execution of conflict
and the ability to control conflict. I shall return to the general issue of how to
integrate the body conflict nexus into the general theory of action after I have
reviewed afresh the general theory of conflict.

A Paradigm of Social Conflict

To investigate conflictual phenomena thoroughly requires that we dierentiate
among types of conflict with respect to a variety of salient dimensions. These
include the media of conflict (verbal/physical), intensity (violent/nonviolent),
systemic location (internal/external), type of conflictual party (family, community, nation), and type of outcome (constructive/destructive). On the other
hand, supposing that something is to be gained by considering conflict at a
more abstract level, I shall outline a paradigm of generic conflict.
As a form of social interaction, conflict has properties that can be investigated without reference to the orientations of individual actors. Even so, its
basic dynamics derive from actions of parties that can be represented as acts
of individual subjects, as follows:
2

Howard Gardner (1983, 1993) has been a leading figure in this development. For its
manifestation in liberal education programs at the undergraduate level, see Levine (2006).

61

1. A makes a bid for conflict by aggressing against B (verbally or physically).

2. B responds through counter-attack of some sort. Thereafter,
3. A and B continue to engage in conflict, establishing
(a) A static equilibrium in which conflict becomes a constitutive element of the relationship, or
(b) A dynamic equilibrium in which both parties continue an escalating
spiral, until one of them
i. Defeats the other, or
ii. Tires or has a change of heart about the conflict, or
iii. Responds to an outside force that dampens or resolves the conflict.
From this paradigm, it follows that the elements involved in the generation
of conflict will be the factors that dispose party A to aggress, party B to
counterattack, and the two parties to continue waging their conflict.
What factors account for those dispositions toward aggressive action? From
the literature on conflict I have culled six factors that abet the process (as well
as two countervailing variables that dampen these dispositions).
1. Hostility level. In his pioneering treatise on the subject, Conflict and
Defense: A General Theory (1962), Kenneth Boulding related the disposition to engage in conflict to an initial base of dispositions to aggress
against others.
2. Reactivity. James Coleman (1957) noted the tendency for conflict to
escalate when a provoked party reacts in ways that antagonize the initiating party further, until the escalating process takes on a life of its
own. Boulding designated the tendency for parties to react in this way
as a reactivity coefficient.
3. Positional rigidity. Boulding also viewed a factor that lessens the disposition for conflict to be a willingness to accept other satisfactory utilities
as a substitute for one that another party craved equally. In a popular
textbook on the subject, Roger Fisher and William Urry (1981) depict
this as a capacity to alter positions regarding means to secure a particular interest.
62

4. Moral righteousness. Hostile energy is intensified when conjoined with a

sense of moral valorization. Georg Simmel analysed how conflict becomes
intensified when objectified out of purely personal reactions into combat
for a cause. Bettelheim and Janowitz (1950) identified a number of
emotional dynamics in which out-groups were hated for qualities that
the in-group members found unacceptable.
5. Weakness of conflict-aversive values. a) Some cultures glorify combat
and the virtues of the warrior. b) Conversely, Freud stressed the importance of internalized controls over the expression of social aggression:
the superego process employs aggressive energy to inhibit or repress the
activation of hostile impulses, the ego-ideal instantiates cultural ideals
of harmony and peace. Durkheim similarly identified conscience and
eervescence in groups as brakes on conflict.
6. Weakness of external dampening factors. Parsons (1951) and Coleman
(1957) among others delineated a range of social structural factors crucial
to the existence of conflict. The absence or weakness of such factors
facilitates the escalation of conflict. Conversely, the presence of such
factors serves to dampen conflict. These factors include, for example,
the activation of policing processes; the invocation of shared transcending
values; the availability of mechanisms of cooptation, and customs that
favor the resort to mediation.
In what follows, I inquire into how these factors that generate or dampen
conflictual actions relate to features of the physical body. Following Webers
authoritative definition of action, as behaviour to which some sort of meaning is attached, I ask: what kinds of conflict-relevant meaning might emanate
from processes within the human body itself, and what supra-organismic variables imbue bodily conduct with meanings that relate to conflict?3 I suggest
renaming the site of these linkages as the actional organismthe subsystem
of action where the organisms input of energies and the inputs from sources
of meanings meet and interpenetrate.
3

Chris Shillings recent discourse on the topic (2005), not to mention classic formulations
like those of Max Scheler (1928/1961) and Talcott Parsons (1951/1964), iterates that streams
of causality or influence flow in both directions.

63

Somatic Elements That Promote Conflict

1. The body and aggressive impulsivity
When social science does appropriate knowledge about bodies into its discourse
on conflict it often relies on assumptions about an inherent human disposition
toward aggression. On the eve of World War I William James asserted that
our ancestors have bred pugnacity into our bone and marrow, and thousands
of years of peace wont breed it out of us ([1910] 1974, 314). In his landmark formulations on political realism, political scientist Hans Morgenthau
argued that the social world results from forces inherent in human nature,
which render it inherently a world of opposing interests and of conflict among
them (1960, 4). Ethologist Konrad Lorenz (1966) depicted aggression as an
essential part of the life-preserving organization of instincts, arguing that for
numerous species conflict provides clear adaptive advantages: balancing the
ecological distributions, selecting the fittest specimens through fights among
rivals, mediating ranking orders needed for complex organizations, even instigating ceremonies that promote social bonding. Another ethologist, Nikolaas
Tinbergen, likewise posits a universal instinctual proclivity to intraspecific conflict and finds human aggressiveness marked by a socially disruptive quality:
Man is the only species that is a mass murderer, the only misfit in his own
society (1968, 180).4 More recently, Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson
(1996) summarize evidence from ethological studies to conclude that the human animal, and the male of the species preeminently, has inborn propensities
to attack and kill others that exceed adaptive needs.
Despite vicissitudes of instinct theories, psychoanalytic psychology has
tended to assume an innate reservoir of egoistic and aggressive impulses that,
amplified by externalization and projection, flood into interpersonal conflicts.
Freud thought violent conflict endemic to humans, both to resolve conflicts
of interest and to express an active instinct for hatred and destruction. He
bemoaned the destructiveness of modern warfare but held little hope that
cultured aversions to war could overcome the aggressive dispositions so deeply
rooted in mans biological makeup ([1932] 1939). Freuds theory posited a selfdestructive death instinct which gets diverted from the self toward others,
thereby producing a constant fund of conflictual energies. Most psychoana4
This condition, Tinbergen explains, comes from a combination of instinctual, cultural,
and technological factors. Whereas in other species and earlier human periods the impulse
to fight was balanced by the fear response, humans have contrived cultural conditions that
dampen the impulse to flee from battle, while the technology of fighting at a distance
eliminates the taming eect of personal contact in face-to-face encounters.

64

lysts rejected Freuds assumption of a death instinct and some substituted a

destructive instinct for the polar opposite of the sexual instinct.
Freud and his followers view the human organism as a perpetually renewed
source of instinctual energies that well up and produce inner discomfort until
they get released. Psychic and somatic symptoms reflect failures in the personalitys ability to release those instinctual tensions, which eventually find
outlet through indirect channels. In one way or another human aggression
represents a constantly flowing impulse that emanates from the human body
such that humans can never escape the proclivity to harm if not destroy either
themselves or others. Although Lorenz took a more positive view of conflict,
he too espoused a mechanistic-hydraulic view of aggression. Lorenz likens
aggression to a gas constantly being pumped into a container or to a liquid
in a reservoir dischargeable through a spring-loaded valve at the bottom. In
Lorenzs conception, energies specific for an instinctive act accumulate continuously in neural centers for that behavior, leading animals and humans to
hunt for stimuli in order to trigger the release of those energies.
For those who view conflictual action in this perspective, the propensity
to act out aggressive impulses is limited by one or both of two other basic
drives. For Freudian psychology, the aggressive instinct is balanced by Eros,
the drive to form harmonious relationships with others. For Tinbergen, it is
limited by fear of the countervailing force of enemies. To some extent, Hobbes
can be seen as combining both combative and pacific drives. The perpetual
and restless desire of power after power to which all men are inclined would
lead inexorably to constant civil strife were it not for the activation of an even
stronger natural inclination: the wish to avoid violent death. Humans are
also motivated by a wish to live comfortably by means of conveniences, which
only a regime of peace can procure. So the impulse to aggress against others
gets subordinated to a wish for peaceful coexistence, a condition procured by
establishing a sovereign political authority.
The logic of Hobbess argument can be modified to cover a variety of social
arrangements designed to control conflict: the body is the home of divergent
impulses including aggressiveness, but aggression can get inhibited by other
propensities that support institutions designed to prevent conflict. This image
of the body is not unlike what we find in writers like Nietzsche and Sorel.
The latter visualize a natural human disposition to be fierce and combative,
a disposition that (for them, unhappily) gets swamped by fear and desires for
convenience, thereby deflecting martial impulses into innocuous channels.
What none of these theories oers, however, is a way of connecting those
dispositions with the constitutive systems of bodily organisms, a way that
the relatively new discipline of somatics may help to illumine. Such analy65

ses would proceed, for example, from considering hormonal levels of aggressivity through neuronal responses that mobilize aggressive physical or verbal
impulses. Acting out such impulses involves their translation into complex
neuro-muscularskeletal responses. The behavioural capacity to enact those
responses, and thereby direct aggressive energies toward some social object,
brings hormonal levels into the orbit of human action. Hormonally grounded
aggressivity is the portion of the actional organism that energizes a trained
capacity to attack and injure others.

2. The body and conflictual reactivity

In his analysis of the dynamics of social conflict, Boulding points to a second
variable that figures in the equation regarding escalation of conflict. He refers
to these as reaction processes, processes in which a movement by one party
provokes a movement by the other which in turn changes the field of the first,
and so on. He proposes to designate this variable as a reaction coefficient:
the amount by which the equilibrium level of hostility of the one increases per
unit increase in the hostility of the other (1962, 26). Whatever the degree of
initiating aggressive impulses, the actuation of conflict depends essentially on
some level of reactivity on the part of the attacked party. It depends further
on the rate of change of the reaction coefficient as hostility from the other
increases. As Boulding emphasizes, the reaction of a party depends on the
images it holds, both of itself and of the other. The reaction coefficients are
likely to be high if a party feels itself to be misunderstood.
With this variable, we enter the domain of the self and its vulnerabilities.
The more a self is threatened, the more likely that party is to resort to egodefensive measures. The more fragile or insecure the self, the more likely the
party is to perceive itself as being misunderstood and to perceive slights where
none exist or at least to exaggerate their import. It is here that a more recent school of thought within the psychoanalytic tradition makes an important
contribution. This stems from the work of figures like Winnicott, Kohut, and
Bowlby, who view the need for attachment to social objects as a more fundamental instinct than the disposition toward aggression. In this perspective,
aggression is not a primary drive, but a response to threats to attachment. Its
manifestation in physical violence is then viewed as a product of disintegration
or fears of disintegration, in which counter-phobic responses reenact dissociated traumatic events that seem intolerable for individuals in groups (Smith,
1993; Sche and Retzinger, 1991). Neurophysiological processes, in this view,
bring bodily functions into the orbit of aggressivity through hard-wired anxiety.
66

3. The body and mental rigidity

In discussing what he calls static models of conflict, Boulding analyses conflict
in terms of interests rather than passions. In this context, he defines conflict
as a situation of competition in which the parties are aware of the incompatibility of potential future positions and in which each party wishes to occupy
a position that is incompatible with the wishes of the other (1962, 5). The
extent to which parties are committed to gaining specific positions rather than
exploring ways of satisfying their needs forms a disposition towards conflict.
The ability to do otherwiseto focus on interests rather than positions (Fisher
and Urry, 1981)depends on how rigid the competing parties are in pursuing
their objectives by specific means.
Here again, the repertoire of available actional responses depends on a bodily infrastructure. Many workers in the field of somatics have demonstrated
that the tightness of sets of muscles is related to the inability to be open and
flexiblecognitively, emotionally, and behaviourally. Whereas high reactivity to threats reflects how weak and vulnerable the self is, rigidity of habits
indicates how strongly defended the self is.
John Deweys teachings about human nature considered the matter of rigid
habits a central issue in human experience. It was Deweys lessons with
renowned somatic teacher F. M. Alexander, who focused attention on the
proper relaxed use of the body, that he said enabled him to hold a philosophical position calmly and to change it if new evidence came up warranting a
change. Dewey contrasted this disposition with that of academic thinkers who
adopt a position early on and then go on to use their intellects to defend it
indefinitely (Jones, 1976, 97).

4. The body and moral righteousness

Simmel early on identified the dynamic whereby conflicts become intensified
the more they are separated from the personality of the parties to the conflict.
His chief examples in that regard were conflicts carried out through legal procedures and conflicts on behalf of social causes. One can generalize Simmels
point by saying that conflicts become intensified whenever they become informed by normative directives. Although Simmels cases were chosen to show
how shifting the locus of conflict away from the personalities of the engaged
parties works to heighten the intensity of a conflict, this may be seen just as
well when applied intrapsychically. This is to say that once conflicts enlist the
support of the superego, they will be driven by the same emotional energies
that constitute the punitive forces of the ordinary superego. The statement
67

by one presidential political campaignerat first I just wanted to defeat my

opponent, now I want to save the country from himnicely illustrates the dynamic at work here. Both moral indignation and bigoted antagonisms of the
sort analysed by Bettelheim and Janowitz (1950) represent striking exemplars
of this syndrome.
Moral righteousness can be said to involve an infusion of bodily energies
akin to the aggressive or counter-phobic instincts that drive the initiation
of conflicts. One can almost visualize the way in which aggressive impulses
intensify as the adrenaline flows and the blood boils on behalf of righteous
indignation. This will escalate the conflict, although not necessarily make it
more lethal. The infusion of so much agitation into the conflictual process
might, as well-trained warriors and martial artists know, interfere with the
optimal execution of a task and the actual execution of combat.

5a. The body and conflict-supportive values

The activation of conflict depends not only on those elements that dispose
parties to engage in conflict: high levels of aggressive impulsivity, reactivity,
rigidity, and proclivity for moral indignation. It depends just as much on
factors that work to inhibit the outbreak or continuance of conflictual interaction. These are primarily of two sorts, general values regarding conflict and
the operation of social controls.
Cultural values can work either to instigate conflict or to suppress it.
Conflict-supportive values appear in cultures where masculine aggressivity is
particularly esteemed and promoted. This appears where the symbolism of
warriorhood holds an esteemed place, as in archaic Greece and ancient Rome.
In the cultures of Japan and Ethiopia, the values of warriorhood were so esteemed that they came to permeate the culture as a whole (Levine, 2002).
The same is true of elements of Islamic tradition that idealize violence against
those perceived as infidels or legitimate objects of external jihad. Masculine
aggressivity is also valorized where considerations of proper recognition of the
self are paramount, most famously in Mediterranean honor and shame societies (Giordano, 2005). Cultures that embrace masculine aggressivity provide
socializing experiences that enhance combative bodily dispositions and abilities.

68

Somatic Elements That Reduce Conflict

5b. The body and conflict-aversive values
On the other hand, cultural values of harmony and peaceableness have been
developed in most cultures. Where such values are dominant, as in particular
institutional sectors like monasteries, or in societies reported to possess entirely
pacific cultures, impulses to engage in conflict tend to be nipped in the bud if
not entirely repressed.
Contemporary somatics supports the view that human bodies are actually
designed to function in a loving, empowered way. Fear and anger weaken
the body and therefore the whole self. Actions driven by feelings of fear and
anger tend to create, escalate, and perpetuate conflict. As Paul Linden puts
it, Generally, disputes are carried out in a spirit of distrust, competitiveness,
fear, and anger, which leads to escalation and the generation of new disputes.
Conflict, as it is usually experienced, includes fear and anger. When people are
afraid or angry, they lash out and try to hurt the people who make them feel
afraid or angry (Linden, 2003). To minimize such reactions, Linden prescribes
a number of bodily practices, including a relaxed tongue and a soft belly, which
he associates with the normative natural state for human bodies.
These views are supported by millennia of wisdom about the body cultivated in a number of Asian traditions. This hearkens back to ancient Hindu
traditions starting with the Bhagavad Gita, which described a state of human
fulfillment brought about by a practice that calms the mind and the passions.
This practice of unificationof yoking, or yogaof the body with the soul,
the individual self with the universal spirit, involves a complex of methods
that are physical as well as moral and mental. They include asana, a discipline of holding postures, designed to exercise every muscle, nerve and gland in
the body, and pranayama, exercises in the rhythmic control of the breath. In
similar ways the art of aikido, developed two millennia later in Japan, incorporates notions of unifying the entire bodily system through proper posture and
of unifying the body with the mind by focusing ones attention on the bodily
center of gravity. In the words of its founder, aikido is the way of unifying
the mind, body, and spirit (Saotome, 1989, 33).
What does the image of the body conveyed by yoga and aikido imply
about social conflict? When students of those disciplines stand or sit in the
relaxed and centered postures cultivated in their practice, they experience
calmness. From that experience they derive a conviction that there is no
inherent, inexorable force driving human beings to aggress against one another.
They also know that, compared to the state of calm enjoyment they experience,
69

the act of committing aggression is unpleasant. When they sense an impulse to

aggress proactively or reactively, they connect it with an immature or impure
response, which can be overcome with training.
Yoga and aikido conceive the bodily harmony promoted by their teachings
as a model of mature human functioning and accordingly view social conflict as
a byproduct of inner discord. Yoga complements the state of inner harmony,
which its physical and meditative disciplines aim at with various yama, or
ethical disciplines, by cultivating harmony with others. Closely related to this
is the principle of abhaya, freedom from fear: Violence arises out of fear,
weakness, ignorance or restlessness. To curb it most what is needed is freedom
from fear (Iyengar, 1973, 32). Similar ideas were articulated by the founder
of aikido, Morihei Ueshiba. Although Ueshiba created his discipline as a budo,
a martial art, he came to insist that in his particular form of budo there are
no enemies. The only enemy consisted of the egoistic and aggressive strivings
of the immature self, and the only victory worth pursuing was a victory over
that immature self. For achieving this state, the powerful eects of a softened
belly and an open heart have long been identified.

6. The body and social controls

Sociologists have analysed a variety of mechanisms of social control that work
to mute or dampen conflictual processes. These include binding arbitration;
voluntary mediation; cooptation of antagonists; deflecting attention to symbols of higher allegiance; and dramatizing threats that transcend the partisan
interests of the conflicting parties. Such mechanisms operate at the psychological and social levels, and would seem to admit little playroom for corporeal
variables. Even so, one can ask: what psychosomatic processes inform the
ways in which actors respond to intervening agencies?
That question in fact opens an enormous complex of possibilities. One
process has to do with the degree of openness to arbitrating or mediating
parties. This is the obverse of rigidity which, we saw above, demonstrably
has a somatic basis. This openness is sometimes experienced as a relaxation
of the visceral organs. Another process has to do with openings with new
conflict-transcending social objects like larger communities or cultural objects
such as values that enjoin conciliation and harmony. In the body, these are
experienced as located in what have been called a mind-heart nexus.

70

Implications for General Theory

The foregoing investigation opens up new lines for work in the general theory of conflict. The paradigm of generic conflict processes oers a framework
with which to assemble contributions from various, normally disconnected,
research traditions. Current advances in psychoneurophysiology and comparative ethology, for example, promise to enrich our understanding of anger,
anxiety, and aggression a good deal. A generic conflict paradigm also enables
us to develop a much more dierentiated schema for analysing the onset, dynamics, and resolution of social conflict. It adds to the repertoire of existing
conceptual tools such notions as hormonal levels, rigidity, reactivity, moral
indignationnotions that come from dierent disciplines and that carry different sets of associations and supporting evidence. With that, it provides a
framework with which to begin to consider more precisely somatic elements
that pertain to conflict.5
Returning to our point of departure, the material assembled above instantiates more general points that could provide a basis for revisiting the Parsonian
legacy in a way that facilitates a more systematic analysis of the interfaces between the body and the other action systems of action. The conceptual link
would be what I am calling the actional organism, defined, again, as the subsystem of action where the organisms input of energies and the inputs from
sources of meanings meet and interpenetrate.
In a sense, this could be taken to mean something like returning to a modified version of the old instinct theories. Those were discarded because they
were taken to represent hard-wired dispositions that propelled types of conduct
no matter what. Incorporating this subsystem into the framework of action
theory permits a clearer and more precise specification of interconnections.
Thus, within the cybernetic hierarchy, the actional organism is energized
from below by the processes of the organic and inorganic systems. It energizes
and receives direction, then, from the organized motives of the personality
system; the organization systems of status-roles in the social system; and the
organized symbolic complexes of the cultural system. Concrete action stands
5
Future collaborative exploration by professionals in somatics and social psychology
might well explore a hypothesis of organ specificity in this regard: the idea that even
though all organismic responses are thought to involve the entire bodymind system, it may
be possible to locate the physical seat of each in some part of the human body. Thus one
might hypothesize that impulses of instinctual aggressivity are felt primarily in the visceral
organs (guts) and the shoulders; fear in the lungs and shoulders; rigidity in the throat, jaw,
and neck (sti-necked); moral anger in the head and the dorsal shoulders; receptiveness to
masculine aggressive values in the upper chest.

71

to be understood more completely by incorporating this set of abstractions

that might now be more clearly identified and investigated.

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CHAPTER SIX

The Masculinity Ethic and the Spirit of

Warriorhood in Ethiopian and Japanese
Cultures1
In modern social science, the notion that human behavior has instinctual bases
has been downplayed. Over the past century, anthropologists and sociologists
have marched under the banners of Sumners dictum that the folkways can
make anything right, Deweys advice that there are no separate instincts,
and Benedicts formula that cultures pattern behavior.
In one area, however, some resonance to the notion that genes aect destiny
has persisted: the phenomenon of human aggression. To William Jamess
suspicion before World War I that our ancestors have bred pugnacity into
our bone and marrow, and thousands of years of peace wont breed it out of
us (James 1910, 314) Freud added his theory, in the inter-war years, that
humans are animated by an inexorable stream of destructive energy fueled by
a Death Instinct. The thesis of innate aggressiveness was advanced, and linked
to gender, with the work of ethologists Konrad Lorenz (1966) and Nikolaas
Tinbergen (1968), who analyzed the adaptive significance of aggression among
human males. Revising Freudian instinct theory from such an ethological
perspective, psychoanalyst John Bowlby argued that
virtually every species of animal shares its habitat with a number
of potentially very dangerous predators and, to survive, needs to
be equipped with behavioural systems resulting in protection. . . .
When members of the group are threatened, the mature males,
whether monkeys or men, combine to drive o the predator whilst
the females and immatures retire. (Bowlby 1969)
More recently, comparative primate studies have marshaled robust evidence
to show that the human genome resembles most closely that of the chimpanzee,
and the latest research on chimpanzees shows an unmistakable proclivity for
violence by males against males of other groups (Wrangham and Peterson
1

Revised version of paper presented at the World Congress of Sociology, Brisbane, Australia, July 8, 2002. Research Committee on Armed Forces and Conflict Resolution, Session
4: The Military and Masculinity. Published in International Journal of Ethiopian Studies
Vol. 2, No. 1 & 2, 2006]

74

1996). In addition, genetic research has begun to zero in on the chromosome

that may account for such aggressivity. For example, on chromosome #17,
there is a coding region which aects the distribution of serotonin throughout
the body, and the extent of that distribution in turn aects the disposition to
commit violent actions (Ridley 2000, 168).
Be all that as it may, the fact remains that as with any other such geneticallybased traits, cultures shape inborn dispositions variously; in the felicitous
words of a dictum pronounced, I think, by P. B. Bedawar, Instinct proposes
. . . culture disposes. Even if humans possess a genetically based behavioral
system that tends toward physical aggression, cultural systems process that
disposition in various waysby glorifying it, polishing it, or suppressing it.
They determine whether or not and how aggressive inclinations get molded
into an ideal of what it means to be a real man. In many cultures, the
ideal of virtuous manhood stands to impose strict control over aggressiveness,
which thereby becomes subordinated to a more pacific model of what it means
to be a mature human being and citizen. In the ancient Hellenic period, for
example, the virtue of a man, arete andros, was equated with the capacity
to manage ones household and the aairs of the city well. When a mans
personal obligations conflicted with his civic obligations, it was simply a mark
of manliness (andreios) to resist the requirements of the law (Adkins 1960,
226-32).2 Within the Jewish tradition, being a real man was associated with
the assumption of full moral responsibility, either in the mode of altruistic
generosity symbolized by the Yiddish term Mensch or in the mode of manly
self-control sometimes described as the mark of modern Jewish manliness at
the turn of the last century (Boyarin 1997). Closer to this mode of manly
self-control, Alexis de Tocqueville described Americans as tending to esteem
all those quiet virtues which tend to regularity in the body social and which
favor trade (Tocqueville 2000, 621). Insofar as the American conception of
honor includes the virtue of courage, it does not have to do with martial valor.
Rather, the type of manly courage
best known and best appreciated is that which makes a man brave
the fury of the ocean to reach port more quickly, and face without
complaint the privations of life in the wilds and that solitude which
2

Reconfigured in an aesthetic mode, this antinomian undertone to masculinity persists in

present-day Crete. According to Michael Herzfeld, in Poetics of Manhood, the Cretan village
ethos foregrounds a studied skill in playing at being a man, through deeds that strikingly
speak for themselves; in any domain such performative excellence can gain from judicious
rule breaking, since this foregrounds the performers skill at manipulating the conventions
(Herzfeld 1985, 25).

75

is harder to bear than any privations, the courage which makes a

man almost insensible to the loss of a fortune laboriously acquired
and prompts him instantly to fresh exertions to gain another. (622)
Not surprisingly, however, Tocqueville contrasts this ethos with that of a
feudal aristocracy born of war and for war, in which nothing was more important to it than military courage. It was therefore natural to glorify courage
above all other virtues (618). Indeed, societies in which warriorhood figures
prominently tend to feature combative excellence in their ideal of masculinity
and to give it a high place in their scheme of values. This was surely the case
in the Archaic Age of Greece, when the most powerful words of commendation
used of a man, agathos and arete, signified above all military prowess and the
skills that promote success and war (Adkins 1960, 31-32).

Martial Values in Ethiopia and Japan

This pattern was also conspicuously evident in two of the oldest continuous
national societies, Ethiopia and Japan, where, for most of the past millennium,
there existed expectations of continuous readiness for martial combat. In both
countries, military prowess oered a royal road to prestige and legitimacy,
and the ascendance of powerful warrior-lords and their retainers lifted martial
values to a dominant position. It was these two nations alone that successfully
defied European imperial ambitions: Ethiopia over Italy in 1896, Japan over
Russia in 1904.
In both nations, esteem for warriorhood was not just a matter of according
high prestige to military men; it involved the diusion of martial attitudes,
virtues, and ambitions throughout the population. That diusion came about
through very dierent routes. In Ethiopia, it took the form of promoting
widely the inculcation of combative dispositions. This feature so impressed
the first European scholar of Ethiopian civilization, Job Ludolphus, that he
described Ethiopians as a Warlike People and continually exercisd in War
. . . except in Winter, at what time by reason of the Inundation of the Rivers,
they are forcd to be quiet (Ludolphus 1684, 217). It meant that every ablebodied male who was not a clergyman was assumed to be ready to engage
in battle at a moments noticearmed, skilled, supplied, and transported, all
through his own devices. It meant that boys were encouraged to be combative
and that as men they were disposed to be fearless in combat. It even meant
that, for most of the past millennium, the royal capital took the form of an
army campa vast array of tents, arranged in combat-ready formation with
the Emperors tents in the center, flanked and guarded at the front and rear
76

by officers of standard ranks with their entourages (Levine 1968, 7). As a

result of the prominence of warfare in Ethiopian history, military virtues have
ranked among the highest in the Abyssinian value system; military titles have
been among the most prestigious in their social hierarchy; military symbolism
has provided a medium for important national traditions and a focus for a
good deal of national sentiment; and military statuses and procedures have
influenced patterns of social organization in many ways (Levine 1968, 6).
In Japan, the hegemony of martial values derived not from universal combatreadiness but from the way in which a military stratum, the samurai, came
to set the tone of the national culture. This class emerged in the late Heian
Period (10-12 C) as a group of military specialists positioned to serve the
court nobility. In time they acquired power in their own right by establishing
domination over agricultural land and building their own hierarchical political organizations, culminating in a semi-central regime, the shogunate, in the
late 12C. The samurai political organization rested on the formation of strong
emotional bonds between military masters and vassals upheld by a strict code
of honor (Ikegami 1995). In the Tokugawa Period this code was elaborated
into a formal code of martial ethics known as Bushido (the Way of the Warrior). The code enjoined such virtues as loyalty, politeness, diligence, frugality,
and a constant sense of readiness to die. At this time, the bushi class became
more segregated than ever, since membership in it was hereditary and only
those within it were entitled to bear arms. On the other hand, the ethos of
this class became hegemonic in the society. In contrast to China of the time,
the Japanese insisted on retaining a martial spirit as part of the mark of a
gentleman (Hall 1970, 82). During the Tokugawa period, it has been said, the
samurai ethic came close to being the national ethic, for even the merchant
class had become Bushido-ized (Bellah 1957, 98).
One of the marks of the warrior ethos in both cultures was a disposition
to value ascetic hardiness. This is manifest, for example, in the Ethiopian
ideal of gwabaznet, a symbol for masculine aggressiveness and hardiness. In
consequence, Ethiopian soldiers have been noted for great endurancethey
climb mountains with ease, march rapidly for distances under heavy pack with
light rations, and sleep on a rock. In Japan, similar virtues were the pride of the
samurai class, who prided themselves on undergoing great hardships without
complaintfor example by undergoing a week of arduous training outside each
year in the dead of winter (kangeiko).
Another mark of the warrior ethos has been a pronounced concern about
honor and a sensitivity to insult that numerous observers have found in the
psychological profile of both peoples. In Ethiopia, insults traditionally formed
reason enough for violent retribution, and continued into the modern era as
77

grounds for instigating legal proceedings. In Japan, a cult of honor became

the subject of extensive elaboration, leading samurai to cultivate an extreme
sensitivity to insult (Ikegami 1995). Countless legends idealize the person who
secures revenge against someone who impugns his honor.
Finally, although Ethiopia and Japan have traditionally held esteemed the
just warrior, in both cultures there existed a type of antinomian hero who
carried masculine aggressivity to a high pitch. In Ethiopia this took the form
of the shifta (from shefete, to rebel), a retainer who rebelled against his chief
and withdrew, often hiding in the hills, to fend as an outlaw (Levine 1965,
243-4). In modern times, this word has in fact acquired the primary meaning
of a bandit. Many stories depict the shifta in idealized terms. The first modern
nation-building emperor, Tewodros II (1855-68), famously began his climb to
power as a shifta.
The Japanese counterpart of the shifta was the ronin, a samurai who left
his lord or never subordinated himself to a lord. Here, too, heroic performances
by ronin form the stu of legends. And in modern times, the status of outlaw
strong man has been taken by the yakuza, the bold gangster. In a playful form
of this status, Japanese young males in the 1970 and 1980s took up a semidelinquent lifestyle called Yankee and, combined with prowess on motorcycle,
formed bosozoku (violent driving tribe) gangs in major cities where their
ultramasculinity could be flaunted (Sato 1991).

The Ethiopian Masculinity Ideal: Aggressivity Unbound

Although both Ethiopians and Japanese construed the ideal of masculinity
in ways that provided a strong impetus to warriorhood, one can also identify
characteristic dierences in how these play out in Ethiopia and Japan. In
presenting this analysis, I shall also comment on distinctive institutions that
represent a counterbalance to male aggressivity.
In describing the Ethiopian pattern, I shall rely initially on what for most
of the past millennium has been the politically and culturally dominant group,
the Amhara, and the terms of their language Amharic.3 The Amharic term
for male, wand, not only indicates gender (e.g., wand lijj, male child), but
also connotes strong emotional approval. To say of someone, Essu wand naw,
He is a male, is to state more than biological fact; it is a eulogy of virtue,
3

Strictly speaking, although the Amharic language was the national political language of
Ethiopia from the thirteenth century at least, the term Amhara denoted a local geographic
region, and was not extended to the vast population of Amharic speakers until the second
half of the twentieth century. See Levine 2003.

78

analogous to the American expression, Hes a real man. However, unlike

the American concept, wand-nat does not connote manly maturity and the
assumption of adult moral responsibilities. In Amharic, this notion is signified
by the term for middle-aged man (mulu saw ). The term wand may refer to any
age and has nothing to do with moral maturation. Nor does it connote male
prowess in heterosexual aairs, for the Amhara attach no particular value to
the expression of heterosexual sentiment or the enjoyment of sexuality. In fact,
a puritanical attitude toward sexuality in the public realm has the eect of
keeping such matters from becoming the object of spoken concern at all; for an
Amhara male to boast of his heterosexual achievements would be considered
shameful.
The traditional Amhara ideal of masculinity refers primarily to aggressive
capacity. The Amhara male likes to boast over his ferocity, his bravery in
killing an enemy or a wild beast. Amhara culture provided genres of oral
literature for such impassioned boasting, employed before and after military
expeditions as well as for entertainment on festive occasions. In the second
place, wand-nat connotes the ability to make little of physical hardshipto
live for a long time in the wild, to walk all day long with no food. In short,
for traditional Amhara the virtues of the male are the virtues of the soldier.
The Amharic word which represents the virtues of the soldier is gwabaz.
Gwabaz may be translated as brave, as hardy, or simply as outstanding.
One of the goals in the socialization of boys was to teach them to be gwabaz.
This is done in a variety of ways. Amhara boys are early taught to defend
themselves with sticks and stones against any outsider who happens to injure
or insult them. Tiny boys are trained in mock battles with members of their
family. Temper tantrums are regarded positively by the childs parents as a
sign that he is gwabaz. The norms of violent revenge when someone has taken
ones land, harmed ones relative, had relations with ones wife, or spoken a
grievous insult are taught to growing boys. Boys of about twelve were wont to
prove their virility by scarring their arms with red-hot embers. The Amhara
youth develops skill in improvising shillala, the strident verse that is declaimed
in order to inflame the blood of the warrior; and he commits to memory verses
which glorify the gwabaz warrior and the act of killing (Levine 1966, 18-19).
Warriorhood takes dierent forms among the two major cultural traditions
in Ethiopia, the Amhara-Tigrean and the Oromo or Galla,4 as we shall see be4

Similar to the way in which Amhara was extended to represent a much broader
population that its original local referent, the term Oromo has come to designate the
entire population of those who speak dialects of the language called Afan Oromo, formerly
known as Gallinya. Even today, a group believed to represent the purest form of traditional

79

low. In both cultures, however, the secular identity associated with being a
male is tied closely to a mans capacity for combat. Both Amhara-Tigrean
and Oromo cultures extol courage the virtues of aggressive masculinity and
martial courage in particular. In both societies, boys are trained to be fearless
fighters. Men who slay dangerous animals or human enemies are lavishly honored. Special boasting chants are declaimed to shame cowards and incite the
brave. Amhara and Oromo verses of this sort often share a close resemblance.5
This has the eect of informing warriorhood in both traditions with a
spirit of enormous daring, bordering at times on foolhardiness. In the modern
period, this meant that Ethiopians with arms inferior to the Italians were able
to inflict a crushing defeat on that invading force at the Battle of Adwa in
1896. Their spirit was embodied in the refusal of some Ethiopian soldiers to
get down in trenches; they insisted in fighting out in the open, as befits a real
wand. This meant that Ethiopian men were disposed to fight again in 1935
with spears and limited weapons against an Italian enemy now equipped with
planes and poison gas.6 It was later reflected in the extraordinary performance
of the battalion of Ethiopian troops sent to Korea to fight with the United
Nations forces in 1951, a performance that earned them the reputation of being
perhaps the most eective military unit of the entire U.N. contingent.
Oromo culture refuse to refer to themselves as Oromo, but as Boran. It has therefore been
difficult to adopt a tern that can be used consistently.
5

Amhara:
Shellelew shellelew

War cries, war cries!

Mindenew shellelew

Of what use is boasting and challenging

Baddisu gorade

Unless you decorate your new sword

Demun telamesew

With his blood!

Oromo:
Sala buttan dakkutti sala

The swords edge on the [shepherds] apron is shameful

Chirriqun durba sala

To spit on a girl is shameful

Sala lama batani

After bringing the two edges [of a spear]

Lama bachifatani

After ordering two [edges of a spear] to be brought

Dirarra diessun sala

The flight from men [enemies] is shameful

(Levine 2000, 152-3)

6
It was due to their unreasoning oensive spirit, an Italian officer wrote in 1937, that
Ethiopian troops were easy to defeat by a disciplined modern army (Perham 1948, 167).

80

The Japanese Masculinity Ideal: Aggressivity Bound

Although the ideal of courage figures prominently in the Japanese ethic of
masculinity, that ethic has come to depart from a notion of raw aggressivity.
The Japanese have traditionally referred to those who behave with untamed
violence, not as real men, but as barbarians or wild beasts. The attitude
toward a man who manifests physical strength alone is just as negative as that
toward an eete courtier. Rather, the fully realized masculine character
otoko no otoko, a mans manmodifies raw, self-asserting physical prowess
in a number of ways.
To be sure, the earliest professional warriors, of the 8th and 9th centuries,
who may represent a distinctive ethnic group who were originally hunters,
appeared extreme in their raw violence. However, by the middle ages and
continuously thereafter, samurai violence was progressively domesticated, as
Eiko Ikegamis The Taming of the Samurai (1995) demonstrates so elegantly.
The conduct of the samurai and of those who emulate the samurai model
came to exemplify a quality called shibui. As Lebra describes it,
The concept of shibui implies an outlook which is practical, devoid of frills, and unassuming, one which acts as circumstances
require, simply and without fuss. In baseball, neither the spectacular homerun batter nor the brilliant infielder can really become
valuable players unless they acquire this shibui quality. Unless the
spectacular and the brilliant include in themselves this element of
the shibui, the technique can never really be called mature. The
ever-available ability to go concisely and simply to the heart of
what is required . . . the pursuit of high efficiency, shorn of excessive individual technique, neither flashy nor yet dull (Lebra 1976,
20).
In addition, Lebra writes, man-like behaviors include suppression of the
emotions. It is important to be free from lingering attachments, so that one
does not hesitate for a second to kick ones wife out if something is found wrong
with her. Real men should also not talk too much. One of the best-known
commercial catchphrases in recent years is: Otoko wa damatte Sapporo biru
(Men silently drink Sapporo beer), uttered by Toshiro Mifune, the John
Wayne of Japan (80, 18, 78).
Beyond such qualities of personal comportment, certain cultural accomplishments formed part of the repertoire of the Japanese male ideal. Japanese
samurai were expected to show proficiency, not only in the arts of war (bu),
81

but in a number of non-martial spheres that linked with the neo-Confucian

notion of personal culture (bun). This linkage was represented by an ideal that
joined them by means of a compound phrase, bu-bun. Proficient calligraphy
was the main one. The embodiment of bu-bun involved practice with the pen
and brush in a manner that evinced unself-conscious and fearless directness.
A secondary art was the composition of highly stylized verse, most notably
haiku.
As samurai culture evolved, it also came to experience the martial code in
a context formed by overarching ideals of loyalty and devotion to corporate
groups. This progressed from impassioned martial loyalty to the household (ie)
of ones lord, to a sense of loyalty to the samurai status group and its code of
honor, to political loyalty to the head of the state (Ikegami 1995). Such loyalty
was no less important than courage in defining the ethic of the full Japanese
male. Well-known stories describe Japanese retainers undergoing enormous
pain and other deprivations to serve their lords, not to mention the countless
episodes of seppuku (suicide by disembowelment). This ideal of manly courage
pertained to the peasants as well as to the samurai. A famous tale of peasant
protest concerns a 17C villager named Sakura Sogoro who, at the cost of being
crucified, brazenly presented a petition from his neighbors to the shogun in
the tip of a six-foot-long bamboo pole. The traditional text about this episode
concludes, Truly if you are a warrior, you ought to leave behind a glorious
reputation because your name is written down in the records for all posterity
(Walthall 1991, 75).
The sacrifice of personal comfort on behalf of corporate goals and organization fed into the Japanese penchant for collective discipline. Before WWII
at least, regimentalized patterns of collective action were instilled in Japanese
schools.
In warfare, these ideals promoted distinctive patterns of conduct. The
implications of these ideals for patterns of martial conduct were twofold. On
the one hand, the notion of subordination of the individual promoted deeds
of suicidal daring, most notably in the kamikaze pilots. On the other hand,
the ideal of cultivated warriorhood, bu-bun, meant that combativeness was
traditionally restrained by norms of exaggerated gentlemanly decorum. Even
so, a turbulent self-assertiveness that constituted what Ikegami has called
honorific individualism fueled their dispositions to serve.

82

Ethiopian and Japanese Warriorhood in Social Context

Within Ethiopia, however, how the masculinity ideal played out in warfare
was further determined by the context of social structure. This variable led
to marked dierences between the two major ethnic protagonists of modern
Ethiopian history, the Amhara-Tigreans, often known as Habesha or Abyssinians, and the Oromo, formerly known as Galla.7
The Abyssinian military ethic took the form of a cult of the hero. Personal
braverynot discipline, training, honor, or self-sacrificing loyaltywas the
paramount virtue in Abyssinian warfare. The gwabaz warrior was rewarded by
his chief, praised by the minstrel, and esteemed by the populace. His bravery
was ranked according to the fearfulness of the enemy vanquished. Thus, in
Meneliks day the fanciest headdress was given to a noble who killed one of the
fierce Danakil, a less fancy headdress being awarded to the killer of the tough
Raya Galla. Such actions constituted the one area in which personal boasting
was permitted and, in fact, institutionalized in the genre known as fukara.
We are indebted to Arnauld dAbbadie for a firsthand account of the eect
of this cult of the individual hero on the orientation of the Abyssinian warrior,
in a passage worth citing at length:
The type of combat which [the Abyssinian] prefers over all others
because it gives him the most freedom to expand his personalityis
that where, due to insufficiency of terrain or other circumstances,
the chiefs can engage only a part of their forces. . . . Joyously
he throws o his toga to clad himself in some military ornament.
. . . He loves . . . to know, finally, that on the hills, behind their
drummers who beat out the charge in place, the two rival chiefs and
the two armies are following him with their eyes, and that he may
at one moment or another, return to his lord and, hurling before
him some trophy, tell him, at the end of his war chant: There!
This is what I know how to do! (Abbadie 1868, 313)
The military organization of the Amhara was highly individualistic. Unlike
traditional Oromo, the Amhara did not provide for the collective training of
7

In present day Ethiopia, the term Oromo has become standard for referring to all of the
peoples formerly designated as Galla in the Ethiopian chronicles. Even so, some Oromo
groups today still do not use that term for themselves. I shall use both terms loosely,
depending on the context. Interaction between the Oromo and the Amhara-Tigreans from
the sixteenth century on, I have argued, formed a central dynamic in the evolution of the
modern Ethiopian nation-state (Levine 1974).

83

their warriors. Each man was left to learn how to fight by himself and to provide his own equipment. A man could become a career soldier when he came
of age simply by purchasing a shield; or he might prevail upon an established
lord to arm him temporarily, with the promise of returning equipment should
he leave that lords service. Similarly, there were no collective provisions for
the supply of troops. Each man was left to fend for himself, drawing upon
the supply of grain he brought along and whatever booty he could acquire on
the warpath; the preparation of his food was left to the wife or servant who
accompanied him to battle.
The conduct of a military operation exhibited a minimum of external constraint and discipline. Chains of command existed with respect to the general
direction of troop movements, and the camping pattern was highly structured.
But the marching and fighting unit seems to have been, for all practical purposes, the individual soldier and his retainers. Battles were not fought in a
disciplined manner; the outcome depended on the sheer number of troops,
their state of morale, and the chance of catching the enemy o guard. Except
for the large-scale deployment of troops in accord with the customary tactic of envelopment, there was little expectation of subordinating the impulses
of individual soldiers to the needs of a team; the prevailing military ethic
stressed rather the heroism of the individual soldier and his drive to bring back
a cache of booty and trophies (Levine 1965, 262-3).
This pattern contrasted with the pattern exhibited by Oromo warriors.
The Oromo went to war, not as proud and self-sufficient individuals, but as
members of named collectivities. Raiding and military expeditions were executed by members of the same age set, or hariyya. Formed by boys in their
late teens by wandering from camp to camp, the age sets were deployed in
organized divisions called chibra, which collected supplies for the campaign,
elected regimental leaders, recruited scouts, and distributed booty. The chibra served as fighting units and followed carefully planned battlefield strategy.
Where Amhara males fought as individual soldiers, expected to provide their
own supplies and capture personal booty, the Oromo derived support, resources, guidance, and morale from their age-mate comrades. Oromo proverbs
celebrate the efficacy of massed collective action in waging war.
Beyond that, Oromo were bound to one another deeply through a number
of social classes that went through a system of grades generally lasting eight
years, a system known as gada. Often misconstrued as an age-class system,
gada was actually a system based on generational position, in which sons of
whatever age entered the system precisely five grades after their fathers. Each
gada class took a turn at serving as the governing class of a particular Oromo
society, during which it made the decisions as to when and where military
84

expeditions should be launched as well as when ritual ceremonies should be

performed. Oromo males traditionally felt strong ties not only to the general
class which they joined but also to a transgenerational solidarity, the gogessa,
consisting of the classes of their father, their son, their sons sons, and so on.
The decisions of a particular ruling class thus had historic implications. The
class in power felt obliged not only to avoid the chief misfortunes that befell
its ancestors and to repeat its signal successes, but also to set precedents that
would benefit its descendants many generations in the future (Legesse, 1973).
Oromo traditionally observed an injunction to undertake a ritual killing
expedition every eight years. The gada class that undertook the expedition
fought not only for itself but also to live up to the reputation of its ancestral
gogessa classes. In contrast to the repertoire of Abyssinian martial chants,
which exclusively glorify the boasting mans own exploits, Oromo also possessed a distinctive genre of boasting songs known as farsa, which celebrate
the deeds of famous ancestors. The farsa are sung to glorify Oromo solidary
groupsclans, lineages, age sets, or gogessa.
One other important dierence should be mentioned, the religious dimension. Although Abyssinian culture put a premium on associating masculinity
with aggressive prowess, it nevertheless placed great emphasis on the curbing
of aggression through religious teachings and practices. An extensive regime
of fasting in Abyssinian Christianity is held to curb mans natural sinful aggressive inclinations. A substantial proportion of the populacea 17C visitor
estimated as high as one-third (Lobo 1984, 178)have been monks and clergy,
and so ineligible to take up arms. Piety in many forms stood to curb the tendency to violence. Among the Oromo, warfare itself was integrated into their
religious system. A religious ritual known as butta entailed the execution of
raiding and killing expeditions every eight years.
The structuration of masculinity and warriorhood in Japan represented
a kind of middle ground between Abyssinian individualism and Oromo collectivism, and also between their respective forms of religiosity. As with
Abyssinian Christianity, Japanese Buddhists promoted an ultimate ethic of
nonviolence, and supported monastic roles on its behalf. On the other hand,
Buddhist temples were among the staunchest bastions of armed defense during the medieval period. Some forms of Buddhism preached the oneness of
death and life, and did not regard death as a source of impurity (as did native Shinto). The samurai drew eagerly on Buddhism as a resource to steel
themselves against fear of death.
Institutionally, Japanese warriordom was centered in a complex of patronclient ties, as was the case in Abyssinia. In contrast to the Amhara pattern,
however, Japanese patron-client ties were embedded in a named collectivity
85

to which deep loyalty was expected: the household (ie) of a lord. This nexus
enmeshed the warrior in a corporate grouping, which reinforced a disposition
to self-sacrifice on its behalf. Even so, the striving for aggressive self-assertion
continued to permeate the samurai outlook. The result, Ikegami notes, was
two coexisting modes of aspiration in the Japanese elite . . . competitive
individuality on the one hand and orderly conformity on the other (1995,
335).

Historic Consequences
Dierences in the ways in which the traditional cultures of Japan and Ethiopia
construe the masculinity ethos in the service of warriorhood represent instructive exemplifications of how culture disposes what male gender-linked instincts of aggressivity propose. Beyond that, these phenomena may be seen
to have had important historic consequences.
To begin with, dierences in the spirit of warfare between Abyssinian and
Oromo had, I have argued, important consequences for the making of the
modern Ethiopian state. In the course of the Oromo expansions of the 16th
and 17th centuries, their advances were rarely checked by Abyssinian troops.
This remarkable fact was noted by our most valuable contemporary source, an
Amhara monk named Bahrey who wrote a History of the Galla in the 1590s.
How is it, Bahrey wondered, that the Galla [Oromo] defeat us, though we
are numerous and well supplied with arms? (cited Levine 2000, 89)
In accounting for the Oromo victories, I have relied on a clue provided by a
statement attributed to Bahreys contemporary, Emperor Sartsa Dingil, who
reportedly ascribed the Oromo conquests to their firm determination on going
into battle to either conquer or die, and the routs and defeats of the Amhara
to the exact opposite disposition. In explaining this dierence, I have argued
that although both cultures placed enormous emphasis on fearless masculine
combativeness, they diered in the extent to which those motivations were
activated.
The Amhara pattern of hierarchical individualism had the eect of making the motivation of individual soldiers contingent on the particular reward
structure of a given campaign. Amhara troops fought for personal gain from
booty and to be acknowledged and rewarded by their superiors. The presence
of the king or lord on the battlefield typically made a great dierence in how
bravely Amhara soldiers were inclined to fight. If the relevant lord was killed,
or if there was no chance of his learning about a soldiers bravery, the latter
was likely to feel that there was not much point in fighting. If their lord was
86

defeated in battle, Amhara soldiers often shifted allegiances and went over to
another side. If the gains possible from any battle situation seemed too small,
they felt no moral compulsion to continue the fight.
In the Oromo case, by contrast, several factors made the activation of their
military ethic less contingent on the particularities of the battle situation. For
one thing, killing a man was intrinsically an important accomplishment for any
Oromo male who wanted to live a self-respecting life. It enhanced his chances
of securing a wife or wives, and not to be married at the appropriate time was
considered quite shameful. It gave him the self-esteem associated with wearing
the victorious warriors hairstyle. Beyond that, the Oromo warriors engagement drew considerable support, we have seen, from the social structures in
which it was organized. Consequently, he was inspired to contribute to the
corporate success of his fighting division, and to play his part in the drama of
Oromo history, as well as to appear a fully competent male in the eyes of his
home community. Since he thereby had a set of motivations for battle that
were continuously operative and not contingent on the circumstances of the
particular battle, the Oromo warrior needed no lord to inspire and reward his
particular exploits in battle.
The upshot was that the Oromo not only overran a vast territory inhabited by Amhara and other ethnies, but made their way to the center of the
historic kingdom. Their accommodation with indigenous groups with which
they came to mingle, and their integration to the national center by intermarriage and vassalage constituted the central dynamic of the emergence of
the modern Ethiopian nation (Levine 2000). In particular, they soon came
to provide troops for the Ethiopian Crown. Quick to appreciate their valor,
Sartsa Dingil, for example, deployed Oromo warriors as early as 1580 in missions to defeat rebels aligning themselves with Turks on the Red Sea Coast,
and also in expeditions against the Falasha and other Oromo tribes (Conti
Rossini, 1907). This pattern made it possible for Oromo troops in substantial
numbers to fight alongside Amhara-Tigreans under Emperor Menilek II, who
quadrupled the size of the Ethiopian empire, and led a multiethnic army to
defeat the Italians in 1896.
Likewise, in Japan, the samurai ethos played a double role in creating
the modern nation-state. Their ethic of shaping conduct through rigorous
discipline and subordinating individuals to collective interests worked wonders
when transferred to nation building under the Meiji restoration and economic
transformation thereafter. The transference of absolute martial loyalty from
ones immediate lord to the imperial head of the Meiji state furthered mightily
the establishment of a powerful modern nation, one which at Port Arthur in
1904 became the first Asian country to defeat a European army.
87

With that achievement, Japan joined Ethiopia to become the only other
non-European country to defeat a European army in the final era of imperial
expansion. Recognizing this affinity, a number of Japanese citizens showed
enormous sympathy with the Ethiopians when they were invaded in 1935, even
to the extent of sending them a shipload of swords. Dierences in their social
structural and other cultural patterns, however, meant that the application of
martial dispositions to economic life enabled the Japanese to modernize far
more rapidly in both economic and political domains (Levine 2001).
Contrasts in contemporary expressions of these martial dispositions appear as well. On the one hand, mobilization of traditional warrior values on
behalf of a strongly centralized modern nation-state led Japan to embark on
a program of ruthless military expansion, invading Manchuria and China in
the 1930s and imposing severe cruelties on the peoples of East Asia, including China, Korea, Burma, and the Philippines. By contrast, Ethiopia in the
1930s was a victim of unprovoked invasion by Fascist Italy, pursued through
a war machine that rained poisoned gas upon peasants armed with spears. In
the postwar era, Japan tended to abstain from international eorts to stem
Communist expansion and maintain world peace, whereas Ethiopia, earlier casualty of a dysfunctional system of collective security, played a gallant role in
United Nations military actions in Korea and the Congo and, through actions
of both Emperor Haile Selassie and her current Prime Minister Meles Zenawi,
performed statesmanlike services in mediating major conflicts in Nigeria, Morocco, Somalia, and the Sudan.
A less conspicuous contrast, albeit one no less consequential, appears in
the manifestation of this ethic in the civil political sphere. The process of
taming of the samurai has continued well into the twentieth century, as traditional martial arts (bujutsu) became transformed into disciplines pursued
purely for the cultivation of character (budo), and finally underwent a revolutionary charismatic transformation into a practice known as aikido, designated
by its founder as a way to promote peace and world harmony (Saotome 1989,
Beaulieu 2005).
The civilian manifestation of this ethic presents a far-reaching expression
of civil discourse in the political arena, albeit one that oers less room for
the individualistic assertiveness that could be displayed even in the samurai
universe. The lack of a comparable taming process in Ethiopia has meant
that throughout the twentieth century, the assertive martial habitus never
disappeared from the governance system. Like all of his predecessors of the
past two centuries, the current Prime Minister has had to shoot his way into
power, and has publicly boasted of the significance of his guerrilla days in the

88

bush as the schooling of choice for his political career and vocation.8 Once
the taming of her traditional warrior ethic gets under way, Ethiopia may well
experience a surge of new productivity and cultural achievement.

References

DAbbadie, Arnauld. 1868. Douze ans de sejour dans la Haute-Ethiopie.

Paris.
Adkins, Arthur W. H. 1960. Merit and Responsibility: A Study in Greek
Values. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Beaulieu, Sren. 2005. After OSensei: Dynamics of Succession to a Charismatic Innovator. Unpublished Masters Thesis, MAPSS program, The
University of Chicago.
Bellah, Robert. 1957. Tokugawa Religion. Boston: Beacon Press.
Bowlby, John. 1969. Attachment. NY: Basic Books.
Boyarin, Daniel. 1997. Unheroic Conduct: The Rise of Heterosexuality and
the Invention of the Jewish Man. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Conti Rossini, Carlo, ed. 1907. Historia Regis Sarsa Dengel (Malak Sagad).
Paris.
Hall, John W. 1970. Japan From Prehistory to Modern Times. New York:
Dell.
Herzfeld, Michael. 1985. The Poetics of Manhood: Contest and Identity in a
Cretan Mountain Village. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Ikegami, Eiko. 1995. The Taming of the Samurai. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.
James, William. 1910. The Moral Equivalent of War. In Essays on Faith
and Morals, 311-28.
Lebra, T.S. 1976. Japanese Patterns of Behavior. Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press.
Legesse, Asmarom. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African
Society. New York: Free Press, 1973.
Levine, Donald N. 1965. Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian
Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
8

In an interview in a Tigrinya-language Eritrean quarterly, the Prime Minister expressed

his conviction that To me quality of life means to be part of an armed struggle . . . I dont
think that there is a better life than the life of a combatant. If I were not a combatant I
dont think I would have been a happy person. (Hwyet 11, May 1997)

89

. 1966. The Concept of Masculinity in Ethiopian Culture. The

International Journal of Social Psychiatry 12:1, 17-23.
. 1968. The Military in Ethiopian Politics: Capabilities and Constraints. In Henry Bienen, ed., The Military Intervenes: Case Studies in
Political Development, 5-34. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
. 2000. Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society.
Second edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
. 2001. Ethiopia and Japan in Comparative Civilizational Perspective. Passages 3:1, 1-31.
. 2003. Amhara. Encyclopaedia Aethiopica. v. 1, 230-22.
Institute of African and Ethiopian Studies, Hamburg University.
Lobo, Jeronimo. 1984. The Itinerario of Jeronimo Lobo. London: Hakluyt.
Lorenz, Konrad. 1966. On Aggression. New York: Harcourt, Brace and
World.
Ludolphus, Job. 1684. A New History of Ethiopia. Translated by J.P. Gent.
London.
Mead, Margaret. 1937. Cooperation and Conflict among Primitive Peoples.
New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
Morgenthau, Hans. 1960. Politics Among Nations, 3rd ed. New York: Knopf.
Perham, Marjorie. 1948. The Government of Ethiopia. London: Faber and
Faber.
Portal, Gerald H. 1892. My Mission to Abyssinia. New York: Negro Universities Press.
Ridley, Matt. 2000. Genome: The Autobiography of a Species in 23 Chapters.
New York: Harper Collins.
Saotome, Mitsugi. 1986. Aikido and the Harmony of Nature. Boston: Shambhala.
Sato, Ikuya. 1991. Kamikaze Biker: Parody and Anomy in Auent Japan.
University of Chicago Press.
Simmel, Georg. 1903/4. The Sociology of Conflict, trans. Albion W. Small.
American Journal of Sociology 9, 1903/4, 490-525, 672-89, 798-811.
. (1908) 1955. Conflict, trans. Kurt H. Wol. Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press.
Tinbergen, N. 1968. On War and Peace in Animals and Man: An ethologists
approach to the biology of aggression, Science 160, 1411-18.
Tocqueville, Alexis de. (1835) 2000. Democracy in America. New York:
Perennial Classics.
Walthall, Anne, ed. 1991. Peasant Uprisings in Japan: A Critical Anthology
of Peasant Histories. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
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Wrangham, Richard, and Dale Peterson. 1996. Demonic Males: Apes and the
Origins of Human Violence. New York: Houghton Miin.
Zivkovic, Marko. 2002. Noble Criminals, Highlanders and Cryptomatriarchy:
Poetics of Masculinity in Serbia (and how to get at it). Paper presented
at conference on Balkan Masculinities, University College London, 7-8 June
2002.

91

CHAPTER SEVEN

The Aiki Way to Therapeutic and Creative

Human Interaction1
Aiki Waza Michi Shirube, Aiki Training is a Signpost to the Way, serves as
a motto for the organization co-sponsoring this felicitous event. The saying
is ascribed to the Founder of aikido, Morihei Ueshiba OSensei. If Michi, the
Way, is to be understood as the goal of our practice then might we not do
well to think about its inner meaning? I think the classical saying that the
Tao that is told is not the essential Tao advises us not to avoid talking about
the Way, but only not to assume that whatever words we use possess absolute
validity.
Conceptual understandings about the martial arts lag behind what we do
in practice. In spite of the historic shift from viewing martial arts training
from forms of jutsu to approaches to dofrom techniques of accomplishing
something to ways of being (Levine 1991)available concepts fail to do justice
to what we know from the experience of training and teaching budo.2 We know,
for example, that we do not practice aikido as separate individuals but almost
always in connection with others. And yet, when we think about the essence
of the aiki experience we typically do so with an eye to the improvement
of personal character through becoming more accomplished nages. Although
that perspective is of course valid, exclusive reliance on an individual-centered
perspective overlooks the special properties of the interactions involved in this
joint practice.
If that is so, we might take a moment to consider the uke-nage transaction
as an instance and a metaphor for interhuman relations generally. To examine
that transaction fully requires shifting from perspectives centered on individuals to an interactional perspectiveto viewing aiki transactions as processes
of mutual communication rather than as something that one person does to
another.
An interactional model of the aiki transaction can take dierent forms.
I propose to sketch two of them. For one thing, aiki transactions oer a
1

Presented at the conference Living Aikido: Bewegungs- und Lebenskunst, AIKIInstitut f

ur Gesundheitsf
orderung und Selbstentwicklung, Schweinfurt, Germany, May 19,
2007.
2

See Shibata 2004 on problems associated with the term nage.

92

paradigm of therapeutic relationships of all kinds. In this paradigm, uke is

seen as sick, as a patient. In developing this interpretation I draw in particular
on the insights and models of Talcott Parsons regarding the doctorpatient
relationship. In a dierent vein, I conceive uke rather as example of the role
of a dynamic creator. Pursuing this notion will take us toward a paradigm
that seeks to combine elements from Lao-Tse, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Martin
Buber.
My remarks, then, fall into three sections: 1) shifting from focus on single
individuals to discourse about social interaction; 2) interpreting aiki transactions as parallel to patient-doctor relationships; and 3) viewing aiki work as
modeling the interactions between creators and receptors generally.

Paradigm Shift: From Individuals as Such to the Interaction of Parties

To ground my advocacy of a shift from an individual-centered to an interactional perspective on aikido I need to call on a dierent sort of waza, the history
of social theory. This history directs us to observe, first o, that the greatest part of human thought assumes that the proper subject of philosophical,
spiritual, and scientific investigations about humans should be the concrete
individual. That assumption appears in three major venues.
1. We find, in all cultures, a program of human improvement directed to
the individual person taken as a moral agent. In this perspective we
find, for example, doctrines that regard the person as an entity to be
shaped by right discipline; or ennobled by purifying practices; or edified
by proper enlightenment; and the like.
2. In Western moral philosophy, we find a tradition of thought, originating
with Thomas Hobbes, that bases its analyses of social phenomena on
a concept of the individual as an organism moved by desires, pursuing
utilities, and guided by interests. Sometimes referred to as utilitarianism, this perspective has gained renewed currency with the ascendance
of economism in the past few decades.3
3. Third, we find a view of the human individual that derives from philosophers like Rousseau, Goethe, Emerson, and Nietzschethe individual as
3

Ciepley 2006 oers a searching account of social and ideological forces behind the resurgence of economistic worldviews in the United States over the past half-century.

93

a subject whose nature is to be expressed, whose personal growth is to

be cultivated, and whose creative urges are to be satisfied. This view is
sometimes formulated as an eort to promote the cultivation of individuality, a form of modern individualism that has been contrasted with the
libertarian individualism championed by thinkers of the Enlightenment
(Simmel [n.d.] 1957).
In reaction to these formulations centered in individuals voiced above all
by thinkers of the British and German traditions, a number of French thinkers
counterposed the notion of society as a phenomenon whose natural properties and moral value could not be reduced to those of individual actors.
Foremost among these were thinkers such as Montesquieu, Rousseau, Comte,
and Durkheim. These thinkers of the French tradition espoused what has been
referred to as a notion of societal essentialism (Levine 1995). (Modern debates between proponents of societal essentialism and those of what has been
called atomic naturalism recapitulated older metaphysical debates between
nominalists and realists.)
This opposition between the individual and society dominated nearly all
of Western social thought. There have, however, been two striking exceptions, which emerged toward the end of the nineteenth century. In Germany,
philosopher Georg Simmel interposed between those polar terms the notion
of interaction, a domain that had properties, he insisted, that were distinctive and sui generis. In the United States, John Dewey and G.H. Mead
collapsed the distinction in favor of a notion of socially constituted and societally constituting selves. For Mead, the crucial ingredient of this process was
the acquisition and use of language. Both the ability to participate in social
interaction and to construct a self-conception, Mead argued, depended crucially on the ability to grasp and internalize the meaning of external objects
as symbols. This central process suggests a formulation that works better in
German than in English: the birth of dialogue (Gesprach) out of the spirit of
language (Sprache).
Reaching back to Meads seminal work, J
urgen Habermas retrieved the
notion of a form of rationality that he called dialogical, which he contrasted
with the monological rationality that had formed the subject of philosophic
discourse previously (Habermas 1984). Well before Habermas, however, the
notion of dialogue had been thematized and made central by Martin Buber,
whom I regard as one of the philosophers most closely attuned to the Aiki
Way. Bubers intellectual development traverses the shift in paradigms of
which I have been speaking. He began as a devotee of Nietzsche, from whom
he acquired the ideal of intense transcendent experience. Buber became, as
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his biographer Paul Mendes-Flohr aptly put it, an Erlebnis-mystic. At the

University of Berlin he joined the Neue Gemeinschaft, a fraternity dedicated
to pursuing the Dionysian worldview which Nietzsche celebrated.
At the same time, Bubers studies with Simmel at the University of Berlin
planted seeds for a transition away from an exclusive focus on the individual
self. Simmels insistence that psychologistic explanations of interaction are
inadequate converted Buber to a perspective in which the interhuman (das
Zwischenmenschliche) figures centrally. The first step of this transition appears in Bubers introduction to Simmels essay Die Religion (1906) published
in Die Gesellschaft, a series which Buber edited. In this introduction, Buber
endorses Simmels view of the discipline of sociology, employing Simmelian
terms like Formen der Beziehung, Wechselwirkung, Vergesellscghaftung (forms
of relation, interaction, association), and affirming Simmels ontological point:
Das Zwischenmenschliche is that which occurs between (zwischen)
men; in some ways it is not unlike an impersonal, objective process.
The individual may very well experience das Zwischenmenschliche
as his action and passion, but somehow it cannot be fully ascribed
or reduced to individual experience. For das Zwischenmenschliche
can only be properly comprehended and analyzed as the synthesis
of the action and passion of two or more men. (cited MendesFlohr 1989, 38-9).
For Simmel, the concept of forms of association served to carve out a distinctive domain for the new academic discipline of sociology. Reproducing
Simmels argument in 1906, Buber affirms: Sociology is the science of the
forms of das Zwischenmenschliche . . . [forms such as] super- and subordination, cooperation and noncooperation, groupings, social rank, class, organizations and all types of economic and cultural associations, both natural and
normative (39).
In spite of this new ontological vision, this awareness of the interaction
domain sui generis, Buber did not endow social interaction processes with any
particular moral or spiritual qualities. He continued to locate transcendence in
the sphere of Erlebnis, of personal life experienced with the utmost intensity
and integrity. Indeed, it was his enthusiastic engagement in the War spirit
that brought to Buber, as to so many other German intellectuals of the time,
an unprecedented intensity of transcending experience.
What turned Buber away from his War enthusiasm in particular and his
idealization of intense personal experience more generally was a traumatic
exchange with his close friend Gustav Landauer in May 1916 (in his new
95

family home at Heppenheim, not so far from Schweinfurt). Landauer was one
of the few German intellectuals who opposed the War strenuously. After his
visit with Buber, Landauer wrote a letter in which he excoriated Buber for
the moral lapse of indulging in militaristic sentiments. Mendes-Flohr argues
that Landauers critical letter occasioned a volte-face in Buber and writes:
In Bubers writings subsequent to the spring of 1916, we notice three new
elements: an explicit opposition to the war and chauvinistic nationalism; a
reevaluation of the function and meaning of Erlebnis; and a shift in the axis
of Gemeinschaft from consciousness (i.e., from subjective-cosmic Erlebnis) to
the realm of interpersonal relations (102).
From that time on, Buber expanded his conception of interpersonal relations in ways that connected it with the wish for transcendence. He came to
sacralize what Simmels lectures had identified simply as a sociological form.4
He came to find in the relation between I and Thou an instantiation of
ultimate values. In 1914, according to Mendes-Flohr:
Buber, the Erlebnis-mystic, spoke of religiosity as a tendency in
man that seeks to actuate Gods realization; by securing the creative integrity of ones personality one acts to renew the cosmic
harmony. In 1919, Buber defined religiosity as the human disposition that aects the realization of God through the establishment
of authentic relations: Whenever one man joins hands with another, we feel [Gods] presence dawning (aufkeimen) (115).
In sum, Buber had come to find in das Zwischenmenschliche the venue for
self-transcendence that he had previously sought in Nietzsches appeal for a
peak experience. In this, he later recalled, he was harking back to Ludwig
Feuerbach. For Feuerbach, he noted, man
does not mean man as an individual, but man with manthe
connexion of I and Thou. The individual man for himself, runs
his manifesto, does not have mans being in himself, either as a
moral being or a thinking being. Mans being is contained only
in community, in the unity of man with mana unity, however,
which depends only on the reality of the dierence between I and
Thou (Buber [1938] 1965, 147-8).5
4
In the Die Religion essay, however, Simmel points the way to Bubers sacralized dialogue by tracing in certain types and moments of interhuman experience the seeds for what
becomes objectified as religion.
5

Buber took this quote from Feuerbachs Principles of the Philosophy of the Future
(Grunds
atze der Philosophie der Zukunft). This was published in 1843, two years after his

96

Bubers journey thereby brought him to a point of fusing the interactionist

model of Simmelian sociology with the self-transcending ecstasies projected
by Nietzsche. The way to such heights was to be obtained by a concentrated,
open, and genuine kind of communication between two subjects. Bubers notion of genuine dialogue between two committed subjects oers precisely the
kind of model of open communication that we strive to attain in the practice
of aikido.
The possibilities of such interhuman encounters are endless, just as possibilities of uke-nage communication are endless. I turn now to examine two
sets of possibilities that are manifest in aiki interactions, forms resonant with
our experiences in everyday life. One of those possibilities gets evoked when
the person who initiates the interaction presents himself or is perceived to be
sick.

Uke as a Patient, Nage as Healer: Aiki Interactions as

Therapeutic Work
I attempt now to delineate what I consider rather precise parallels between the
therapeutic transaction and the aiki transaction. This eort draws inspiration
most famous publication, The Essence of Christianity. The earlier work provided fodder for
Marxs famous attack in Thesis VI, where he excoriates Feuerbach by asserting:
Feuerbach resolves the religious essence into the human essence. But the human
essence is no abstraction inherent in each single individual. In its reality it is
the ensemble of the social relations. Feuerbach, who does not enter upon a
criticism of this real essence is consequently compelled to abstract from the
historical process and to fix the religious sentiment as something by itself and
to presuppose an abstractisolated human individual. . . . (Tucker ed. 1972,
145).
It is ironic to compare Marxs words of 1845 to those of Feuerbach in 1843 just cited. The
original Feuerbachian text cited by Buber follows.
Der einzelne Mensch f
ur sich hat das Wesen des Menschen nicht in sich, weder
in sich als moralischem, noch in sich als denkendem Wesen. Das Wesen des
Menschen ist nur in der
Gemeinschaft, in der Einheit des Menschen enthalteneine Einheit, die sich
aber nur auf die Realit
at des Unterscheids von Ich und Du st
utzt. . . . Selbst
der Denkakt kann nur aus dieser Einheit begrien und abgeleitet werden. (Feuerbach [1843] 1903, 318)
In retrieving these words, Buber goes on to observe: Feuerbach did not elaborate these
words in his later writings (Buber 1965, 148).

97

from three sources. First o, I was struck by how many of those who were
initially drawn to the work of Aiki Extensions were themselves psychotherapists or bodyworkers with therapeutic consequence. A number of practitioners
claimed to be securing therapeutic results by using aikido techniques or at least
aikido-inspired ideas. Indeed, some of them reported accomplishing more by
doing aikido with their patients than through any standard therapeutic techniques in which they had been trained.
Within the non-aikido community of therapists, moreover, I took note of
the growing import of those who construe the psychotherapeutic situation in
terms of interpersonal process. An earlier proponent of this approach, Jacob
Moreno, inventor of sociometry and psychodrama, had in fact acknowledged
an explicit indebtedness to Georg Simmel. A number of psychologists were
inspired by the pioneering work of Harry Stack Sullivan who defined the therapeutic experience as essentially constituted by interpersonal relationships.
In pursuing these leads I was struck, as I explored the subject further,
by parallels between the founders of these two practices, Sigmund Freud and
Morihei Ueshiba. Figure 1 schematizes a few of these parallels. Both men successfully completed rigorous training in conventional disciplines in young adulthood and then, in their early 40s, had breakthroughs associated with intense
emotional experiences that led them to found new disciplines and to renounce
early martial ambition fantasies (Levine 1984). They were also charismatic
figures whose new disciplinesand prophetic posturesinspired international
movements which they headed. Moreover, Freud and Ueshiba continued to
evolve beyond their mature breakthroughs, remaining active and productive
well into their eighties. Both had disciples who trained with them along the
way and then went on to transmit the teachings of that phase as the orthodox
teaching, and they were survived by a number of disciplines whose competitive
strivings introduced dissent in what they each hoped would survive them as
unitary movements (Beaulieu 2005).
Parallels in their substantive teachings are no less striking. Freud and
Ueshiba both propounded an ethic based on nature and respect for the natural propensities of humans rather than on some transcendental conception.
Conceptions of natural energetic forces grounded their teachings. Jonathan
Lears words about psychoanalysis apply to aikido: Psychoanalysis works
both against a devaluation of empirical life and for a reintegration into the
flow of life of patients who have been thrown o their middle (Lear 2000).
Both Freud and Ueshiba identified the sources of human aggression and martial combat in the psychic disposition of humans rather than in culture and
social structure. Both illuminated ways in which inner discord gives rise to
external discord. Both devised training programs to alleviate inner discord,
98

Figure 7.1: Parallels between Psychoanalysis and Aikido

Charismatic Founder

Sigmund Freud (18561939)

Morihei Ueshiba (18831969)

Cultural Context

biologism

martialism

head of school

director of institute

head of ryu

leader of organization

Local Head

supervisor

sensei

Role of Teacher

analyst

sempai/nage

Role of Student

patient, client

kohai/uke

Secessionists

Jung Adler

Tomiki, Tohei

Disciple

programs that focused on a slow process of becoming more integrated (inner

harmony) as a way to promote external harmony as well as personal freedom.
Above all, I suggest, both of them invented practices whose meaning they
did not fully comprehend, practices which evolved nontrivially through eorts
of later practitioners. Others have wondered about this: psychoanalytic theorist Edgar Levenson confessed that analysts of all persuasions continue to
treat all of their patients with a considerable degree of success . . . and yet are
hard put to know exactly how to talk about what it is they do when they do
what they know how to do. This ineable competence can be defined as the
praxis of psychoanalysis (Levenson 1983, 6); and one of Ueshibas students,
Anno Sensei, wondered if what the Master created had not evolved beyond
budo, or martial arts, altogether (Anno 1999).
Levenson himself attempt to identify the obscure secret of good therapeutic
praxis. He describes it as a deep structure of cognition . . . [whose] efficacy, no
dierent from that of other forms of propagandizing influence, depends on its
resonance to deep structures of thought (89). In contrast, I want to suggest
that there is an unconscious structure built into the interactional structure of
the therapist-client relationship, one that is cognate with what Talcott Parsons
identified half a century ago as the unconscious structure built into the doctorpatient and many other kinds of socially reintegrative relationships. I believe
that both Freud and Ueshiba, through their intuitive genius, created structures
whose true significance has only begun to be visible through generations of
work since their mature formulations.
During the 1950s, Talcott Parsons came to theorize in dierent ways the
logic of what he termed double-interchange paradigms. The template for this
schema came from the depiction of interactional flows of the economic system.
99

Figure 7.2: Double Interchange in the Economy

(Parsons and Smelser, 1956)
Household
Has needs

Firm
Has goods
Labor Services

Accepts employment
Wages
Purchases

Consumer Goods and Services

Oers employment

Produces

Consumer Spending
!

Figure 2 shows the familiar schema of this flow in economic exchange, where
one party oers labor or its equivalent for goods or their equivalent.
For Parsons, this schema of double interchange oered a template for exchanges among subsystems of action at all levels. He did so unaware that
Simmel himself had posited the advantage of doing this when he suggested
that most relationships among men can be considered under the category of
exchange ([1907] 1971, 43).
Prior to presenting this general model of systemic interchanges, Parsons
had oered a cognate schema of interchanges in his analysis of the system
of medical practice in The Social System (1951). In that work and related
writings of the period, Parsons analyzed the virtually subliminal structuring
of responses of doctors and patients. He did so along lines he would employ
later when discussing comparable dynamics in the socialization of children.
The net eect of all this was to highlight the unwitting structuring of processes
by which the motivations of persons with needs for social integration could be
mediated by occupants of roles with resources suited for that task.
With just a little reflection, one can see how closely the elements of the
paradigm of medical practice resemble the elements of the uke-nage interaction
system. Figure 4 brings out the main aspects of these parallels.
What this represents is that the script for uke, like that of the patient, is
to express his feelings openly. In aiki practice, this is manifest in the advice
to attack sincerely. That is the basic rule of the psychoanalytic interview,
just as it is a basic rule of aiki practice. In response, the task of the thera100

Figure 7.3: Double Interchange in the Medical System

(Parsons, 1951)
Patient Role
Has needs

Doctor Role
Has resources
Expresses pain
!
Listens compassionately, does not reciprocate
Oers directions for healing
Agrees to follow doctors lead, get well
!

Figure 7.4: Double Interchange in the Aikido System

Uke Role
Has needs

Nage Role
Resourceful
Lashes out
!
Receives attack, does not reciprocate
Oers better way
Follows nages lead
!

101

pist/nage is to accept that expression, without getting upset, letting himself

be hurt, or reciprocating. The therapist/nage then moves to resolve the situation by guiding the client/uke in a tonic direction. In response to that, the
client/uke takes responsibility for changing his patterns by moving in that new
tonic direction. This basic schema has been refined in many ways by experienced therapists just as experienced senseis have a repertoire of increasingly
subtle ideas.
Before discussing them, let us step back a moment and note that in order
to adapt all of these double interchange paradigms to real situations, one thing
more must be added: a starting point or a presenting situation. For the therapeutic situation, two conditions have been identified. One is the setting of
the therapeutic interview. It must be defined by ritually demarcated boundaries in time and space, a condition that aords a safe and secure therapeutic
playground for the client, as Freud himself called it. In aikido, the playground in which the uke and nage carry on is similarly constituted, through
the ceremonial marking of boundaries in time (bowing in and bowing out of
class) and space (bowing on and bowing o the mat).
The other condition concerns the state of being of the therapist, who is
expected to embody a higher degree of integration and whose mind is to be
marked by evenly hovering attention. Similarly, the nage in aikido is expected to strive for a state of being centered and to maintain a mental
attitude marked by soft vision. In that frame of mind, both therapist and
nage can actually initiate the interaction with a leading move. The therapist can lead the client to open up with a remark such as you seem upset
today or simply how are you feeling? The alert nage can sense a coming
attack and extend an arm to draw out the imminent energy that uke itches to
deliver.
Once the interaction proper begins, a number of subtle responses are likely
to be involved. It is hard to imagine the sense of freedom, self-acceptance,
self-confidence, and growth that may come in the wake of ukes feeling free
to express anything she wishes, or ukes freedom to attack with full sincerity.
There is also an added boost for the client/uke on those rare occasions when
they get through to one of the therapist/nages vulnerable spots. In addition,
that the client can be listened to compassionately, that the ukes attack can
be graciously received, comprise elements of anticipatory gratification and of
actual relief and self-enhancement that may do much to restore confidence
in the possibility of genuine I-Thou connecting. It can also be a matter of
satisfaction and growth for the therapist and the nage to realize that they in
fact possess the capacity not to reciprocate their antagonists deviant bid and

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that they have the power to refrain from treating him the way that everyone
else normally does.
That much accomplished, it remains for therapist/nage to resolve what
was potentially a difficult problem in a tonic manner. The challenge to them
is to avoid making responses that are either exploitative or that involve an
improper degree of familiarity. That done in turn, it remains for client/uke
to follow their lead in a positive manner, albeit remaining on the lookout for
openings and weaknesses in the therapist/nage to make use of as they see fit.
It is not productive if they simply wimp along when therapist/nage manifests
weaknesses of leadership and shows openings. If client/uke should resist this
lead, however, therapist/nage will be challenged not to oppose their resistance
but to blend with those any resistance and to soften them.
Each transaction takes place in a broader context of ongoing interactions. It
behooves the therapist/nage to restore attention to the larger context, to mark
the boundaries of successive engagements, and to set the terms of continuous
work. It is up to the client/uke to integrate what has been learned from each
transaction and to get ready for proceeding to the next step.

Uke as Dynamic Creator, Nage as Creative Receptor: A

Six-Stage ParadigmDrawing on Lao Tse, Nietzsche, and
Buber
Instead of viewing uke as a patient, as a pathological actor in need of healing,
suppose we reframe the role of uke in a more positive manner. Suppose we
carry out the reframing process radicallythat we view ukes ostensible aggression as an expression of energy that is to be welcomed for the good it can
bring. Such a shift can lead to a reframing of the entire aiki transaction that
might unleash a great deal of human potential. The paradigm that I visualize
for this interpretation has six components, as in Figure 5.
This paradigm stays closer to the aikido experience as we know and seek
to cultivate it. The paradigm amounts to little more than an eort to take
the basic moves that we practice and to extend them directly into everyday
responses. It stands at one and the same time as a guide to training and as a
guide to life generally.
It commits us, to begin with, to find the center of our being in ways that
keep us open to the worlds within us and around us.
It reminds us that, since we are prone perpetually to lose our center, to
study more eective ways to regaining center.

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Figure 7.5: New Uke Paradigm

Handeln

Action

Manner

Role

Breathing
Continuous deep
breathing

1.Sein

Being

Centered and
open

Expecting
nothing, ready
for anything

2. Sch
opfen

Initiating

Energetically

Uke 1

Exhale 1

3. Engagieren

Engaging

Harmoniously

Nage 1

Inhale

4. L
osen

Resolving

Appropriately

Nage 2

Exhale

5. Anpassen

Adapting

Creatively

Uke 2

Exhale 2

6u. Zuruckprallen

Rebounding

Easily

Uke 3

Inhale-exhale

6n. Beherrschen

Controlling

Zanshin

Nage 3

Inhale-exhale

It encourages us to align with the yang energy entailed in every creative

process, albeit in a way that flavors that extension with the yin of subtlety
and control.
It alerts us to be receptors of creative inputs, treating them neither as
threats, nor as annoyances, nor as demons.
It bids us oer honest and insightful responses to creative initiatives, such
that any destructive or misleading elements they may contain can be redirected
into more benign channels.
It coaches us to be flexible and to learn from obstacles or things that do
not work, viewing them not as mistakes but as a normal part of the creative
process.
It tells us to regain our balance after every exchange, returning to a state
of readiness to learn, to create, to enjoy, and to be.

Conclusion
The aiki schemas of uke as patient/nage as therapist and uke as creator/nage
as receptor are two among many. I invite you on your own to extend this
mode of analysis to other forms in which you may be engaged: parent-child,
husband-wife; leader-followers; mediator-client; enemy combatants; whatever.
I suggest that it is valuable for us to execute comparisons of this sort with a
double aim in mind: to show how aikido practice can deepen our capacities
for such experiences o the mat, and no less to suggest how awareness of those
applications can enrich our training experiences on the mat.

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In setting forth these ideas I hope to have responded to the question with
which I began: what can we say about the nature of the Aiki Way, which we
try to pursue?
Insofar as we are patientsand we are all patientsit disposes us to reach
out when we are in need, to ask for help, and to do so in a sincere and direct
manner; and then to respond respectfully and in good faith, yet not blindly,
to solutions to our problems oered by those who listen to us.
Insofar as we are healersand we are all healersit inclines us to listen
with compassion to requests for help without giving in to illegitimate responses
that may be proered, to learn how to make contact with another while staying
attuned to the center of our being, and to develop resources that can be useful
in resolving issues that others present from time to time.
Insofar as we are creatorsand we are all creatorsit inspires us to express our deepest feelings with courage, honor, and awareness, and to regard
obstacles along the way as important components of the entire creative process. In the hands of a master, one of my music teachers once observed,
the limitations of a medium become its virtues.
Insofar as we are receptorsand we are all receptorswe learn to savor the
various responses of our partners in ways that show we take them seriously but
will not be taken in by gestures that seem misleading or harmful to themselves
or us or anyone else.
The Way of Dialogue, which Martin Buber elucidates on from his devotion to the inspirations of Nietzsche and the profound teachings of Lao Tse,
can be enhanced through the somatic practices fashioned by Morihei Ueshiba
OSensei. I find this point restated with exemplary economy by one of the
newer members of Aiki Extensions, David Rubens of London, who wrote in
a personal communication: One of the blessings of aikido, at least as I have
found it in my life and as you have shown in your work with Aiki Extensions, is
that it creates a completely eective short-cut to creating connections between
people. If aiki waza is indeed a michi shirube, that is not such a bad michi
to be heading toward.

References
Anno, Motomichi. 1999. Interview with Motomichi Anno Sensei, July 11.
Conducted by Susan Perry, translated by Mary Heiny and Linda Holiday.
Aikido Today Magazine.

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Beaulieu, Sren. 2005. After OSensei: On the Dynamics of Succession

to a Charismatic Innovator. Unpublished Masters thesis. University of
Chicago, Master of Arts Program in Social Science..
Buber, Martin. 1965. Between Man and Man. Trans. Ronald Smith. New
York: Macmillan.
Ciepley, David. 2006. Liberalism in the Shadow of Totalitarianism. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Feuerbach, Ludwig. [1843]1903. Grundsatze der Philosophie der Zukunft.
Sammtliche Werke. Ed. Wilhelm Bolin and Friedrich Jodl. Vol. 2.
Stuttgart: Fr. Fromanns Verlag.
Habermas, J
urgen. 1984. The Theory of Communicative Action Vol. 1.
Trans. T. McCarthy. Boston: Beacon Press.
Lear, Jonathan. 2000. Happiness, Death, and the Remainder of Life. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Levenson, Edgar. 1983. The Ambiguity of Change. NY: Basic Books.
Levine, Donald N. 1984. The Flight from Ambiguity. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
. 1991. Martial Arts as a Resource for Liberal Education: The Case
of Aikido, in The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, eds. M.
Featherstone, M. Hepworth, & B.S. Turner (London: Sage), 209-24.
. 1995. Visions of the Sociological Tradition. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Mendes-Flohr, Paul. 1989. From Mysticism to Dialogue: Martin Bubers
Transformation of German Social Thought. Detroit: Wayne State University Press.
Parsons, Talcott. 1951. The Social System. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Parsons, Talcott & Neil Smelser. 1956. Economy and Society. Glencoe, IL:
Free Press.
Shibata, Beth. 2004. Throw versus Release: The Eect of Language and
Intention on Aikido Practice. www. aiki-extensions.org
Simmel, Georg. 1906. Die Religion. Frankfurt am Main: R
utten & Loening.
Reprinted in Georg Simmel Gesamtausgabe, ed. Otthein Rammstedt, v.
10.
. (n.d.) 1971. Freedom and the Individual. Ch.15 in Georg Simmel on
Individuality and Social Forms, ed. Donald N. Levine. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
. 1907 (1971). Exchange. Ch.5 in Georg Simmel on Individuality and
Social Forms, ed. Donald N. Levine. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

106

CHAPTER EIGHT

Extending the Way: Aikido for the 21st

Century
I did not invent aikido, I discovered it. So, we believe, said the Teacher who
founded aikido, Morihei Ueshiba. He thought he had discovered a system of
practices that was in deep accord with the fundamental energy processes of the
universean aspect of his thought expounded by one of his most intimate, late
deshis, Shihan Mitsugi Saotome in the brilliant book, Aikido and the Harmony
of Nature (1986).
OSenseis sense that aikido is a form to be discovered lends poignancy to
the fact that his own understanding and practice of aikido continued to evolve
throughout his life. It began as aikibujitsu, his own polished version of the
system of martial techniques developed since medieval times and transmitted
through his own mentor Sokaku Takeda Sensei. It continued through his conversion of that system to aikibudo, which he taught in the 1930s: a system
of training in powerful techniques for vanquishing opponents but whose practice was geared to ennobling the character of the practitioner. His teaching
of this system continued through 1941, the year that Japans war against the
United States began. It was in that year, writes Gozo Shioda in Aikido Shugyo
(1991), that OSensei turned toward a more spiritual path of development. Shioda Sensei notes that he did not follow OSenseis teachings further at that
point, and that therefore, with perhaps some hyperbole, he claimed to be the
last of OSenseis students to be trained as a martial artist: The concept of
Aikido as a martial skill has ended with me (204).
During the years of inner exile at Iwama, Ueshibas system, which in 1941
he named aikido, continued to evolve. Its movements came to be inspired
increasingly by the principle of attunement between partners. According to
recollections of Saotome Sensei, Ueshibas emphasis on interhuman harmony
increased enormously due to two events that occurred in 1945, the atomic
bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and the reports from Japanese acquaintances who had been present at the liberation of the Nazi concentration camps.
Ueshiba became determined to develop a teaching whose emphasis was altogether contrasted with that of defeating an enemyin my aikido there are
no enemies, he maintained.
This change was experienced by Hikisutchi sensei when they reunited for
the first time after the war in 1948, as he recounts in the video, The Birth
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of Aikido. Help me establish a wholly new approach to budo, OSensei

pleaded to Hikisutchi at an emotional meeting, we must expound and promote
a budo that is dedicated to the creation of peace. As Motomichi Anno Sensei,
Hikisutchis main deshi and successor at Shingu, recalled in an interview in
1999: According to OSensei, bu is no longer a matter of fighting; budo exists
for the purpose of developing good relations among all people. . . . As I listened
to OSenseis teaching, it seemed that Aikido was something unprecedented,
that OSensei had newly created out of his training in various classical Japanese
martial arts [and] that Aikido has evolved beyond budo. And Anno Sensei
took the next logical step, affirming that the state of being that OSensei sought
to cultivate through aikido could be achieved by devoted practice of a number
of arts, including calligraphy, flower arranging, tea ceremony, and music. A
pithy dictum of OSenseis makes this point: Aiki waza michi shirube, Aikido
training is but a signpost to the Way.
Many of those who went on to teach aikido continued to teach it as a
set of techniques for vanquishing the other, despite the account of aikido as
a spiritual path set forth so eloquently in The Spirit of Aikido (1984), by
Ueshibas son Kisshomaru Ueshiba, the late Doshu. Nevertheless, three of
his deshis, in particular, began to explore pointedly the implications of seeing
aikido essentially as a Way, designed to promote harmony in the world.
One of these was Koichi Tohei sensei, OSenseis preeminent student after
World War II. Toheis earlier studies with yoga teacher Tempu Nakamura,
founder of a practice called Shin Shin Toitsu Do (Way of Mind and Body
Coordination), equipped him to enrich aikido pedagogy with practices directly
aimed at calming the mind and enhancing the flow of ki. While still the
principal instructor at the Hombu dojo he set forth teachings on how to extend
these practices beyond the mat in a book first printed in English in 1966,
Aikido in Daily Life. The organization Tohei later founded to promote these
teachings directly, the Ki Society, took as its central motto: Let us have a
universal spirit that loves and protects all creation and helps all things grow
and develop.
Tohei Sensei was the first person to introduce the teaching of aikido into the
Untied States, where his influence was profound and extensive, such that the
American reception of aikido proved from the outset resonant with the notion
that aikido had some palpable connection with daily life. Other sources of
ideas for extending aikidos teaching into daily life came from two talented
Americans who studied with OSensei in the 1960s, Terry Dobson and Robert
Nadeau.
The only American to be an uchi deshi student with the Founder, Terry
Dobson told his junior colleague James Lee that OSenseis mission for him
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was to spread Aikido around the world and show people how it could be used
to create peace in the world. Accordingly, he developed a range of materials for workshops on conflict management and personal growth. Dobsons
first eort, Giving In to Get Your Way, co-authored with Victor Miller, was
published in 1978, and posthumously in 1993, with a new title: Aikido in Everyday Life. The book encouraged people to engage in conflict and to respond
to lifes inexorable conflicts in ways that avoid fighting back, withdrawal, inaction, and deception in favor of confluent engagement. He continued to grapple
with these issues, and prior to his untimely death had worked out the outline
of a sequel, to be titled Soft Power: The Resolution of Interpersonal Conflict.
The book would have included centering exercises devised by Koichi Tohei
and supplemented by several of Terrys own invention. He envisioned it as
a unification of aikido with the academic discipline of interpersonal communication, wherein the verbal counterparts of aikido responses were realized
through a number of verbal forms. Retrieved by James Lee, these verbal
forms are explained in detail and examples given in Restoring Harmony: A
Guide for Managing Conflict in Schools (Lee, Pulvino, and Perrone, 1998).
The other principal conduit for OSenseis idea of aikido as a vehicle for
spiritual energy was Bob Nadeau. Nadeaus teachings ignited an enormous
amount of creativity in the extension of aiki ways o the mat. At least five of
his students went on to inspire countless others with fresh manifestations of
extension work: George Leonard, who developed a systematic form of energy
training he calls LET (Leonard Energy Training); Paul Linden, who created
a healing modality known as Being in Movement R ; Richard Moon, who focused on powers of empathy through his Listening Institute; Wendy Palmer,
who created Conscious Embodiment, a system of practices designed to enhance
inner awareness; and Richard Strozzi-Heckler, who fused somatic training with
psychotherapy and then forged a somatically grounded approach to leadership
training. All five epigones published considerably. In particular, one might
mention Strozzi-Hecklers influential anthology, Aikido and the New Warrior
(1985), which assembled writings by aikidoka who applied the practice in various domains, including family therapy, sports, and playing with animals. A
later book, In Search of the Warrior Spirit (1990), documents his eorts to
engage professional soldiers in aikido ways, and The Leadership Dojo (2007)
bases management strength on integral body awareness.
Aware of these disparate eorts, and of other practitioners who on their
own had attempted to use aikido movements and ideas in areas outside of
conventional dojo settings, I thought it might be of value to organize a little
network to create and enhance communication among them. During a semester
teaching in Berkeley in the spring of 1998, I discussed the idea with longtime
109

sempais Wendy Palmer and Philip Emminger. Later that year I clapped,
expecting that at least a dozen or two would clap back. They did. In October
1999, after frustrating legal delays and the like, we incorporated formally in
the State of Delaware as Aiki Extensions, Inc. An initial founding membership
consisted of about twenty Americans, including all those named above (Lee,
Leonard, Linden, Moon, Strozzi-Heckler as well as Emminger and Palmer).
During those months of gestation I was pleased to discover a publication
by Peter Schettgen and invited him to join the network. The first aikidoka
outside North America to join the group, Peter served on the AE Board of
Director for several years, attended the first three Aiki Extensions conferences
in the U.S., and organized a series of conferences in Germany. The first two
of these resulted in published collections of articles, Heilen Statt Hauen (Heal
Dont Hack!, 2002) and Kreativitat statt Kampf ! (Creativity Not Combat!,
2003).
The growth of Aiki Extensions work in Germany has been phenomenal.
During the past year the same has been true in Great Britain, thanks largely
to the eorts of AE project director Mark Walsh and Quentin Cooke. At
this point AE is clearly an international eort, with members in some twentyseven countries in six continents. Its pioneering activities include novel forms
of youth outreach, including a center for favela youngsters in Sao Paolo, Brazil;
the Bronx Peace Village in New York; weekend gasshukus for kids and a
program at the Seven Tepees Youth Center in the Bay Area, California; and a
Peace Dojo that forms part of the Awassa Youth Campus in Ethiopia. Its most
ambitious project was a four-day international seminar at Nicosia, Cyprus, in
April 2005, from which has sprung a variety of continuing eorts to build
bridges among Arabs and Israelis.
With the passing of so many of the first generation of direct students of the
Founder of aikido, the whole question of the future of this distinctive international movement comes into question. There are those who say that its social
and spiritual dimensions represent the most enduring and valuable aspects of
aikido practice. Indeed, AE Director Strozzi-Heckler writes that Aiki Extensions is the 21st-century iteration of how OSensei envisioned aikidos role in
global peace. AE is in a direct lineage to his vision and it is thus playing out
what his vision projected in a world marked by transforming technologies and
new epidemics of strife.

References
Anno, Motomichi. 1999. Interview.
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Dobson, Terry and Miller, Victor. 1978. Giving in to Get Your Way. New
York, Delacorte Press.
Dobson, Terry and Miller, Victor. 1994. Aikido in Everyday Life. Berkeley:
North Atlantic Books.
Heckler, Richard Strozzi. 1985. Aikido and the New Warrior. Berkeley: North
Atlantic Books.
Hikitsuchi, Michio. Date. The Birth of Aikido. Video.
Lee, James and Pulvino, Charles and Perrone, Philip. 1997. Restoring Harmony: A Guide for Managing Conflict in Schools. CITY: Prentice Hall.
Saotome, Mitsugi. 1986. Aikido and the Harmony of Nature. Boston: Shambhala Publications, Inc.
Shioda, Gozo. [1991] 2002. Aikido Shugyo: Harmony in Confrontation. Trans.
by Jacques Payet and Christopher Johnston. CITY: Shindokan Books
Strozzi-Heckler, Richard. 1990. In Search of the Warrior Spirit. Berkeley:
North Atlantic Books.
. and Leider, Richard. 2007. The Leadership Dojo: Build
Your Foundation as an Exemplary Leader. Berkeley: Frog Books.
. Date. Personal Interview.
Tohei, Koichi. [19060] 1966. Aikido in Daily Life. Tokyo: Rikugei Publishing
House.
Ueshiba, Kisshomaru. 1984. The Spirit of Aikido. New York: Kodansha
America.

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CHAPTER NINE

A Paradigm of the Aiki Way

UKE

NAGE

Being present

Being present

Scanning the situation

Showing resources (openings)

Taking action

Welcoming

Engaging

Receiving

Following

Extending

Moving with the situation

Relaxing (expanding outward)

Landing

Releasing

Finding new situation

Restoring presence

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CHAPTER TEN

Clashes or Dialogue Among Civilizations1

Abstract
The thesis of a Clash of Civilizations, famously voiced by Samuel
Huntington in 1993, draws support from selected social science generalizations and the fact that all historical civilizations organized
around core beliefs and values condemned outsiders. This thesis can be challenged by showing that civilization are internally
complex, including elements that also develop non-exclusionary
themes; and by specifying a human need for dialogue driven
by compresent needs for attachment and dierentiation. The historic emergence of those inclusionary subtraditions by looking at
the cases of Gandhi in India, Ueshiba in Japan, and a number of
historic and contemporary figures in the Abrahamic civilizations
of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
In 1993 the late Samuel Huntington advanced a claim that the bipolarized
world of the latter 20th century would yield inexorably to clashes among civilizations. This alarm caught many social scientists by surprise. In the early
1990s literate opinion lingered under the glow of the Soviet collapse and savored
a sense that world consensus behind liberal democracy and capitalism stood
to preclude future ideological clashes. The view that the array of culturally
diverse historical societies would converge on a single common constellation
of modern societya principal tenet of the first two centuries of sociology
seemed reconfirmed.
Shmuel N. Eisenstadt figured prominently among those who had long challenged the convergence thesis. His noted conception of multiple modernities
seemed to point to a world future in which gross cultural dierences would
1

Original version was presented in the session, Clashes versus Rapprochement, at Comparing Modern Civilizations: Pluralism versus Homogeneity. A Conference in Honor of
Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt. Jerusalem, November 2-4, 2003. The paper had the benefit of
comments from Adam Kissel, McKim Marriott, Nilesh Patel, and Rabbi Arnold Wolf and
was published as: Civilizational Resources for Dialogic Engagement? In Comparing Modern Civilizations: Pluralism versus Homogeneity, ed. Eliezer Ben-Rafael. Boston: Brill.
This revised version was published in the Journal of Classical Sociology 11, No. 3. August
2011: 313-26 as The Dialogue of Civilizations: An Eisenstadt Legacy.

113

perdure and if anything grow more intense. His perspective might thereby
have been assumed a priori as fielding an argument consistent with the central
claims of the Huntington thesis. This essay will demonstrate, however, that
in virtue of Eisenstadts championing of two other ideasthe complexity of
historic civilizations and the potentialities of dialoguethat assumption must
be challenged.
Global developments since the early 1990s could be said to have corroborated Huntingtons claim. As a rough indicator of that denouement, consider
John Mearsheimers recent summary: in the first years after the Cold War,
many Americans evinced profound optimism about the future of international
politics, but since 1989 the United States has been at war for a startling two
out of every three years, with no end in sight, such that the public mood has
shifted to an aching pessimism (Mearsheimer 2011, 17). To be sure, it is a
large leap from the frequency of post-Cold War international clashes to an
assumption about the clash of civilizations. Warfare among contemporary societies stems from many sources: growing competition over increasingly scarce
resources like land, energy, and water; struggles for political control and economic hegemony; and hostile reactions to economic insecurities and rapid social change.The management of such conflicts depends largely on the restraint
of statesmen, negotiations among political stakeholders, and the attitudes of
their followers.
Even so, the salience of those polemogenic factors does not rule out the
thesis of a deeper-lying clash of civilizations. This sweeping claim deserves to
be addressed in its own right.

In Support of the Huntington Thesis

The Huntington thesis holds that diverse civilizations are marked by core symbolic complexes that ultimately stand in irreducible conflict. This claim draws
support from three truths.
Ever since William Graham Sumner (1906) provided the language to say
so, social scientists have affirmed that all human groups manifest ethnocentrism. This designates a syndrome marked by an exaggerated view of a groups
own virtues; a pejorative view of others; a relation of order, law, and industry among members of the in-group; and a relation of predation against outgroups. Related to these elements is a tendency to exaggerate the dierences
between in-groups and out-groups. The universality of this pattern can be

114

linked in part to the ways in which it satisfies at once two of the most powerful human needs: the need for attachment and the need for dierentiation.2
Second, as systematic studies on the matter have shown, the more complex
and technologically advanced a society, the stronger its level of ethnocentrism
is likely to be(LeVine and Campbell 1972).
Third, ethnocentric beliefs become fortified when intertwined with imperatives that stem from strong cultural mandates. Certain of these mandates
derive from the work of elites who have produced transcendent ideals for reconstructing worldly relations, ideals that were elaborated in what have been
called the Axial civilizations (Eisenstadt 2003, I, chs. 1, 7).
The great civilizations, consequently, have tended to defend and extend
their respective domains through glorified ethnocentric processes involving
conquest, conversion, and assimilation of those outside the pale. In GrecoRoman civilization, for example, Hellenes came to disparage outsiders who
were ignorant of Greek language and civilization, thereby uncivil and rude.
Calling them barbarians (barbaroi ) encouraged the Greeks to conquer, enslave, and colonize others who were deemed culturally inferior. This conceit
continued in Roman times, as Roman citizens justified their extensive conquests of alien peoples (barbari ) in ways that coerced them into adopting the
Latin language and their religious beliefs. In the case of European civilization
this pattern found its denouement in the missione civilatrice whereby Italian airplanes rained poisoned gas on shoeless Abyssinian peasants armed with
spears, and Nazi armies attempted to expand their notion of a superior German culture throughout Europe. The Greek/barbarian paradigm can be found
in all other major civilizations. Its omnipresence underlies the plausibility of
the clash of civilizations thesis.
The pejorative distinctions one associates with the great civilizations include, alongside the Hellenic distinction between Greek and barbarian, the dichotomies of Hindu/mleccha, Chosen People (am segulah)/gentiles (goyyim),
Christian/pagan, umma/fakir (infidel),and nihongo/gaijin. Each of those dichotomies derives from certain core values in each civilization, values that
implant criteria used to justify disparagement if not aggression against others. If, in fact, those values represent hegemonic notions that subordinate all
beliefs and norms in their respective civilizations, then there would indeed be
grounds for adducing theoretical support for the Huntington worldview.
2

These needs, as recent social neuroscience has demonstrated, are hard-wired in the
human species (Smith and Stevens 2002).

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Challenges to the Huntington Thesis

Nevertheless, the Huntington thesis appears vulnerable when both of its key
assumptions are subjected to question. The first views civilizations as monolithic formations, organized around a coherent core of animating beliefs and
values. The second holds that the most likely interactional form in which serious dierences tend to get aired is that of combat. These assumptions simply
do not hold up under critical examination. Few thinkers have had the erudition and imagination to provide as much substance for those critiques as did
Shmuel Eisenstadt.
The first critique was voiced eloquently by Edward Said, when he discounted the Huntington view of civilizations as shut-down, sealed-o entities
that have been purged of the myriad currents and counter-currents that animate human history, and that over centuries have made it possible for that
history not only to contain wars of religion and imperial conquest but also to
be one of exchange, cross-fertilization and sharing (Said 2001). Few scholars
have gone so far as Eisenstadt in elucidating the enormous complexity of all
civilizations, not least in identifying strains within and between institutional
structures and cultural complexes. In consequence of this, each civilization
has evolved internally contradictory sub-traditions. Although each embraces
a core value that separates some category of worthy humans from one that
denigrates others, each alsocontains elements that promote a more inclusive
orientation. All civilizations possess customs that promote hospitality toward
strangers. They contain elements that can be used to encourage the toleration
of diversity. They harbor teachings that cultivate understanding and compassion. They thereby oer seeds that can sprout into resources for inter-human
dialoguea form of open communication that could inspire ways of reducing clashes among contemporary civilizations. In fact, in an interview given
shortly before his passing, Eisenstadt emphasized his belief that all civilizations contain universalistic elements (Shalva Weil 2010).
The second critique takes aim at implied assumptions about panhuman belligerence. It questions the notion that combat is the most likely interactional
form in which dierences come to be resolved. To be sure, much researchby
biologists such as Konrad Lorenz, Nikolaas Tinbergen, Richard Wrangham,
and Dale Petersonsupports the assumption of an inherent human disposition toward aggression; and some ideologists regard the polemical principle
as a defensible human ideal. A growing body of research in neurophysiology,
however, supports the idea that humans are essentially motivated by needs
for community and social harmonyclaims that fit a long tradition of philosophical argument about the value of open communication and consensus. In
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its pure form this yields to the Habermasian frame that stipulates ideal conditions of conversation under which concerned parties will expectably arrive
eventually at similar positions.
In contrast to a notion of open communication as mutual aggression or
harmonious consensus, dialogue signifies a type of discourse in which parties
take turns listening respectfully, and responding genuinely to one anothers
expressions. Empirically, the quest for dialogue draws support from the same
human tendencies cited earliernamely, the need both for attachment and
for dierentiation. It implies, in the words of that prophet of dialogue Martin
Buber, the acceptance of otherness (Buber 1992, 65). The simultaneous
wish for attachment and dierentiation formed a central theme in the socialpsychological analyses of Bubers own teacher in Berlin, Georg Simmel.
Thanks to the anomalous circumstance that Shmuel Eisenstadt imbibed
his sociology from books loaned by Buber, his professor at Hebrew University, he early on became acquainted with this notion of dialogue. Indeed, in
later autobiographical reflections he acknowledged the deep impact of Bubers
teachings, and went on to edit a volume of Bubers writings for The Heritage
of Sociology series. What is more, in the course of writing Visions of the
Sociological Tradition, I came to realize that Eisenstadts narrative (in The
Form of Sociology: Paradigms and Crises) was not, as I previously thought,
strictly pluralistic, but rather took the form of a dialogical narrative: it saw
diverse approaches to sociology as occasionally oering dialogical openings to
one another an interpretation that Eisenstadt himself corroborated in a personal communication (Levine 1995, 96).

From Clashing to Connecting Civilization: The GrecoRoman Case

If we were to conjoin Eisenstadts affinity for the principle of dialogue with
his passion for the comparative study of civilizations, we might be led to ask:
how was it possible for historic civilizations, rooted as each was on a starkly
exclusionary principle, to have evolved to a point where some of their elements
could be used to support an ethic of dialogue? How, in other words, could each
of the major world civilizations give rise to developments in which authentic
traditional symbols were invoked in ways that heighten levels of openness and
inclusiveness?
To adumbrate the transformational pattern that I have in mind, let me begin with a prototype of the process in Greco-Roman civilization. The concept
of physis (nature) formed a central notion in the Greco-Roman worldview.
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This concept defined nature, not in the post-Newtonian sense of an inherent

force which directs the world, but as designating the essential quality of something in a universe of substances. Hellenic philosophers moved from questions
about the nature of inorganic and organic bodies to a concept of nature that
could be taken as a foundation for ethics. The texts of Plato and Aristotle aorded a basis for superseding conventional notions of morality with a
search for what is good by nature as distinguished from what is good merely
by tradition or convention (Levine 1995).
At the same time, however, the notion of nature provided a basis for dividing people into superior and inferior categories on the basis of naturally given
characteristics. This distinction was used to reinforce the Greek/barbarian
dichotomy, in that all barbarians were held to be slaves physei (by nature).
Aristotle quotes a line of the poets, It its fitting for Greeks to rule barbarians, commenting that the assumption being that barbarian and slave by
nature are the same thing (Politics, Book 1, ch. 2, 36).
In the minds of other Hellenic thinkers, however, the notion of nature was
employed to overcome such political oppositions by envisioning a single polis
of the entire world. Diogenes the Cynic thus proclaimed the doctrine of a
world state (cosmopolis) in which all humans would be citizens. This became
a central doctrine of the Stoics, based on the assumption that all humans
possess by nature an identical divine spark (apospasma). Accordingly, Stoicism
undermined distinctions based on race, class, and even gender. These ideas
were amplified by Romans like Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius, who expanded
the doctrine of humanitarian cosmopolitanism. Their doctrines drew on the
core Greco-Roman idealization of nature in ways that articulated the notion of
a universal human nature, as a means for transcending the pejorative attitude
toward outsiders that proponents of the civilized/barbarian dichotomy had
fostered.

India and Japan

In the civilization of India, the idea of purity (Sanskrit: sattva) figured as one
central symbolic theme. Connoting freedom from alloy, and so from defilement
of the spirit by the impurities of matter, purity was tied to the belief that
there is no possibility for humans to see and manifest divinity without being
cleansed. In accord with this ontology, Hindus divided people into categories
(varna) that classified groups with respect to their levels of purity/impurity.
Historically, the first group to be so classified was the Brahmans. Although
Brahmanic status rested on birth, to become a fully accredited Brahman a
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man had to study the Vedic texts, learn certain ritual practices, and acquire a
holy belt. Brahmans were expected to manifest a number of virtuous qualities,
grounded on purity in several dimensions, including purity of body, purity of
mind, and purity of heart, and the avoidance of contact with impure substances
and persons. They were obliged to provide literary instruction, priestly duties,
and certain magical services, and to support themselves from gifts, not by
earning a salary.
Commitment to this ideal of purity had well-known consequences of an exclusionary and destructive character, both internally and externally. Within
Indian society, one category designated a set of castes that came to be known
as the Untouchables. These were considered irredeemably impure and therefore to be excluded from such goods as rights to own land and opportunities to
perform certain rituals. In addition, Hindu doctrine considered those outside
their religious traditions to be impure as well. Groups who did not respect
the Vedic rituals and the ban on killing certain animals were called Mleccha or
outsider, a term that generally connoted impure. Mleccha and Untouchables
were often thought of as being in a similar or identical status category. Hostility toward Muslims thus was grounded to some extent ideologically on their
being impure.
On the other hand, the enormous heterogeneity of Indian culture, together
with absence of political pressures to impose religion and an egalitarian strain
in Hindu culture, accounted for the proverbial syncretistic cast of Indian culture as well as the conspicuous absence of wars of religion (Eisenstadt 1996,
410). Evolving from such background a position of radical egalitarianism and
inclusiveness, Mohandas Gandhi devoted himself to overcoming those established polarizing animosities. He strove to secure equal rights for the Untouchables, even renaming them as harijan, children of God. He also worked
continuously for unity between Hindus and Muslims, aspiring to promote the
notion of Indian nationals living together in a civic society. He strove valiantly
to prevent the creation of a separate Islamic state following Indias Independence, but in vain. Identifying with the traditional Indian notions of mleccha
and impurity, a Muslim League under Muhammed Ali Jinnah established a
Nation of the Pure, Pakistan.3
Although Gandhi failed to prevent the Islamic split-o and the ensuing
massacre of millions, he created a Way for Hindus to transcend tenacious
3

They were obliged to provide literary instruction, priestly duties, and certain magical
services, and to support themselves from gifts, not by earning a salary. Although Brahmanic
status rested on birth, to become a fully accredited Brahman a man had to study the Vedic
texts, learn certain ritual practices, and acquire a holy belt.

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animosities stemming from deeply held cultural convictions by drawing on

other aspects of Indian tradition. He did so by turning to classical symbols
such as ahimsa (nonviolence, drawn from the Jain tradition) and the quest
(graha) for truth (satya). Gandhi found purity above all in what he called
the search for truth. He categorically ruled out the use of violence on the
ground that it inhibited the search for truth, since no one could know more
than a portion of what is true. In Gandhis teachings, to use satyagraha
to overcome injustice required considerable training and confidence. Training
included understanding and controlling ones impure thoughts through regular
meditation. To transform the mind of an opponent, a satyagrahi needed this
mental purity.
Around the time of Gandhis transfiguration of Indian notions, a comparable breakthrough was taking place in Japan, with eorts to reorient the
heirs of the culture of Japanese warriors. For Japanese civilization, the core
symbol to be considered here is makoto. Usually mistranslated as sincerity,
makoto signifies a disposition to discharge ones social obligations with utter
fidelity, suppressing personal utilitarian goals. Considered the highest virtue
of the Japanese hero, makoto connotes the value of calm action in whatever
circumstances.4 Although the focus of makoto has varied in dierent periods
of history, a constant theme has been the disposition to act in a self-eacing
manner on behalf of the well-being of others.
As Eisenstadt (1996) made clear, the ultimate ideal of Japanese civilization
lies not in some transcendent value to which worldly actions are held accountable, but to the authority figures of this world, on whose behalf makoto actions
are dedicated. Since the Middle Ages, the samurai were expected to display
this conduct most consistently. The seven pleats of their traditional garb,
the skirt-like pants known as hakama, allude to what are understood as the
components of makoto: loyalty, honor, respect, aection, and sincerity (shin).
The samurai ethos diused through Japanese society; economic entrepreneurs
recast the notion of samurai makoto in ways that favored Japans economic
modernization (Bellah 1957). That ethos was further utilized following the
Meiji Reformation by political modernizers, who directed it toward passionate
allegiance to the emperor as symbol of the Japanese state.
That symbolism, notoriously, turned Japan in externally destructive directions. It fostered frequent violent combats among trained martial artists.
It eventuated in imperialistic ambitions that led Japan to embark on brutal
conquests under Emperor Hirohito.
4

Success is not the criterion here. Ivan Morris (1975) suggests that the value of makoto
action may be enhanced by failure. Other aspects of makoto are described in Gleason 1995.

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Yet those same samurai ideals served to transform Japans traditional martial arts in an opposite direction. This began with the work of educator Jigoro
Kano, who reconfigured the traditional teaching of lethal unarmed combat, jujitsu, into a practice of judo utilized only to develop character. It eventuated
in the teachings of Morihei Ueshiba, who reoriented martial arts training away
from competitive struggle of any sort toward practices designed to produce an
attitude of respect for all living beings and to serve as a bridge to peace and
harmony for all humankind (Ueshiba 1984, 120). Ueshiba failed to persuade
Japanese militarists to desist from launching war against the United States,
just as Gandhi failed to prevent the partition of India. Nevertheless, just as
Gandhis teachings in South Africa and India inspired subsequent political
leaders like Martin Luther King, Jr., and Nelson Mandela to relate to their
political opponents in a respectful, nonviolent manner, Ueshibas teachings,
through the practice he created, aikido, have inspired millions worldwide to
embrace a Way that would enhance inter-civilizational dialogue.

The Abrahamic Civilizations

Christianity was founded on an ideal of universal love. Funneled through the
Greek word agape, the teachings of Jesus propounded the virtue of unselfish
and benevolent concern for the welfare of others. The universalistic cast of this
teaching received classic formulation in the words of the proselytizing convert
Paul, himself influenced by Stoic doctrines, who announced: There is neither
Jew nor Greek, bond or free, male or female; for ye are all one in Christ Jesus
(Gal. 3:28). In society after society, these teachings have restrained violence
and promoted generosity of spirit.
On the other hand, Christianity holds the record for the number of people
from other cultures slain on behalf of a religious emblem, including millions of
native Americans, Africans, and aboriginal Australians, not to mention, from
among its own members, huge numbers of heretics and witches. Western
Christianity created a tenacious pattern of anti-Semitism that, acknowledged
in the recent statements of Pope John Paul II, played a nontrivial role in
destroying the civilization of Continental European Jewry. Although Christian
figures from time to time espoused a turn to the ethos of Jesus and early
Christianity, almost none of them grappled conspicuously with the challenge
of using the foundational statements of Christianity to oppose the waves of
persecution launched against the Jewish people in their midst (Carroll 2001).
None of them, that is, until Pastor Dietrich Bonhoeer. Inspired by the
social activism of the Abyssinian Baptist church in Harlem, which he assisted
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during a postdoctoral year at the Union Theological Seminary in the early

1930s, Bonhoeer returned to Nazi Germany to join Martin Niemoeller in his
work with the Confessing Church (Bekennende Kirche), the center of Protestant resistance to the Nazis. He directed one of the underground seminaries of
the Confessing Church in 1935. After the Nazis closed down the seminaries,
he went on to engage in underground activity to help Jews escape and was
associated with the conspiracy to assassinate Hitler. The theological and ethical statements that he worked out in the course of this resistance became a
benchmark for a new brand of Christians. In justifying courageous pastoral
intervention against Nazi oppression, he worked out a justification of political
activism in an immoral world, based on a notion of venture of responsibility:
It is better to do evil than to be evil, he decided. His theological creativity
has been described as forging a kind of religionless interpretation of biblical
concepts in a world come of age (Bonhoeer 1963, 5). Bonhoeer thereby
paved the way for the more inclusive kind of rapprochement that many German Christians have displayed since the War, and has been described as a key
theologian for leading future generations of Christians.
For Islam, the core symbolic notion is, evidently, islam, i.e., submission.
This signifies a posture of humble acceptance of and outward conformity with
the law of God. The term is derived from Arabic aslama, to surrender or
resign oneself, in turn derived from Syriac aslem, to make peace. Islamic
tradition focuses on a complex of laws found in the Koran and promulgated
by Muslim clergy, laws which cover everything from family relations and civil
accords to criminal codes.
Among the notions to which Muslims owe submission, nothing is more
motivating than the injunction to pursue jihad. And nothing illustrates the
capacity of civilization to promote dierent directions better than the dierent meanings this term has acquired in Islamic civilization. On the one hand,
jihad refers to aggression against Unbelievers through the legal, compulsory,
collective eort to expand territories ruled by Muslims. Most scholars argue
that despite ambiguities about the term in the Koran, this has been the principal line of interpretation of the doctrine in Islamic tradition. Thus, jihad
was invoked to instigate the conquest, beyond the Arabian Peninsula, of the
region from Afghanistan to Spain within a century of Mohammeds death, and
later to spur Muslim invasions of such territories as India, Anatolia, Balkans,
Ethiopia, Sudan, and West Africa. More recently, it has been dramatically revived in modern Islamic fundamentalism by influential figures such as Sayyid
Outb, who argues that the only way for Muslims to achieve religious purity is
to establish an Islamic state through jihad.

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On the other hand, jihad has been interpreted as a struggle for personal
moral improvement, in the sense of living more closely in accord with Islamic
Law. Thus, in language that parallels Ueshibas formulation that in his form
of martial art, there are no enemies and that the greatest victory is the victory
over oneself, the 11th-century theologian Abu Hamid al-Ghazali maintained
that the soul is an enemy which struggles with one and which must be fought,
and that this jihad against the soul constitutes the greater jihad (al-Ghazali
1995, 56). In this sense of the term, it extends beyond overcoming baser
instincts to a struggle for social justice. So understood, it could be viewed as
an injunction to live peaceably with everyone, and to cooperate with people
of all faiths in a quest for social reform. This position has been embraced by
virtually all Sufi theologians. This accords with the absence in Islam of any
particularistic ethnic emphasis, apart from the status of Arabic as a sacred
language (Eisenstadt 1992, 41). In fact, in many contemporary societies until
recently, including Ethiopia and India, the norm was for public displays of
solidarity between Muslims and other religious groups.
Although some progressive Muslims wish seriously to promote and extend
the latter definition of jihad, no charismatic figure, such as a Gandhi or a Bonhoeer, has arisen to challenge authoritatively the contemporary drift toward
an escalation of the other view.5 In the past dozen years, Muslims appealing
to the symbol of jihad have launched a worldwide campaign involving assassinations, vandalism, and terrorist actsagainst Christians in Indonesia and
Yemen, Jews in Israel, Hindus in Kashmir, and traditional religionists in Sudan; and against Buddhists through demolition of their world-prized mountain
sculptures in Afghanistan. This trend has been exacerbated by another tenet
of Islamic faith, the notion that the requirement to act in accordance with
Gods decrees as a condition of salvationpossible but difficult to fulfillmay
be short-circuited when fulfilling the religious obligation of jihad, thereby enhancing ones chances of being sent to heaven at the Last Judgment or, if one
dies a martyr, going directly to heaven.
For Jewish civilization, a core symbolic notion is berith, or covenant. This
refers to biblical accounts of the covenants made between God and the Jewish
people, whereby God would provide certain benefits for the people of Israel
in exchange for their loyalty to Him and obedience to his moral directives.
Accordingly, a central distinguishing feature of Jewish civilization, in Eisenstadts insightful account, consists of the semicontractual relationship with the
5

This view was propounded with particular virulence by heirs to the 13C jihad revivalist
Ibn Taymiyya and his 18C disciple, Mohammed Ibn Abdul WahhabNajdi, from whom the
fundamentalist Wahabi sect derives.

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Higher Power, in contrast to the absolute status of the transcendental symbols

in the other Axial Age civilizations.
Over time, as related in the Bible, the content of Gods promissory note
changed. With Abraham, it had to do with the Eretz, the Land, of Israel.
With David, it had to do with legitimizing the political authority of a lineage. But the heart of the divine covenant for Jewish civilization lies in the
central chapters of the Book of Exodus, where Gods promises to consider
the Jews a Chosen People, in exchange for their adherence to the numerous
commandments enumerated therein.
The quality of being Chosen set up a constant invidious comparison with
other peoples, referred to in what later became a pejorative Yiddish term,
the goyyim. This dichotomy never led to conquest or aggression, although
when a 6C South Arabian king DhuNuwaas converted to Judaism, he began
to persecute Christians (thereby provoking the Ethiopian Christian emperor
at Aksum to send troops across the Red Sea to overthrow him). However, the
conceit of chosenness produced at times an arrogant attitude toward outsiders
that belittled their worth. (One account relates that Mohammeds turn against
Jews was based on their rejection of his appeal for support at the beginning
of his mission.)
On the other hand, the evident meaning of chosenness, as the covenant
is spelled out in Exodus 19-24, signifies the adherence of Jews to a system of
maxims that enjoin ethical behavior toward a wide range of people. Prominent
among those maxims is the commandment to take care of strangers. Whatever
narrow, cultic or particularistic grounds for the Covenant are entailed in the
covenant with Abraham, or later with King David, are far overshadowed in the
history of Judaism by moral imperatives. And this history of Judaism is itself
an essential part of the core symbolism. The central text of Jewish Civilization takes the form of a historical narrative, not a straight listing of absolute
commands or mythic portrayals. The course of its history moves steadily away
from the primordial cultic observance and toward a universalistic ethical dimension. This shift is itself a subject of attention in the sacred text itself, as
when God rebukes those who simply following old ritual prescriptions for fasting, just bowing their heads, and spreading sackcloth and ashes under them:
Is not this the fast that I have chosen? To loose the bands of wickedness, to
undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free? (Isaiah 58:6).
Even so, the particularistic aspects were never completely transcended;
People and Land were perpetually celebrated. And when the time of the great
return arrived, there were those who sacralized it in the terms of the earliest
covenant. For them, the reappropriationof ancient soil amounted to a return
of the earliest covenant. For some, that motivated a commitment to reclaim
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Figure 10.1: Exclusionary and Inclusionary Concepts of Selected Civilizations

Civilization

Core Idea

Benign
Consequences

Exclusionary
Framework

Expanded
Inclusionary
Concept

Creative
Agent

Greco-Roman

nature

rational ethics

civilized/
barbarian

cosmopolitanism

Stoics

Indian

purity

Brahmanic
moral leadership

pure/impure

satyagraha

Gandhi

Japanese

makoto

social order,
rapid
modernization

nihon/gaijin

aikido

Ueshiba

Western
Christian

agape

domestic
pacification

believer/pagan

Confessing
Church

Niemoeller &
Bonhoeer

Islamic

submission

domestic
pacification

umma/infidel

peaceful jihad?

Badshah Khan

Jewish

covenant

Promulgation of
moral law

chosen/gentile

cohabitants on
sacred land?

Buber

territory by building settlements on a vulnerable, contested area that became

a constant provocation to the people with whom they were sharing this piece
of the earths surface. This appeal to the earliest covenant has been defended
in some fundamentalist Christian groups more avidly than by most Jews.

A Challenge for the Future

The major source of civilizational clashes in the coming generation lies in the
actions of the minority of Abrahamic religionists who are extreme fundamentalists. Most visible, of course, are those Muslims who insist on the aggressive
side of jihad. There could be a kind civilizational clash in the coming generation if those Muslims who insist on the aggressive side of jihad continue to grow
in strengthif the politicized elements of Islamism continue to make headway
in their recurrent assaults on the other world religious groups including Hindus
and Buddhists as well as Christians as well as Jews.
Jews also play a part in perpetuating the clash of civilizational exclusivists.
Those who do so include those settlers who occupy the West Bank, not as a
tactical move, but out of deepest conviction. Just as militant jihadists draw on
early Islamic beliefs and practices to inspire their terrorist attacks, so ardent
Jewish West Bank settlers draw on archaic biblical symbols to justify this
occupation.

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One way these symbols can be recast is through the emergence of a charismatic leader or group who, steeped in traditional symbolism, will connect
Islam with its deepest roots in ways that point to inclusionary imperatives.
Within the Islamic tradition, the potential for turning jihad in a nonviolent, inclusionary direction was demonstrated by Khan Abdal Ghaar Khan
(1890-1988)known as Badshah Khana Pathan (Pushtun) Muslim from
Afghanistan. Khan defined Islam as a faith in the ability of every human being to respond to spiritual laws and the power of muhabat (love) to transform
human aairs. So oriented, Khan raised a nonviolent army of some 100,000
Pathan warriors and worked closely with Gandhi to use nonviolent techniques
to promote social justice and independence (Easwaran 1999). In this vein
strong statements against Islamic terrorism have been issued by contemporary Islamic spokesmen such as Abdal-Hakim Murad, who finds the taking
of innocent civilian lives unimaginable in Sunni Islam, and Hamza Yusuf, a
popular American Muslim speaker, who has declared that the real jihad for
Muslims is to rid Islam of the terrorist element.
And as in Islam, potential for overriding such exclusionary claims lies near
to hand in Judaism. The Talmudic tradition has recently been drawn on
by Aaron Lichtenstein, in The Seven Laws of Noah (1981), to argue that
observance of the Noahide laws sufficed to include non-Jews in the divinely
approved community. Figures such as Joseph Abilea have eloquently endorsed
a nonviolent, universalist position, as have participants in such groups as Oz
ve-Shalom, the Jewish Peace movement. A substantial portion of the world
Jewish community considers the moral covenant of Exodus to supersede the
territorial part of the covenant with Abraham.
To make these new openings does not require a purist ex nihilo. The charismatic innovators needed could come from perfectly conventional backgrounds,
as did the exemplars whom I described above. Gandhi began as an elitist who
shared the white South Africans disdain for blacks. Ueshiba served proudly
in the Japanese army in 1904 and trained officers of the Japanese military
academy until 1941. Niemoeller, a submarine commander in World War I,
supported the National Socialists until they came to power in 1933. Bonhoeer began as a conventional German who refused to perform the marriage
ceremony of his brother to a Jewish woman in 1930. What all of them shared
was a deep grounding in their respective traditions, which earned them credibility, and then a powerful impulse to break out of their elitist/ethnocentric
molds in response to the ethical demands of the current world situation.
In a brief essay composed just after World War I, What Is To Be Done?
Eisenstadts mentor Martin Buber confronted the dilemma of our time in the
voice of unknown comrades:
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Some say civilization must be preserved through subduing. There

is no civilization to preserve. And there is no longer a subduing!
But what may ascend out of the flood will be decided by whether
you throw yourselves into it as seeds of true community. No longer
through exclusion but only inclusion can the kingdom be established. . . . Silently the world waits for the spirit. (1957, 111)

References
Al-Ghazali. 1995. Al-Ghazali, On Disciplining the Soul [KitabRiyadat al-nafs]
and on Breaking of the Two Desires [KitabKasr al-Shahwatayn]: Books
XXII and XXIII of the Revival of the Religious Sciences [IhyaUlum al-Din].
Trans. T.J. Winter. Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society.
Aristotle. 1984. The Politics. Trans. Carnes Lord. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Bellah, Robert N. 1957. Tokugawa Religion. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.
Bonhoeer, Dietrich. 1963. The Communion of Saints: A Dogmatic Inquiry
into the Sociology of the Church. Trans. R. Gregor Smith. New York:
Harper and Row.
Buber, Martin. 1957. What Is To Be Done? In Maurice Friedman, ed.
and trans., Pointing the Way: Collected Essays . Atlantic Highlands, NJ:
Humanities Press International.
. 1992. On Intersubjectivity and Cultural Creativity. Ed. S.N. Eisenstadt. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Carroll, James. 2001. Constantines Sword: The Church and the Jews - A
History. New York: Houghton Miin.
Easwaran, Eknath. 1999. Nonviolent Soldier of Islam: Badshah Khan, a Man
to Match His Mountains. Tomales, CA: Nilgiri Press.
Eisenstadt, S.N. 1992. Jewish Civilization: The Jewish Historical Experience
in a Comparative Perspective. Albany, NY: State University of New York
Press.
. 1996. Japanese Civilization: A Comparative View. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
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Brill.
Gleason, William. 1995. The Spiritual Foundations of Aikido. Rochester,
VT: Destiny Books.

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Huntington, Samuel P. 1993. The Clash of Civilizations. Foreign Aairs,

Summer.
Levine, Donald. 1995. Visions of the Sociological Tradition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
LeVine, Robert A., and Donald T. Campbell. 1972. Ethnocentrism: Theories
of Conflict, Ethnic Attitudes, and Group Behavior. New York: John Wiley
and Sons.
Lichtenstein, Aaron. 1981. The Seven Laws of Noah. New York: The Rabbi
Jacob Joseph School Press.
Marriott, McKim. 2003. Varna and Jati. In Gene R. Thursby and Sushil
Mittal, eds.,The Hindu World. London: Routledge (forthcoming).
John J. Mearsheimer, Imperial by Design, The National Interest, No. 111
(January/February 2011)
Morris, Ivan. 1975. The Nobility of Failure: Tragic Heroes in the History of
Japan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
Said, Edward W. 2001. The Clash of Ignorance. The Nation, October 22.
Outb, Sayyid. 1980. Milestones. Beirut: The Holy Koran Publishing House.
Smith, Thomas, and G. Stevens. 2002. Hyperstructures and the Biology of
Interpersonal Dependence. Sociological Theory 20:1, 106-30.
Sumner, William Graham. 1906. Folkways. New York: Ginn.
Ueshiba, Kisshomahu. 1984. The Spirit of Aikido. Trans. TaietsuUnno. New
York: Kodansha International.
Weil, Shalva. 2010. On Multiple Modernities, Civilizations, and Ancient
Judaism: An Interview with Professor S.N. Eisenstadt. European Societies
12 (4): 451-65.

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

Aikido and the Art of Mediation

How can an adversarial relationship be replaced by harmonious transactions
that benefit both parties? Independently, portions of the traditions both of
Japanese martial arts and of American legal practice have developed ways to
accomplish such a change. Both have replaced notions of defeat and victory
with the idea of enhancing the wellbeing and autonomy of both parties.
What follows is a modest eort to open up a conversation about the remarkable confluence of those two developments. The paper sketches the historical evolution of their key ideasfor the martial arts, in the development of
aikido; for legal practice, through the development of mediation. It proceeds
to outline some key features of the two practices. A concluding section oers
suggestions regarding ways the two practices stand to reinforce and learn from
each other.

I. The Martial Arts in Japanese Culture

The practice of aikido emerged in 20th-century Japan following an evolution
of martial arts there over two millennia. Those arts stem from customs of the
samurai, a stratum of military specialists that came to the fore in the late Heian
Period (10-12C CE). The samurai came to replace the stratum of professional
warriors of preceding centuriesmen from a dierent ethnic group it seems,
who originally were hunters and manifested an extreme sort of raw violence;
other Japanese often viewed them as barbarians or wild beasts. However, seeds
of the tutored samurai culture can be found in the 8C Japanese classic, the
Kojiki. Before that, esoteric lore regarding sword work was cultivated at the
imperial court.
Initially, the samurai (retainers) were positioned to serve the court nobility. In time, they acquired power in their own right, establishing domination
over agricultural land, and building their own hierarchical political organizations. This culminated in a semi-centralized military regime, the shogunate,
in the late 12C. The samurai political organization rested on the formation
of strong emotional bonds between military masters and vassals upheld by a
strict code of honor (Ikegami 1995). By the 16C the samurai code was elaborated into a code known as bushido (the Way of the Warrior), consisting of

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seven bushi virtues: integrity, rectitude, courage, benevolence, honor, loyalty,

and respect.1
Beyond qualities of comportment, samurai were expected to show proficiency in a number of non-martial spheres that linked with the neo-Confucian
notion of personal culture (bun). This linkage was represented by an ideal
that conjoined them by means of a compound phrase, bu-bun. One such art
was the composition of highly stylized verse, most notably haiku. Another
was calligraphy: the embodiment of bu-bun involved practice with pen and
brush in a manner that evinced unself-conscious, fearless directness. Shogun
Tokugawa Ieyasu proclaimed that the brush and the sword are one.
Nevertheless, the core bushido virtue consisted of fearless combativeness in
battle and readiness to kill or be killed by a perceived enemy. In the words of
samurai Kato Kiyomasa (1562-1611), [By] reading Chinese poetry . . . one
will surely become womanized if he gives his heart knowledge of such elegant
and delicate refinements. Having been born into the house of a warrior, ones
intentions should be to grasp the long and the short swords and to die (Wilson
1982, 131).2 But grasping the swords was far from spontaneous; it required
years of training in one of the specialized schools (ryu) that flourished toward
the end of the medieval period. This involved mastery of one or more of
the martial techniques for which complex curricula of instruction had become
codified.3 During the long period of peace under the Tokugawa Shogunate,
the martial skills could rarely be exercised on the battlefield. Even so, their
cultivation remained no less sharp. The status of lords often depended on the
number and quality of expert martial artists under their authority. The spirit
of contests, even for matters of honor, dictated the ambition of seeking victory
of an opponent, which often meant his death. Even as the arts of combat
became domesticated during the long Pax Tokugawa, competition among
dierent courts and ryu was no less fierce. During the Tokugawa period, it
has been said, samurai ideals became close to a national ethic, for even the
merchant class had become bushido-ized (Bellah 1957, 98).
With the overthrow of rule by the feudal lords (shogun), the system of
Japanese martial arts faced major challenges. The advent of Western culture
1

The seven bushi virtues came to be symbolized by the seven pleats of the hakama, a
skirt worn by samurai during the Tokugawa period ((1603-1868).
2

Kato sama further prescribes: One should rise at four in the morning, practice sword
technique, eat ones meal, and train with the bow, the gun, and the horse. . . . When one
unsheathes his sword, he has cutting a person down in mind (Ibid., 130).
3

Mastery of the dagger (tanto), glaive (naginata), bow and arrow (kyujutsu), empty
hands combat (jujutsu) and, above all, the long sword (katana) and short sword (wakizashi ).

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and the spirit of commerce dislodged the hegemony of samurai notions of victory and defeat in combat. Not many years after the Meiji Restoration of 1868,
a prominent Japanese educator, Jigoro Kano, began to reconfigure the ethos
of martial arts training. Kano Sensei started a dojo (training hall) in a Buddhist temple in Tokyo, the kotokan, which became the matrix for developing
a discipline he called judo. In this eort, he sought to reconfigure the goal of
training from defeating enemies into something purely educational: promoting
the development of personal character and social engagement. He renamed the
educational goal shushin-ho, the cultivation of wisdom and virtue as well as
the study and application of the principles of Judo in our daily lives (Kano, in
AikiNews 1990, 4). As he later came to formulate it, the ultimate objective of
Judo discipline is to be utilized as a means to self-perfection, and thenceforth
to make a positive contribution to society (Murata 2005, 147-8).
The view of budo training that Kano articulated became increasingly prominent in Japan in the 20th century. This was especially true following World
War IIthe most disastrous outcome of the resurgence of the bushidoized nation imaginable, a denouement that Kano opposed. By the 1980s the Japanese
Budo Association (Nippon Budokan) took the question of defining their goals
so seriously that they spent years deliberating the matter, proclaiming in their
1987 Charter:
Budo, the Japanese martial ways have their origins in the age-old
martial spirit of Japan. Through centuries of historical and social change, these forms of traditional culture evolved from combat
techniques (jutsu) into ways of self-development. . . . Practitioners
study the skills while striving to unify mind, technique and body;
develop [their] character; enhance their sense of morality; and to
cultivate a respectful and courteous demeanour. . . . This elevation of the human spirit will contribute to social prosperity and
harmony. (Nippon Budokan 1987)
Even so, tensions remained between the age-old martial spirit of Japan
and the pacific goals of moral development and social harmony. However
much Kano Sensei espoused the ideals of ego-transcendence and societal betterment, judo retained something of the traditional martial goals of victory in
combat. This spirit was rekindled by the incorporation of judo into Olympic
competition. A Budokan was built to house the judo Olympics in 1964, and
continues to house national competitions among dierent martial arts, including karate, kendo, shorinji kempo, kyudo, and naginata as well as judo. In
addition to the egoistic competitive spirit promoted by such matches, judos
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goal of victory enabled practitioners to use such means as throwing, choking

. . . bending or twisting the opponents arms or legs. The combatants may
use whatever methods they like (Kano 1932, 58). Recognizing this tension,
the Japan Budo Association saw fit to express concerns over a recent trend
towards infatuation just with technical ability compounded by an excessive
concern with winning (Nippon Budokan 1987).
It was given to Morihei Ueshiba to complete the evolution of budo and
resolve that tension. This involved configuring a curriculum of training that
embodies in its foundational principles the elimination of competition and
movements designed to avoid inflicting pain and promoting peace. Drawing
both on superb training in traditional martial ways and on immersion in a
universalistic new Japanese religion, Ueshibas aikido journey began with an
epiphanic experience in 1925, through which he says he came to understand
that the way of the warrior is to spread divine love. He continued forging new
martial techniques throughout the 1930s. In vain he tried to forestall Japans
attacks against the United States. During the war, he withdrew in inner exile
to Iwama, where in 1942 he renamed his practice aikido. In the postwar years,
the catastrophes of Hiroshima and Nagasaki together with revelations from
a Japanese soldier present at the liberation of Hitlers concentration camps
spurred him into another turn. In 1948 he invited an old disciple, Hikitsutchi
Sensei, to join him in promoting a new kind of budo, one devoted explicitly
to promoting world peace. Ueshiba Sensei continued to refine this practice for
the rest of his life, which ended in 1969.
As Ueshiba came to formulate the end of his budo, the goal was not victory over the other, but masagatsu agatsu: the great victory is victory over
oneself. The practice he created relied not on pain or physical force in any
form, but a welcoming of the energy of an attack, neutralizing its aggressive
direction, and caring for the attacker. The structure of combat had transformed into a harmonious exchange of gestures. This was an idea whose time
had come. In the early 1950s aikido dojos were established first in France
and the United States, then in the United Kingdom, Germany, and Australia;
at present, more than a million practitioners pursue aikido training in all six
continents.

II. Litigation in Euro-American Culture

The transformation from combat to nonviolence in Japanese martial arts appears to have been prompted by educational, civic, and spiritual concerns. In

132

contrast, the move from adversarial legalism to professional mediation in the

legal profession was motivated largely by economic and political concerns.
As with the martial arts, arts of litigation evolved over millennia, from
resolving disputes through violence, to civil litigation, to socially mediated
opposition, to a process of seeking agreements that both parties freely assent
to. The initial evolution was from spontaneous fighting between aggrieved
parties to formal dueling with rules and witnesses. Among Germanic peoples,
trial by combatsometimes known as judicial duelingappeared in the early
Middle Ages. An 8C document prescribes a trial by combat for two families
who dispute the boundary between their lands: the contestants were required
to touch a piece of that land with their swords and swear that their claim is
lawful; the loser would forfeit claims to the land and pay a fine also. Other
issues settled through trial by combat concerned dynastic power. Wager of
battle entered the common law of England following the Norman Conquest.
In Renaissance Italy and France codes for formal dueling emerged, conflicts in
which honor rather than material interests was at stake. Similar codes emerged
elsewhere in Europe, especially in Scandinavia (Holmgang) and Ireland (code
duello). All these were forms in which Might makes Right, under conditions in
which social and then judicial norms were in place to regulate the antagonistic
encounter.
In the course of the 16th and 17th centuries, trial by combat began to disappear, initially due to ecclesiastical opposition and then through legislative
banning.4 Instead, civil disputes came to be settled almost exclusively in courts
through the arguments of lawyers and the testimony of witnesses. Modern European civil procedure begins with the Napoleonic Era and the passage of the
French Civil Code of 1806. That widely influential code sought to standardize civil procedure. It promoted a court system that featured oral arguments
between equal parties that were open to the public. This heightened the dramaturgical presentation of legal conflict in court trials. In the United States,
litigiousness grew as the expanding young countrys litigation scene evolved
alongside new societal and economic conflicts of the Industrial Age and the
consequent creation of an ever-denser network of courts. It engendered a system that Robert Kagan aptly describes as adversarial legalisma method
of policymaking and dispute resolution with two salient characteristics: formal
legal contestation [and] litigant activism (Kagan 2001, 9).
4

Because Britain did not abolish wager by battle until Parliaments 1819 response to
Ashford v Thornton (1818), and because no court in post-independence United States has
addressed the issue, the question of whether trial by combat remains a valid American
alternative to civil action remains open, at least in theory. Wikipedia, Trial by Combat.

133

Over time, critics began to target the socially dysfunctional aspects of this
system. President Lincoln advised Americans to discourage litigation and
instead encouraged them to consider how the nominal winner is often the
loser in fees, expenses and costs of time (Steiner 1995, 2). Edward Bellamy
called for the abolition of law as a special science, seeing no use for the
hair-splitting experts who presided and argued in [the] courts (Hensler 2003,
169). Toward the end of the century, Austrian legalist Franz Klein broached
ideas that would gain traction only half a century later, arguing that parties to a lawsuit should cooperate in order to facilitate a judgment instead of
stretching facts and the law in a zero-sum showdown (Rhee, 12). Opposition to
litigious practices grew in the 20th century as conflicts between families, contractual parties, and businesses grew more complicated, populations swelled,
legal codes thickened, and court costs rose.
By the middle of the 20th century, litigation had reached a saturation
point in American life, as civil case filings reached all-time highs and courts
carried overloaded case schedules. One step toward relieving this situation
was to give judges assistance from professional court administrators to set
their calendars and manage the flow of cases (Hensler 2003, 174). Beyond
that, communities and disputants came increasingly to favor alternative forms
of dispute resolution. The community justice movement of the late 1960s and
early 1970s supported ADR because participants felt that that the litigation
system in the United States disproportionately protected elite interests and
neglected the need of the socioeconomically disadvantaged. Child custody
disputants and divorcees came to see the bloated civil litigation system as too
sclerotic and adversarial to produce nuanced outcomes tailored to the specifics
of familial and individual disputes. Businesses found that ADR was better
equipped to handle industry specific disputes in a manner more in line with
the ever-faster world of commerce. This evolved attitude towards ADR is one
significant factor in the 84 per cent drop in federal civil cases that went to trial
between 1962 and 2002 (Stipanowich 2010, 4). ADRs newfound prominence
in American legal life was ratified by the passage of the Alternative Dispute
Resolution Act. As a result of the 1998 law, federal courts are required to
oer some form of ADR, and many state courts began to standardize such
options voluntarily (Hensler 2003, 167). Other countries followed suit. In
2001, for example, the Government of Colombia mandated that all civil and
commercial disputes undergo a conciliation process before being filed in court.
The first step away from standard litigation process took the form of arbitration. The process of resolving disputes by submitting them to a third party
adjudicator is probably as old as organized human societies. The process became formalized with the expansion of international trade in the 16th century.
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In France, the 1566 Decree of the Moulins made arbitration the only mean to
resolve commercial disputes; in Germany and England, too, arbitration was
practiced early and recognized as an eective form of dispute resolution. In the
USA, arbitration among merchants was common already in the colonial period, since it proved more efficient than the courts; George Washington himself
served as an arbiter prior to the Revolution. Arbitration achieved permanent
international status in the wake of the Hague Conference of 1899. In 1923,
the League of Nations issued a Protocol on Arbitration Clauses to cover non
domestic arbitration agreements. Two years later, the USA Congress passed
a Federal Arbitration Act drafted initially by the American Bar Association.
By the 1960s, massive cultural shifts were starting to provide a type of
support for ADR that specifically favored mediation as preferable to arbitration. To the improvements over litigation oered by arbitrationspeed and
efficiency, reduced cost, and confidentialitymediation added the benefits of
autonomy for the disputants and increased consensuality. The latter values
were championed by changes in the social milieu. The growth of family therapies came to provide an alternative to dealing with antagonisms in marriage
other than the cold calculations of the divorce lawyer industry. The Civil
Rights Movement found in Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. a charismatic proponent of Gandhis methods of voluntaristic nonviolent political reform. Relatedly, heightened attention to the ideal of universal human rights encouraged
tendencies toward non-combative solutions. In this spirit, an industry of Family, Marital, and Business Mediation Services sprang up at national and state
levels, as did academies that provided training for professional mediators.5
Indeed, this very cultural jump that produced a market for less adversarial
forms of dispute resolution paralleled the shift that created an enthusiastic
market for aikido teaching in the martial arts. Americans and Europeans came
to experience a hunger for methods of conflict resolution that favor autonomy
and consensus.

III. The Methodology of Aikido

To schematize the methodology of aikido as a resource to manage social conflict, I list below a set of factors known to promote the onset and escalation of
conflict, and explore how aikido deals with each of them. This is by no means
an exhaustive list; complex tomes and thousands of papers have investigated
5
In the case of at least one prominent professional mediator, the parallels between mediation work and aikido have been explicitly discussed and even diagrammed (Saposnek
1998).

135

Figure 11.1: Evolution from raw combat to consensual conflict resolution

Evolutionary stage

JAPANESE MARTIAL
ARTS

EURO-AMERICAN
LITIGATION

1. Raw physical combat

Violent struggle

Violent struggle

2. Disciplined physical
combat

Samurai martial
engagement: bujutsu

Trial by combat

3. Regulated verbal
combat

Civil litigation

4. Conflict subordinated
to societal object

Martial forms
subordinated to societal
betterment: judo

Arbitration

5. Consensually
achieved resolution

Conflict resolution
through non-combative
interaction: aikido

Mediation

the universe of internal and systemic variables related to conflict, escalation,

and violence.6 Those I have selected delineate factors which, in decades of
teaching a course on Conflict Theory and Aikido, have seemed particularly
plausible to me and relevant to engagement with aikido practice.7
Classic theories of conflict identify a number of factors internal to the
parties: 1) bio-psycho-sociocultural dispositions toward aggression; 2) emotional reactivity; 3) hostile sentiments of the parties; 4) low self-esteem; and
5) memories of prior conflicts between the parties involved. Social science also
has identified kindred factors located in the social and cultural environments,
including 6) cultural beliefs about conflict and violence; 7) social controls that
dampen conflict; and 8) availability of allies to help protagonists pursue the
conflict.
Dispositions to aggressiveness in human personalities stem from a wide
range of biochemical, psychological, social, and cultural factors (Levine 2006a,
2006b). Aikido theory assumes that humans will be subject to aggressive in6

I find Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution, by Louis Kriesberg (2007)

a particularly valuable overview the fieldnot least for its useful distinction between destructive and constructive conflicts.
7

The syllabus of that course has been made public as an Appendix to my Powers of the
Mind: The Reinvention of Liberal Learning in America (2005).

136

puts from others as a matter of course. As a practice that seeks to promote

harmony in action, accordingly, aikido seeks methods whereby attacks do not
elicit counterattacks, but instead teaches ways to neutralize incoming aggression. Indeed, neutralizing aggressive attacks by others forms the core of aikido
training. This involves both cognitive and kinesthetic responses. A major
cognitive shift involves reframing the attacker as a training partner, not as an
enemy; and reframing the attack itself not as a threat but simply as a charge,
even a gift, of energy. In words that noted Sensei Mitsugi Saotome has
expressed in seminars, when someone grabs your wrist, it does not mean the
start of a fight; it is the beginning of a conversation. This reconfiguring can
be extended to cognitive operations that critique distorted perceptions one has
of others (Eidelson and Eidelson 2008).
Kinesthetically, neutralizing the aggression of an attacker involves a number of moves. It means moving in such a way that the attack is not permitted
to impinge on the body or the feelings of the person attacked, which is known
as getting o the line. At the same time, it means allowing the energy of
the attack to express itself fullynot cutting the ki of the attacker. Instead,
it means conjoining with the attackers energy and directing it in such a way
that neither party is harmed. It does so, moreover, not in a spirit of directing
attackers to change their ways, but by listening to them, concurring with them
and, indeed, even caring for them.
In whatever manner the attacker is defined, there remains the psychological
issue of how ready the person attacked is to experience a Fight-Flight response.
In his classic work on conflict, economist Kenneth Boulding coined the expression, coefficient of reactivity, to represent the degree to which parties react to
a negative gesture by the other, which Boulding describes as the touchiness
of the parties (1962, 25-7). Aikido puts a premium on learning to respond,
not react, to attacks. Training for this includes learning how to remain calm
by continued breathing, relaxed musculature, and staying centereda state
of being in which attention is directed to the lower abdomen.
Another factor that Boulding identified as inducing the escalation of conflict is the variable of what initial levels of hostility were evinced by one or
both parties. Evidently, persons with an initial proneness toward hostile feelings and gestures are likely to instigate attacks and to perform counterattacks.
Aikido trains persons to control their hostile impulses in a number of ways.
They habituate themselves to express gratitude frequently. They learn to be
continuously mindful of their bodily states, and to examine their own motives
so as to subdue egoistic strivings that motivate aggressive gestures.
In a classic paper on community conflict, James S. Coleman (1957) begins
his inventory of causes of social conflict by considering whether the parties
137

had a prior history of conflict. Memories of previous conflicts can be recalled

quickly and thereby reactivate the neurons that carry traumatic memories.
One way in which aikido minimizes this factor is by training people to be
present in the moment, to work to avoid carrying the baggage of prior injuries
or hurt feelings into current transactions.
Beyond these factors intrinsic to the parties in interaction, other elements
in aikido practice work to substitute harmony for conflicts that are promoted
by external conditions. As comparative cultural studies have demonstrated,
cultures vary widely with respect to the positive or negative values they place
on conflict and violence (Fromm 1973). The ideology of aikido implants strong
dispositions to avert or counteract cultural dispositions to aggression. The very
word aikido contains elements that signify harmony and love.8 In the words
of its Founder, Im not teaching you how to move your feet; Im teaching you
how to move your mind toward nonviolence.
The customary ways in which aikido is practiced include elements that theorists have shown to have a dampening eect on conflict. Coleman showed that
social conflicts were likely to be contained when the antagonists shared allegiance to some sort of supervening authorities and/or symbolism that enabled
them to transcend their local conflict, and to third-party controls over their
interaction (Coleman 1957). Aikido practice always begins and concludes with
a ritual bow to the Founder of the practice and to the Japanese kanjis that
signify harmonious interaction. On the mat, instructors intervene tirelessly to
check students when their movements become the least bit aggressive. Other
theorists point to the tendency of combatants to escalate conflict through the
recruitment of allies among others in the system (Kerr 1988). Again, dojo
etiquette requires partners to solve their own problems, and to seek assistance
only when they cannot reach a solution in any other than a combative manner.
On all counts, then, aikido works to reduce if not eliminate factors understood to produce conflictual interactions, such that its practitioners do
successfully replace notions of defeat and victory with the idea of enhancing
the wellbeing and autonomy of both parties.

IV. The methodology of mediation

While the aiki approach to managing conflict emerged from a continuous historic process of domesticating martial ways, from the most brutish combat
to cultivated weaponry to a benign exchange of non-injurious gestures, the
8

Aiki translates as joining of energies, or harmony. Ai also has a homonym that

signifies love.

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Figure 11.2: Elements of aikido that reduce conflict and promote mutual respect
FACTORS THAT PROMOTE
CONFLICT AND
ESCALATION

AIKIDO RESPONSES THAT

COUNTERACT THOSE
FACTORS

Aggression invites counterattack

Neutralizing the aggression: get o

the line of attack; reframe the attack;
permit energy of attacker to spend
itself

Reactivity heightens Fight-Flight

response

Relaxation and centering

Hostile sentiments feed the fight

Generalized gratitude; understanding

and connecting with the other

Insecure egos cannot stand

humiliation of defeat

Using setbacks or failures as

occasions for growth

Memories of prior conflicts feed

reactions

Focusing awareness on the present

Symbols glorifying war, macho

aggressiveness

Symbols of peace and humanity

Ineectual moral authorities

Instituting respected authorities

Recruiting allies heightens escalation

Search within to eliminate discord

139

history of judicial litigation shows a substantial upturn before economic and

political crises forced the turn to alternative forms of dispute resolution. Sociologist Georg Simmel was among the first to note that when interpersonal
disputes get transferred to the jurisdiction of courts, they become uncompromising in content and vicious in execution. In a passage worth citing at length,
he writes:
In judicial conflict . . . claims on both sides are pursued with pure
objectivity and by employing all permissible means, without being deflected or in any way attenuated by personal or any other
extraneous considerations. . . . Elsewhere, even in the fiercest
battles, something subjective, some mere turn of fortune, or some
interference from a third party is at least possible. In legal conflict, however, everything of that sort is excluded by the matterof-factness with which the just fight and absolutely nothing else
proceeds. . . . The prosecution of legal battles in more evolved
societies serves the pure disentanglement of the controversy from
all extraneous personal associations. When Otto the Great orders
that a particular legal controversy be settled through trial by combat (gottesgerichtlichen Zweikampf ) to be decided through professional swordsmen, only the bare formthe process of fighting and
winningis what remains out of the whole conflict of interests.
(Simmel [1908] 1992, 305-6; translation mine)
In this spirit, from Law School on the contemporary legal system trains
lawyers to deal with conflict by out-strategizing and out-maneuvering their
opponents through an arsenal of techniques that aim at convincing a jury or a
judge to produce a decision favorable to their interestswithout regard to the
best interest of both parties, and surely without regard to the best interests
of third parties and society more generally. In the words of Daniel Weinstein,
a former litigator and judge who became a professional mediator:
The goal of convincing juridical authorities is achieved through
employing a blitzkrieg of maneuvers that includes interrogatories,
depositions, and advocacy aimed at influencing decision makers
rather than the opponent. The results are measured by how
much you win . . . like Rocky standing on the steps with his
arms raised in victory. Unlearning this warrior-like behavior for
any litigator who enters the world of mediation advocate is difficult
and not at all natural. Winning by a verdict imposed on the other
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side is so much a part of our system that in order to inveigle lawyers

to take mediation training, I once had to rename a course I taught
on the subject from Eective Mediation Advocacy to How to
Win at Mediation, an oxymoron of sorts. (Weinstein 2004).
Accordingly, just as aikido practitioners have to unlearn so much that is
associated with the samurai ambition to defeat an enemy, so do lawyers who
wish seriously to pursue a career in mediation have to learn a whole new set
of techniques, techniques which are rarely available in the curricula of law
schools. As Weinstein phrases it:
Eective mediation skills for the lawyer representing a client are
very dierent from those of the litigators, whose skills do not translate from the courtroom to the mediation table. Stating your
claims in terms that do not inflame the other side, and yet still
integrate your clients important interests, is a learned rather than
a spontaneously manifested skill. Turning your opponents fears,
weaknesses, and anxieties into advantages, giving them a share of
the outcome, and creating win/win solutions are new territory for
the warrior litigator. (Ibid.)
The skills and norms of mediation were codified initially by practitioners
in the areas of family counseling and conflict resolution education. The mediation movement was boosted substantially by the publication Getting To Yes
(1981), the outcome of a Negotiation Project at Harvard University (2nd ed.,
1991). The authors oer prescriptions for conduct that run precisely opposite
the paradigm of lawyerly practice that Simmel had articulated when writing
about legal conflict. They advocate moving from a win-lose mentality in which
personal feelings and biases are rigorously excluded to a process in which perceptions are clarified; emotions are recognized and legitimated; listening to one
another is prioritized; what the participants really need and want is assessed
honestly; finding solutions in which both parties gain is encouraged; and fair
standards and fair procedures are agreed to.
During the 1980s, a growing number of lawyers and judges developed an
increasingly sophisticated repertoire of ideas and techniques for resolving disputes through mediation. In Mediation: A Comprehensive Guide to Resolving
Conflicts Without Litigation, Folberg and Taylor provided a useful overview
of the field. They provided a useful, succinct definition of the process of mediation: [A]n alternative to violence, self-help, or litigation that diers from
the processes of counseling, negotiation, and arbitration. I can be defined
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as the process by which the participants, together with the assistance of a

neutral person or persons, systematically isolate disputed issues in order to
develop options, consider alternatives and reach a consensual settlement that
will accommodate their needs. Mediation is a process that emphasizes the
participants own responsibility for making decisions that aect their lives. It
is therefore a self-empowering process (7-8). The volume oered materials
on stages of the mediation process; relevant skills; diverse styles of mediating
conflict; the educational, ethical and practical dimensions of mediation as a
profession and an extensive bibliography.9
Although law schools were relatively slow to embrace this approach, since
2000 they have hastened to catch up. At present, many introduced courses
and even programs about mediation. Now almost every American law school
oers a course in mediation; many in fact oer programs with a constellation
of mediation courses, clinics, and certificates. In the process, numerous traditional law course texts have come to include some material on mediation in
the domains of contracts, torts, and trial practice.
If one were to draw up a set of training points for mediators that bears
some resemblance to the list presented for aikidoka, it might look something
like the following.

V. Mutual relevance
For a society and a time dominated by an ethos of competitive individualism
where the business world dominates public imagination and feeds upon the imagery and motivations of competitive sportswhere the American Dream is
configured in terms of individuals getting ahead and where heroes are celebrated by how they achieve Victory and handle Defeataikido and mediation
represent cutting edge, counter-cultural engagements in which the dominant
motifs include Win-Win, subdue the ego, communicate openly, learn to trust,
and build consensus. This is so, we have seen, even though both of them derive
from traditions informed by centuries of mortal combat but which have been
transformed at their core.
Insofar as these practices have contemporary value, it may be useful to
see in what ways they can be seen to reinforce one another and, even more,
how each can enrich and contribute to the other. Both join a number of other
contemporary modalities in which combative procedures are explicitly replaced
9
The literature on mediation techniques has grown enormously in recent decades. Prominent treatments include such titles as Mediation: The Roles of Advocate and Neutral (Folberg and Golann 2011) and The Secrets of Successful Mediators (Goldberg 2006).

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Figure 11.3: Elements of mediation promoting agreement based on mutual

respect
FACTORS THAT MAINTAIN A
LITIGIOUS ETHOS

MEDIATOR RESPONSES
THAT COUNTERACT THOSE
FACTORS

Aggression as a stimulus

Lawyers and clients must not attack

one another

Reactivity

Maintain a calm and friendly

atmosphere

Hostile sentiments

Spot and build on points of agreement

Insecure egos

Praise willingness to be open and

creative

Prior history of conflicts

Focus on present aspirations and

future goals

Ideology favoring conflict

Appeal to general values of harmony

Nonexistent supra-local controls

Mediator stands to control escalation,

and to adduce authority of shared
values

Available allies

Identify allies as others who have

successfully completed a mediation
process

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by practices that eschew adversarial postures. These include Couples Therapy,

Nonviolent Communication (Rosenberg 2005), a wide range of Alternative
Dispute Resolution strategies, as well as Principled Negotiation (Fisher, Ury,
and Paton ([1981] 1991).

Aikidos Gifts to Mediation

Aikido practice seems pertinent to all three of the domains in which mediators
act:
1. the mediators eect on the conduct of the disputing parties and their
lawyers;
2. the mediators eect on the interactional context of the mediation eorts;
and
3. the personalities of the mediators themselves.

Aecting the litigators

The mediation process requires exactly the opposite of what conventionally
trained lawyers and their clients are disposed to do. In the words of experienced
mediator Antonio Piazza, Litigators tend to think of themselves as warriors.
Frequently they come into mediation and forcefully communicate to the other
party that the other party is: (a) simply wrong, and (b) perhaps too stupid
to know it, and (c) quite probably too venal to care, and (d) if they dont
settle they will be beaten to a pulp in court (2004). Even though the actors
in question understand that the goal of the process is a settlement agreement
signed voluntarily by both sides, such counterproductive dispositions are a
natural response based on aggressive instincts and a culture that values
aggressive macho attitudes.
An aikido approach here would be not to change the behavior of others,
but to change oneself. This begins with the self of the mediator. That is, discarding the usual method of importing techniques into a situation designed to
instruct or coach someone how to communicate less aggressively or less defensively, the mediator opens up him-/herself to non-directive, non-manipulative
communication. So Piazza:
For the mediator, the process is not one of standing outside a
dispute and applying skillful techniques to it, but entering fully and
wholeheartedly, and without importing yet another agenda (and its
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concomitant fears and desires) into an already changed situation.

By way of example: Mediation theory may tell you that it is critical
to allow a disputant with an emotional charge to vent their feelings,
and experience being heard. But if active listening is practiced
as a technique to remove an obstacle, the felt experience of the
disputant is as likely to be I am being manipulated as I am
being heard. Paradoxically, aikido might well move you to fill
the space between you and the disputant who is winding up for
a tirade instantly, and so completely, that he never gets going at
all. While that may sound brutal, the felt experience can be one
of compassion. The dierence is whether you are doing to or
opening up to the person with whom you are interacting. (Ibid.)

Aecting the interactional context

People who train aikido walk into a dojo carrying whatever stresses, frustrations, peeves, and gripes the day has brought them. They are expected to
leave these at the door, much as Ethiopians traditionally left their weapons
at the door of the church or mosque before they entered. They bow into the
dojo, begin and close their training with a communal ritual. Expectations for
deportment while practicing in then dojo are made clear.
It might be of value for mediators to direct some attention to the ritual
setting of their deliberations. Another idea would be to distribute beforehand
a list of point about etiquette in the mediation setting, much as many aikido
organizations distribute to newcomers information about dojo etiquette. The
psychosomatic power of gratitude can be rehearsed at unusual times. No less
important would be words that remind the participants to reframe continuously the setting of their work: from a situation of combat to an opportunity
to become more free and creative partners in a problem-solving conversation.
One experienced meditator has suggested recently that the mediation process
would be enhanced by attending more consciously to preliminary groundwork
for mediation and concluding mediation with words of grace that acknowledge
the work that has been accomplished consensually. Aikido promotes such moments somatically both through a moment of getting centered before each
exercise and by bowing appreciatively to one another at the beginning and
conclusion of every practice.

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Personalities of the mediators

Practiced aikidoka may understand the situation of mediators better than they
do themselves, in the sense of being trained in mindfulness about inner somatic
and emotional responses to a complex of aggressive actors swirling about them.
On this point, experienced aikidoka-mediator Stephen Kotev maintains that
there is a serious gap in the training of ADR practitioners:
As mediators and conflict resolvers our somatic education has been
neglected. Mediators are starting to realize their body language
is often communicating more than they know. A clenched jaw, an
exasperated look can say more than you ever intended. Your stress
may cause you to say or do something that you later will regret.
Wouldnt it be nice to be able to notice where in your body you
were feeling stressed and be able to release it? Wouldnt it be nice
to be able to show our neutrality in our posture as well as in our
words? Knowledge of your physical process will help you be a more
eective conflict resolver. (2007)
The mediators need to be neutral requires a level of emotional development
that is not easily come by. Aikido oers a variety of techniques and exercises
that promote the state of being centered, a state wherein the charged pushes
and pulls of a subliminally litigious context can be finessed. Indeed, learning
to be centered under stress forms a central part of aikido training. The state
of being centered enhances abilities to perceive tense situations with more
clarity and understanding, and to become aware of openings and options in
stuck situations. Beyond that, the mediator works best when manifesting a
positive state of openness and love that litigants can be exposed to and mirror.
One particular relevant training is that of randori practice, where one is being
attacked simultaneously by a surround of aggressive bodies and moving in an
aware and flowing manner to manage them eectively.

How Mediation Might Enrich Aikido Practice

This gets us into truly uncharted territory. The most I can do here is throw
out a few suggestions. One is that the work of mediators provides greater
awareness of the interpersonal dynamics involved in neutralizing aggression
and harmonizing energies. This would evidently be particularly true of those,
like family or couples therapists, whose primary focus is on the emotional
landscape of the parties they work with.
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Another contribution could be to turn the attention of aikidoka to the

whole area of three-party interactions. Virtually all of aikido training concerns
what to do when one party is being attacked by another. Aikido as hitherto
practiced has little to show about how to stop fights, how to turn combat
among others into conversation, and how to attain peace other than working
one each individuals potential response to negativity. In todays world, that
cannot be sufficient.
We remain beginners in these new modes of communication. It remains
to be seenmost certainly, a worthy initiative to considerwhat insights and
fresh understandings of their own practices might emerge from occasions in
which small numbers of mediators and aikidoka were brought together to share
with one another reports of what they already do. I hope that these thoughts
might stimulate others to carry the conversation forward.

References
Bellah, Robert. 1957. Tokugawa Religion. Boston: Beacon Press.
Boulding, Kenneth. 1962. Conflict and Defense: A General Theory. Lanham,
MD: University Press of America.
Coleman, James S. 1957. Community Conflict. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press.
Eidelson, Roy J. and Judy I. Eidelson. Dangerous Ideas: Five Beliefs that
Propel Groups Toward Conflict. American Psychologist 58 (3), March
2008, 182-92.
Fisher, Robert and Ury, William (and William Paton in the 2nd Edition).
1991. Getting to Yes. Boston, MA: Houghton Miin.
Folberg, Jay and Taylor, Allison. 1984. Mediation: A Comprehensive Guide
to Resolving Conflicts Without Litigation. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Folberg, Jay and Golann, Dwight. 2011. Mediation: The Roles of Advocate
and Neutral. New York, NY: Aspen Publishers
Fromm, Erich. 1973. The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness. New York:
Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
Goldberg, Steven. 2006. The Secrets of Successful Mediators. Negotiation
Journal, July 2005.
Hensler, Deborah R. 2003. Our Courts, Ourselves: How the Alternative
Dispute Resolution
Movement Is Re-Shaping Our Legal System, 108 Penn St. L. Rev. 165.
Ikegami, Eiko. 1995. The Taming of the Samurai. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press.

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Kagan, Robert A. 2001. Adversarial Legalism: The American Way of Law.

Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
Kano, Jigoro. 1932. The Contribution of Judo to Education, Journal of
Health and Physical Education 3, 3740, 58.
. 1990. The Life of Jigoro Kano. AikiNews, 85.
Kerr, Michael. 1988. Chronic Anxiety and Defining a Self, The Atlantic
Monthly, Sept., 35-58.
Kotev, Stephen. 2001. Aikido and Conflict Resolution. Unpublished.
Kriesberg, Louis. 2007. Constructive Conflicts: From Escalation to Resolution. Rowman and Littlefield.
Levine, Donald N. 2005. Powers of the Mind: The Reinvention of Liberal
Learning in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
. 2006a. The Masculinity Ethic and the Spirit of Warriorhood
in Ethiopian and Japanese Cultures. International Journal of Ethiopian
Studies 2, Nos.1&2.
. 2006b. Somatic Elements in Social Conflict. In Embodying
Sociology: Retrospect, Progress and Prospects. Ed. Chris Shilling. London:
Wiley.
Melnick, Jed. 2013. Lost Opportunities in Mediation. Westlaw Journal,
Securities Litigation and Regulation 19, no. 4 ( June), 1-4.
Murata, Naoki. 2005. From Jutsu to Do: The Birth of Kodokan Judo. In
Alexander Bennett, ed., Budo Perspectives. Auckland: Kendo World.
Piazza, Antonio. 2004. The Physics of Aikido and the Art of Mediation.
Unpublished.
Rhee, C. H. Van. 2005. European Traditions in Civil Procedure. Antwerpen:
Intersentia.
Rosenberg, Marshall B. 2005. Nonviolent Communication: A Language of
Life. Encinitas, CA:
Puddle Dancer Press.
Saposnek, Donald. 1998. Mediating Child Custody Disputes: A Strategic
Approach. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Inc.
Simmel, Georg. ([1908] 1992). Soziologie: Untersuchungen u
ber die Formen
der Vergellschaftung. Ed. Otthein Rammstedt. Suhrkamp.
Steiner, Mark E. 1995. The Lawyer as Peacemaker: Law and Community in
Abraham Lincolns Slander Cases, Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Vol 16, No. 2. Summer 1995.

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Stipanowich, Thomas J. 2010. Arbitration: The New Litigation, 2010 U.

Ill. L. Rev. 1.
Weinstein, Daniel. 2004. Talk to J.D. students at Northwestern School of
Law. Unpublished.
Wilson, William S. 1982. Ideals of the Samurai: Writings of Japanese Warriors. Burbank, CA: Ohara.

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CHAPTER TWELVE

Extending the Mature Vision of Morihei

Ueshiba Sensei: Aikido as a Universal
Practice of Peace and Self-Transcendence1
Moi drodzy przyjaciele i wojownik-towarzysze dla pokoju!
Agapitoi mou filoi kai sympolemistes gia tin eirini!
Mes chers amis et guerriers-comrades pour la paix!
My dear friends and fellow warriors for peace!
Meine liebe Freunde und Mit-Kampfer f
ur die Friede!
It is wonderful to be here with you this week. I am so very grateful to
Bertram Wohak and the good people around him who have mounted this
amazing gathering. It is a special delight to share with you some thoughts
about what we do, why we do it, and how we might do it even better.
To begin with: a deep bow to the Founder of our practice, Morihei Ueshiba
Sensei, whom we love to call OSensei. The bow to him that commonly precedes our training signifies appreciation for his creation of aikido. But today,
in addition, I bow to him as a special exemplar in two respects. First o, I
salute him as a courageous leader, one who promulgated an inspiring vision
and remained steadfast in pursuing it for the rest of his life. In this quest,
he showed moral courage in rejecting the violent policies of his country prior
to and during the World War. His exemplary leadership resulted in a global
movement which continues to flourish generation after generation.
OSensei also stands as an exemplar by virtue of being an innovator who
did not hold fast to a particular form, but continued to develop throughout his
life. And this means that the example of his life encourages us to experiment
and move beyond his own attainments. Life is growth, said the Founder.
If we stop growing, technically and spiritually, we are as good as dead (20).2
In other sayings, he hinted at a course of action for growth. I did not invent
aikido, he said, I discovered it. That is, aikido represents a set of phe1

Keynote address for the European Aiki Extensions Seminar, Aikidoan Embodied
Art of Peace, Burg Rothenfels, Germany, June 7-9, 2013.
2

The page references for all quotations by Morihei Ueshiba are taken from Ueshiba, The
Art of Peace: Teachings of the Founder of Aikido (1992).

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nomena that exist in nature, and if we study nature intently, we should be

discovering other things there as well.
I often liken OSensei in this respect to another pioneer who worked to
help us overcome our inner discords, Sigmund Freud. Both Freud and Ueshiba
learned and experimented with new ideas and techniques continuously. Their
example was not always followed by their students, some of whom treated
as canonical only those lessons which they took pains to incorporate during the years when they were training with the master. On the other hand,
just as some of Freuds followers followed his example and went on to fashion novel analytic concepts and therapeutic tools, so a number of Ueshibas
deshisincluding Senseis Koichi Tohei, Terry Dobson, Seiseki Abe, Motomichi
Anno, Mary Heiny, Seishiro Endo, Robert Nadeau, Mitsugi Saotome, and
many otherscreated technical and philosophical innovations that sought to
advance aikido in the spirit of his mature teachings. My remarks today aim
to carry on in that spirit.

OSenseis Later Path

One way, I think, that aikidoka cling to outdated visions of aikidOS Founder
is when they define it simply as a Japanese Martial Art of Self-Defense. This
definition fits the earlier phases of Ueshiba Senseis teaching, and continues
to provide useful entree for novices. However, I find it misleading as a representation of the vision that came to fruition in the last two decades of his
life.
Let us consider in turn each term of this definition. Martial, to begin
with. Although aikido originated as aiki-bujutsu, as a new style of fighting in
a panoply of combative arts traditions that climaxed with the samurai warriors
of the 16th century, after World War II Ueshiba Sensei resolved explicitly to
abandon the aims and the methods of those traditions. Already in 1941,
when Japans war against the United States began, Gozo Shioda reports that
OSensei turned to a more spiritual path. Shioda Sensei notes that he did
not follow OSenseis teachings further at that point and thus claimed, with
perhaps some hyperbole, to be the last of OSenseis students to be trained as
a martial artist: The concept of Aikido as a martial skill has ended with me
(Shioda 1977, 204).
According to OSenseis long-time live-in disciple, Mitsugi Saotome, two
experiences accelerated that resolve: the catastrophes of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and revelations from a Japanese soldier present at the liberation of
Hitlers concentration camps. OSensei signaled this intent at a fateful meeting
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with Hikitsuchi Sensei in 1948, when he invited the latter to join in developing a new kind of budo, one devoted explicitly to promoting world peace.
This new budo, he emphasized, would be taught through an entirely dierent
curriculum. Its methods were not to rely on pain or physical force, but to welcome of the energy of an attack, neutralize its aggressive direction, and care
for the attacker. The structure of combat was transformed into a harmonious
exchange of gestures. OSensei would represent this shift with the famous
saying: The secret of Aikido is not in how you move your feet, it is how
you move your mind. Im not teaching you martial techniques. Im teaching
you non-violence. And the goals of this curriculum changed radicallyfrom
defeating an opponent to gaining victory over oneselfagatsu. In later statements, OSensei identified two concrete ends of aikido: to help realize each
individuals personal life mission, and to promote social harmony and world
peace. In that spirit, aikidoka often translate aikido as The Art of Peace.
In so doing, however, they use a term that can also be seen as problematic:
Art.
But please remember: OSensei followed the precedent of Jigoro Kano,
who reconfigured martial training by changing the term bu-jutsu to bu-do.
What is jutsu? It signifies an art, a technique for accomplishing something.
This word parallels the Greek word techne, from which English gets the word
technique. The jutsu or art of a carpenter is to make tables, of a painter to
make pictures, of a doctor to make sick people well, and of a warrior to make
enemies dead. By contrast, do signifies a Waya way of being, a way of acting.
As a do, aikido is not an art, but a way of living. Mindful of how classical
Greek philosophers contrasted art (techne) and action (praxis)and regarded
the practice of philosophy as a way of lifelet us call it a practice. This
notion has affinity with the neo-Confucian concept of cultivating practice
(xiuxing), and resonates well with the dictum of Buddhist monk Thich Nhat
Hanh: There is no way to peacepeace is the way.
What is the point of that practice? Not self-defense, surely. For one thing,
aikido is not about being defensive. It is easy to demonstrate how a defensive
response produces continuing fear and discord, not harmony. Rather, the point
of aiki practice is how to make connectionsmusubi, if you will. As Saotome
Shihan has noted on the mat: When someone grabs your wrist, it does not
signify the beginning of an attack; it means the beginning of a conversation.
To grasp fully the somatic shifts involved in receiving an attack, not defending
against it, takes years of practice; but is that not the point of so much of our
training?
Moreover, aikido is not about defending the self. Recall what the Founder
described as the objectives of aikido training: to realize ones mission and to
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harmonize with others. With regard to the self and its boundaries, that implies an eort to transcend boundaries of the mundane self. This starts with
simple etiquette, which OSensei once called the most important outcome of
aikido training. It extends to care for our species and our planet. Those
who practice aikido, he insisted, must protect the domain of Mother Nature . . .and keep it lovely and fresh (24). Both etiquette and care for the
earth, and everything else in between, involve moving above and beyond the
ego. Return to the source [of all things], said OSensei, and leave behind
all self-centered thoughts, petty desires, and anger (16). Elsewhere he adds,
Forget about your little self, detach yourself from objects, and you will radiate light and warmth (116). His words resonate with the neo-Confucian
contrast between the small self (xiao wo) and the big self (da wo), which
involves a broadening of vision to connect with a wider community (Madsen
2012, 438); and bears a family relationship to the Hindu contrast between the
individual, personal self (atman), and the universal atman that is identical
with brahman, the ultimate ground of all being.
Putting all these notions together, we can describe aikido as a practice of
peace and self-transcendence.
And what, finally, about the term Japanese? Here, too, some revision
is in order. To be sure, aikido was created in Japan, imbued with Japanese
language, and associated with the distinctively Japanese religion of Shinto.
Nevertheless, aikido is not Japanese in the same way that kabuki theater, ikebana, and sushi are Japanese. For one thing, the cultural roots of aikido stretch
unmistakably across Asia. Key features of Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism, and
Confucianism are conspicuously present in the ideas and rituals of aikido practice. Shintoism itself, although often associated with Japanese identity, draws
heavily on those other traditions, as William Gleason (1995) has emphasized.
In his youth, Ueshiba studied many aspects of those traditions. A publication
of the Japanese Budo Association affirms that Confucianism, Taoist thought,
and Buddhism, were an integral part of the culture that went into the formation of aikidothat they all take universal nature worship as their direct
foundation, and generally speaking assert the concept of humankind as being
at one with the universe and nature. Accordingly, to this extent we cannot
say that these beliefs constitute an indigenous philosophy of Japan (Sadami
2005, 39; emphasis mine). Although we need to be careful in generalizing
about traditions of the East, aikido is justifiably regarded as a bearer of
Eastern thinking in ways that other Japanese martial arts are not.
As such, the widespread appreciation of aikido among Western practitioners can be seen as a yearning to incorporate the Wisdom of the East. It
fulfills what Karl Jaspers imagined, in the clairvoyant work published just after
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World War II, The Origins and Goal of History (Vom Ursprung und Ziel der
Geschichte), when he asked: What is it that, despite all the pre-eminence of
Europe, has been lost to the West? It is in Asia that we find what we lack and
what vitally concerns us! . . . Asia is indispensable for our completion (1983,
95; Was ist bei allem Vorrang Europas doch dem Abendland verlorengegangen? Es gibt in Asien, was uns fehlt und was uns doch wesentlich angeht! . . .
Asien ist unsere unerlaliche Erganzung. Translation mine.) Such an insight
indicates that, if aikido is supra-Japanese in its origins, it is all the more so in
its contemporary appeal. As Ueshiba Sensei would have affirmed happily, it is
universal, a gift for humanity.
In sum: on reflection, why not define aikido as: A Universal Practice
of Peace and Self-Transcendence?

Aikido as a Prophetic Teaching

If you follow me thus far and accept, if only for the sake of dialogue, the definition I just proered, it might be fruitful to step back and reflect on what is
at stake in the practice of aikido so defined. Universalism, self-transcendence,
and peace: what do these ideas bring to mind? They remind me of what
Karl Jaspers, in the book already referred to, described as the great human
breakthrough: the complex of new values articulated in dierent geographical centers during middle centuries of the first millennium BCE: in China,
with Confucius and Lao-tse; in Greece, with Plato and Thucydides; in India,
with the Upanishads and Buddha; in Iran, with Zarathustra; and in Palestine, with Isaiah and Jeremiah. Jaspers described that historical period as
an Axial Ageaxial in the sense of constituting a turning point in the history of mankind. This era was followed by comparable breakthroughs in later
times, including those of Jesus; of Mohammed; and of the European Enlightenment. Our own time, I believe, has witnessed the emergence of two prophetic
figures who produced new breakthrough visions regarding universalism, selftranscendence, and peace: Mahatma Gandhi and Morihei Ueshiba.
In recent decades an international collegium of scholars has turned to
Jasperss formulations as a point of departure for wide-ranging analyses of
the sources, forms, contents, and consequences of the Axial Period. Among
the many insights these analyses have produced, what comes to my mind
is certain tensions that inhere in the working out of these prophetic teachings in the world of humans. One is the competition among followers of the
prophetic figures for ownership of what can be affirmed as the true message of

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his teaching. Another tension is the assertion of particularisms that subvert

the universalism of the message.
The brief history of aikido has known both tensions. Although OSenseis
dying wish, eye witnesses tell us, was to implore his disciples to hold the
movement together, not long after he passed tensions arose among those who
claimed to posses the true version of his teachings. Over the years those
tensions became more pronounced, and they persist to the present day. In
addition, certain particularistic tensions arose, especially among those who
sought to maintain the notion of aikido as a distinctively Japanese practice,
one owned by the Japanese themselves. Recall, for instance, it was only a few
years ago that Japanese authorities agreed to certify non-Japanese with the
highest honorific titles previously preserved for Japanese nationals only.
Such tensions express perfectly natural reactions to ethically ambitious
aspirations. The wish to stand as the main or the sole legitimate representative
of one of the Axial visions and the wish to hold fast to group identities manifest
deep human needs. That is why, time and again, many are called to retrieve
and re-assert the claims of universalism and of positions that transcend the
contentions among epigones.
From the outset, Aiki Extensions has stood as a prominent organization
in the aikido world that holds fast to the universalistic ideal of the mature
Ueshibas prophetic vision. AEs Training Across Borders Seminar in Cyprus,
2005, gave dramatic expression to this ideal. In the video made about that
event, Richard Strozzi-Heckler commented on how readily persons from antagonistic groups come together in aikido because they relate to one another
through their simple humanity. Since that time, Shihan Hiroshi Ikeda has
regularly brought together practitioners from dierent aikido organizations in
North America. This remarkable seminar at Rothenfels, with participants
listed from several countries and diverse aikido organizations, continues that
eort.
Beyond that, it engages directly the question of how the teaching of aikido
can be brought more in accord with other aspects of OSenseis evolved vision.
In that spirit, the remainder of my remarks will suggest ways to do so that
challenge us to refresh our conception of the aikido curriculum all together.

Revisioning Aikido
The Founder claimed that the teachings of aikido are intended to shape the
whole of everyday human experience. As one of his memorable sayings goes,
aiki waza michi shirube, training in aikido is a signpost to the Way. This im155

plies that mat practices should feed directly into ways we handle all situations
in personal and public daily life. Many if not most aikido instructors transmit
this claim. Yet one may ask: does what transpires in the normal course of
aikido training accord with this ideal? Here are four ways in which we might
do so more systematically, ways which I shall present in a simple typology of
four dimensions of aikido: reflexive; receptive; projective; and mediative.
1. The conventional aikido curriculum consists of training on the mat in
techniques to neutralize and redirect the aggressive energies of attackers.
That very fact should give us pause. For one thing, OSenseis curriculum
was made up of two parts, as Robert Nadeau Sensei likes to remind us.
In addition to keiko, or practice on the mat, it involved benkyo, or study.
This model invites us pursue inquiries that ponder the verbal teachings
of OSensei and to explore current issues and experiments that relate to
them. This could become a formal part of our work, and not be left to
casual o-the-mat occasional chats over beer. I propose that we envision
a category of training called reflexive aikido, something that we expect
to focus on in AEs international Aiki Peace Week.
2. How we talk about redirecting attacks continues to employ words and
techniques that remain combative. I refer in particular about term
nage. Nageru, to throw, derives from samurai days, and connotes an
aggressive response to an attacker. On the mat, this connotation surfaces
when, following an initial harmonious blend or musubi connection, the
person playing the nage role moves to hurl down the attacker. That
response does not fit the meaning of aiki. In a recent conversation with
Anno Sensei, when asked if it was indeed not time to give up the term
nage, he thought for a moment and replied, Perhaps it is. (If the
word uke were not already used to signify the attacker, I would suggest
ukeru, to receive, as the proper response of the person being attacked.)
We are all familiar with the sense of OSenseis dictum: When an opponent comes forward, move in and greet him (77). So let us have the
courage of OSenseis wisdom and designate this mode of training as receptive aikido. This is the bread and butter of aikido keiko as we know
it. There are two changes I would introduce. One is to move beyond
the word and even more the attitude of nageru, of tossing our attacker
down, and instead to conclude the aiki transaction with the notion of
just letting the ki flow through. The other is the idea, which I learned
from Mary Heiny Sensei, of actually moving our bodies to make room
for the attacker. That promotes a more welcoming attitude.
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3. What is more, although attacks oer frequent challenges in our lives,

unless we are soldiers in battle, or politicians on the stump, dealing with
attacks does not comprise the major activity in our lives. Rather, our
primary attention goes to renewing our daily energies and pursuing our
respective missions. Should we not then shape training with a focus on
initiating and carrying through our projects? Let us call this work projective aikido, a term to designate practices that embody the initiation
and execution of projects.
For this, the range of exercises invented by the late Koichi Tohei forms
a fruitful point of departure. These focus on finding ways to extend ki
and to avoid breaking ki. It is important to bear in mind: Tohei Senseis
advice to extend ki, ki o dasu, does not mean to try to do something
with ones energy. Rather, the point is to relax into a position of good
posture and feeling centered, remaining aware of the larger context of
ones action, and then to maintain a clear focus on an end. That done,
the flow of ki follows naturally in the direction of ones attention. This
can be a protocol for all instances of projective aikido.
Somatically grounded guidelines for leadership represent one significant
area in which projective aikido has been developed. Expanding Tohei
Senseis emphasis on focused attention, Richard Strozzi-Heckler advises:
To fulfill on our pledge as leaders, its essential to know what to attend
to and how to extend our attention toward that end. Energy follows attention (2007, 148). Adapting the warrior idiom he encourages leaders
to fight for a stand, which involves the ability to decline whats inconsequential, insist on whats right, require others to pay attention, demand
justice, quit those who pull you away from your stand, and, if necessary, put your identity and body at risk for what you say is important
(114). In a kindred vein, Wendy Palmer has reconfigured aiki-inspired
work in Conscious Embodiment into a training program for leadership,
which teach ways to alter reaction patterns to stress, be more inclusive, and speak up clearly without combativeness or collapsing. She has
extended this program to work with leaders in and around Capetown,
South Africa, to support a positive future for an integrated country.
Other areas in which projective aikido has been implemented include
applications of aiki principles to work in the arts. A preeminent exemplar
of this mode was the late Seiseki Abe Sensei, for whom the principles
of aikido were essentially the same as those for shodo, calligraphy. In
the performing arts, we have a number of models to inspire us. These
include Dance Improv, which was inspired directly from aikido; the work
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of Paul Linden and Pamela Ricard with dramatic actors; and in music,
the examples of Craig Naylors aiki conducting, Bill Levines aiki playing
on the keyboard, Masumi per Rostad in viola-do, and Jack Wada in aiki
flowing on the trumpet.
When I started to experiment with this perspective on the mat, I used
the term uke-centered aikido. But again, ukeru, to receive, was just
as inappropriate for the activity on initiating projects as nageru was for
receiving the energy of an attacker. In this case, I found a perfectly fine
Japanese term, hajimi, which signifies one who starts something. And
so, whether it be an attack on the mat, the draft of a charter, a brush
stroke on parchment, or the stroke of a bow on a viola string, the point
of training is to enhance the capacity to focus attention, to center oneself
prior to initiating the move, to proceed freely and responsively, and to
deal with obstacles in a caring and protective way. Creative aikido surely
represents a dimension of action to which the notion of takemusu aiki is
exceptionally relevant.
4. Finally: what in our usual training embodies the goal of turning social
antagonisms into harmony? Many of us speak of social conflict resolution
as an important contribution of aikido, yet how often to we turn to aikido
for ways to prevent violence or resolve the stopping of fights between
others. The field is open for us to comb the literature and practice of
aikido to codify exercises that enable conflicts to take a constructive
turn. Here we would do well to collaborate with other disciplines that
deal with conflict resolution. The practice of mediation by lawyers and
former judges has been developed a great deal in recent years. NonViolent Communication likewise gained an international following.
For professional mediation, we already have a number of readily usable
ideas. These include ways to aect the conduct of the disputing parties
and their lawyers; to enhance the mediators eect on the interactional
context of the mediation eorts; and to guide the personal conduct of
the mediators themselves (Levine 2013). Might we devise new exercises
on the mat that work to break up fights and move combatants toward
harmonious resolutions? This whole complex could form a challenging
frontier area: Mediation-centered Aikido.
To sum up: to refresh the aikido curriculum to bring it into greater harmony with the full teachings of the mature Ueshiba Sensei, I propose an approach to our practice that organizes it in terms of four dierent dimensions: 1)
reflexive aikido, to ponder the meaning of our practice; 2) receptive aikido, to
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deal with attacks from others; 3) projective aikido, to promote the initiation
and execution of projects; and 4) mediative aikido, to help resolve conflicts
among others.
My remarks this evening have been in the mode of reflexive aikido, or
benkyo. Tomorrow morning in keiko I shall suggest some techniques for so
doing. For now, I close with an expression of enormous gratitude for your
attention and for sharing your time with me this evening. Domo arigato gozai
mashita.

References
Gleason , William. 1995. Spiritual Foundations of Aikido. Location: Destiny
Books.
Jaspers, Karl. (1949) 1983. Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte. Munich:
R. Piper.
Levine, Donald. 2013. Aikido and the Art of Mediation.
Madsen, Richard. 2007. Democracys Dharma: Religious Renaissance and
Political Development in Taiwan. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Sadami, Suzuki. 2005. Twentieth Century Budo and Mystic Experience. In
Budo Perspectives, ed. Alexander Bennett. Auckland, NZ: Kendo World.
Shioda, Gozo. 1977. Dynamic Aikido: The Way of the Warrior. NY: Kodansha International.
Strozzi-Heckler, Richard. 2007. The Leadership Dojo: Build Your Foundation
as an Exemplary Leader. Frog Books.
Ueshiba, Morihei. 1992.The Art of Peace: Teachings of the Founder of Aikido.
Boston: Shambhala.

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Appendix A: Conflict Theory and Aikido

Course Syllabus
The University of Chicago
Sociology 20115/30115
Autumn 2010

Donald Levine, instructor

Dan Kimmel, course assistant

CONFLICT THEORY AND AIKIDO:

The Aiki Way to Managing Conflict
This course has three aims:
1. to expand knowledge about social conflict and ways of dealing with it;
2. to explore bodymind reflexivity as a resource for cultivating self and understanding
others;
3. to introduce the practice of aikido, as a means for dealing with conflict and for
cultivating selves.

I. SOMATIC AWARENESS AND AIKIDO

M, 9-27 Aikido and Bodymindfulness
Connections among body-feelings-mind-spirit
Mind > body (mental framing)
Body > feelings (postural aects)
Mind > body > energy (force of intention)
Body > perceptions > mind > spirit (relaxations)
Modes of learning through aikido
attending to bodymind experience
collaborative inquiry with training partners
Conditions of intense bodymind learning
dedicated place (dojo), uniform (dogi ), attitude (shugyo)
disciplines of respect:
1) for Place; 2) for self; 3) for partners; 4) for teachers; 5) for conversations; 6)
for Truth
W, 9-29 The mat-dojo as a place for learning the martial Way (budo)
Respect in the dojo (li / rei )
Elements of martial practice:
Stance (kamae; hanmi ). Changing hanmi. Stepping and pivoting.
Sitting (seiza). Rolling. Falling (backward).
Lowry, Sword and Brush: ch 1, Do; ch. 3, Keiko; ch. 35, Rei ; ch. 40, Shugyo
The Dojo and its Culture (Selected Readings: A)
F, 10-1 The mat-dojo as a place for learning about ones self
Centering experiences. Testing for centering and ki extension. Katate-dori kokyu-nage.

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Why Aikido? (Selected Readings: A)

Lowry, Sword and Brush: ch. 11, Ki ; ch. 26, Hara; ch. 27, Uke

II. INQUIRY INTO SOCIAL CONFLICT

M, 10-4 Broaching the study of social conflict
Broaching the study of anything (stasis theory)
Commonplace questions:
Is it?
Why study it?
Defining it:
How define it?
Why define it that way? (cf. essentially contested concepts)
How study it?
Simmel, The Problem of Sociology, On Conflict, Competition (SR:A)
Boulding, Conflict and Defense, pp. xv-xvii, 1-6 (e-reserve)
Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict: preface, introductory, props. 1, 2, 4, 5
W, 10-6 Aikido practice as collaborative inquiry
Attacking sincerely and falling safely (ukemi ). Katate-dori kokyu nage (wrist-grab,
breath-throw).
Lowry, ch. 39, I: Intent
F, 10-8 Investigating conflict on the mat
Types of conjoint training. Katate kosa-dori ikkyo (cross-hand grab, first takedown).
Lowry, ch. 5, Kata; ch. 23, Te; ch. 24, Kamae

III. ELEMENTS OF CONFLICT

M, 10-11 Motives, means, and consequences in conflictual interaction
Boulding, Conflict and Defense, pp. 7-18 (e-reserve)
Coser, Functions, prop. 3
Gelles & Straus, Determinants of Violence in the Family, Intro, sec. 1-4 (e-reserve)
W, 10-13 Elements of martial engagement
Distance and timing (ma-ai ). Katate-kosa-dori ikkyo. Yokomen-uchi waza.
Simmel, Distance (SR:A);
Lowry, ch. 15, Hyoshi , ch. 36, Ma
F, 10-15 Types of attack and types of response.
Tai no henko (three forms), Musubi (joining), Katate-dori kokyu-nage
Saotome, Musubi (SR:A)
Kriesberg, Constructive Conflicts, ch. 3

IV. ESCALATION / DE-ESCALATION: PERSONAL

SOURCES
M, 10-18 Paradigms of escalation
Kerr, Chronic Anxiety and Defining a Self (SR, B)
Boulding, Conflict and Defense, ch. 2 (e-reserve)
Coser, props. 5 & 6 (60-72)

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W, 10-20 Escalatory eects of dierent responses to attack

Counter-attack. Acquiescence. Moving o the line.
Taking a hit. Oine with connection. Munetsuki kokyu-nage.
Leonard, Taking the Hit as a Gift (SR:B)
F, 10-22 Escalatory eects of dierent forms of aggressive expression
Expressing antagonism in a relationship. Munetsuki kokyu-nage.

V. ESCALATION / DE-ESCALATION: SOCIAL SOURCES

M, 10-25 Social mechanisms for controlling escalation
Coleman, Community Conflict (SR: C)
Parsons, Racial and Religious Dierences as Factors in Group Tensions
Kriesberg, Constructive Conflicts, ch. 6, Escalating Conflicts
W, 10-27 Bodymind mechanisms for controlling dispositions to escalate
Positive receptivity. Reframing. Munetsuki kote-gaeshi.
F, 10-29 Embodied responsive techniques for controlling escalation
Munetsuki waza. Irimi nage waza.
Kriesberg, Constructive Conflicts, ch. 7, De-escalating Conflicts

VI. VIOLENCE
M, 11-1 Dimensions of violent engagement
Biological: Lorenz, Aggression, Intro, ch. 13;
Wrangham & Peterson, Demonic Males, chs. 3, 4, 6 (7, 9 optional)
Social-Psychological: Sche, Male emotions/relationships and violence: a case study
(e-res)
Social: Coser, Some Social Functions of Violence (SR:B)
Cultural: Sorel and Fanon, selections (SR:B); Fromm, Anthropology (SR:B)
W, 11-3 Training for courage
Entering the line of attack. Marubashi training. Katatedori irimi-nage.
Lowry, Sword and Brush, ch. 15 Shin, ch. 19 Fudo
F, 11-5 Staying centered under stress
Multiple attacks (randori ). Irimi waza.

VII. NONVIOLENCE
M, 11-8 Conceptions of non-violent engagement
James, The Moral Equivalent of War (e-reserve)
Bondurant, The Conquest of Violence: The Gandhian Philosophy of Conflict, 3-41
Rosenberg, Nonviolent Communication, selections (SR:B)
W, 11-10 Training for Calm Control
Mushin and fudoshin. Reframing.
Leggett, Mushin (SR:B)
Shomen-uchi ikkyo, omote.
REFRAMING ASSIGNMENT DISTRIBUTED
F, 11-12 Leading the mind
Shomen-uchi ikkyo, ura.
An Aiki reconstruction of the Cain and Abel story:

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Heckler, In Search of the Warrior Spirit: 84, 134-40, 197-203 (e-reserve)

VIII. MEDIATION
M, 11-15 Third parties in the management of conflict [with guest Craig
Naylor]
Simmel, The Nonpartisan and the Mediator (e-reserve)
W, 11-17 Mental states of conflict mediators (classroom)
Kriesberg, Constructive Conflicts, ch. 8, Intermediary Contributions
Kagan, Adversarial Legalism: The American Way of Law 9-17 (SR: B)
Hovering awareness (zanshin). Happo undo. Yokomen-uchi shihonage.
Lowry, Sword and Brush, ch. 32, Zan
REFRAMING ASSIGNMENT DUE
F, 11-19 Position and timing in mediating conflict
Conflicts with multiple parties
Folberg, Resolving Disputes: Theory, Practice and Law : 95-97, 204-207
Saposnek, Mediating Child Custody Disputes
Kerr, Chronic Anxiety and Defining a Self (SR, B) Reprise.

IX. AIKIDO AND KINDRED DISCIPLINES? OTHER

ASPECTS OF CONFLICT?
M, 11-22 Review of Readings and Discussion of Final Paper
Levine, Ki Development and Aiki Training (handout)
W, 11-24 Keiko Review

X. THE AIKI WAY

M, 11-29 Classic formulations
Ueshiba, The Spirit of Aikido
Quotations from Aikido Masters: Ueshiba, Saotome, Doran (SR:B)
W, 12-1 A Paradigm of the Aiki Way (handout)
F, 12-3 Optional keiko review

XI. PUTTING IT TO THE TEST

M, 12-6 Testing waza
W, 12-8 Final papers due

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Appendix B: Student Reflections on the

Aikido Course Experience: Update Autumn
2010
Each year that the Conflict Theory and Aikido course has been oered, students have submitted notesin journals, responses to prompts, or spontaneous letters to the instructor
which describe some key learning experiences from the course. Over the past two dozen
years, these notes show considerable continuity, particularly regarding the themes of enhanced ways to manage conflict situations; in handling personal stress; in gaining awareness
of body-mind connections; and in ways to gain an understanding of an unfamiliar culture.
In the later versions of the course, other themes became salient. These include enhanced
appreciation of formal structures of etiquette, and awareness of the process and value of
improved social connections.
****************
1. Expectably, learning new ways to deal with conflict appeared as one fundamental
outcome, inasmuch as aikido introduced techniques of deescalation and mediation.
One does not seek to block an attack, but to blend with it, one does not push
or pull their partner but instead connects with them and guides them. All
of these techniques are intended to help both parties understand one another
and see the conflict from the others perspective, thereby allowing the conflict
to be resolved in a manner beneficial to both parties.
**********
The on-the-mat practice of Aikido has entirely transformed the way I see conflict, relationships, leadership, and life-energy by showing me that the harmonious middle-ground always exists; all it takes is a few breaths and a relaxed
mind.
2. Like their predecessors, students in the Autumn 2010 class applied their aikido
training to other aspects of their lives. Aikido opened up new ways to handle the enormous
stress that the academic requirements of The College places on its students:
Another consequence of centering yourself that has been very useful, both
inside and outside of class, is its stress-relieving eects. . . . [T]hrough aikido
classes, I have learned to focus on breathing from my center. Not only has
this been useful for relaxing myself during mat sessions when I find myself
confused in an exercise, but also with dealing with the stress of classes, work,
and any other demanding situation. Focusing on breathing from your center
grounds you; it calms you down and allows you to see things clearer with an
unclouded mind.

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Another student shared a similar experience, writing:

Whenever I was feeling particularly stressed this quarter, I made sure to take
a second to sit down, calm myself, and re-find my center. Originally, I tried
this on a whim when I was feeling very overstressed, and to my surprise, it
worked! I felt a lot better. Ever since then, Ive been using our technique of
centering whenever I feel anxious and once I finish, I find that I am able to
tackle whatever problems were bothering me with a much calmer demeanor
and a rejuvenated enthusiasm. . . . [T]hese two practices translate very easily
to the world outside of the mat. They become applicable, and eventually
necessary, to ones everyday life.
3. As before, the dojo rituals and codes of conduct created an atmosphere that initially
confused some students and often provoked resistance. More recently, students talked about
coming to find meaning in such prescriptions as the course progressed, and about the value
of relating to them with an open mind. One student, who identified himself as a free
spirit, found the dojo structure difficult, but wrote later:
Once I realized that the structural confines liberate Qi flow in the dojo, however, I was able to fully accept Aikido. In essence, by accepting Aikido, I
turned it into my partner. I regained my center and pivoted into this new
world to see things from its perspective. What Don Sensei said, that the
physical practice inculcates the theory into the self, is starting to ring true to
me.
Some students described growing up in an environment that emphasized advancement by
competition and besting other persons. The non-competitive, mutually respectful ethos of
aikido challenged them to rethink those earlier norms. From fighting with his partners when
they did not comply with his expectations, one student wrote, he began to be influenced by
the calm, respectful demeanors of other aikido practitioners:
At the dojo, instead of focusing on causing my partner to fall, I started to
focus on the precision of my own technique and stance. This awareness of my
own center and my personal development has naturally evolved into a sincere
attitude towards everything in my daily life. . . . I realized that by following
the norm [of the dojo], I actually started to develop real respect towards the
other classmates and the dojo tradition. Such attitude of respect has extended
beyond the dojo. As I have become more respectful during the Aikido training,
I also naturally became more respectful to people I met everyday.
4. A fundamental tenet of aikido is the creation of a connection between uke and nage.
Without this connection, techniques will not work and partners will stay locked in trying to
overpower one another. Like all beginners, students in the class focused exclusively on crude,
physical connections. With time, the physical connection became refined, and what became
even more important was mental: a connection of intentions. Aikido thereby became
more than just a way of warding o an attack; it opened a new type of understanding.
Training led the students to look at one another in a new light:
Aikido is showing me that its a perfectly realistic aspiration for us to turn
adversaries into partners.

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This type of awareness extended to enabling students to improve personal relations

outside of the class. By learning to take challenges, problems, and negative feelings as
opportunities to learn, students began to view the tense relationships in their lives as paths
towards growth:
Aikido forced me out of my comfort zone. I had no choice but to get closer to
others. Indirectly, I guess, this helped me open up a bit more with people.

166