Duranti-Language As Culture
Duranti-Language As Culture
Duranti-Language As Culture
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Language as Culture
in U.S. Anthropology
Three Paradigms1
by Alessandro Duranti
323
with different beliefs can coordinate their respective efforts and exchange goods (e.g., information). For physics,
Galison gives the example of laboratories. In the study
of language use, laboratories (e.g., the Language Behavior
Research Laboratory at the University of California at
Berkeley) professional organizations (e.g., the Society for
Linguistic Anthropology [SLA] and the Society for the
Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas
[SSILA]), and journals have made it possible for scholars
to come together around shared interests (e.g., a particular topic, a language, or a linguistic area) and exchange
useful information despite differences in theoretical assumptions and methods.
Furthermore, although individual researchers are very
important in establishing a new paradigm or undermining the credibility of an established one, a paradigm as
I define it here does not necessarily coincide with an
individual scholars research program. It is possible for
one or more individuals to be ahead of a paradigm or
to switch back and forth between different paradigms.
When we examine the history of the study of language
as culture in the United States, we realize that the relationship between paradigms on the one hand and individual researchers and research groups on the other is
complex and problematic, with individuals or groups not
always in control of their own assumptions and the theoretical and methodological implications of their work
or not always willing to fully commit to one paradigm
over another. Hence the need for historical understanding of our present situation.
For the purpose of this discussion I will provide the
following working definition of paradigm: a research
enterprise with a set of recognizable and often explicitly
stated (a) general goals, (b) view of the key concept (e.g.,
language), (c) preferred units of analysis, (d) theoretical
issues, and (e) preferred methods for data collection. This
definition identifies paradigms as clusters of properties
established on the basis of explicit statements and interpretive practices in the study of language. In what
follows, I will identify the period and intellectual climate
that favored the emergence of different paradigms and
briefly describe the work of the scholars who were responsible for establishing them. What follows is not
meant to be a comprehensive review of the literature in
linguistic anthropology and related fields in the past century. I have chosen instead a relatively small number of
writers and trends as exemplary of the paradigm shifts I
am positing.3
Inevitably, surveying a long period in the history of a
discipline within the constraints of a journal article
forces one to be sketchy and thus to risk simplification
even where complexification might be more rewarding.
3. My interest in paradigm shift here is related to but different in
focus from Stephen O. Murrays (1993, 1998) study of the importance of intellectual and organizational leadership for the development of a number of disciplines including sociolinguistics, ethnoscience, and anthropological linguistics. In contrast to Murray,
who focuses on a sociological account of leadership, group formation, and marginalization, I have concentrated here on general
theoretical and methodological trends.
subsequent publications in which he criticized speechact theorists for focusing only on the creative uses of
language that correspond to lexical categories (e.g., verbs
of saying, doing, etc., that is, performative verbs in J. L.
Austins terminology) (e.g., 1977) and identified the limits of metalinguistic awareness (a term that evokes Jakobsons [1960] metalinguistic function) (2001 [1981])
an important question for anthropology because it determines the extent to which ethnographers can rely on
native accounts. Over the years, Silverstein has expanded
his framework to include what he now calls metapragmatic functions of linguistic expressions (1993), that is,
the range of expressions that refer to what language does
(i.e., its pragmatic force). Silversteins work on indexicality has been adopted, extended, and modified to some
extent by a number of his former students (e.g., Agha
1998, Hanks 1990).
4. Participation. Although one of the components of
Hymess (1972a) speech-event model was participants,
including speaker or sender, addressor, hearer or receiver
or audience, and addressee, these categories were fully
analyzed only in the late 1970s. An important contribution in this area was the above-mentioned article by
Goffman on footing(1981 [1979]), which incorporated
or at least evoked the notion of indexicality and Bakhtins work on reported speech as first made known
through the translation of V. N. Volosnovs writings
(1971). Goffman introduced the notion of the participation framework as the combined configuration of participation statuses (author, animator, principal, hearer,
overhearer, bystander) activated by the use of a particular
linguistic form. Some of his students applied or extended
this analysis. Susan Philips (1972) used the notion of
participation in her work on classroom interaction to
understand the scholastic performance of Warm Springs
Indian children. Marjorie Goodwin (1990) elaborated on
the participation framework with her notion of the participant framework, which includes an understanding
of speakers and hearers respective monitoring as illuminated by conversation analysis (e.g., Sacks, Schegloff,
and Jefferson 1974). Related to this line of research is the
study of the role of the audience in determining the shape
and meaning of utterances (e.g., Bauman 1986; Duranti
1988, 1993; Duranti and Brenneis 1986; C. Goodwin
1981).
The 1980s were years of intense rethinking and paradigm shifting within anthropology at large. The new
critical anthropology epitomized by Clifford and Marcuss (1986) Writing Culture questioned some of the epistemological and political foundations of the discipline,
anthropologists rights to acquire knowledge in certain
socio-historical conditions, and the ability of the discipline to survive on the same assumptions that had supported the Boasian project. The postmodern shift highlighted alternative voices and points of view, bringing
identity or, rather, its postmodern crisis to center stage.
As the very notion of culture came under attack for
exoticizing the Other, many anthropologists found
themselves searching for new ways to represent their
ethnographic experience. In this intellectual climate, lin-
propose a model based on a few key dimensions of narrative as a cooperative activity (Ochs and Capps 2001).
The relation between language and space has become
a focus of attention not only in terms of the indexical
properties of speech but also in terms of the spatial prerequisites for verbal interaction and the linguistic recognition of the way in which human bodies are used in
the establishment of hierarchical or oppositional identities (e.g., Duranti 1992a, M. H. Goodwin 1999, Keating
1998, Meacham 2001, Sidnell 1997).
Whereas the first paradigm was characterized by a conceptualization of language as grammar and took linguistics as its point of reference and the second paradigm
established an independent research agenda with a focus
on variation and speaking as organizing culture and society, contemporary developments seem to move in a
new direction. Many scholars of the current generation,
including some of Gumperzs and Hymess students and
their students students, often adopt theoretical perspectives developed outside of anthropology or linguistics,
such as Giddenss structuration theory, Bourdieus practice theory, Bakhtin and Volosinovs dialogism, and Foucaults insights on knowledge and power. A good example of this trend is the recent literature on language
ideology (Woolard and Schieffelin 1994; Schieffelin, Woolard, and Kroskrity 1998, 2000). In the work of a number
of established scholars previously immersed in the second paradigm, language ideology is more a perspective
than a topic and as such invites the study of unexplored
phenomena while reorganizing previously collected and
analyzed data (e.g., Irvine 1998, Kroskrity 1998, Philips
1998).
Those currently working on language identity, interaction, narrative, and ideology share a strong desire to
use language studies to reach out to other disciplines.
Whereas the second paradigm saw the development of a
research agenda related to but independent of those of
linguistics and anthropology, the third paradigm, dealing
with theoretical concerns that came from elsewhere, has
a better chance of reconnecting with the rest of anthropology as Hymes proposed in the 1960s. The interest in
capturing the elusive connection between larger institutional structures and processes and the textual details of everyday encounters (the so-called macro-micro
connection) has produced a new wave of projects that
start from a concern for situating ones work in the context of larger theoretical issues and an abandonment of
the assumption that language should be ones only or
main preoccupation. In contrast to earlier generations of
students who started from a fascination with linguistic
forms and languages (in the first paradigm) or from their
use in concrete and culturally significant social encounters (in the second), students today typically ask questions such as What can the study of language contribute
to the understanding of this particular social/cultural
phenomenon (e.g., identity formation, globalization, nationalism)? The formulation of this type of question
conceives of language no longer as the primary object of
inquiry but as an instrument for gaining access to complex social processes (Morgan 2002). Whereas Hymes ex-
Conclusions
While linguists in the first half of the 20th century could
already claim to have established the legitimacy of the
scientific study of language as an independent and sui
generis system, linguistic anthropologists working in the
second half of the century could just as easily claim to
have brought language back where it belonged, namely,
among human beings concerned with their daily affairs.
Next to the earlier view of language as a rule-governed
system in which everything fit together (a` la Saussure)
and could be represented via formal and explicit rules,
in the 1960s language came to be viewed not as a window
on the human mind but as a social process whose study
belonged to anthropology as much as to linguistics.
Rather than working with native speakers to elicit linguistic forms (whether in the form of isolated words or
as coherent narratives), those committed to or trained
within the second paradigm became interested in documenting and analyzing actual language usage. Through
their studies of performance, primary and secondary language socialization, indexicality, and participation, researchers acquired a more sophisticated understanding
of the dynamic relationship between language and context (Goodwin and Duranti 1992), and a new generation
of scholars took as a point of departure not linguistic
forms but the social constructs (e.g., hierarchy, prestige,
taste) and social processes (e.g., formation of self, speech
community, or even nationhood) that they helped
constitute.
As the object of inquiry increased in scope and complexity (e.g., from grammar to language in context), the
area of expertise of each researcher did not necessarily
increase proportionally. Researchers adopting or socialized to a new paradigm did not necessarily know more
than their intellectual ancestors, nor did they control an
area that encompassed earlier approaches. Instead, they
were more likely to have expertise in new areas and
methods or interests in phenomena that had not been
part of earlier research agendas. For example, whereas in
the first paradigm training in grammatical analysis (e.g.,
phonology, morphology, syntax) and historical reconstruction was a requisite, with the advent of the second
paradigm this training became less common, and it was
left to the individual researcher to decide whether to
acquire it. Thus, although the development of each new
paradigm has helped to expand the study of language as
culture, some areas of research interest and expertise
have been abandoned. It is more and more difficult to
find linguists coming out of anthropology departments
who have a good background in phonology, morphology,
syntax, and semantics, as well as in diachronic linguistics and elicitation techniques (i.e., working with native
speakers to write grammars). The diversity of background and expertise has thus created a wider gap between linguists in linguistics departments and those in
anthropology departments. At the same time, the widening of the concept of language and the adoption of
analytical concepts used by sociocultural anthropologists and scholars in other disciplines has made linguistic
anthropology in principle, and often in practice, more
appealing to a broader audience within anthropology.
There has been an increase in the number of linguistic
positions in anthropology departments in the United
States, and there has been a new flow into the field of
students with no formal training in linguistics but a
commitment to language, discourse, or, more broadly,
communication as a central locus of social life. These
are the individuals who not only support a better dialogue between linguistic anthropologists and sociocultural anthropologists but can also be spokespersons for
the importance of language experts within anthropology departments. This new linguistic turn in anthropology is reflected in the latest reorganization of the
AAA, whose by-laws now call for a linguistic seat on
its executive board and all its major elected committees.
It seems telling that, in this new climate, two linguistic
anthropologists have been elected president of the AAA:
Jane Hill (199799) and Donald Brenneis (200103).11
Gone are the days when the practice of linguistics within
anthropology seemed a relic of the Boasian tradition
doomed to extinction. Most anthropologists (with the
exception, perhaps, of those attracted by Chomskys
metaphor of language as an organ) now seem convinced
that they have little to learn from the type of linguistic
analysis conducted in most linguistics departments and
that it is wise for anthropology departments to have language experts of their own.
I suggest that this revival has been possible partly because of linguistic anthropologists ability to project an
image of themselves as empirically oriented fieldworkers
who have more important things to do than argue with
one another (or with those in other subfields). Furthermore, researchers have had no difficulty moving back
and forth from one paradigm to another without confronting (or being confronted by others regarding) their
own epistemological, ontological, and methodological
wavering. In addition to the differences already outlined.
I will here briefly mention some other areas of incompatibility or lack of agreement across paradigms.
1. With a few exceptions (e.g., Ochs 1985), grammatical
descriptions continue to be written (sometimes even by
researchers otherwise working within the second or the
third paradigm) as if the criteria for descriptive adequacy
assumed by Boas and Sapir (first paradigm) had never
been challenged. This means that grammars and grammatical sketches of all kinds of languages, including
those in contact situations, are being presented primarily
to satisfy the needs of typological linguistics, as if no
claims had been made in the past 50 years about the
importance of contextual variation and about language
11. Jane Hill is a linguist whose work speaks to issues of relevance
to the other three fields, and Donald Brenneis is known as both a
linguist and a sociocultural anthropologist (he was the editor of the
American Ethnologist from 1990 to 1994).
Comments
laura m. ahearn
Department of Anthropology, Rutgers University, New
Brunswick, N.J. 08903, U.S.A.
([email protected]). 5 xii 02
Language as Culture in U.S. Anthropology: Three Paradigms is an extremely timely piece. Linguistic anthropology in the United States, having undergone
some major shifts in recent years, is ripe for an assessment such as Durantis. Although some scholars might
take exception to Durantis periodization or characterization of the three paradigms, such debate has the potential to be quite productive. As Duranti notes, there
has been a remarkable lack of internal debate among
linguistic anthropologists conducting very different
kinds of research, and this has been both a blessing and
a curse. A respectful yet vigorous discussion of the theoretical and methodological foundations of linguistic
anthropology would be healthy both for the subfield and
for the discipline of anthropology as a whole. The six
areas of incompatibility or lack of agreement across
paradigms identified by Duranti provide an excellent
starting point for such a discussion.
As I read Durantis article, I found myself wondering
whether paradigm was the best term to use for these
trends in the intellectual history of linguistic anthropology. Certainly it serves the purpose of getting the
conversation started, but it is also interesting to consider how the use of other terms might enable us to
think differently about the same trends. How would it
change our understanding (if at all) if Duranti had used
the term school instead? Alternatively, what would
it do to the article if the three paradigms were instead
labeled thesis, antithesis, and synthesis? While
any of these labels would stimulate debate in interesting ways, I am partial to thinking about them in terms
of Raymond Williamss dominant, residual, and
emergent forms of culture. If we used these terms,
we could situate our analysis of the cultural and intel-
allowed sociocultural anthropologists to dismiss linguistic anthropology as merely method, to adopt piecemeal many of its insights without necessarily identifying
them as linguistic. I believe that the relative eclipse of
linguistics or linguistic anthropology in many departments is due primarily to the success of this strategy of
Durantis third paradigm. This most endangered quadrant of our traditional Americanist four-square discipline
may have ceded its claim to autonomy too quickly.
In my role as historian of Americanist anthropology,
I have long mused over the disproportionate influence
of a small number of linguistic anthropologists over the
discipline as a whole. Duranti cites two recent American Anthropological Association presidents who are
linguistic anthropologists: I note that Jane Hill crosses
into cultural as well as biological anthropology and Don
Brenneis is difficult to identify solely as linguistic or
cultural anthropologist. My own explanation tends toward the rhetoric of continuity within the three variants of linguistic anthropology. Because we are not contentious among ourselves, moving comfortably across
both the subdisciplines of anthropology and the disciplines of the social sciences and humanities, linguistic
anthropologists are often identified as effective mediators and synthesizers. The seminal role of Edward Sapir in the Rockefeller-sponsored interdisciplinary social
science of the interwar years provides an early exemplar; Sapir persuaded his colleagues that Chicago sociology and psychology/psychoanalysis were not in
conflict but explored different sides of a single coin (his
metaphor). He had moved beyond descriptive and historical linguistics as handmaidens to ethnology into the
psychological reality of the phoneme and the theory of
culture.
Duranti argues that the theoretical insights of linguistic anthropology under the third paradigm can be
realized only if practitioners acknowledge the gulfs between the paradigms and criticize, at least by implication, the assumptions of the descriptive-linguistic
and ethnography-of-communication paradigms. The recent decision of the descriptive linguists (SSILA) to
meet solely with the Linguistic Society of America, although it has pragmatic motivations, also ensures that
the first paradigm will be increasingly separate from
the other two, as well as from anthropology. I regret
the absence of SSILA colleagues from the AAAs Society
for Linguistic Anthropology and deplore the consequences for the study of language within anthropology.
Without reciprocal cross-over to linguistic training and
primary professional identity, linguistic anthropology
may lose the advantage Duranti sees for the study of
language/discourse/performance. I am reminded of the
uniqueness of our subdiscipline every time I hear the
termdiscourse casually bandied about by sociocultural anthropologists who cannot imagine doing a microanalysis of particular discourses, not to mention by
Foucault and other theorists for whom the term provides an analytic abstraction characterizing whole eras
across time and space. An increasing job market does
not necessarily preserve this historical legacy in Amer-
a l a n ru m s e y
Department of Anthropology, Research School of
Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National
University, Canberra, A.C.T. 0200, Australia
([email protected]). 20 xii 03
Durantis discussion should provide a useful introduction for newcomers to a range of problems and approaches that have been pursued under the rubric of linguistic anthropology in the United States. He points out
that his use of the term paradigm shift to account for
developments in this area over the past 120 years is
slightly different from Kuhns in that he assumes that
the advent of a new paradigm need not mean the complete disappearance of the old one. Another, more basic
difference concerns the notion of paradigm itself. Durantis version of this notion presupposes that distinct
paradigms are commensurate and that incompatibility
or lack of agreement across paradigms presents a problem that can be resolved if we come to terms with our
differences and reach a level of clarity about them that
would invite more researchers . . . to enter into a dialogue
with us as partners. But even with respect to the hard
sciences, where one might expect the observational data
to provide a more definitive basis for such clarification,
Kuhn argued that that was not the way science had actually developed. Kuhn invented the concept of paradigm shift precisely in order to account for this finding
that the normal scientific tradition that emerges from
a scientific revolution is not only incompatible but often
actually incommensurate with that which has gone before (1970 [1962]:103). For Kuhn, the differences between successive paradigms are both necessary and
irreconcilable.
Fortunately for the state of linguistic anthropology, the
loose congeries of problems and methods which Duranti
describes as paradigms do not live up to that designation
in Kuhnian terms. Indeed, it seems to me doubtful that
Durantis first and second paradigms need involve incompatible views of language at all, any more than do,
for example, phonetics and syntax as subdisciplines of
linguistics proper. It seems to me telling in this regard
that Dell Hymes, one of the originators of the ethnography of communicationand hence of Durantis second
paradigmhas in addition to his work in that area never
stopped doing straightforward descriptive linguistics and
grammatical analysis of the kind that belongs firmly
within Durantis first paradigm. The same goes for many
other linguistic anthropologists who were trained in the
sixties, seventies, and eighties. It is true that researchers
views of language structure tend to vary according to
their views about how language functions in relation to
other aspects of human social life, but few if any ethnographers of speaking or Labovian sociolinguists have
attempted to dissolve the notion of grammar entirely
or the need to main a level of analysis which treats it as
at least a semiautonomous formal system, without
thereby denying its status as an interactional achievement both in everyday acts of language use and in the
long term as languages change over time. Exemplary in
this regard is the work of Duranti himself, whose outstanding studies of language and politics in Samoaaptly characterized by the title From Grammar to
Politics (1994)have been grounded in both detailed ethnography and rigorous grammatical analysis of verbatim
transcriptions of Samoan oratory and disputation.
I share Durantis concern about the fact that, notwithstanding the burgeoning of linguistic anthropology
over the past 1015 years, fewer and fewer graduate students in the field are getting the kind of linguistic training that would enable them to undertake studies of this
kind. Even if ones research issues are not primarily
about language per se but treat it as an instrument for
gaining access to complex social processes, ones ability
to do so will be impoverished if one lacks a rigorous
analytical grasp on the presumed instrument. Consider in this regard what Duranti takes to be the prime
example of his third paradigm, namely, the recent literature on language ideology. While it is true that very
little of the recent literature he cites on this topic engages with matters of language structure, this represents
a considerable departure from the early work of Michael
Silverstein (1979) on this topicwhich I think most of
the writers cited by Duranti would agree is foundational
to their ownand indeed from much of Silversteins
more recent work on the same topic. For Silverstein a
good deal of the interest in linguistic ideologies has always been in how they refract and misrecognize aspects
of language structure and in turn impact upon it in ways
that may actually shape the course of language change
(as for example in the loss of the pragmatically charged
grammatical distinction between second person singular
and plural in 18th-century English or the development
of a gender-neutral singular indefinite use of they in
late-20th-century nonsexist English [see Rumsey 1990
for other examples]). In light of these kinds of example,
I would agree with Duranti that there is much to be
gained through closer engagement among people working in all three of his paradigms not only to clarify differences among them but because the second and third
can be enriched by renewing and reinvigorating their
connections to the first.
debra spitulnik
Department of Anthropology, Emory University, 1557
Pierce Dr., Atlanta, Ga. 30322, U.S.A. (dspitul@
emory.edu). 17 i 03
While Duranti provides a very informative and insightful
discussion of the major trends in linguistic anthropology
over the past century, his focus on distinct paradigms
plays down important continuities across this period. In
effect, this limits his ability to clarify what is at stake
for linguistic anthropology, a position that he has been
very forthright about in other venues (1997, 2001b). In
addition, Duranti gives only brief attention to the socalled Sapir-Whorf hypothesis despite the continued salience of this concept outside the subdiscipline. Finally,
although he touches on the troubling issue of linguistic
exclusion. Thus, the virtually exclusive interest in spontaneous talk unfortunately relegated the study of text
to the study of literature, semiotics, postmodern philosophy, mass communication studies, or the psychology
of text processingas if writing and reading were less
interesting aspects of language, communication, and culture than conversations. Besides everyday talk, we have
everyday newspaper reading, among a host of other communicative practices, and both need our explicit attention in anthropology and discourse studies.
There is another, even more fundamental form of exclusion, again both in linguistic anthropology and in
much of discourse and conversation studies: the study
of cognition. There is a widespread misunderstanding, if
not prejudice, that identifies cognition with an individual and therefore nonsocial approach to language and
discourse. This is the case in ethnomethodology, ethnography, and sociolinguistics as well as in much critical
discourse analysis. Duranti mentions cognitive anthropology only in passing, and although this may not be the
best example of an integrated study of cognition, interaction, and social context in anthropology and discourse
studies, a study of language and discourse without an
explicit cognitive basis is empirically and theoretically
reductionist and hence inadequate. Ignorance of cognitive and social psychology, artificial intelligence, and related disciplines leaves a prominent gap precisely where
a link must be construed between societal structures,
social situations, and interactions, on the one hand, and
the structures and strategies of text and talk, on the
other. Social situations, interactions, or context as such
cannot possibly influence discourse (and vice versa)
without a sociocognitive interface. And, as is obvious in
the relevance of the study of knowledge, attitudes, social
representations, and ideologies, cognitions may be as social as they are mental. In sum, cognition, especially
social cognition, is too important and too interesting to
be left to psychologists, and as much as social scientists
and discourse analysts can and should learn from them,
they should learn from a more sociocultural approach to
language and discourse.
Some of what was lacking in the second paradigm in
linguistic anthropology (and much of discourse studies)
has been recovered or given new interest in the third
paradigm described by Duranti. Unfortunately, apart
from mentioning some issues (such as narrative, ideology, gender, racism), he does not detail this current paradigm as much as the second. This may be because the
third paradigm is just beginning in anthropology or because unfortunatelybecause of space limitationshe
has had to limit himself to the United States. The fact
is that much of this work is being done in discourse
studies (and related studies such as womens studies and
ethnic studies), especially in Europe, South America, and
other parts of the world, often within a prominent ethnographic or cultural context that makes it directly relevant to anthropology. As is also the case in conversation
analysis, much of this work reintegrates some of the
macro categories earlier banned from interactional
studies in sociology and anthropology, such as the role
Reply
a l e s s a n d ro d u r a n t i
Los Angeles, Calif., U.S.A. 10 ii 03
Language is so ubiquitous in human affairs that we can
never talk too much about it. Yet, in the consolidations
of the social sciences in Europe at the beginning of the
20th century, language tended to be taken for granted or
reduced to the mere expression of already formed
thoughts and social processes. The founders of anthropology in the United States, however, thought otherwise,
and from the very beginning, by conceiving of language
as culture they made it into a crucial resource for understanding how the social and the psychological could
come together in human culture. The result was the constitution of linguistics as a subfield of anthropology (a
development unparalleled outside of North America).
My article is an attempt to reconstruct the history of a
then-revolutionary idea and its realization over the past
100 years by adopting a modified (and operationally more
precise) notion of paradigm. I am pleased (or, I should
say, pleasantly surprised) to see that my conceptualization of such a history is largely shared by the commentators, who have generously provided additional information and, in some cases, raised some challenging
issues. There is much to be learned from Hymess historical footnotes and clarifications, Darnells reflections
on her own experience, and van Dijks expansion of the
discussion to text analysis in other disciplines. Some
commentators have also examined the premises and potential implications of some of my choices, offering alternative perspectives (e.g., allegedly unseen connections) or criticism of my interpretation. I have here
organized what I see as the commentators main concerns in terms of four questions: (1) Is paradigm the
right choice (Ahearn, Cook-Gumperz and Gumperz), and
have I used it correctly (Rumsey)? (2) How sharp is the
distinction between paradigms, especially between my
second and third (Darnell)? (3) Did I overlook some relevant information and, in particular, possible points of
continuity across paradigms (Darnell, Cook-Gumperz
and Gumperz, Spitulnik)? (4) Are the paradigm shifts I
identified for the study of language as culture in the
United States of more general relevance, for example, to
parallel shifts taking place in Europe and elsewhere in
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