The Writings of Benjamin Franklin Volume 6

THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
VOLUME VI
THE
WRITINGS
OF
BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN
COLLECTED AND EDITED

WITH A LIFE AND INTRODUCTION
BY
ALBERT HENRY SMYTH
VOLUME VI
i 773-1 776
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
I906
AB rights riurvid
Copyright, 1906,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotypcd. Published April, 1906.
NertoooB fim
J. 8. Gushing A Co. Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
CONTENTS
VOLUME VI
MO.
636.
637.
638.
639.
640.
641.
642.
643.
644.
645.
646.
647.
648.
649.
650.
651.
652.
653.
654.
655.
656.
657.
658.
659.
660.
661.
662.
663.
664.
665.
AC
To Thomas Cushing. January 5, 1773
.
.
.
.
1
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. January 6, 1773 ...
4
To Joseph Galloway. January 6, 1 773
....
5
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 2, 1773 ...
7
To John Bartram. February 10, 1773
....
8
To Anthony Benezet. February 10, 1773 ....
9
To Abel James and Benjamin Morgan. February 10, 1773 10
.
.
.u
To James Johnston. February 10, 1773 .
To William Franklin. February 14, 1773 ,
.
,
.12
To Humphry Marshall. February 14, 1773
... 13
To Rev. William Marshall. February 14, 1773 ... 15
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. February 14, 1773 ... 16
To Josiah Davenport. February 14, 1773 .... 17
To Joseph Galloway. February 14, 1773 .... 18
.
.
.
.21
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. March 9, 1773
To Thomas Cushing. March 9, 1773
.... 21
To Barbeu Dubourg. March 10, 1773
.... 23
To Barbeu Dubourg. March 10, 1773
.... 26
To Abel James and Benjamin Morgan. March 15, 1773 . 27
To Jean Baptiste Le Roy. March 30, 1773
... 28
To Thomas Cushing. April 3, 1773
29
To William Franklin. April 6, 1773
30
.... 32
To Mrs. Sarah Bache. April 6, 1773
To Joseph Galloway. April 6, 1773
33
To Rev. Thomas Coombe. April 6, 1773 .... 34
From Mrs. Bedford to Dr. Franklin. February 2, 1773 . 35
To Mrs. Bedford. April 9, 1773
36
To Dean Woodward. April 10, 1773
.... 39
To William Deane. April 11, 1773
40
To Barbeu Dubourg. [April ?] 1773
42
v
146437
vi
No.
666.
667.
668.
669.
670.
671.
672.
673.
674.
675.
676.
677.
678.
679.
680.
681.
682.
683.
684.
685.
686.
687.
688.
689.
690.
691.
692.
693.
694.
695.
696.
697.
698.
699.
700.
>. 701.
702.
703.
704.
COATTEJVrS
'AGE
.
. 44
To Messrs. Dubourg and Dalibard [May ?] 1773
To Barbeu Dubourg. May 4, 1773
47
To Thomas Cushing. May 6, 1773
48
To Barbeu Dubourg. June I, 1773
52
54
To Alexander Colden. June 2, 1773
To Thomas Cushing. June 2, 1773
55
56
From Samuel Cooper to B. Franklin. June 14, 1773 .
. 57
To Jean Baptiste Le Roy. June 22, 1773 .... 59
To Barbeu Dubourg. June 29, 1773
61
On Catching Cold. June, 1773
62
To Matthew Maty. July I, 1773
72
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. July 6, 1773 .... 73
To Thomas Cushing. July 7, 1773
73
To Thomas Cushing [Private]. July 7, 1773 ... 81
To Samuel Mather. July 7, 1773
86
To Samuel Cooper. July 7, 1773
89
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. July 7, 1773
93
To Samuel Franklin. July 7, 1773
95
.... 95
To Jonathan Williams. July 7, 1773
To William Franklin. July 14, 1773
96
To Benjamin Rush. July 14, 1773
100
To Anthony Benezet. July 14, 1773
102
To John Foxcroft. July 14. 1773
102
. 104
To Abel James and Benjamin Morgan. July 14, 1773
To Samuel Danforth. July 25, 1773
105
To John Winthrop. July 25, 1773
106
.
.
.
. 107
To Samuel Cooper. July 25, 1773
109
To William Franklin. August 3, 1773
.
.
.
.110
To Giambatista Beccaria. August 11, 1773
.
.
.112
To Mr. Burdett. August 21, 1773
113
To Thomas Cushing. August 24, 1773 .
.
.
.114
To William Franklin. September 1, 1773 .
.
.
. 115
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. September I, 1773
.
.118
An Edict by the King of Prussia. September 5, 1773
. 118 "
.
.
. 124
To Thomas Cushing. September 12, 1773
To John Baskerville. September 21, 1773 .
.
.
. 125
Rules for reducing a Great Empire to a Small One. Sep
tember, 1773
127
CONTENTS
NO.
705.
706.
707.
708.
709.
710.
711.
712.
713.
714.
715.
716.
717.
718.
719.
720.
721.
722.
723.
724.
725.
726.
727.
728.
729.
730.
."731.
732.
733.
734.
735.
736.
737.
-738.
739.
740.
741.
742.
743.
vii
PACK
.
.
. 137
To Thomas Percival. September 25, 1773
,
,
,
To Jan. Ingenhousz. September 30, 1773 .
.
.
.141
To William Franklin. October 6, 1773 .... 144
To Thomas Cushing. November 1, 1773 .... 147
To an Engraver. November 3, 1773
149
To Joseph Galloway. November 3, 1773 .
'51
To William Franklin. November 3, 1773 .... 152
.
.
. 153
To William Brownrigg. November 7, 1773
Abridgement of Book of Common Prayer. (?) 1773
. 165
To Thomas Cushing. January 5, 1774
.
.
.
.172
To William Franklin. January 5, 1774 .... 173
.... 175
To Samuel Rhoads. January 5, 1774
To William Franklin. February 2, 1774 .... 176
From Thomas Cushing and others. December 21, 1773 . 176
To Thomas Cushing and others. February 2, 1774 .
.178
To Josiah Tucker. February 12, 1774
.... 180
To Thomas Cushing. February 15, 1774 .... 182
To Richard Bache. February 17, 1774
.
.
.
-193
To Joseph Galloway. February 18, 1774 .... 194
To William Franklin. February 18, 1774 .... 197
To John Foxcroft. February 18, 1774
.... 197
From J. Tucker to B. Franklin. February 21, 1774 .
. 198
.
.
.
.198
From J. Tucker to B. Franklin. February 24, 1774 .
. 199
.... 200
To Samuel Cooper. February 25, 1774 .... 203
On the Rise and Progress of the Differences between Great
Britain and her American Colonies. [February?] 1774 . 205
To Jan. Ingenhousz. March 18, 1774
.... 219
To Giambatista Beccaria. March 20, 1774
.
.
. 220
To the Marquis de Condorcet. March 20, 1774 .
.
.221
To Thomas Cushing. March 22, 1774
.
.
.
.223
224
To Joseph Priestley. April 10. 1774
226
.... 228
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. April 28, 1774
.
.
. 230
231
To Rev. Thomas Coombe. July 22, 1774 .... 233
To Mrs. Deborah Franklin. July 22, 1774 - . - .
234
viii
No.
744.
745.
746.
747.
748.
749.
750.
751.
752.
753.
754.
755.
756.
757.
758.
759.
760.
761 .
762.
763.
764.
765.
766.
767.
768.
769.
770.
771.
772.
773774.
775.
776.
777.
CONTENTS
235
236
238
To Thomas Cushing. September 3, 1774 .... 238
To William Franklin. September 7, 1774 .
.
. 239
To Samuel Tucker and others. September 7, 1774 .
. 242
To Peter Timothy. September 7, 1774 .
.
.
.243
.
.
. 244
To iMrs. Jane Mecom. September 26, 1774
.
.
. 246
.
.
. 247
To Richard Biche. September 30, 1774 .
.
.
.248
To Thomas Cushing. October 6, 1774
.
.
.
.249
To Thomas Cushing. October 10, 1774 .
.
.
.251
To Joseph Galloway. October 12, 1774 .... 252
. 254
A Parable against Persecution. [November?] 1774 .
A Parable on Brotherly Love. [November?] 1774 .
. 256
Tract relative to the Affair of Hutchinson's Letters. [No
258
vember?] 1774
The Result of England's Persistence in her Policy towards
the Colonies illustrated. [November?] 1774
.
. 290
On a Proposed Act of Parliament for preventing Emigra
291
tion. November, 1774
The Intended Speech for the Opening of the First Session
of the Present Parliament. November 29, 1774 .
. 299
To Thomas Cushing. January 28, 1775 .... 301
To Charles Thomson. February J, 1775 .... 303
To Samuel Tucker and others. February 14, 1775 .
. 307
To James Bowdoin. February 25, 1775 .... 309
To Joseph Galloway. February 25, 1775 .
.
.
. 311
.... 314
To Josiah Quincy. February 26, 1775
To Charles Thomson. March 13, 1775 .... 315
An Account of Negotiations in London for effecting a Recon
ciliation between Great Britain and the American Colo
nies. March 22, 1775
318
To William Franklin. May 7, 1775
399
To Joseph Priestley. May 16, 1775
400
From N. W. Jones to B. Franklin. May 16, 1775 .
. 401
To Thomas Bradford. May 16, 1775
.... 402
To Mrs. Jane Mecom. May 26, 1775
.... 403
To Rev. Nathaniel Seidel. June 2, 1775 .... 403
CONTENTS
Ho.
778.
779.
780.
-^781.
782.
783.
784.
785.
786.
787.
788.
789.
790.
791.
792.
793.
794.
795.
796.
797.
798.
799.
800.
801.
802.
803.
804.
805.
806.
807.
808.
809.
810.
811.
812.
813.
814.
ix
PACE
To W. T. Franklin. June 13, 1775
405
To John Sargent. June 27, 1775
406
To William Strahan. July 5, 1775
407
48
To Joseph Priestley. July 7, 1775
To Mrs. Mary Hewson. July 8, 1775
.... 410
To Mrs. Margaret Stevenson. July 17, 1775 .
.
.411
Vindication and Offer from Congress to Parliament. July
18, I77S
412
Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union. July 21, 1775 420
,
, 427
To Peter V. B. Livingston. August 29, 1775 ,
To Robert Morris. August 29. 1775
427
To Jonathan Williams. September 12, 1775 .
.
. 428
To Joseph Priestley. October 3, 1775
.... 429
43
To a Friend in England. October 3, 1775 ,
To Charles W. F. Dumas. December 9, 1775 .
.
. 432
To Don Gabriel of Bourbon. December 12, 1775 .
. 436
To Charles Lee. February 11, 1776
438
To Charles Lee. February 19, 1776
440
From David Hartley to B. Franklin. February 24, 1776
441
To Philip Schuyler. March 11, 1776
443
To Lord Stirling. March 27, 1776
444
445
To Josiah Quincy. April 15, 1776
To Philip Schuyler. May 27, 1776
447
To the Commissioners in Canada. May 27, 1776
.
. 448
To George Washington. June 21, 1776 .... 449
To George Washington. July 22, 1776 .... 450
To Horatio Gates. August 28, 1776
451
Sketch of Propositions for a Peace. [September] 1776 . 452
455
To Philip Mazzei. (?) 1776
Correspondence and Interview with Lord Howe. June 20September 10, 1776
457
To W. T. Franklin. September 19, 1776 .... 467
To W. T. Franklin. September 22, 1776 .
.
.
.468
To Thomas Morris. December 4, 1776 .... 469
To Silas Deane. December 4, 1776
470
To Barbeu Dubourg. December 4, 1776 .... 472
To John Hancock. December 8, 1776
.... 473
To the Committee of Secret Correspondence. December 8,
1776
476
To Count de Vergennes. December 23, 1776 .
.
. 477
TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS
A. P. S
B. M
B. N
D. S. W
H
L. C
L. L
Lans
M. H. S
P. C
P. H. S
P. R. O
P. R. O. A. W. I
P. A. E. E. U
U. of P
Y
B
F
S
V
W. T. F
American Philosophical Society.

British Museum.
Bibliotheque Nationale.
Department of State, Washington.
Harvard University.
Library of Congress.
Lenox Library.
Lansdowne House.
Massachusetts Historical Society.
Private Collection.
Pennsylvania Historical Society.
Public Record Office.
Public Record Office : America and
West Indies.
Paris Departement des Affaires
Etrangeres, Etats-Unis.
University of Pennsylvania.
Yale University.
Bigelow.
Benjamin Franklin.
Sparks.
Benjamin Vaughan.
W. T. Franklin.
Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of

every letter that he wrote ; he then made a clean copy to send away, and
often retained a letter-press copy. To indicate the state of the docu
ment, the following abbreviations are used : d. = draft, trans. = transcript,
I. p. = letter-press copy.
636.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. r. o.)
London, Jan. 5, 1773.

Sir,
I did myself the Honour of writing to you on the 2d of
December past, inclosing some original Letters from Persons
in Boston, which I hope got safe to hand. I have since re
ceived your Favour of Oct. 27th, which containing in a small
Compass so full an Enumeration of our Grievances, the Steps
necessary to remove them, and the happy Effects that must
follow, I thought that tho' marked private, it might be of Use
to communicate it to Lord Dartmouth ; the rather too, as he
would there find himself occasionally mentioned with proper
Respect, and learn that his Character was esteemed in the
Colonies. Accordingly I wrote him a few lines, and inclosed
it a Day or two before I was to wait on his Lordship, that he
might have a little time to consider the Contents.1
1 The following note accompanied the letter, when it was communicated
to Lord Dartmouth :
" Craven Street, 8 December, 1 772. Dr. Franklin presents his best
respects to Lord Dartmouth, and, believing it may be agreeable as well as
useful to him to receive other information of the sentiments and dispositions
of the leading people in America, besides what ministers are usually furnished
with from the officers of the crown residing there, takes the liberty of com
municating to his Lordship a letter just received from the Speaker of the
Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay, written not as Speaker but in his private
capacity.
" Dr. Franklin purposes to wait on Lord Dartmouth at his levee to-morrow,
and shall be happy if he may bring from thence any thing proper to write in
answer, that should tend to compose the minds of people in that province, at
present greatly disquieted and alarmed by some late measures of govern
ment." S.
VOL. VI B
I
[1773
When I next attended him, he return'd me the Letter with

great Complaisance in his Countenance; said he was glad
to find that People in America were dispos'd to think so favour
ably of him ; that they did him but Justice in believing he had
the best Disposition towards them, for he wish'd sincerely
their Welfare, though possibly he might not always think
with them, as to the Means of obtaining that End ; that the
Heads of Complaint in your Letter were many, some of them
requiring much Consideration, and therefore it could scarce
be expected that a sudden Change should be made in so many
Measures, supposing them all improper to be continued,
which perhaps might not be the Case. It was however his
Opinion, that, if the Americans continued quiet, and gave
no fresh Offence to government, those Measures would be
reconsidered, and such Relief given as upon Consideratipn
should be thought reasonable.
I need not remark, that there is not much in such general
Discourse ; but I could then obtain nothing more particular,
except that his Lordship expressed in direct terms his Dis
approbation of the Instruction for exempting the Colonies
from Taxation; which, however, was, as he said, in Confi
dence to me, relying that no public Mention should be made
of his Opinion on that Head.
In the mean time, some Circumstances are working in our
favour with regard to the Duties. It is found by the last
year's Accounts transmitted by the Commissioners, that the
Ballance in favour of Britain is but about 85, after Payment
of Salaries, &c., exclusive of the charge of a fleet to enforce
the collection. Then it is observed, that the India Company
is so out of Cash, that it cannot pay the bills drawn upon it,
and its other Debts ; and at the same time so out of Credit,
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
that the Bank does not care to assist them, whence they find
themselves oblig'd to lower their Dividend ; the Apprehension
of which has sunk their Stock from 280 to 160, whereby several
Millions of Property are annihilated, occasioning private
Bankruptcies and other Distress, besides a Loss to the Public
Treasury of 400,000 per Annum, which the Company are
not to pay into it as heretofore, if they are not able to
keep up their Dividend at twelve and a half. And, as they
have at the same time Tea and other India Goods in their
Warehouses, to the Amount of Four Millions, as some say,
for which they want a Market, and which, if it had been sold,
would have kept up their Credit, I take the Opportunity of
remarking in all Companies the great Imprudence of losing
the American Market, by keeping up the Duty on Tea, which
has thrown that Trade into the Hands of the Dutch, Danes,
Swedes, and French, who, according to the Reports and
Letters of some Custom-House Officers in America, now
supply by smuggling the whole Continent, not with Tea only,
but accompany that Article with other India Goods, amount
ing, as supposed, in the whole to 500,000 Sterling per Annum.
This gives some Alarm, and begins to convince People more
and more of the Impropriety of Quarrelling with America,
who at that rate might have taken off Two Millions and a
half of those Goods within these Five Years that the Com
bination has subsisted, if the Duty had not been laid, or had
been speedily repealed.
ButinourNumbers
both
great Security
and Wealth;
lies, I think,
thatin creates
our growing
an increasing
Strength, "1
Ability of assisting this Nation in its Wars, which will make
us more respectable, our Friendship more valued, and our
Enmity feared ; thence it will soon be thought proper to treat
[1773
us not with Justice only, but with Kindness, and thence we

may expect in a few Years a total Change of Measures with
regard to us; unless, by a Neglect of military Discipline, we
should lose all martial Spirit, and our Western People become
as tame as those in the Eastern Dominions of Britain, when
we may expect the same Oppressions; for there is much
Truth in the Italian saying,/Mae yourselves Sheep, and the
Wolves will eat you^> In Confidence of this coming Change
in our favour, I think our Prudence is meanwhile to be quiet,
only holding up our Rights and Claims on all Occasions in
Resolutions, Memorials, and Remonstrances; but bearing
patiently the little present Notice that is taken of them.
They will all have their Weight in Time, and that Time is at
no great Distance. With the greatest Esteem, I have the
Honour to be, &c!}
B. Franklin.
637.
TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN
My dear Child,
(a. p. s.)
London, Jan. 6 1773
I feel still some Regard for this Sixth of January, as my

old nominal Birthday, tho' the Change of Stile has carried
the real Day forward to the 17th, when I shall be, if I live till
then, 67 Years of Age. It seems but t'other Day since you
and I were rank'd among the Boys & Girls, so swiftly does
Time fly ! We have however great Reason to be thankful
that so much of our Lives has pass'd so happily ; and that so
great a Share of Health and Strength remains, as to render
Life yet comfortable.
I received your kind Letter of November 16 by Sutton.
1 773]
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
The Apples are not yet come on shore, but I thank you for
them. Capt. All was so good as to send me a Barrel of excel
lent ones, which serve me in the mean time. I rejoice to hear
that you all continue well. But you have so us'd me to have
something pretty about the Boy, that I am a little disappointed
in finding nothing more of him than that he is gone up to
Burlington. Pray give in your next as usual, a little of his
History.
All our Friends here are pleas'd with your remembring
them, and send their Love to you. Give mine to all that
enquire concerning me, and a good deal to our Children. I
am ever, my dear Debby, your affectionate Husband,
B. Franklin.
638.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
(d.s.w.)

Dear Friend : I have received your Favours of Oct.
18 and 30. I am oblig'd greatly to you and Mr. Rhoads for
your friendly Interposition in the Affair of my Salary. As I
never made any Bargain with the House, I accept thank
fully whatever they please to give me, and shall continue to
serve them as long as I can afford to stay here : Perhaps it
may be thought that my other Agencies contribute more than
sufficient for that purpose; but the Jersey Allowance, tho'
well paid, is a very small one; that from Georgia, 100 only,
is some Years in Arrear; and will not be continued, as the
Appointment is by a Yearly Act, which I am told the Gov
ernor will not again pass with my Name in it. And from
[1773
Boston I have never receiv'd a Farthing, perhaps never shall,

as their Gov1 is instructed to pass no Salary to an Agent
whose Appointment he has not assented to. vjn these Cir
cumstances, with an almost double Expence of living by my
Family remaining in Philadelphia, the Losses I am con
tinually suffering in my Affairs there through Absence,
together with my now advanced Age, I feel renewed Inclina
tions to return and spend the remainder of my Days in private
Life, having had rather more than my Share of publick Bustle.
I only wish first to improve a little, for the general Advantage
of our Country, the favourable Appearances arising from the
Change of our American Minister,, and the good Light I am
told I stand in with the Successor. ' If I be instrumental in
[illegible] Things in good train, with a Prospect of their
[illegible] on a better Footing than they have had for some
Years past, I shall think a little additional Time well spent,
tho' I were to have no Allowance for it at all.
I must, however, beg you will not think of retiring from
Publick Business : You are yet a young Man,1 and may still
be greatly serviceable to your Country. It would be, I think,
something criminal to bury in private Retirement so early,
all the Usefulness of so much Experience and such great
Abilities. The People do not indeed always see their Friends
in the same favourable Light ; they are sometimes mistaken,
and sometimes misled ; but sooner or later they come right
again, and redouble their former Affection. This, I am con
fident, will happen in your Case, as it often has in the Case of
others. Therefore, preserve your Spirits and persevere, at
least to the Age of 60. a Boundary I once fix'd for myself
but have gone beyond it.
1 Galloway was about forty years of age. Ed.
1773]
I am afraid the bill, Wilcock on Col. Alex. Johnston, for

166 15 3^ must be returned with a protest. I shall know
in a day or two.
I shall consult Mr. Jackson, and do in the island Affair
what shall be thought best for securing your interest and
that of all concerned.
By your Spring Ships I shall write you more fully. At
present I can only add that I am with unalterable esteem
and affection,
Yours most sincerely
B Franklin
639.
(d. s. w.)
London, Feb. 2, 1773.

My dear Child : Since my last I have got the Apples
on shore, and they come out very good. Accept my best
Thanks. Mr. Bache of York, has also kindly sent me two
Barrels; Capt. Winn one, and Capt. Falconer one. I told
you before that Capt. All gave me one, so that I am now
plentifully supply'd.
I know you love to have a Line from me by every Packet,
so I write, tho' I have little to say, having had no Letter from
you since my last, of Jan. 6.
In Return for your History of your Grandson, I must give
you a little of the History of my Godson. He is now 21
Months old, very strong and healthy, begins to speak a little,
and even to sing. He was with us a few Days last Week,
grew fond of me, and would not be contented to sit down
to Breakfast without coming to call Pa, rejoicing when he
[1773
had got me into my Place. When seeing me one Day crack

one of the Philad* Biscuits into my Tea with the Nut
crackers, he took another and try'd to do the same with the
Tea-Tongs. It makes me long to be at home to play with
Ben.
My Love to him and our Children, with all enquiring
Friends. Mrs. Stevenson presents her affectionate Respects,
and Sally her Duty.
I am ever, my dear Debby,
Your loving Husband
B. Franklin.
640.
TO JOHN BARTRAM
(d. s. w.)
I am
Myglad
dear
to good
learn that
old the
Friend,
Turnip Seed
London,
andFeb.
the 10,
Rhubarb
1773.
grow with you, and that the Turnip is approved. It may be

depended on, that the Rhubarb is the genuine Sort. But
to have the Root in perfection, it ought not to be taken out
of the Ground in less than 7 Years. Herewith I send you a
few Seeds of what is called the Cabbage Turnip. They say
that [it] will stand the Frost of the severest Winter, and so
make a fine early Feed for Cattle in the Spring, when their
other Fodder may be scarce. I send also some [seed of the
Scotch cabbage; and some] peas that are much applauded
here, [but I forget for what purpose, and shall inquire and let
you know in my next.]1
I think there has been no good Opportunity of sending
your
1 The Medal
passages since
in brackets
I received
are not found
it till
in the
now.
roughItdraft
goes
in D.inS. aW.Box
Ed.to
1773]
T0 ANTHONY BENEZET
my Son Bache, with the Seeds. I wish you Joy of it. Not
withstanding the Failure of your Eyes, you write as distinctly
as ever. With great Esteem and Respect, I am, my dear
Friend, yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
641.
TO ANTHONY BENEZET
(d. s. w.)
London, Feb. 10. 1773

Dear Friend : I received with Pleasure yours of Sept.
13, as it informed me of your Welfare. With this I send you
one of Young's "Night Thoughts" the largest Print I
could find. I thank you for the 4 Copies you sent me of your
Translation of the French Book; I have given two of them
to Friends here, whom I thought the Subject might suit. I
have commenced an Acquaintance with Mr. Granville Sharpe,1
and we shall act in Concert in the Affair of Slavery. The
Accounts you send me relating to Surinam are indeed terrible.
Go on and prosper in your laudable Endeavors, and believe
me ever, my dear Friend,
Yours most affectionately
B. Franklin.
I send you a few [copies] of a Pamphlet written at Paris by
a well-wisher to our Country.* It is a little System of Morals
that may give distinct Ideas on that Subject to Youth, and
perhaps on that Acc' not unfit for a School- Book. I will
send you more if you desire it.
1 Granville Sharp (17351813), philanthropist and pamphleteer, who had
just won (1772) the first victory in the struggle for the emancipation of slaves
by securing the freedom of James Somersett. His correspondence with
Franklin is in A. P. S. Ed.
1 Barbeu Dubourg: " Petit Code de l'Humanite." Ed.
io
642.
[1773
TO ABEL JAMES AND BENJAMIN

MORGAN 1
(d. s. w.)
Gentlemen : I duly receiv'd your Favour of [muti

lated], and have, after a long Delay got the Silk from the
Custom-House. The Throwsters appointed to inspect it
there, in order to ascertain the Bounty, valued it at 15/ the
small pound, the whole taken together, and afterwards
wanted to buy it of me at that Price. But suspecting their
Offer to be too low, I have shown it to others, who say it
is much undervalued. Our Friend Freeman advises its
being sold by Auction as the last and recommends the same
Broker. Every one I have consulted are of the same Opin
ion. He will have a Sale about April next.
The Spitalfield's Silk Business is very dead at present.
time
The enormous
since, enabled
Paper the
Credit
Master
whichManufacturers
circulated so freely
to employ
some
more Men and make more Goods than the Market really
required, and the Blow such Credit has lately received, obliges
them to stop their Work 'till they can dispose of the great
Quantity of Goods on hand, which some say is enough for
a twelvemonth to come.
So the disbanded Workmen are starving, tho' great Sums
are collected to distribute among them in Charity. Several
1 The Society in Pennsylvania for the manufacture of silk was organized
as " the Filature," and held its first meeting, November 17, 1772. James and
Morgan, two active members of the society, conducted the correspondence
with Franklin. The product of the year 1772 was two trunks full of silk, of
which a part was sent to F. Ed.
1773]
TO ABEL JAMES AND BENJAMIN MORGAN
have apply'd to me to ship them to America, but having no

Acc' that such Workmen were wanted there, I was obliged
to refuse them. One came to me with the enclos'd Letter,
and show'd me several written Characters from different
Masters he had work'd with, all strongly in his favour for
Ingenuity and Skill in his Business, as well as his Sobriety
and Industry. He was a Quaker, and seem'd a sensible
young Man ; so that I was strongly inclin'd to send him, till
I understood he had a Wife and young Family, whi** would
make it too expensive : Tho' he said his Wife was a Work
woman in the Business, and one Child could also be service
able. He is endeavoring to get Subscriptions to pay the
Passage-Money, but I suppose will hardly succeed, as People
here would rather maintain the Workmen idle for a while,
than pay toward sending them to America.
I am much obliged to the Managers for their Present of
4 lbs of the Silk, and shall consider what Purpose I can apply
it to that may best contribute to the encouragement of the
Produce. Please to offer them my thankful Acknowledg
ments, and assure them of my most faithful Services.
With great Esteem and Respect, I am, Gentlemen,
Your most obed. hum. seiV,
B. Franklin.
643.
TO JAMES JOHNSTON
(d. s. w.)
London, Feb. 10, 1773

Sir: I received your Letter with the Sample of North
American Senna, which I put into the Hands of a Friend who
is a great Botanist as well as a Physician, and has made some
12
[1773
Trial of it. He tells me that to render it merchantable here,

the Stalks should be pick'd out, and the Leaves pack'd up
neatly, as that is which comes from the Levant. Perhaps
among your Druggists you might see some of those Packages
and so inform yourself of the manner. He has not yet had
sufficient Experience of it to be decisive in his Opinion of its
Qualities in comparison with other Senna, but thinks it
likely that it may answer the same purposes. Of the Quan
tity that may be in demand here, I have yet been able to
obtain
I am,nosir,intelligence.
your humble Servant.
B. Franklin.
644.
Dear Son,
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN1
(d. s. w.)
The Opposition are now attacking the Ministry on the St.

Vincent's affair, which is generally condemned here, and
some think Ld Hillsborough will be given up, as the Adviser
of that Expedition. But if it succeeds perhaps all will blow
over. The Ministry are more embarras'd with the India
Affairs. The continu'd refusal of North America to take
Tea from hence, has brought infinite Distress on the Com
pany. They imported great Quantities in the Faith that
that agreement could not hold; and now they can neither
pay their Debts nor Dividends; their Stock has sunk to the
annihilating near three millions of their Property, and Gov
ernment will lose its 400,000 a year ; while their Teas lie upon
1 Only a part of the letter is printed here. The remainder relates to unim
portant personal and business affairs. Ed,
TO HUMPHRY MARSHALL
1773]
13
Hand. The Bankruptcies, brought on partly by this means,

have given such a Shock to Credit, as has not been experienc'd here since the South Sea Year. And this has
affected the great Manufacturers so much, as to oblige them
to discharge their Hands, and thousands of Spitalfield and
Manchester Weavers are now starving, or subsisting on
Charity. Blessed Effects of Pride, Pique, and Passion in
Government, which should have no Passions.
I am ever
your affectionate Father,
B. Franklin.
645.
TO HUMPHRY MARSHALL
(d. s. w.)
London, February 14, 1773.

SIR,
A considerable time after its arrival, I received the box of
seeds you sent me the beginning of last year, with your ob
servations on spots of the sun. The seeds I distributed
among some of my friends who are curious ; accept my thank
ful acknowledgments for them. The observations I commu
nicated to our astronomers of the Royal Society, who are
much pleased with them, and hand them about from one to
another; so that I have had little opportunity of examining
them myself, they not being yet returned to me.
Here are various opinions about the solar spots. Some
think them vast clouds of smoke and soot arising from the
consuming fuel on the surface, which at length take fire again
on their edges, consuming and daily diminishing till they
totally disappear. Others think them spots of the surface,
in which the fire has been extinguished, and which by degrees
is rekindled. It is however remarkable, that, though large
14
[1773
spots are seen gradually to become small ones, no one has

observed a small spot gradually become a large one ; at least
I do not remember to have met with such an observation.
If this be so, it should seem they are suddenly formed of their
full size ; and perhaps, if there were more such constant and
diligent observers as you, some might happen to be observing
at the instant such a spot was formed, when the appearances
might give some ground of conjecture by what means they
were formed.
The professor of astronomy at Glasgow, Dr. Wilson,1 has
a new hypothesis. It is this ; that the sun is a globe of solid
matter, all combustible, perhaps, but whose surface only is
actually on fire to a certain depth, and all below that depth
unkindled, like a log of wood, whose surface to half an inch
deep may be burning coal, while all within remains wood.
Then he supposes, by some explosion similar to our earth
quakes, the burning part may be blown away from a par
ticular district, leaving bare the unkindled part below, which
then appears a spot, and only lessens as the fluid burning
matter by degrees flows in upon it on all sides, and at last
covers or rekindles it.
He founds this opinion on certain appearances of the edges
of the spots as they turn under the sun's disk, or emerge again
on the other side ; for, if there are such hollows in the sun's
face as he supposes, and the bright border round their edges
be the fluid burning matter flowing down the banks into the
hollow, it will follow, that, while a spot is in the middle of the
sun's disk, the eye looking directly upon the whole, may dis1 Alexander Wilson (1714-1786), First Professor of Astronomy at Glasgow.
In 1769 he made his discovery concerning son spots. See Philosophical
Transactions, 1774. Ed.
1773]
TO REV. WILLIAM MARSHALL
cern that border all round; but when the hollow is moved
round to near the edge of the disk, then, though the eye
which now views it aslant can see full the farthest bank, yet
that which is nearest is hidden, and not to be distinguished ;
and when the same spot comes to emerge again on the other
side of the sun, the bank which before was visible is now con
cealed, and that concealed which before was visible, gradually
changing, however, till the spot reaches the middle of the disk,
when the bank all round may be seen as before. Perhaps
your telescope may be scarce strong enough to observe this.
If it is, I wish to know whether you find the same appearances.
When your observations are returned to me, and I have con
sidered them, I shall lodge them among the papers of the
Society, and let you know their sentiments.
With great esteem and regard, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
646.
TO REV. WILLIAM MARSHALL 1
(d. s. w.)

Rev" Sir : I duly received your respected Letter of
Oct. 30, and am very sensible of the Propriety and Equity
of the Act passed to indulge your Friends in their Scruples,
relating to the Mode of Taking an Oath, which you plead
for so ably by numerous Reasons. That Act, with others
has now been sometime laid before his Majesty in Council.
I have not yet heard of any Objection to it; but if such
should arise, I shall do my utmost to remove them, and
1 Rev. William Marshall was born about 1740 in Fifeshire. He was minis
ter of the Associate Presbyterian Church, in Philadelphia. He died Novem
ber 17, 1802. Ed.
16
THE WRrriNGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
[1773
obtain the Royal Assent. Believe me, Reverend Sir, to have

the warmest Wishes for the Increase of Religious as well as
Civil Liberty thro'out the World ; and that I am, with great
Regard, your most obedient humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
647.
(d. s. w.)

My dear Child : I wrote to you a few Days since by
the Packet. In a Box directed to Mr. Bache, I send a
striped Cotton and Silk Gown for you, of a Manufacture
now much the Mode here. There is another for Sally.
People line them with some old Silk Gown, and they look
very handsome. There goes also a Bedstead for Sally,
sent on Capt. All's telling Mrs. Stevenson that you wish'd
it had been sent with the Bed. She sends also some little
things for Benny-boy.
Now having nothing very material to add, let us trifle a
little. The fine large grey Squirrel you sent, who was a
great Favourite in the Bishop's Family, is dead. He had
got out of his Cage in the Country, rambled, and was ram
bling over a Common 3 Miles from home, when he met a Man
with a Dog. The Dog pursuing him, he fled to the Man for
Protection ; running up to his Shoulder, who shook him off,
and set the Dog on him, thinking him to be, as he said after
ward, some Varment or other. So poor Mungo, as his Mis
tress call'd him, died. To amuse you a little, and nobody
out of your own House, I enclose you the little Correspon
dence
1 See letter
between
to Georgiana
her Shipley,
and me
September
on the26,melancholy
1772, Vol. V, p.Occasion.1
438. Ed.
TO JOSIAH DAVENPORT
Skugg, you must know is a common Name by which all
Squirrels are called here as all cats are called Puss. Miss
Georgiana is the Bishop's youngest Daughter but one.
There are five in all. Mungo was buried in the Garden,
and the enclos'd Epitaph put upon his Monument. So
much for Squirrels.
My poor Cousin Walker, in Buckinghamshire, is a Lacemaker. She was ambitious of presenting you and Sally
with some Netting of her Work; but as I knew she could
not afford it, I chose to pay her for it at her usual Price,
3/6 per yard. It goes also in the Box. I name the Price that
if it does not suit you to wear it, you may know how to
dispose of it.
I have desired Miss Haydock to repay you the W6"o
Sterling, which I have laid out for her here, on account of
her Silk. I think it is not the Colour she desired. I suppose
her Relation, Mrs. Forster, who took the Management of it,
will give her the Reason.
My Love to Sally and the dear Boy. I am ever your
affectionate Husband,
B. Franklin
648.
TO JOSIAH DAVENPORT1
(d. s. w.)
London, Feb. 14, 1773

Loving Cousin : I am sorry to hear of your Failing in
your Business. I hear you now keep a little Shop, and there
fore send you 4 Doz. of Evans' Maps, which, if you can sell
you are welcome to apply the Money towards Clothing your
1 Son of Joseph Davenport, who married Franklin's sister Sarah. Ed.
vol. VI C
18
[1773
Boys, or to any other Purpose. Enoch seems a solid, sen

sible Lad, and I hope he will do well. If you will be advis'd
[illegible], think of any Place in the Post-Office. / The money
you receive will slip thro' your Fingers, and you will run
behindhand imperceptibly, when your Securities must suffer,
or your Employers. I grow too old to run such Risques,
and therefore wish you to propose nothing more of the kind
to me. I have been hurt too much by endeavouring to help
Cousin Ben Mecom. I have no Opinion of the Punctuality
of Cousins. They are apt to take Liberties with Relations
they would not take with others, from a Confidence that a
Relation will not sue them. And tho' I believe you now
resolve and intend well in case of such an Appointment, I
can have no Dependence that some unexpected Misfortune
or Difficulty will not embarras your Affairs and render
you again insolvent. Don't take this unkind. It is better
to be thus free with you than to give you Expectations that
cannot be answereoU I should be glad to see you in some
Business that would require neither Stock nor Credit and
yet might afford a comfortable Subsistence, being ever, your
affectionate Uncle,
B. Franklin.
649.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
(d. s. w.)

Dear Friend : I wrote to you the 6th of last Month in
answer to your Favours of Oct. 18 and 30; since which I
have no Line from you, the New York January Packet not
being yet arrived.
1773]
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
The Bill on Col. Johnston, which I mentioned as likely

to be protested, is since paid. The Gentleman trifled about
it a good deal ; first refus'd to accept it, then came to me and
desired it might be sent to him again and he would accept it ;
then when it became due he wanted longer time. The
Drawer, I think, should be inform'd of this, that he may
be cautious. The Man seems honestly dispos'd, but appears
embarrased in his Money Affairs. This, indeed, is at present
a more common Case than usual, owing to the great Blow
Paper Credit has received, which first fell upon the India
Company, and by degrees became general. Hence, a great
Stop of Employment among the Manufacturers, added to
the Mischiefs mentioned in mine of Dec. 2, of which retain
ing the Duty on Tea in America, and thereby the Loss of
that Market, are now acknowledg'd to be the Cause. The
Ministry now would have the Company save its Honour by
petitioning for the Repeal of that Duty; and the Company
has it under Consideration. They see Government will be
oblig'd, for its own sake, to support them, and therefore
must repeal the Duty, whether they petition for it or not,
and 't is said they are not willing to ask it as a Favour, lest
that should be made a Foundation for some additional
Demand upon them. A fine Hobble they are all got into
by their unjust and blundering Politics with regard to the
Colonies.
I thank you for proposing the two Members I mention'd.
I have now some others to propose, viz. : Dr. Barbeu Dubourg of Paris, a Man of very extensive Learning and an
excellent Philosopher, who is ambitious of the Honour, as
is Lord Stanhope for himself and son, Lord Mahone,1 who
1 Dubourg was elected a member of The American Philosophical Society,
30
[1773
will be propos'd by Dr. de Normandie 1 ; there is also Mr.

Sam'l Dun,' a very ingenious Mathematician and universal
Mechanic, very fond of America, and would be an Acquisi
tion if we could get him there and employ him: He writes
to the Society, and is also very desirous of the honour. There
is another Gentleman, who, I believe, would be pleas'd with
it, tho' he has not mentioned it; I mean the President of
the Royal Society, Sir John Pringle, Bart. It is usual for
the Academy of Sciences at Paris always to chuse the presi
dent of the English Royal Society one of their^Foreign Membersv>and it is well taken here as a Mark of Respect, and I
chuse
think ithim.*)
wouldByalso
the beway,
taken
is the
by the
Ten Society
Shillings
if you
a Year
should
ex
pected of Foreign Members? I have been ask'd that Ques
tion. Here no Contribution is taken of them. Enclos'd
I send you an Acc' of the presenting two more of your Acts
to the King in Council. As yet I hear of no Objection to
any of the former thirty, of which I sent a List per January
Packet as presented Dec. 22. I send the Society some
printed Pieces that will be indeed in the next Volume of the
Philosophic Transactions here : But as that will not come out
tillWith
Midsummer,
unalterable
it Attachment,
may be agreable
I am to
ever,
have
my them
dear Friend,
sooner.
yours most affectionately,
B Franklin
January 28, 1775; Lord Stanhope and Lord Mahon were elected January 21,
1774. Ed.
1 Dr. John A. De Normandie, of Bristol, Pennsylvania, was elected October
18, 1768. He died in 1803. Ed.
a Samuel Dunn (died 1794), author of "New Atlas of the Mundane System."
He appears on the title-page of that work as a member of The American
Philosophical Society, but there is no record at the society of his election.
Ed.
Pringle was not elected. Ed.
,1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
650.
TO MRS. JANE MECOM
21
(d. s. w.)
London, March 9. 1773

Dear Sister : I received your kind Letter of Dec. 30,
and rejoice to find you were well. I may possibly have
the great Pleasure of seeing you before the Year is out.
I have desired Cousin Williams to give you the Money he
may recover from Hall. I would only mention to you that
when I was in Boston in 175 [mutilated] Brother John then
living, an old Man, whose Name I have forgotten, apply'd
to me with a Bond of our Father's of about 15 or 17 Pound,
if I remember right, desiring I would pay it, which I declin'd,
with this Answer, that as I had never receiv'd anything from
the Estate, I did not think myself oblig'd to pay any of the
Debts. But I had another Reason, which was that I thought
the Care of those Matters belong'd more properly to my
Brother. If you know that Person, I wish you would now,
out of Hall's Money, pay that Debt; for I remember his
Mildness on the Occasion with some Regard. My Love to
Jenny. I am ever,
Your affectionate Brother
B. Franklin.
I have not yet seen Capt. Jenkins, but will enquire him
out when I next go to the City.
651.
SIR
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, March 9, 1773.
I did myself the Honour of Writing to you the 2d of Decem

ber and the 5th of January past. Since which I have re
22
[1773
ceived your Favour of Nov. 28, inclosing the Votes and Pro
ceedings of the Town of Boston, which I have reprinted here,
with a Preface. Herewith I send you a few Copies.
Governor Hutchinson's Speech, at the opening of your
JanT Session, has been printed and industriously circulated
here by (as I think) the ministerial People, which I take to be
no good Sign. The Assembly's Answer to it is not yet arriv'd,
and in the mean while it seems to make Impression on the
Minds of many not well acquainted with the Dispute. The
Tea Duty, however, is under the Consideration of Parlia
ment, for a Repeal on a Petition from the East India Com
pany, and no new Measures have been talked of against
America, or are likely to be taken during the present session.
I was therefore preparing to return home by the Spring
Ships, but have been advis'd by our Friends to stay till the
Session is over; as the Commission sent to Rhode Island,
and the Discontents in your Province, with the Correspon
dence of the Towns, may possibly give Rise to something here,
when my being on the Spot may be of Use to our Country.
I conclude to stay a little longer. In the mean time I must
hope, that great Care will be taken to keep our People quiet ;
since nothing is more wish'd for by our Enemies, than that
by Insurrections we should give a good Pretence for increas
ing the Military among us, and putting us under more severe
Restraints. And it must be evident to all, that, by our
rapidly increasing Strength, we shall soon become of so much
Importance, that none of our just Claims of Privilege will
be as heretofore unattended to, nor any Security we can wish
for our Rights be deny'd us. With great Respect, I have the
\ Honour to be, &c.
B. Franklin.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
1773]
652.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG1

Sir,
As to the magnetism, which seems produced by electricity,
my real opinion is, that these two powers of nature have no
affinity with each other, and that the apparent production
of magnetism is purely accidental. The matter may be
explained thus.
1 st. The earth is a great magnet.
2dly. There is a subtile fluid, called the magnetic fluid,
which exists in all ferruginous bodies, equally attracted by
all their parts, and equally diffused through their whole sub
stance; at least where the equilibrium is not disturbed by a
power superior to the attraction of the iron.
3dly. This natural quantity of the magnetic fluid, which
is contained in a given piece of iron, may be put in motion
so as to be more rarefied in one part and more condensed in
another; but it cannot be withdrawn by any force that we
are yet made acquainted with, so as to leave the whole in a
negative state, at least relatively to its natural quantity;
neither can it be introduced so as to put the iron into a posi
tive state, or render it plus. In this respect, therefore,
magnetism differs from electricity.
4thly. A piece of soft iron allows the magnetic fluid which
it contains to be put in motion by a moderate force ; so that,
being placed in a line with the magnetic pole of the earth, it
immediately acquires the properties of a magnet, its magnetic
(Tom.
1 This
I, pp.
letter
277,is 312,
translated
332). from
Ed. M. Dubourg's "CEuvres de M. Franklin "
24
[1773
fluid being drawn or forced from one extremity to the other ;

and this effect continues as long as it remains in the same
position, one of its extremities becoming positively magnetized,
and the other negatively. This temporary magnetism ceases
as soon as the iron is turned east and west, the fluid imme
diately diffusing itself equally through the whole iron, as in
its natural state.
Sthly. The magnetic fluid in hard iron, or steel, is put in
motion with more difficulty, requiring a force greater than the
earth to excite it; and, when once it has been forced from
one extremity of the steel to the other, it is not easy for it to
return ; and thus a bar of steel is converted into a permanent
magnet.
6thly. A great heat, by expanding the substance of this
steel, and increasing the distance between its particles,
affords a passage to the magnetic fluid, which is thus again
restored to its proper equilibrium; the bar appearing no
longer to possess magnetic virtue.
7thly. A bar of steel, which is not magnetic, being placed
in the same position, relatively to the pole of the earth, which
the magnetic needle assumes, and in this position being
heated and suddenly cooled, becomes a permanent magnet.
The reason is, that while the bar was hot, the magnetic fluid
which it naturally contained was easily forced from one
extremity to the other by the magnetic virtue of the earth ;
and that the hardness and condensation, produced by the
sudden cooling of the bar, retained it in this state without
permitting it to resume its original situation.
8thly. The violent vibrations of the particles of a steel
bar, when forcibly struck in the same position, separate the
particles in such a manner during their vibration, that they
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
permit a portion of the magnetic fluid to pass, influenced by
the natural magnetism of the earth ; and it is afterwards so
forcibly retained by the re-approach of the* particles, when
the vibration ceases, that the bar becomes a permanent
magnet.
9thly. An electric shock passing through a needle in a
like position, and dilating it for an instant, renders it, for the
same reason, a permanent magnet; that is, not by impart
ing magnetism to it, but by allowing its proper magnetic
fluid to put itself in motion.
iothly. Thus there is not in reality more magnetism in a
given piece of steel after it is become magnetic, than existed
in it before. The natural quantity is only displaced or
repelled. Hence it follows, that a strong apparatus of mag
nets may charge millions of bars of steel, without communi
cating to them any part of its proper magnetism ; only put
ting in motion the magnetism which already existed in these
bars.
I am chiefly indebted to that excellent philosopher of
Petersburg, Mr. Êpinus,1 for this hypothesis, which appears
to me equally ingenious and solid. I say chiefly, because, as
it is many years since I read his book, which I have left
in America, it may happen, that I may have added to or
altered it in some respect ; and, if I have misrepresented any
thing, the error ought to be charged to my account.
If this hypothesis appears admissible, it will serve as an
answer to the greater part of your questions. I have only
one remark to add, which is, that, however great the force
is of magnetism employed, you can only convert a given
1 Fr.-Ulrich-Theodore yEpinus (1724-1802), Professor of Physics at St.
Petersburg. Ed.
36
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [1773
portion of steel into a magnet of a force proportioned to its

capacity of retaining its magnetic fluid in the new position
in which it is placed, without letting it return. Now this
power is different in different kinds of steel, but limited in all
kinds whatever.
B. Franklin
653. TO BARBEU DUBOURG1

March 10, 1773.
I shall not attempt to explain why damp clothes occasion
colds, rather than wet ones, because I doubt the fact; I
imagine that neither the one nor the other contribute to this
effect, and that the causes of colds are totally independent
of wet and even of cold. I propose writing a short paper on
this subject, the first moment of leisure I have at my disposal.
In the mean time I can only say, that, having some suspicions
that the common notion, which attributes to cold the prop
erty of stopping the pores and obstructing perspiration, was
ill founded, I engaged a young physician,2 who is making
some experiments with Sanctorius's balance, to estimate the
different proportions of his perspiration, when remaining one
hour quite naked, and another warmly clothed. He pur
sued the experiment in this alternate manner for eight hours
successively, and found his perspiration almost doubled dur
ing those hours in which he was naked.
B. Franklin.
1 Translated from M. Dubourg's "CEimes de M. Franklin," Vol. II, p. 311.
Ed.
* Dr. Stark, see p. 47. Ed.
1773]
654.
27
TO ABEL JAMES AND BENJAMIN

MORGAN
(d. s. w.)
London, Mar. 15. 1773
Gentlemen : In mine of Feb. 10, I mentioned a Silk

Weaver who was desirous of going to America ; and endeavor
ing to get Subscriptions among his Friends to defray the
Expence of his and Family's Passage. He now tells me that
they have been so kind as to double the Sum he requested,
and that he is to go in Sutton. He takes with him a good
Certificate from the Meeting ; and I beg leave to recommend
him to the Notice and Encouragement of the Silk Committee,
most
tinues
as faradvantageous
as
so they
high,may
to send
find
for our
him
all Country,
our
deserving.
raw Silk
while
^For
hither,
thetho'
Bounty
yet
it may
as conthe^Sj*1
be ( ^,\L>*jjr\y\"
>Y ^-C-\^ <J
Bounty
think
it will
not gradually
amiss to begin
diminish
earlyand
the atlaying
length
a Foundation
cease, I should
for ,y C'-'.'A." <*. ;<
the future Manufacture of it; and perhaps this Person, if
he finds Employment, may be a means of raising Hands for
that purpose.,) His Name is Joseph Clark.
By the enclos'd you will see when the Silk will probably
be sold. I hope to send you a good Account of it, and am,
with great Esteem, Gentlemen, your most obed', hum? serv',
B. F[ranklin]
28
655. TO JEAN BAPTISTE LE ROY1
[1773
(a. p. s.)
London, March 30, [1773.]

Dear Sis,
You punish my delay of writing to you very properly by
not writing to me. It is long since I have had the Pleasure
of hearing from you. But it is my fault, and I must for my
own sake write to you oftener, tho' I have little to say, or
you will quite forget me.
I thank you for your Advice to send an English Copy of
my Writings to the Academy, and shall do it as soon as the
new Edition now in hand here is finish'd.
I am glad you see some Weight in the Experiments I sent
you concerning pointed Rods. Mr. Wilson is grown angry,
that his Advice was not follow'd in making them blunt for
the Public Magazines of Gunpowder, and has published a
Pamphlet reflecting on the R. Society, the Committee and
myself, with some Asperity; and endeavouring to alarm the
City with the supposed Danger of Pointed Rods drawing the
Lightning into them, & blowing them up. I find it is ex
pected from me that I make some Answer to it, and I shall
do so, tho' I have an extreme Aversion to Public Altercation
on philosophic Points, and have never yet disputed with any
one, who thought fit to attack my Opinions. I am oblig'd
to you for the Experiment of the Point and Ring.
There is no being sure of any thing before it happens;
but considering the Weight of your Reputation, I think there
is little Reason to doubt the Success of your Friends' Endeav1 Jean Baptiste LeRoy (1724-1800), physicist, famous for his experiments
in electricity. His three brothers, Pierre, Charles, and David, were all num
bered among Franklin's friends. Ed.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
ours to procure for our Society here the Honour of adding
you to their Number at the next Election.1 In the mean
time will you for my sake confer the same kind of Honour
on my young Society at Philadelphia. When I found that
our first volume of American Transactions was favourably
receiv'd in Europe, and had procur'd us some Reputation,
I took the Liberty of nominating you for a Member, and you
were accordingly chosen at a full Meeting in Philadelphia
on the 15th of Jan7 last. I sent a Copy of that Volume to
the Academy of Sciences at Paris when it first came out, but
I do not remember to have heard that they ever receiv'd it.
I think it was Mr. Magelhaens,2 who undertook to convey
it. If it miscarried I will send another; and by the first
Opportunity one for yourself.
Two Ships are now fitting out here, by the Admiralty, at
the Request of the Royal Society, to make a Voyage to the
North Pole, or to go as near to it as the Ice will permit. If
they return safe we shall probably obtain some new Geo
graphical Knowledge, and some Addition to Natural History.
With the greatest Esteem and Respect, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
656.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. R. o.)
London, April 3, 1773.

MySir,
last was of the 9th past, since which nothing material
has occurr'd relating to the Colonies.
The Assembly's An-
1 He was elected June 10, 1773. Ed.

1 Jean Hyacinthe de Magalhaens (1 723-1 790), born at Lisbon, lived from
1764 until his death in England. He was elected a member of The American
Philosophical Society, January 16, 1784. Eo.
30
[1773
swer to Governor Hutchinson's Speech is not yet come over,

but I find that even his Friends here are apprehensive of
some ill Consequences from his forcing the Assembly into
that Dispute; and begin to say it was not prudently done,
tho' they believe it meant well. I inclose for you two News
papers, in which it is mentioned. Lord Dartmouth the other
day express'd his Wish to me, that some Means could be
fallen upon to heal the Breach. I took the Freedom to tell
him, that he could do much in it, if he would exert himself.
I think I see Signs of Relenting in some others. The Bishop
of St. Asaph's Sermon before the Society for Propagating
the Gospel is much talk'd of, for its Catholic Spirit and
favourable Sentiments relating to the Colonies. I will en
deavour to get a Copy to send you. With great Esteem and
Respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient
and most humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
657.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
(d. s. w.)

Dear Son,
I received yours of February 2d, with the Papers of In
formation that accompany it.
1 ... I have sent to Mr. Galloway one of the Bishop
of St. Asaph's Sermons to your Society for propagating the
Gospel. I would have sent you one, but you will receive
it of course as a Member. It contains such liberal and gen
erous Sentiments, relating to the Conduct of Government
1 A paragraph omitted containing answers to queries in William Franklin's
letter. Ed.
1773]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
3i
here towards America, that Sir J[ohn] P[ringle] says it was

written in compliment to me. But from the Intimacy of
Friendship in which I live with the Author, I know he has
express'd nothing but what he thinks and feels ; and I honour
him the more, that thro' the mere Hope of doing Good, he
has hazarded the Displeasure of the Court, and of course
the Prospect of further Preferment.'y Possibly indeed the
Ideas of the Court may change; for I think I see some
Alarm at the Discontents in New England, and some Appear
ance of Softening in the Disposition of Government, on the
Idea that Matters have been carry'd too far there. But all
depends upon Circumstances and Events. We govern from
Hand to Mouth. There seems to be no wise regular Plan.
. . . I saw Lord Dartmouth about 2 Weeks since. He
mention'd nothing to me of your Application for additional
Salary, nor did I to him, for I do not like it. I fear it will
embroil you with your People.
While I am writing comes to hand yours of Mar. 2. My
Letter by the October Pacquet must have been sent as usual
to the Office by the Bellman. That being, as you inform me,
rubb'd open, as some of yours to me have been, gives an
additional Circumstance of Probability to the Conjecture
made in mine of Dec. 2. For the future I shall send Letters
of Consequence to the Office, when I use the Pacquet Con
veyance, by my Clerk.
Your Accounts of the Numbers of People, Births, Burials,
&c., in your Province will be very agreable to me, and par
ticularly so to Dr. Price. Compar'd with former Accounts,
they will show the Increase of your People, but not per
fectly, as I think a great many have gone from N. Jersey
to the more Southern Colonies.
32
1 . . . The Parliament is like to sit till the End of June,

as Mr. Cooper tells me. I had thoughts of returning home
about that time. The Boston Assembly's Answer to the
Governor's Speech, which I have just received, may possibly
produce something here to occasion my longer Stay. I am
your affectionate Father,
B. Franklin.
658.
TO MRS. SARAH BACHE
(d. s. w.)
London, April 6. 1773

Dear Sally, I received your pleasing Letter of Jan. 5.
I am glad you have undertaken the Care of the Housekeeping,
as it will be an Ease to your Mother, especially if you can
manage to her Approbation ; that may perhaps be at first a
Difficulty. It will be of Use to you if you get a Habit of
keeping exact Accounts; and it will be some Satisfaction to
me to see them. Remember, for your Encouragement in
good oeconomy, that whatever a Child saves of its Parents'
Money, will be its own another Day. Study Poor Richard a
little, and you may find some Benefit from his Instructions.
I long to be with you all, and to see your Son. I pray God
to bless him and you ; being ever
Your affectionate Father
B. Franklin
P. S. Mrs. Stevenson and Daughter send their Love to
you. The latter is near lying-in again. Her Boy, my God
son,
1 Omission
is a very
of paragraph
fine Child,
relating
and
to business
begins with
to talk.
Thomas Wharton. Ed.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
659.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
33
(d. s. w.)
London, April 6. 1773.

Dear Sir: I wrote to you of the 14th Feby and 15th of
March, since which I have receiv'd no Line from you. This
just serves to cover a Sermon of my Friend the Bishop of
St. Asaph. You will find it replete with very liberal Senti
ments respecting America. I hope they will prevail here,
and be the Foundation of a better Understanding between the
two Countries. He is the more to be honour'd by us for this
Instance of his Good-Will, as his Censure of the late Conduct
towards the Colonies, however tenderly expressed, cannot
recommend him at Court, or conduce in the least to his
Promotion.
The Parliament is busy about India Affairs, and as yet see
no End of the Business. It is thought they will sit till the
End of June. An Alliance with France and Spain is talk'd
of; and a War with Prussia. But this may blow over. A
War with France and Spain would be of more Advantage to
American Liberty: Every Step would then be taken to con
ciliate our Friendship, our Grievances would be redress'd,
and our Claims allow'd. And this will be the Case sooner or
later. For as the House of Bourbon is most vulnerable in
its
there
American
must be Possessions,
of the greatest
ourImportance.
hearty Assistance in a War
The Affair of the Grant goes on but slowly. I do not yet
clearly see Land. I begin to be a little of the Sailor's Mind
when they were handing a Cable out of a Store into a Ship,
and one of 'em said: "Tis a long, heavy Cable. I wish we
VOL. VI D
'
34
[1773
could see the End of it." "Dn me," says another, "if I
believe it has any End ; somebody has cut it off."
I beg leave to recommend to your Civilities Mr. Robert
Hare,1 who does me the Favour to carry this Letter. He
bears an excellent Character among all that know him here,
and purposes settling in America to carry on there the
Brewing Business.
With the sincerest Esteem and Affection, I am ever yours,
B. Franklin.
660.
TO REV. THOMAS COOMBE'
(d. s. w.)
London, April 6. 1773

Dear Friend, I receiv'd a few welcome Lines from you
acquainting me with your safe Arrival at Philad*, and promis
ing me a long Letter, which I suppose has miscarried. So I
know nothing of your Reception and Engagements, your
Views, Pursuits, or Studies, or what would please you best
from hence, new Poetry or new Sermons; for the better
chance, therefore of hitting your Taste, I send you a Sample
of each, perhaps the best we have had since Pope and Tillotson.
The Poetry is allow'd by the Wits here to be neat classical
Satyr. Finding a vacant Niche in it, I have, with my Pen,
stuck up there a certain Enemy of America. The just,
liberal, and benevolent Sentiments in my Friend the Bishop's
1 He settled in Philadelphia, and became the father of Robert Hare, the
inventor of the oxyhydrogen blowpipe. Ed.
a Thomas Coombe (1 747-1822) was Chaplain to the Marquis of Rockingham
(1768-1772), and on his return to America was chosen an assistant minister
of Christ Church and St. Peter's, in Philadelphia. Ed,
1773] FROM MRS. BEDFORD TO DR. FRANKLIN
35
Sermon, do honour both to his Head and Heart; and the

more, as he knows the Doctrine cannot be relish'd at Court,
and therefore cannot conduce to his Promotion. My Re
spects to your good Father, and believe me ever
Your affectionate friend,
B. Franklin.
P. S. Give me leave to recommend to your Acquaintance
and Civilities, the Bearer, Mr. Robert Hare, who bears an
excellent Character here, and has views of Settling in America.
661. FROM MRS. BEDFORD TO DR. FRANKLIN'

(A. p. s.)
Honoured Sir
Woodbridge February 2, 1773
At my Mama's particular request, I take the liberty of writing to you,

whom once I could address without ceremony, but the unhappy difference
between our families renders that perhaps now more necessary, which would
formerly have been looked upon as an Act of Duty. You my Dr Sir I was
ever taught to look upon as the Friend, the Benefactor of one of the best of
Parents and he is now no more, and his memory and Actions too soon forgot
by some. Yet that hand which so kindly assisted him and thought him
worthy when here of friendship, we hope will not forget his family now he is
no more. When my Papa died he left something pritty behind him,
enough to maintain Mama, and for his Children to enter into the World again.
His Estate was no way incumbred, but with those Bonds to Mr. Franklin, as
now appears but which my Mama have frequently heard him say before his
Death, were almost discharged, that he had remitted money to M Franklin
to near the amount of them, and particularly the last time he went from home
he told Mama he believed he had sufficient with him to discharge them.
However that be as it will and owing to what cause it may on either side
there are now heavy Sums appear due on those Bonds.
We have seen Powers of Attorney in the hands of both Gov' Franklin and
Mr. Bache to receive and secure the Debt as soon as the Governor ap1 Jenny Bedford was the daughter of James Parker, printer, of Woodbridge,
New Jersey. Ed.
36
peared we sent in our Account and were ready to settle. Governor Franklin
then took time to send the Account over to you When we called upon him
again he said he had nothing to do with the matter, that M' Bache had come
with a later Power of Attorney, and that we must settle with him. We then
furnished Mr Bache with the same Accounts as we had the Governor, who in
answer said he could not settle till he had heard farther from you.
Since that we have waited and called upon you again and again but he
says no news from home and all must be let go till then. Mama thinks it
very hard. If interest runs upon the Bonds they have almost consumed the
Estate tho this is what we principally want to know papa in his Books
mentions it, that if Interest is charged upon his Bonds to Mr. Franklin he
thinks it but reasonable he should have commissions upon the Business he
did for him now what business he did or what commissions to charge
we know not, as he kept no Account of it and therefore we would wish to
know from yourself wether {sic) or not we must pay Interest upon the Bonds,
and if we do wether it is reasonable we should from the time that we have
been ready to settle them it will make an odds in the Interest. . . . We
should not have troubled or wrote to you, good Sir, was it not for Mamas
great anxiety to have her Affairs settled, and her particular desire that you
should in some measure be concerned in them that she may know from your
self what she may depend on as to your accounts; as she finds some difficulty
in settling them in her present situation. She is now advanced in Years and
afflicted, and would willingly live in peace, and she thinks if those Bonds
were discharged she could be happy as they are the only incumbrance on the
Estate, but which tho we fear will eat the most of it up. She sincerely joins
with me in much love and gratitude for your many favours, as would Mr. Bed
ford, the person whom I am so happy to call Husband, were he present a
Gentleman tho unknown to you yet I flatter myself whose good qualities
would recommend to your favour permit me therefore for him with to
wish you many happy years andFrom
a safeHonor'd
return toSiryour Family and Friends,
Your affectionate
humble Servant
Jennie Bedford.
662.
DEAR JenKY,
TO MRS. BEDFORD1
(p. c.)
London, April 9, .773-
For so I must still call you, tho' you seem a little angry
with
1 Fromme.
the
private
I received
collection ofyour
Mr. John
Letter
Boyd of
Thacher,
Feb.of Albany.
2, andshall
Ed.
1773]
TO MRS. BEDFORD
37
examine the Accounts that are sent me from your Books,

and write to you fully upon them very soon. In the mean
time, you and Mrs Parker may be assured that nothing will
be expected or desired on my Part inconsistent with the Re
gard I always had for her and you, and the ancient Friend
ship that so long subsisted between Mr Parker and me,
whose Memory as an honest, worthy Man I shall always
honour. The Power of Attorney you mention and seem to
take amiss, was a general one, to settle Accounts for me with
any Person in my Absence: But since your Accounts are
sent to me, I will endeavour to setde them myself: And
desiring nothing but what is just, shall be more pleas'd to
find little due to me than much. In a Letter some years
since to Mr Parker, I gave my Reasons for expecting his
Bond, bearing Interest whenever I advanc'd considerable
Sums of Money for him, viz., because to serve him I took my
Money out of other Hands where it bore Interest ; and
when I bought Goods for him here, and paid my Money for
them, I charg'd no Profit or Commissions upon them, being
no Merchant. Any Business he did for me, I always was and
shall be willing to allow for, to Satisfaction, in Money; as
well as to return Kindness for Kindness: But I think it
contributes to the Duration of Friendship, to keep its Ac
counts & those of Business, distinct & separate, and that as
exact Justice in Pounds Shillings and Pence should be ob
served between Friends as between Strangers. I always
intended making Mr Parker an Allowance for the Time
he spent and the Trouble he took in settling my Accounts
with Mr Hall after I left America. This is the only thing I
at present recollect unsatisfy'd. But if Mrs Parker, or you,
or I myself, can find or recollect anything else, it shall be
38
allow'd for. And notwithstanding what is said above, of

Interest, I think with Mrs Parker that from the Time she
render'd the Accounts, and offer'd as you say to pay the
Ballance, no Interest should be charged. I received also
for him here 64: 3.0 Sterling, on Jan 14. 1772. from which
time the Interest of that Sum must be struck off in the Bonds.
It was upon my Application here that the Quarter's Salary
after your good Father's Death, was allowed, and if it is
not yet paid, it will be : I suppose Mr Potts has desired Mr
Colden to receive for the Newspapers. If so, I think you
had better pay it there out of the Money you are to receive
from the Office. If not, I will pay him here, as you desire it.
Present my affectionate Respects to your good Mother, and
my Compliments to Mr Bedford tho' unknown, to whom with
yourself I wish all Happiness in your Marriage ; being ever,
with sincere Regard
Your affectionate Friend
B. Franklin.
P. S. The i35o . o remitted in March, 1770, was part
of a Bill of 250 Sterl'g Watts & McEvers on Mess' Harley
and Drummond, dated Feb. 28 1770. concerning which your
Father thus writes to me in his Letter of March 8.
"This covers a Bill of 250 Sterl'* Exch. 67\. so that it rises
here. Of this Bill the Sum of 36135 this Money is on
Account of B. Mecom's Books sold at Auction; and the
remaining j283i5o the same Money, is on the PostOffice Account, the Bill having cost 4i8so. As soon as
the Acc"4 of the Auction can be made out, I shall send you a
particular Account of every Article ; tho' I believe there will
be little more net Proceeds when all Charges are paid.
TO DEAN WOODWARD
1773]
39
However, you will see. And if this be more than the net
Proceeds I will debit your Acc"' for the Ballance ; and if less
will debit my own Acc"', and credit you for it. This is all
the Money I've yet got in."
I suppose you may find by his Books how this Acc"1 was
closed.
B F.
You speak of a Difference between our Families. I have
never heard of such a Thing but in your Letter, and wonder
at it.
663.
TO DEAN WOODWARD1
(a. p. s.)

Desirous
Revd Sir,
of being reviv'd in your Memory, I take this
Opportunity by my good Friend Mrs. Blacker, of sending

you a printed Piece, and a Manuscript, both on a Subject
you and I frequently convers'd upon, with similar Sentiments,
when I had the Pleasure of seeing you in Dublin. I have
since had the Satisfaction to learn that a Disposition to
abolish Slavery prevails in North America, that many of the
Pennsylvanians have set their Slaves at Liberty, and that even
the Virginia Assembly have petitioned the King for Per
mission to make a Law for preventing the Importation of
more into that Colony. This Request however, will probably
not be granted, as their former Laws of that kind have always
been repealed, and as the Interest of a few Merchants here
has more weight with Government, than that of Thousands
at a Distance.
1 Richard Woodward (1726-1794); Dean of Gogher (1764-1781);
Chancellor of St. Patrick's, 1772; Bishop of Cloyne (1781-1794). Ed.
40
[1773
Witness a late Fact. The Goal Distemper being frequently

imported and spread in Virginia, by the Ships transporting
Convicts, occasioning the Death of many honest, innocent
People there, a Law was made to oblige those Ships arriving
with that Distemper to perform a quarantine. But the two
Merchants of London, Contractors in that Business, alledging that this might increase the Expence of their Voyages,
the Law was at their instance repealed here. With great
Esteem and Respect, I have the Honour to be, &c.
B. Franklin.
664.
TO WILLIAM London,
DEANE
April 11,(a.1773.
p. s.)
Dear Sir,
Miss Martin that was, now Mrs. Blacker, being about to
return to Dublin, I cannot omit the Opportunity it gives me
of chatting a little with one whose Conversation afforded me
while I was there, so much Pleasure and Instruction.
I know of nothing new here, worth communicating to you,
unless perhaps the new Art of making Carriage Wheels, the
Fellies of one Piece bent into a Circle and surrounded by a
Hoop of Iron, the whole very light and strong, there being no
cross'd Grain in the Wood, which is also a great Saving of
Timber. The Wood is first steam'd in the Vapour from
boiling Water, and then bent by a forcible Machine. I have
seen pieces so bent of 6 Inches wide, and 3$ thick, into a
Circle of 4 feet diameter. These, for Duration, can only
be exceeded by your Iron Wheels. Pray, have you compleated
that ingenious Invention?
What is become of honest Mr. Kettilby? Does he go on
TO WILLIAM DEANE
41
with his Printing Schemes, or has he got into some better

Employment?1
They tell us here that some Person with you has dis
covered a new moving Power, that may be of Use in mechan
ical Operations; that it consists in the Explosion of Iron
Tears chill'd suddenly from the melting State in cold Water.
That Explosion I have often seen in Drops of Glass with
Wonder, understanding it no more than they did in the Time
of Hudibras, who makes a Simile of it, which I repeat because
tis probably so long since you read it,
" Honour is like that glassy Bubble,
That gives Philosophers such Trouble
Whose least part crack'd, the whole does fly,
And Wits are crack'd to find out why."
May I ask you, if you know any thing of the Application
of this Power, of which I have not at present the smallest
Conception ?
I have compleated my Stove, in which the Smoke of the
Coal is all turn'd into Flame, operates as Fuel & in heating
the Room. I have us'd it all this Winter ; and find it answer
even beyond my Expectation. I purpose to print a little
Description of its Use and Construction, & shall send you
a Copy.
I hope Billy and Jenny continue & will always continue
as happy as when I knew them. My best Wishes attend
them, being ever, with sincere Esteem,
Your most
Dear
obedient
Sir, humble Servant,
B. F[rankxin.]
1 J. Kettilby, printer, Mitre Alley, Dublin, inventor of new forms of
type. Ed.
43
665.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG'
Your observations on the causes of death, and the experi

ments which you propose for recalling to life those who
appear to be killed by lightning, demonstrate equally your
sagacity and your humanity. It appears that the doctrines
of life and death in general are yet but little understood.
A toad buried in sand will live,it is said, till thesand becomes
petrified; and then, being enclosed in the stone, it may still
live for we know not how many ages. The facts which are
cited in support of this opinion are too numerous, and too
circumstantial, not to deserve a certain degree of credit.
As we are accustomed to see all the animals with which we
are acquainted eat and drink, it appears to us difficult to
conceive how a toad can be supported in such a dungeon;
but if we reflect that the necessity of nourishment which
animals experience in their ordinary state proceeds from
the continual waste of their substance by perspiration, it
will appear less incredible that some animals in a torpid
state, perspiring less because they use no exercise, should
have less need of aliment ; and that others, which are covered
with scales or shells, which stop perspiration, such as land
and sea turtles, serpents, and some species of fish, should
be able to subsist a considerable time witheut any nourish
ment whatever. A plant, with its flowers, fades and dies
immediately, if exposed to the air without having its root
immersed in a humid soil, from which it may draw a suffi1 Translated from M. Dubourg's "CEuvres de M. Franklin" (1773), Vol. I,
p. 327. It is without date, but the letter to which it is an answer is dated April
15th, 1773. Ed.
1773]
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
43
cient quantity of moisture to supply that which exhales from

its substance and is carried off continually by the air. Per
haps, however, if it were buried in quicksilver, it might pre
serve for a considerable space of time its vegetable life, its
smell, and colour. If this be the case, it might prove a com
modious method of transporting from distant countries those
delicate plants, which are unable to sustain the inclemency
of the weather at sea, and which require particular care and
attention. I have seen an instance of common flies preserved
in a manner somewhat similar. They had been drowned
in Madeira wine, apparently about the time when it was
botded in Virginia, to be sent hither (to London). At the
opening of one of the bottles, at the house of a friend where
I then was, three drowned flies fell into the first glass that
was filled. Having heard it remarked that drowned flies
were capable of being revived by the rays of the sun, I pro
posed making the experiment upon these; they were there
fore exposed to the sun upon a sieve, which had been employed
to strain them out of the wine. In less than three hours,
two of them began by degrees to recover life. They com
menced by some convulsive motions of the thighs, and at
length they raised themselves upon their legs, wiped their
eyes with their fore feet, beat and brushed their wings with
their hind feet, and soon after began to fly, finding them
selves in Old England, without knowing how they came
thither. The third continued lifeless till sunset, when, losing
all hopes of him, he was thrown away.
I wish it were possible, from this instance, to invent a
method of embalming drowned persons, in such a manner
that they may be recalled to life at any period, however dis
tant ; for having a very ardent desire to see and observe the
44
state of America a hundred years hence, I should prefer to

any ordinary death, the being immersed in a cask of Madeira
wine, with a few friends, till that time, to be then recalled to
life by the solar warmth of my dear country ! But since in
all probability we live in an age too early and too near the
infancy of science, to hope to see such an art brought in our
time to its perfection, I must for the present content myself
with the treat, which you are so kind as to promise me, of
the resurrection of a fowl or a turkey cock.
I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
666.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG AND THOMAS

FRANCOIS DALIBARD1
My dear Friends,
My answer to your questions concerning the mode of
rendering meat tender by electricity, can only be founded
upon conjecture; for I have not experiments enough to
warrant the facts. All that I can say at present is, that I
think electricity might be employed for this purpose, and I
shall state what follows as the observations or reasons which
make me presume so.
It has been observed that lightning, by rarefying and
reducing into vapour the moisture contained in solid wood,
in an oak, for instance, has forcibly separated its fibres, and
broken it into small splinters ; that, by penetrating intimately
1 This letter has no date, but the one to which it is an answer is dated
May 1st, 1773. S. It is translated from Dubourg "CEuvres de M. Franklin,"
I, 332. Ed.
1773]
TO MESSRS. DUBOURG AND DAUBARD
the hardest metals, as iron, it has separated die parts in an

instant, so as to convert a perfect solid into a state of fluidity ;
it is not then improbable, that the same subtile matter, pass
ing through the bodies of animals with rapidity, should
possess sufficient force to produce an effect nearly similar.
The flesh of animals, fresh killed in the usual manner,
is firm, hard, and not in a very eatable state, because the
particles adhere too forcibly to each other. At a certain
period, the cohesion is weakened, and, in its progress towards
putrefaction, which tends to produce a total separation, the
flesh becomes what we call tender, or is in that state most
proper to be used as our food.
It has frequently been remarked, that animals killed by
lightning putrefy immediately. This cannot be invariably
the case, since a quantity of lightning, sufficient to kill, may
not be sufficient to tear and divide the fibres and particles of
flesh, and reduce them to that tender state, which is the pre
lude to putrefaction. Hence it is, that some animals killed
in this manner will keep longer than others. But the putre
faction sometimes proceeds with surprising celerity. A
respectable person assured me that he once knew a remark
able instance of this. A whole flock of sheep in Scotland,
being closely assembled under a tree, were killed by a flash
of lightning; and, it being rather late in the evening, the
proprietor, desirous of saving something, sent persons early
the next morning to flay them ; but the putrefaction was such,
and the stench so abominable, that they had not the courage
to execute their orders, and the bodies were accordingly
buried in their skins. It is not unreasonable to presume,
that, between the period of their death and that of their
putrefaction, a time intervened in which the flesh might be
46
[1773
only tender, and only sufficiently so to be served at table.

Add to this, that persons, who have eaten of fowls killed by
our feeble imitation of Ughtning (electricity), and dressed
immediately, have asserted, that the flesh was remarkably
tender.
The little utility of this practice has perhaps prevented its
being much adopted. For, though it sometimes happens,
that a company unexpectedly arriving at a country-house, or
an unusual conflux of travellers to an inn, may render it
necessary to kill a number of animals for immediate use ; yet,
as travellers have commonly a good appetite, little attention
has been paid to the trifling inconvenience of having their
meat a little tough. As this kind of death is nevertheless
more sudden, and consequently less severe, than any other,
if this should operate as a motive with compassionate persons
to employ it for animals sacrificed for their use, they may con
duct the process thus.
Having prepared a battery of six large glass jars (each from
twenty to twenty-four pints) as for the Leyden experiment,
and having established a communication, as usual, from the
interior surface of each with the prime conductor, and having
given them a full charge (which, with a good machine, may
be executed in a few minutes, and may be estimated by an
electrometer), a chain which communicates with the exterior
of the jars must be wrapped round the thighs of the fowl;
after which the operator, holding it by the wings, turned
back and made to touch behind, must raise it so high that
the head may receive the first shock from the prime conductor.
The animal dies instantly. Let the head be immediately
cut off to make it bleed, when it may be plucked and dressed
immediately. This quantity of electricity is supposed suffi
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
47
cient for a turkey of ten pounds weight, and perhaps for a

lamb. Experience alone will inform us of the requisite pro
portions for animals of different forms and ages. Probably
not less will be required to render a small bird, which is very
old, tender, than for a larger one, which is young. It is easy
to furnish the requisite quantity of electricity, by employing
a greater or less number of jars. As six jars, however, dis
charged at once, are capable of giving a very violent shock,
the operator must be very circumspect, lest he should happen
to make the experiment on his own flesh, instead of that of
the fowl.
B. Franklin.
667.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG1
May 4, 1773.
The young physician * whom I mentioned is dead, and

all the notes which he had left of his curious experiments are
by some accident lost between our friends Sir John Pringle
and Dr. Huck (Saunders);* but these gentlemen, if the
papers cannot be recovered, it is to be presumed, will repeat
the experiments themselves.4
B. Franklin.
1 Translated from M. Dubourg's "CEuvres de M. Franklin" (1773), VoL
II, p. 312. Ed.
1 William Stark (1 740-1 770). Ed.
* Richard Huck-Saunders (1720-1785), physician to the British Army in
America, under Lord Loudoun, during the Seven Years' War. He was born
Huck; he married Jane, niece and heiress of Admiral Sir Charles Saunders,
and assumed the name of Saunders. Ed.
* "The works of the late William Stark . . . consisting of clinical and
anatomical Observations with Experiments Dietetical and Statistical," edited
by James Carmichael Smyth, London, 1 788. Ed.
48
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN [1773
668.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, May 6, 1773.

Sir,
I have received none of your Favours since that of Nov 28.
I have since written to you of the following Dates, Dec. 2,
Jan. 5, March 9, and April 3, which I hope got safe to hand.
The Council and Assembly's Answers to Gov1 Hutchinson's
Speech I caused to be printed here, as soon as I received
them. His Reply I see since printed also, but their Rejoinder
is not yet come. If he intended, by reviving that Dispute,
to recommend himself here, he has greatly missed his Aim;
for the Administration are chagrin'd with his Officiousness,
their Intention having been to let all Contention subside, and
by degrees suffer Matters to return to the old Channel.
They are now embarras'd by his Proceedings; for, if they
lay the governor's Dispatches, containing the Declaration of
the General Court, before Parliament, they apprehend
Measures may be taken that will widen the Breach ; which
would be more particularly inconvenient at this Time, when
the disturbed State of Europe gives some Apprehensions of a
general War. On the other hand, if they do not lay them
before Parliament, they give Advantage to Opposition against
themselves on some future Occasion, in a Charge of criminal
Neglect. Some say he must be a Fool; others, that thro'
some Misinformation he certainly supposed Lord Hills
borough to be again in Office.
Yesterday I had a conversation with Lord Dartmouth],
of which I think it right to give you some Account. On my
saying that I had no late Advices from Boston, and asking
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
49
if his Lordship had any, he said, None since the Governor's

second Speech ; but what Difficulties says he, that Gentleman
has brought us all into by his Imprudence ! tho' I suppose
he
thatmeant
Parliament
well ; yet
canwhat
suffercan
such
nowa be
Declaration
done ? Itofisthe
impossible,
General
Assembly,
In my opinion,
asserting
says I, its
it would
Independency,
be better and
to more
pass prudent
unnotic'd.
to
take no Notice of it. It is Words only. Acts of Parliament

are still submitted to there. No Force is us'd to obstruct
their Execution. And while that is the Case, Parliament
would do well to turn a deaf Ear, and seem not to know that
such Declarations had ever been made. Violent Measures
against the Province will not change the Opinion of the
People. Force could do no good. I do not know, says he,
that Force would be thought of; but perhaps an Act may
pass to lay them under some Inconveniences, till they rescind
that Declaration. Can they not withdraw it? I wish they
could be persuaded to reconsider the Matter, and do it of
themselves, voluntarily, and thus leave things between us on
the old Footing, the Points undiscuss'd. Don't you think,
(continues his Lp), such a thing possible. No, my Lord,
says I, I think it impossible. If they were even to wish
Matters back in the Situation before the Gov* Speech, and
the Dispute obliterated, they cannot withdraw their Answers
till he first withdraws his Speech, which methinks would be
an awkward Operation, that perhaps he will hardly be di
rected to perform. As to an Act of Parliament, laying that
Country under Inconveniences, it is likely that it will only
put them as heretofore upon inventing some Method of in
commoding this Country till the Act is repealed ; and so we
shall go on injuring and provoking each other, instead of culVOL. VI E
$0
tivating that Good Will and Harmony, so necessary to the

general Welfare.
He said, That might be, and he was sensible our Divisions
must weaken the whole ; for we are yet one Empire (says he)
whatever may be the Sentiments of the Massachusetts As
sembly ; but he did not see how that could be avoided. He
wonder'd, as the Dispute was now of public Notoriety, Parb'ament had not already called for the Dispatches; and he
thought he could not omit much longer the communicating
them, however unwilling he was to do it, from his Appre
hension of the Consequences. But what, (his Lp was pleas'd
to say,) if you were in my Place, would or could you do?
Would you hazard the being call'd to Account in some future
Session by Parliament for keeping back the Communication
of Dispatches of such Importance? I said, his Lordship
could best judge what in his Situation was fittest for him to
do; I could only give my poor Opinion with regard to Par
liament, that, supposing the Dispatches laid before them,
they would act most prudently in ordering them to lie on the
Table, and take no farther Notice of them. For were I as
much an Englishman as I am an American, and ever so
desirous of establishing the Authority of Parliament, I pro
test to your Lp, I cannot conceive of a single Step the
Parliament can take to encrease it, that will not tend to
diminish it; and after abundance of Mischief they must
finally lose it. The Loss in itself perhaps would not be of
much consequence, because it is an Authority they can never
well exercise for want of due Information and Knowledge,
and therefore it is not worth hazarding the Mischief to pre
serve it.
Then adding my Wishes that I could be of any Service in
TO THOMAS CUSHING
51
healing our Differences, his Lordship said, I do not see any

thing of more Service, than prevailing on the Gen. Assembly,
if you can do it, to withdraw their Answers to the Governor's
Speech. There is not, says I, the least Probability they
will ever do that : For the Country is all of one Mind upon
the Subject. Perhaps the Governor may have represented
to your Lordship, that these are the Opinions of a Party only,
and that great Numbers are of different Sentiments, which
may in time prevail. But, if he does not deceive himself, he
deceives your Lordship: For in both Houses, notwithstand
ing all the Influence appertaining to his Office, there was not,
in sending up those Answers, a single dissenting Voice. I
do not recollect, says his Lp, that the Governor has written
any thing of that kind. I am told, however, by gentlemen
from that Country, who pretend to know it, that there are
many of the Governor's Opinion, but they dare not show
their Sentiments. I never heard, says I, that any one has
suffered Violence for siding with the Governor. Not Vio
lence, perhaps, says his Lordship, but they are revil'd and
held in Contempt, and People don't care to incur the Disesteem and Displeasure of their Neighbours.
As I knew Gov1 Bernard had been in with his Lordship
just before me, I tho't he was probably one of these Gentle
men Informants, and therefore said, People, who are engaged
in any Party or have advis'd any Measures, are apt to magnify
the Numbers of those they would have understood as approv
ing their Measures. His Lordship said, that was natural to
suppose might be the present Case; for, whoever observM
the Conduct of Parties here, must have seen it a constant
Practice ; and he agreed with me, that, tho' a Nemine Contradicente did not prove the absolute Agreement of every
58
Man in the Opinion voted, it at least demonstrated the great

Prevalence of that Opinion.
Thus ended our Conference. I shall watch this Business
till the Parliament rises, and endeavour to make People in
general as sensible of the Inconveniences to this Country,
that may attend a Continuance of the Contest, as the Spitalfields Weavers seem already to be in their Petition to the King,
which I herewith send you. I have already the Pleasure
to find, that my Friend, the Bishop of St. Asaph's Sermon is
universally approved and applauded, which I take to be no
bad Symptom. With sincere Esteem and Respect, I have
the honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
669.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
London, June I, 1773.

Sir,
I wish, with you, that some chemist (who should, if possible,
be at the same time an electrician) would, in pursuance of the
excellent hints contained in your letter, undertake to work
upon glass with the view you have recommended. By means
of a perfect knowledge of this substance, with respect to its
electrical qualities, we might proceed with more certainty,
as well in making our own experiments, as in repeating those
which have been made by others in different countries, which,
I believe, have frequently been attended with different suc
cess on account of differences in the glass employed, thence
occasioning frequent misunderstandings and contrariety of
opinions.
There is another circumstance much to be desired with
1773]
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
S3
respect to glass, and that is, that it should not be subject to

break when highly charged in the Leyden experiment. I
have known eight jars broken out of twenty, and, at another
time, twelve out of thirty-five. A similar loss would greatly
discourage electricians desirous of accumulating a great
power for certain experiments. We have never been able
hitherto to account for the cause of such misfortunes. The
first idea which occurs is, that the positive electricity, being
accumulated on one side of the glass, rushes violently through
it, in order to supply the deficiency on the other side and to
restore the equilibrium. This, however, I cannot conceive
to be the true reason, when I consider, that, a great number of
jars being united, so as to be charged and discharged at the
same time, the breaking of a single jar will discharge the
whole; for, if the accident proceeded from the weakness of
the glass, it is not probable, that eight of them should be pre
cisely of the same degree of weakness, as to break every one at
the same instant, it being more likely, that the weakest should
break first, and, by breaking, secure the rest; and again,
when it is necessary to produce a certain effect, by means
of the whole charge passing through a determined circle,
(as, for instance, to melt a small wire,) if the charge, instead
of passing in this circle, rushed through the sides of the jars,
the intended effect would not be produced ; which, however
is contrary to fact. For these reasons, I suspect, that there is,
in the substance of the glass, either some little globules of air,
or some portions of unverified sand or salt, into which a
quantity of the electric fluid may be forced during the charge,
and there retained till the general discharge; and that the
force being suddenly withdrawn, the elasticity of the fluid
acts upon the glass in which it is enclosed, not being able to
54
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMTN FRANKLIN [1773
escape hastily without breaking the glass. I offer this only

as a conjecture, which I leave to others to examine.
The globe which I had that could not be excited, though
it was from the same glass-house which furnished the other
excellent globes in my possession, was not of the same frit.
The glass which was usually manufactured there, was rather
of the green kind, and chiefly intended for drinking-glasses
and bottles ; but, the proprietors being desirous of attempting
a trial of white glass, the globe in question was of this frit.
The glass not being of a perfect white, the proprietors were dis
satisfied with it, and abandoned their project. I suspected,
that too great a quantity of salt was admitted into the com
position ; but I am no judge of these matters.
B. Franklin.
670.
TO ALEXANDER COLDEN1
(d. s. w.)
London, June 2. 1773

Dear Sir : I received yours of April 7 inclosing Coningham and Nesbit's Bill on D. Harvey & Co. for 200,
with which your Account is credited. In my last I acknowl
edged the Receipt of Christie's renew'd Bill for 338 17 2J.
I am glad the last Year's Accounts are to come by the next
Packet, for then we shall have the whole settled and pass'd
together, there having been a Delay for some time, occasioned
by the Mislaying of a preceding Acc at the Office. If at the
Settlement anything new should be required in the Mode of
rendring your Accta, I shall acquaint you with it.
I 1admire
Alexanderyour
Colden
good
(1716-1774),
Father'spostmaster
rare Felicity
at New in
York.
retaining
Ed. so
TO THOMAS CUSHING
55
long his Health and Spirits, and particularly that Vigour

of his mental Faculties which enables him still to amuse
himself with abstruse philosophical Disquisitions. For my
own part, every thing of difficult Discussion, and that requires
close Attention of Mind, and an Application of long Con
tinuance, grows rather irksome to me, and where there is not
some absolute Necessity for it, as in the Settlement of Ac
counts, or the like, I am apt to indulge the Indolence usually
attending Age, in postponing such Business from time to
time ; tho' continually resolving to do it. This has been the
Case with regard to your Father's Philosophical Piece on
the Principles of Vital Motion, which he did me the Honour
some time since to desire my Opinion of. I have read it
carefully, and long intended to read it with close Attention,
and still intend it, but what with Business that takes up so
much of my Time, Interruptions of various kinds, and the
Indolence I have above confessed, I have hitherto put it off.
In my Voyage home which I am now preparing for, I promise
myself to study it thoroughly, so that if I have the Happiness
once more of meeting him, we may discourse of it together.
In the meantime, present my best Respects to him, and
believe me, with great Regard, dear sir,
Your most obedient, humble serv'
B. Franklin.
671.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, June 2, 1773.

Sir,
Since my last which was of the 6th past, I have been
honour'd with yours of March 6 and 24, inclosing a Petition
56
to the King, and a Letter to Lord Dartmouth. On con

sidering the whole, I concluded that a longer Delay of pre
senting the first Petition and Remonstrance was not likely to
answer any good Purpose, and therefore immediately waited
on Lord Dartmouth, and deliver'd to him the Letter, and the
second Petition, at the same time re-delivering the first, and
press'd his Lordship to present them to his Majesty, which he
promised to do.
Enclos'd I send you the Answer I have just receiv'd from
him, as this Day's Packet (the Mail for which is to be made
up and dispatch'd in a few Hours) is the earliest Oppor
tunity, the Ships for Boston not being to sail till the Beginning
of next Week. By one of them I shall send a Copy, with
what Observations occur to me on the Occasion, which the
time will not now permit me to write. In the mean while I
would just beg leave to say, that I hope the House will come
to no hasty Resolves upon it. The longer they deliberate,
the more maturely they consider, the greater Weight will
attend their Resolutions. With sincere Respect, I am, Sir,
&c.
B. Franklin.
672.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, June 4, 1773.

The
Sir,above is a Copy of mine per Packet, which inclos'd
the Original of his Majesty's Answer to our
Remonstrance. I now send an exact Copy
which I did intend to accompany with some
and my Sentiments on the general State of our
Petitions and
of the same,
Observations,
Affairs in this
1773]
FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO B. FRANKLIN
57
Country, and the Conduct proper for us to hold on this Occa

sion. But, beginning to write, I find the Matter too copious,
and the Subject (on Reflection) too important, to be treated
in a hasty Letter; and being told the Ships sail to-morrow,
I must postpone it to another Opportunity.
It was thought at the Beginning of the Session, that the '
American Duty on Tea would be taken off. But now the
wise Scheme is to take off so much Duty here, as will make
Tea cheaper in America than Foreigners can supply us, and
to confine the Duty there to keep up the Exercise of the
Right. They have no Idea that any People can act from
any other Principle but that of Interest ; and they believe,
that 3d in a lb of Tea, of which one does not perhaps drink
10 in a Year, is sufficient to overcome all the Patriotism of an
American.
~J
I purpose soon to write you very fully. As to the Letters 1
I communicated to you, tho' I have not been able to obtain
Leave to take Copies or publish them, I have permission to
let the Originals remain with you, as long as you may think
it of any Use to have them in Possession. With great Esteem,
and Respect, I have the Honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
673.
Dear Sir,
FROM SAMUEL COOPER TO

B. FRANKLIN
(b. m.)
Boston, June 14, 1773.
We have received high eulogiums upon the replies of our Council and
Commons from gentlemen of the most respectable characters in the other
colonies, where there evidently appears an increasing regard for this province,
1 Letters from governor Hutchinson and others. Ed.
. f
$8
and an inclination to unite for the common safety. Virginia has led the way,
by proposing a communication and correspondence between all the Assemblies
thro' the continent. The letter from their committee for this purpose was
received here with no little joy, and the proposal agreed to in the most ready
and respectful manner. Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire
have already chosen committees, so that all New England is now united with
Virginia in this salutary plan, and the accession of most, if not all, the other
colonies is not doubted. This opens a most agreeable prospect to the friends
of our common rights.
In my last, I mentioned to you my baving had a sight of some letters, that
had been transmitted to the Speaker with leave to communicate them to me,
and some others in confidence. I soon apprehended from the nature of the
contents, and the number of persons to whom they were directed to be shown,
that they could not long remain secret. However, I have preserved inviolable
the trust reposed in me. Some, not named by you as confidants, had hints
from London that such letters were come or coming, and began to suspect
they were concealed in favour of the writers. The secret was kept till the
meeting of the General Court, when so many members had obtained such
general intimations of it, as to render them extremely inquisitive and solicitous.
At last it was thought best to communicate them to the House, with the re
strictions that accompanied them here. The House could not act upon them
with those restrictions, but the substance of them was known everywhere, and
the alarm given. Soon after, copies of them were brought into the House,
said to have come from England by the last ships.
Many members scrupled to act upon these copies, while they were under
such public engagements to the unknown proprietor of the originals. As the
matter was now so public, and the restrictions could answer no good end, no
view of the sender, but on the contrary might prevent in a great measure a
proper improvement of the letters for the public benefit, and for weakening
the influence and power of the writers and their friends, and disarming their
revenge, it was judged most expedient, by the gentlemen to whom they were
first shown, to allow the House such a use of the originals, as they might
think necessary to found their proceedings upon for the common safety. By
whom and to whom they were sent is still a secret, known only to three per
sons here, and may still remain so, if you desire it.
I forgot to mention, that, upon the first appearance of the letters in the
House, they voted, by a majority of one hundred and one to five, that the
design and tendency of them were to subvert the constitution, and introduce
arbitrary power. Their committee upon this matter reported this day a num
ber of resolutions, which are to be printed by to-morrow morning, and every
member furnished with a copy, that they may compare them with the letters;
and to-morrow at 3 o'clock p. M. is the time appointed to decide upon the
report. The acceptance of it by a great majority is not doubted.
Should the vessel that is to carry this letter remain long enough, I will
1773]
TO JEAN BAPTJSTE LE ROY
59
send you copy of the resolutions. Nothing could have been more seasonable,
than the arrival of these letters. They have had great effect; they make deep
impressions wherever they are known; they strip the mask from the writers,
who, under the professions of friendship to their country, now plainly appear
to have been endeavouring to build up themselves and their families upon its
ruins. They and their adherents are shocked and dismayed; the confidence
reposed in them by many is annihilated; and administration must soon see
the necessity of putting the provincial power of the crown into other hands,
if they mean it should operate to any good effect. This, at present, is almost
the universal sentiment.
The House have this day sent up the letters to the Board, which, I believe,
will concur with them in the substance and spirit of their proceedings. We
are highly indebted to our friends in London, and to you, Sir, in particular,
for so important a communication, and hope, while it supports the cause of
truth and justice, and promotes the deliverance of this abused and oppressed
country, it will be attended with no disadvantage to them.
The inconveniences, that may accidentally arise from such generous inter
positions, are abundantly compensated by the reflection, that they tend to the
security and happiness of millions. I trust, however, that nothing of this kind
will occur to disturb the agreeable feelings of those, who, in this instance,
have done such extensive good. With great esteem, I am, &c.
Samuel Cooper.
674.
TO JEAN BAPTISTE LE ROY
(a. p. s.)
London, June 22, 1773

However glad I was of the Occasion, I forbore indulging
myself in the Pleasure of congratulating by the first Post, my
dear double Confrlre, on his Election into our Royal Society ;
because Mr. Walsh undertook to give you the Information,
which would make a Second Expence unnecessary, and I
saw I should soon have this opportunity by the favour of M.
Poissonnier.1 I rejoice in the Event, as you seemed anxiously
1 Pierre Poissonnier (1720-1798) succeeded Dubois as Professor of
Chemistry in the College of France, 1747. He became in 1754 Inspector of
military hospitals. Ed.
6o
[1773
concern'd about it, and as we have done ourselves Honour

in distinguishing and associating a Merit so universally known
and acknowledg'd.
I am pleas'd to hear you are engag'd in the Consideration
of Hospitals. I wish any Observations of mine could be of
Use to you, they should be at your Service. But 'tis a Sub
ject I am very little acquainted with. I can only say, that,
if a free & copious Perspiration is of Use in Diseases, that
seems, from the Experiments I mention'd to M. Dubourg,
to be best obtain'd by light covering & fresh Air continually
changing: The Moisture on the Skin when the Body is
warmly covered, being a Deception, and the Effect not of
greater Transpiration, but of the Saturation of the Air in
cluded under & in the Bedclothes, which therefore can ab
sorb no more, and so leaves it on the Surface of the Body.
From those Experiments I am convinc'd of what I indeed
before suspected, that the Opinion of Perspiration being
check'd by Cold is an Error, as well as that of Rheum being
occasion'd by Cold. But as this is Heresy here, and perhaps
may be so with you, I only whisper it, and expect you will
keep my Secret. Our Physicians have begun to discover
that fresh Air is good for People in the Small-Pox & other
Fevers. I hope in time they will find out that it does no harm
to People in Health.
We have nothing new here in the philosophic Way. I shall
like to hear how M. Lavoisier's Doctrine supports itself as I
suppose it will be controverted.
With the greatest Esteem, I am ever, Dear Sir,
Yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
P. S. Enclos'd I send you some Pamphlets relative to our
1773]
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
61
American Affairs for your Amusement. Sir John Pringle

bids me present bis compl". He interested himself much
in the Election.
675.
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
(a. p. s.)
London June 29, 1773.

Dear Friend,
... 1 1 have not time now to write what I intend upon
the Cause of Colds, or Rheums, and my Opinions on that
Head are so singular here, that I am almost afraid to hazard
them abroad. In the mean time, be so kind as to tell me at
your leisure, whether in France, you have a general Belief
that moist Air, and cold Air, and damp Shirts or Sheets,
and wet Floors, and Beds that have not lately been used, and
Clothes that have not been lately worn, and going out of a
warm Room into the Air, and leaving off a long-worn Wastecoat, and wearing leaky Shoes, and sitting near an open
Window, or Door, or in a Coach with both Glasses down, are
all or any of them capable of giving the Distemper we call
a Cold, and you a Rheum, or Catarrh f Or are these merely
English ideas ? . . .
I am ever, with the greatest Esteem and Respect,
Dear Sir, yours, &c.
B. Franklin.
1 The first paragraph of the letter contains a list of errata in the French
translation of the Works of Franklin. Ed.
62
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKUN
[1773
676. PREPARATORY NOTES AND HINTS FOR

WRITING A PAPER CONCERNING WHAT IS
CALLED CATCHING COLD
(l. c.)
DEFINITION OF A COLD
It is a Siziness and thickness of the Blood, whereby the
smaller Vessels are obstructed, and the Perspirable Matter
retained, which being retained offends both by its Quantity
and Quality ; by Quantity, as it overfills the Vessels, and by
its Quality, as part of it is acrid, and being retained, pro
duces Coughs and Sneezing by Irritation.
HOW THIS SIZINESS IS PRODUC'D
1. By being long expos'd in a cold Air, without Exercise;
cold thickens Glew.
2. By a diminish'd Perspiration, either 1. from breathing
and living in moist Air, or, 2, from a clogging of the Pores
by clammy Sweat dry'd on and fastning down the Scales of
the Skin ; or, 3, by Cold constringing the Pores partially or
totally, sleeping or waking ; or, 4, by having eat foods of too
gross Particles for free Persp", as Oysters, Pork, Ducks, &c.
People are found frequently costive after much bathing.
3. By Repletion, as when more is thrown into the Habit
by Eating and Drinking than common Persp" is capable of
Discharging in due time; whence the Vessels are distended
beyond their Spring, and the Quantity of contained Fluid, that
should be briskly moved to preserve or acquire a due Thinness,
is too weighty for their Force, whence a slow Motion,
thence viscidity. This Repletion is increased by a Constipa
1773]
A PAPER CONCERNING CATCHING COLD
63
tion of the Belly happening at the same time. In an approach

ing cold, more water is made than usual.
By cooling suddenly in the Air after Exercise. Exercise
quickening the Circulation, produces more perspirable Matter
in a given time, than is produced in rest. And tho' more is
likewise usually discharg'd during Exercise, yet on sudden
quitting of Exercise, and standing in the Air, the Circulation
and Production of perspirable matter still continuing some
time, the over Quantity is retain'd. It is safer not to go into
Water too cold.
4. By particular Effluvia in the Air, from some un
known Cause. General Colds thro'out a Country. By being
in a Coach close, or small Room with a Person having a
Cold.
5. By Relaxation of the Solids, from a warm and moist
Air, so that they are too weak to give due Motion to the
Fluids.
Of partial Colds affecting parts only of the Body.
Causes of Feverishness attending Colds.
Ill Consequences often attending Colds, as Pleurisies,
Consumptions, &c. Some never take cold, some frequently ;
causes of the Difference.
Present Remedies for a Cold should be warming, diluting,
bracing.
Means of preventing Colds; Temperance, Choice of
Meats and Drinks, warm Rooms, and Lodging, and Clothing
in Winter; dry Air, Care to keep the Belly open, and fre
quent Discharge of Water; warm Bathing to cleanse the
Skin ; rubbing after Sweat, especially in the Spring.
Difficulties that first put me on thinking on this Subject.
People get cold by less, and not by more, viz.
64
By putting on a damp Shirt on a dry Body, Yes.

By putting on a dry Shirt on a wet Body, tho' this wets the
shirt ten times more, No.
By sitting in a Room, where the Floor has been newly
wash'd, Yes.
By going into a River, and staying there an Hour (no
Sheets so wet), No.
By wetting the feet only, Yes.
By wetting all the Clothes thro' to the Body, and wearing
them a whole Day, No.
By sitting in a Room against a Crevice, Yes.
By sitting as long in the open Air, No.
Few of these Causes take place, if the Vessels are kept
Empty.
Reapers in Pensilvania;
Drinking cold Water when they are hot.
If it makes them sweat, they are safe,
If not, they fall ill, and some die.
People hot, should drink by Spoonfuls; the Reason.
Taking cold. The Disorder only called so in English,
and in no other Language.
American Indians, in the Woods, and the Whites in
Imitation of them, lie with their Feet to the Fire in frosty
Nights, on the ground and take no cold while they can keep
their Feet warm.
Feet and Hands apt to be Cold in that Disorder, and why.
Is it the Siziness, or the greater Evaporation?
Hottentots grease themselves, occasions other Evacua
tions more plentiful. Greasing keeps the body warm. Bad
to hold Water too long. Parts colder when first unclothed
than afterwards, why?
1773]
65
It was a disgrace among the ancient Persians to cough or

spit.
Probably as it argued Intemperance.
Vessels when too full, leak. Quicksilver thro' leather.
Thin Fluid leak'd evaporates.
Corners of eyes, &c. Sizy
will not all evaporate. What is left corrupts. Hence Con
sumptions. Hectic Fevers, from Absorption of Putrid Pus.
It ferments the Blood like Yeast.
People seldom get Cold at Sea, tho' they sleep in Wet
Clothes. Constant Exercise, Moderate Living. Bad Cooks.
Yet Air is very moist. Wet Floors. Sea surrounding, &c.
Exercise cures a cold. Bishop Williams riding several
Miles from London, or Exeter, to Salisbury.
Bark good for a Cold, taken Early.
Particular Parts more accustomed to discharge the irritat
ing persp. Matter, as under the Arms in some, Feet in others,
&c.
Exp' of two Rasers.
Every Pain or Disorder now ascrib'd to a Cold.
It is the Covering Excuse of all Intemperance.
Numbers of People in a close Room, and exercising there,
fill the air with putrid Particles.
People kill'd by House of Commons, breathing the air
thro' Holes in Ceiling.
Think they get Cold by coming out of such hot rooms;
they get them by being in.
Those that live in hotter Rooms (stoves) get no Colds ;
Germans and all the northern people.
Alderman and Turtle.
People remark, they were very well before a Cold, and
eat hearty. Wonder how they catch'd it.
VOL. VI F
[1773
Signs of Temperance.
Mouth not clammy after Sleep.
Sab'va thin and watery.
Eyelids not stuck together with hard Glue.
Voice clear.
No Flegm to raise.
Advice for Mode of general Temperance without appear
ing too singular.
Supper not bad after preparatory light Dinner.
May be rectify'd by slight Breakfast next Morning.
He must be too full that one Excess will much disorder.
Time of Great Meal mended of late.
One hour variation of compass in 20 years.
After Dinner not fit for Business.
People from the Country get cold when they come to
London, and why? Full Living with moist Air. London
air generally moist, why? Much putrid air in London.
Silver, &c.
Cooks and Doctors should change Maxims.
Common Sense more common among the common Scotch.
Those who do not compare, cannot conceive the Differ
ence between themselves and themselves in full or spare
living.
Wet Newspapers, why give Colds.
Old Libraries, and damp old Books.
Putrid Animal Matter in Paper Size.
Courts should not sit after Dinner.
Juries fast, a good inst.
Chess, Impatience of Deliberation because more diffi
cult. Writing, &c.
1773]
67
Most Follies arise from full Feeding. Reasons pro and

con not all present.
Temperate Nations wisest.
Dining Entertainments bad.
Rem. of Barbarism, Expensive.
Full Feeding of Children stupefies.
Fasting strengthens Reason rather than subdues Pas
sion.
People often do not get Cold when they think they do,
and do when they think they do not.
Causes of Colds are primary and secondary.
Colds are of different kinds, putrid and plethoric.
Scarce any Air abroad so unwholesome as Air in a close
room often breath'd.
Warm Air dissolves more Moisture than Cold.
In hot Countries men wrap themselves in wet Sheets to
sleep.
A general Service to redeem People from the slavish Fear
of getting cold, by showing them where the Danger is not,
and that where it is, 'tis in their Power to avoid it.
Surfeit, an Expression formerly us'd, now laid aside.
Costiveness occasioning Colds, how to be prevented.
Colds formerly called Rheums and Catarrhs.
Particular Foods said to engender Rheums.
Query. Is Mr. Wood more or less subject to catch cold
since he betook himself to his low diet ?
Answer (by Mr. Wood). He now finds himself much
more healthy, and much less liable to catch cold. What
few colds he now catches are so very slight, that he is not
sensible of them, but from the urine, which is then not so
clear.
68
[1773
I caused the above question to be asked Mr. Wood, and

obtained the answer. It is the Mr. Wood who lives upon a
pound of flour in a pudding.
B. Franklin.
Dampier, speaking of the Customs of the People at Mindanoo, (p. 330,) says; "You see abundance of People in the
River from Morning 'till Night washing their Bodies or
Clothes; they strip and stand naked till they have done;
then put them on and march out again."
Dr. Gregory says; "All that Class of Diseases which arise
from catching cold, is found only among the civilized part of
Mankind. An old Roman or an Indian, in the Pursuit of
War or Hunting, would plunge into a River whilst in a pro
fuse sweat, without fear, and without danger. The greater
care we take to prevent catching cold, by the various con
trivances of modern Luxury, the more we become subject
to it. We can guard against cold only by rendering ourselves
superior to its Influence. There is a striking instance of
this in the vigorous constitutions of children who go thinly
clad in all seasons and weathers."
The Coats of the Vessels are a kind of Network, which
contains the Fluids only when not so press'd as to enlarge
the Pores of the Net, or when the Fluids are not so press'd
as to break the Cohesion of the Globules or Particles, so as
to make them small enough to come through. When the
Vessels are full, occasioned by a course of full Living, they
labour in carrying on the Circulation ; their Spring or Power
of Contraction and Compressing the Fluids they contain,
being overstrain'd, is weakened, the Circulation proceeds
more slowly, the Fluids thicken and become more gluey, both
1773]
69
for want of due churning and because less Heat is produc'd

in the Body. Such a Body requires more Aid of Clothing
and Fire to preserve its warmth.
If a Person in that State of Body walks a Mile or two, or
uses any other exercise that warms him, the Fluids are rare
fied by the Heat, distend the Vessels still more, and the
thinner Parts of the Fluids in tender Places force out thro'
the Pores of the Vessels in form of a gluey Water, viz. at the
Eyes, within the Nose, and within the Lungs. This in
moderate Exercise.
If the Exercise is increas'd it comes through every Pore in
the Skin, and is called Sweat.
The more volatile Parts of this extravasated Fluid evapo
rate, and fly off in the Air; the gluey Part remains, thickens
and hardens more or less, as it becomes more or less dry;
in the Nose and on the Lungs, where Air is continually
coming and going, it soon becomes a Mucus, but can hardly
grow dryer because surrounded with moist Parts and supply'd with more Moisture. What oozes out of the Corner
of the Eye when shut, as in Sleep, hardens into what is called
a kind of Gum, being in fact dry Glue.
This in a Morning almost sticks the Eyelids together.
With such Mucous Matter the Nose is sometimes almost
stopped, and must be cleared by strong Blowing.
In the Windpipe and on the Lungs it gathers and is im
pacted, so as sometimes to induce a continual Coughing
and Hawking to discharge it.
If not easily discharg'd, but remaining long adhering to
the Lungs, it corrupts and inflames the Parts it is in contact
with; even behind the Ears and between the Parts of the
Body so constantly in contact, that the perspirable Matter,
7o
[1773
Sweat, &c. cannot easily escape from between them; the

Skin is inflamed by it, and a partial Putrefaction begins to
take place, they corrupt and ulcerate. The Vessels being
thus wounded, discharge greater and continual Quantities.
Hence Consumption.
Part of the corrupted Matter, absorb'd again by the
Vessels and mix'd with the Blood, occasions Hectic
Fevers.
When the Body has sweated, not from a dissolution of
Fluids, but from the Force above mention'd, as the Sweat
dries off, some clammy Substance remains in the Pores,
which closes many of them, wholly or in part. The subse
quent Perspiration is hereby lessened.
The Perspirable Matter consists of Parts approaching to
Putrefaction, and therefore destin'd by Nature to be thrown
off, that living Bodies might not putrefy, which otherwise,
from their Warmth and Moisture, they would be apt to do.
These corrupting Particles, if continually thrown off, the
remainder of the Body continues uncorrupt, or approaches
no nearer to a state of Putrefaction. Just as in Boiling
Water, no greater degree of Heat than the Boiling Heat can
be acquir'd, because the Particles that grow hotter, as fast
as they become so, fly off in Vapour. But if the Vapour
could be retain'd, Water might be made much hotter, per
haps red-hot, as Oil may, which is not so subject to Evapora
tion. So if the Perspirable Matter is retain'd it remixes
with the blood, and produces first, a slight putrid Fever,
attending always what we call a Cold, and when retain'd in
a great Degree, more mischievous putrid Diseases.
In hot Countries, Exercise of Body with the Heat of the
Climate create much of this putrid perspirable Matter,
1773]
71
which ought to be discharg'd. A check in those Countries

very pernicious; Putrid Malignant Violent Fevers, and
speedy Death, the Consequence.
Its Discharge is also check'd another Way besides that of
closing the Pores, viz. by being in an Air already full of it,
as in close Rooms containing great Numbers of People,
Playhouses, Ballrooms, &c.
For Air containing a Quantity of any kind of Vapour,
becomes thereby less capable of imbibing more of that
Vapour, and finally will take no more of it.
If the Air will not take it off from the Body, it must remain
in the Body; and the Perspiration is as effectually stopt
and the perspirable Matter as certainly retain'd, as if the
Pores were all stopt.
A Lock of wet Wool contained in a Nutmeg-Grater, may
dry, parting with its Moisture thro' the Holes of the Grater.
But if you stop all those Holes with wax it will never dry.
Nor, if expos'd to the open Air, will it dry when the Air is
as moist as itself. On the contrary, if already dry, and ex
pos'd to moist Air, it would acquire Moisture.
Thus People in Rooms heated by a Multitude of People,
find their own Bodies heated; thence the quantity of per
spirable Matter is increased that should be discharged, but
the Air, not being changed, grows so full of the same Matter,
that it will receive no more. So the Body must retain it.
The Consequence is, that next Day, perhaps sooner, a slight
putrid Fever comes on, with all the Marks of what we call a
Cold, and the Disorder is suppos'd to be got by coming out
of a warm Room, whereas it was really taken while in that
Room.
Putrid Ferments beget their like. Small-Pox. Wet
72
rotten Paper, containing corrupt Glue. The cold Fever

communicable by the Breath to others, &c.
Urine retain'd, occasions Sneezing, &c.
Coughing and Spitting continually, marks of Intemperance.
People eat much more than is necessary.
Proportionable Nourishment and Strength is not drawn
from great Eating.
The succeeding Meals force the preceding thro' halfundigested.
Small Meals continue longer in the Body, and are more
thoroughly digested.
The Vessels being roomy can bear and receive without
hurt, an accidental Excess.
They can concrete more easily.
There is less quantity of corrupting Particles produc'd.
Putrid Fish very bad.
Black Hole in the Indies.
677.
TO MATTHEW
Cravenstreet,
MATY 1July(a.
I. 1773
p. s.)
Our
Sir,ingenious and worthy Brother Mr. Walsh, having
long had an Intention of drawing up from his Minutes a full
Account of the numerous Experiments he made on the
Torpedo, which Intention his other Avocations have not
permitted him to execute, it is but lately that I have obtained
1 Dr. Maty (1718-1776) was elected F.R.S. December 19, 1751, and was
appointed Secretary November 30, 1765. He became principal librarian of the
British Museum in 1772 on the death of Dr. Gowin Knight. Ed.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
1773]
73
his Permission to lay before the Society what he had in the

mean time been pleased to communicate to me on that very
curious and interesting Subject, or I should sooner have put
it into your Hands for that purpose : I wish you may now have
time to read them before the Recess.
With great Esteem, I am,
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. Franklin.
678.
My dear Child,
(p. h. s.)
West Wickham, the Seat

of Lord Le Despencer, Bucks
July 6. 1773.
I am here in my Way to Oxford, where I am going to be

present at the Installation, & shall stay a few Days among
my Friends there. By Capt. All who sails next Week I shall
write fully to you, & to Friends in Philadelphia. This is
my only Letter per Packet. Love to our Children, & to
Benny Boy. I am, Thanks to God, very well and hearty,
and ever
Your affectionate Husband.
[B. Franklin.]
679.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, July 7. 1773

Sir,
The Parliament is at length prorogu'd, without meddling
with the State of America. Their Time was much employ'd
74
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN- FRANKLIN [1773
in the East India Business ; and perhaps it was not thought

prudent to lay before them the Advices from New England,
tho' some threatning Intimations had been given of such an
Intention. The King's firm Answer, (as it is called) to our
Petitions and Remonstrances, has probably been judg'd
sufficient for the present. I forwarded that Answer to you
by the last Packet, and sent a Copy of it by a Boston Ship
. the beginning of last Month. Therein we are told, "that
his Majesty has well weighed the Subject-matter, and the
Expressions, contain'd in those Petitions; and that as he
will ever attend to the humble Petitions of his Subjects, and
be forward to redress every real Grievance, so he is deter
mined to support the Constitution, and resist with Firmness
every Attempt to derogate from the Authority of the Supreme
Y_ Legislature."
By this it seems that some Exception is taken to the Ex
pressions of the Petitions, as not sufficiently humble, that the
Grievances complain'd of are not thought real Grievances,
that Parliament is deem'd the Supreme Legislature, and its
Authority over the Colonies suppos'd to be the Constitution.
Indeed this last Idea is express'd more fully in the next
Paragraph, where the Words of the Act are us'd, declaring
the Right of the Crown, with the Advice of Parliament, to
make Laws of sufficient Force and Validity to bind its Sub
jects in America in all Cases whatsoever.
When one considers the King's Situation, surrounded by
Ministers, Councellors, and Judges, learned in the Law, who
are all of this Opinion, and reflect how necessary it is for
him to be well with his Parliament, from whose yearly Grants
his Fleets and Armies are to be supported, and the Defi
ciencies of his Civil List supplied, it is not to be wondered
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
75
at, that he should be firm in an Opinion establish'd, as far

as an Act of Parliament could establish it, by even the
Friends of America at the Time they repeal'd the Stamp
Act; and which is so generally thought right by his Lords
and Commons, that any Act of his, countenancing the con
trary, would hazard his embroiling himself with those Power
ful Bodies. And from hence it seems hardly to be expected
from him, that he should take any Step of that kind. The
grievous Instructions, indeed, might be withdrawn without
their observing it, if his Majesty thought fit so to do; but
under the present Prejudices of all about him, it seems that
this is not yet likely to be advised.
The Question then arises, How are we to obtain Redress ?
If we look back into the Parliamentary History of this Coun
try, we shall find that, in similar Situations of the Subjects
here, Redress would seldom be obtained but by withholding
Aids when the Sovereign was in Distress, till the Grievances
were removed. Hence the rooted Custom of the Commons to
keep Money Bills in their own Disposition, not suffering
even the Lords to meddle in Grants, either as to Quantity,
Manner of raising, or even in the smallest Circumstance.
This Country pretends to be collectively our Sovereign. It
is now deeply in debt. Its Funds are far short of recovering
their Par since the last War: Another would distress it still
more. Its People diminish, as well as its Credit. Men will
be wanted, as well as Money. The Colonies are rapidly
increasing in Wealth and Numbers. In the last War they
maintained an Army of 25,000. A Country able to do that
is no contemptible Ally. In another War they may perhaps
do twice as much with equal Ease. Whenever a War hap
pens, our Aid will be wish'd for, our Friendship desired and
76
[1773
cultivated, our Good will courted : Then is the Time to say,

"Redress our Grievances. You take Money from us by
Force, and now you ask it of voluntary Grant. You cannot
have it both Ways. If you chuse to have it without our Con
sent, you must go on taking it that way, and be content with
what little you can so obtain. If you would have our free
Gifts, desist from your compulsive Methods, and acknowl
edge our Rights, and secure our future Enjoyment of them."
Our Claims will then be attended to, and our Complaints
regarded.
By what I perceiv'd not long since when a War was appre
hended with Spain, the different Countenance put on by
some Great Men here towards those who were thought to
have a little Influence in America, and the Language that
began to be held with regard to the then Minister for the
Colonies, I am confident that, if that War had taken place,
he would have been immediately dismiss'd, all his Measures
revers'd, and every step taken to recover our Affection and
procure our Assistance. Thence I think it fair to conclude,
that similar Effects will probably be produc'd by similar
Circumstances.
But as the Strength of an Empire depends not only on the
Union of its Parts, but on their Readiness for united Exertion
of their common Force: And as the Discussion of Rights
may seem unseasonable in the Commencement of actual
War; and the Delay it might occasion be prejudicial to the
common Welfare. As likewise the Refusal of one or a few
Colonies would not be so much regarded, if the others granted
liberally, which perhaps by various Artifices and Motives
they might be prevailed on to do ; and as this want of Concert
would defeat the Expectation of general Redress, that other
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
77
wise might be justly formed ; perhaps it would be best and

fairest for the Colonies, in a general Congress now in Peace
to be assembled, or by means of the Correspondence lately
proposed, after a full and solemn Assertion and Declaration
of their Rights, to engage firmly with each other, that they
will never grant Aids to the Crown in any General War, till
those Rights are recogniz'd by the King and both Houses of
Parliament; communicating at the same time to the Crown
this their Resolution. Such a Step I imagine will bring the
Dispute to a Crisis; and whether our Demands are imme
diately comply'd with, or compulsory Measures thought of
to make us rescind them, our Ends will finally be' obtain'd ;
for even the Odium accompanying such compulsory Attempts
will contribute to unite and strengthen us, and in the mean
time all the World will allow, that our Proceeding has been
honourable.
No one doubts the Advantage of a strict Union between
the Mother Country and the Colonies, if it may be obtain'd
and preserv'd on equitable Terms. In every fair Connection,
each Party should find its own Interest. Britain will find
hers in our joining with her in every War she makes, to the
greater Annoyance and Terror of her Enemies; in our
Employment of her Manufactures, and Enriching of her
Merchants by our Commerce; and her Government will
feel some additional Strengthening of its Hands by the Dis
position of our profitable Posts and Places. On our side,
we have to expect the Protection she can afford us, and the
Advantage of a common Umpire in our Disputes, thereby
preventing Wars we might otherwise have with each other;
so that we can without Interruption go on with our Im
provements, and increase our Numbers. We ask no more
78
of her, and she should not think of forcing more from

us.
By the Exercise of prudent Moderation on her part,
mix'd with a little Kindness ; and by a decent Behaviour on
ours, excusing where we can excuse from a Consideration
of Circumstances, and bearing a little with the Infirmities of
her Government, as we would with those of an aged Parent,
tho' firmly asserting our Privileges, and declaring that we
mean at a proper time to vindicate them, this advantageous
Union may still be long continued. We wish it, and we may
endeavour it; but God will order it as to his Wisdom shall
seem most suitable. The Friends of Liberty here, wish we
may long preserve it on our side the Water, that they may
find it there if adverse Events should destroy it here. They
are therefore anxious and afraid, lest we should hazard it by
premature Attempts in its favour. They think we may
risque much by violent Measures, and that the Risque is
unnecessary, since a little Time must infallibly bring us all
we demand or desire, and bring it us in Peace and Safety.
I do not presume to advise. There are many wiser men
among you, and I hope you will be directed by a still superior
Wisdom.
With regard to the Sentiments of People in general here,
concerning America, I must say that we have among them
many Friends and Wellwishers. The Dissenters are all for
us, and many of the Merchants and Manufacturers. There
seems to be, even among the Country Gentlemen, a general
Sense of our growing Importance, a Disapprobation of the
harsh Measures with which we have been treated, and a
Wish that some Means may be found of perfect Reconcilia
tion. A few Members of Parliament in both Houses, and
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
79
perhaps some in high Office, have in a Degree the same Ideas ;

but none of these seem willing as yet to be active in our favour,
lest Adversaries should take Advantage, and charge it upon
them as a Betraying the Interests of this Nation. In this
State of things, no Endeavour of mine, or our other Friends
here, "to obtain a Repeal of the Acts so oppressive to the
Colonists, or the Orders of the Crown so destructive of the
Charter Rights of our Province in particular," can expect a
sudden Success. By Degrees, and a judicious Improvement
of Events, we may work a Change in Minds and Measures ;
but otherwise such great Alterations are hardly to be look'd
for.
I am thankful to the House for the Mark of their kind At
tention, in repeating their Grant to me of Six Hundred Pounds.
Whether the Instruction restraining the Governor's Assent
is withdrawn or not, or is likely to be, I cannot tell, having
never solicited or even once mentioned it to Lord Dartmouth,
being resolved to owe no Obligation on that Account to the
Favour of any Minister. If from a Sense of Right, that In
struction should be recall'd, and the general Principle on
which it was founded is given up, all will be very well : but
you can never think it worth while to employ an Agent here,
if his being paid or not is to depend on the Breath of a Min
ister, and I should think it a Situation too suspicious, and
therefore too dishonourable for me to remain in a single Hour.
Living frugally, I am under no immediate Necessity ; and, if
I serve my Constituents faithfully, tho' it should be unsuccess
fully, I am confident they will always have it in their Inclina
tion, and some time or other in their Power, to make their
Grants effectual.
A Gentleman of our Province, Captain Calef, is come
8o
[1773
hither as an Agent for some of the Eastern Townships, to

obtain a Confirmation of their Lands. Sir Francis Bernard
seems inclin'd to make Use of this Person's Application for
promoting a Separation of that Country from your Province,
and making it a distinct Government ; to which purpose he
prepared a Draft of a Memorial for Calef to present, setting
forth not only the hardship of being without Security in the
Property of their Improvements, but also the Distress of the
People there for want of Government ; that they were at too
great a Distance from the Seat of Gov' in the Massachusetts
to be capable of receiving the Benefits of Government from
thence, and expressing their Willingness to be separated and
form'd into a new Province, &c.
With this Draft Sir Francis and Mr. Calef came to me to
have my Opinion. I read it, and observ'd to them, that
tho' I wish'd the People quieted in their Possessions, and
would do any thing I could to assist in obtaining the Assur
ance of their Property, yet, as I knew the Province of the
Massachusetts had a Right to that Country, of w** they
were justly tenacious, I must oppose that part of the Me
morial, if it should be presented. Sir Francis allow'd the
Right, but propos'd that a great Tract of Land between
Merrimack and Connecticut Rivers, which had been allotted
to Newhampshire, might be restor'd to our Province, by
order of the Crown, as a Compensation. This, he said,
would be of more Value to us than that Eastern Country, as
being nearer home, &c. I said I would mention it in my
Letters, but must in the mean time oppose any Step taken in
the Affair, before the Sentiments of the General Court should
be known as to such an Exchange, if it were offer'd. Mr.
Calef himself did not seem fond of the Draft, and I have not
TO THOMAS CUSHING
Si
seen him or heard any thing farther of it since; but I shall

watch it.
Be pleased to present my dutiful Respects to the House,
and believe me with sincere and great Esteem, Sir, your most
obedient and most humble Serv'.
B. Franklin.
680.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
Private
London, July 7, 1773.
The
SirLetters communicated to you were not merely to sat
isfy the Curiosity of any, but it was thought there might be a
Use in showing them to some Friends of the Province, and
even to some of the Governor's Party, for their more certain
Information concerning his Conduct and Politicks, tho' the
Letters were not made quite publick. I believe I have since
wrote to you, that there was no Occasion to return them
speedily; and, tho' I cannot obtain Leave as yet to suffer
Copies to be taken of them, I am allowed to say, that they
may be shewn and read to whom and as many as you think
proper. Had not a Person died in whose Hands they were
probably we should not soon have seen them. Politicians
on our Side the water should take Care what they write to
Ministers if they wish the World may never know it. One
of them not long since gave a great Quantity of American
Letters to his Footman who sold them for waste Paper. By
chance an Acquaintance of mine saw them, bought for a
Trifle, & sent them to me & they have Afforded me AbunVOL. VI G
82
[1773
dance of Argument. Mr. Grenville who was the Center to

which flow'd all the Correspondance inimical to America,
to whomsoever directed, had these Letters put into his Hands,
lent them to another, & dying before they were returned
gave an Opportunity for their falling into ours.
I thank you for the Pamphlets you have sent me, contain
ing the Controversy between the Governor and the two
Houses. I have distributed them where I thought they might
be of Use. He makes perhaps as much of his Argument as
it will bear; but has the Misfortune of being on the weak
Side, and so is put to Shifts and Quibbles, and the Use of
much Sophistry and Artifice, to give Plausibility to his
Reasonings. The Council and Assembly have greatly the
Advantage in point of Fairness, Perspicuity, and Force. His
Precedents of Acts of Parliament binding the Colonies, and
our Tacit Consent to those Acts, are all frivolous. Shall a
guardian who has impos'd upon, cheated, and plundered a
Minor under his Care who was unable to prevent it, plead
those Impositions after his Ward has discovered them, as
Precedents and Authorities for continuing them? There
have been Precedents time out of mind for Robbing on
Hounslow Heath, but the Highwayman, who robb'd there
yesterday, does nevertheless deserve a Hanging.
I am glad to see the Resolves of the Virginia House of Bur
gesses.1 There are brave Spirits among that People. I hope
1 The resolves appointing a Committee of Correspondence, and requesting
the legislatures of the other colonies to do the same, for the purpose of pro
moting a mutual intercourse. These resolves were passed on the 12th of
March, 1773; and, as the plan was generally adopted by the other colonies,
it became a very important instrument in effecting a union, and carrying for
ward concerted measures in the early stages of the Revolution. See the
Resolves in Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, 3d ed. p. 87. S.
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHWG
their Proposal will be readily comply'd with by all the Colo

nies. It is natural to suppose as you do, that, if the Oppres
sions continue, a Congress may grow out of that Correspond
ence. Nothing would more alarm our Ministers ; but if the
Colonies agree to hold a Congress, I do not see how it can be
prevented.
The Instruction relating to the Exemption of the Commis
sioners I imagine is withdrawn : perhaps the other also relat
ing to the Agents, but of that I have heard nothing. I only
wonder that the Gov1 should make such a Declaration of his
Readiness to comply with an Intimation in acting contrary
to any Instructions, if he had not already, or did not soon
expect a Repeal of those Instructions. I have not and shall
never use your Name on this or any similar Occasion.
I note your Directions relating to publick and private
Letters, and shall not fail to observe them. At the same
time I cannot but think all the Correspondence should be in
the Speaker's Power, to communicate such Extracts only as
he should think proper to the House. It is extreamly embarrasing to an Agent to write Letters concerning his Transac
tions with Ministers, which Letters he knows are to be read
in the House, where there may be Governor's Spies, who
carry away Parts, or perhaps take Copies, that are echo'd
back hither privately; if they should not be as sometimes
they are printed in the Votes. It is impossible to write freely
in such Circumstances, unless he would hazard his Useful
ness, and put it out of his Power to do his Country
any farther Service. I speak this now, not upon my own
Acc', being about to decline all publick Business, but for
your Consideration with regard to future Agents.
And, now we speak of Agents, I must mention my Con
84
[1773
cern, that I should fall under so severe a Censure of the House,

as that of Neglect in their Business. I have submitted to the
Reproof without Reply in my publick Letter, out of pure
Respect. It is not decent to dispute a Father's Admonitions.
But to you in private permit me to observe, that, as to the two
things I am blam'd for not giving the earliest Notice of, viz.
the Clause in the Act relating to DockYards, and the Appoint
ment of Salaries for the Gov1 and Judges; the first only
seems to have some Foundation. I did not know, but per
haps I ought to have known, that such a Clause was intended.
And yet in a Parliament, that during the whole Session re
fused Admission to Strangers, wherein near 200 Acts were
passed, it is not so easy a Matter to come at the Knowledge
of the purport of every Clause in every Act, and to give Oppo
sition to what may affect one's Constituents, especially when
it is not uncommon to smuggle Clauses into a Bill, whose
Title shall give no Suspicion, when an Opposition to such
Clauses is apprehended. I say this is no easy matter. But
had I known of this Clause, it is not likely I could have pre
vented its passing in the then Disposition of Government
towards America ; nor do I see, that my giving earlier Notice
of its having passed could have been of much Service.
As to the other, concerning the Gov1 and Judges, I should
hardly have thought of sending the House an Account of it,
if the Minister had mentioned it to me, as I understood from
their first Letter to me, that they had already the best intel
ligence of its being determined by Administration to bestow
large Salaries on the Attorney-General, Judges, and Gov
ernor of the Province. I could not therefore possibly "give
the first Notice of this Impending Evil." I answered how
ever "that there was no doubt of the Intention of making
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
85
Governors, and some other Officers, independent of the

People for their Support ; and that this Purpose will be per
sisted in, if the American Revenue is found sufficient to defray
the Salaries." This Censure, tho' grievous, does not so much
surprize me, as I apprehended from the Beginning, that be
tween the Friends of an old Agent, my Predecessor, who
thought himself hardly us'd in his Dismission, and those of a
young one impatient for the Succession, my situation was not
likely to be a very comfortable one, as my Faults could scarce
pass unobserved.1
I think of leaving England in September. As soon as
possible after my Arrival in America, I purpose, God will
ing, to visit Boston, when I hope to have the Pleasure of
paying my Respects to you. I shall then give every Informa
tion in my Power, and offer every Advice relating to our
Affairs, not so convenient to be written, that my Situation
here for so many Years may enable me to suggest for the
Benefit of our Country. Some time before my Departure, I
shall put your Papers into the Hands of Mr. Lee, and assist
him with my Counsel while I stay, where there may be any
Occasion for it. He is a Gentleman of Parts and Ability;
and tho' he cannot exceed me in sincere Zeal for the Interest
and Prosperity of the Province, his Youth will easily enable
him to serve it with more Activity. I am, Sir, very respect
fully, &c.
B. Franklin.
1 The young agent here mentioned, as " impatient for the succession," was
Arthur Lee. He was called in English circles Junius Amtricanus, to dis
tinguish him from his elder brother, Richard Henry Lee. Arthur was ad
mitted to the bar in England, and commenced the practice of the law in
London. B.
86
681.
TO SAMUEL MATHER1
(d. s. w.)
(l. c.)
London, July 7: 1773.
Rev" Sir,
By a Line of the 4th past, I acknowledged the Receipt of
your Favour of March 18, and sent you with it two Pamphlets.
I now add another, a spirited Address to the Bishops, who
opposed the Dissenters' Petition. It is written by a Dissent
ing Minister at York. There is preserv'd at the End of it a
little fugitive Piece of mine on the same Occasion.
I perused your Tracts with Pleasure. I see you inherit all
the various Learning of your famous Ancestors, Cotton and
Increase Mather. The Father, Increase, I once when a boy
heard preach at the Old South for Mr. Pemberton; and
remember his mentioning the Death of "that wicked old
Persecutor of God's People, Lewis XIV;" of which News
had just been received; but which proved premature. I
was some Years afterwards at his House at the North End,
on some Errand to him, and remember him sitting in an easy
Chair, apparently very old and feeble. But Cotton I remem
ber in the Vigour of his Preaching and Usefulness.
You have made the most of your Argument, to prove that
America might be known to the Ancients. . . . There is
another Discovery of it claimed by the Norwegians, which
you have not mentioned, unless it be under the Words, "of
old viewed and observed," page 7. About 25 Years since,
Professor Kalm, a learned Swede, was with us in Pensilvania.
He contended, that America was discovered by their Northern
1 Samuel Mather (1706-1785), a clergyman of Boston, and son of Cotton
Mather. There is a copy of this letter in L. C. Ed.
i773]
T0 SAMUEL MATHER
87
People, long before the Time of Columbus ; which I doubting,

he drew up and gave me some time after a Note of those Dis
coveries, which I send you inclos'd. It is his own Hand
writing, and his own English; very intelligible for the time
he had been among us. The Circumstances give the Account
a great Appearance of Authenticity. And if one may judge
by the Description of the Winter, the Country they visited
should be southward of New England, supposing no Change
since that time of the Climate. But, if it be true, as Krantz, I
think, and other Historians tell us, that old Greenland, once
inhabited and populous, is now render'd uninhabitable by
Ice, it should seem that almost perpetual northern Winter
has gained ground to the Southward ; and if so perhaps more
northern Countries might anciently have had Vines, than can
bear them in these Days.1
The Remarks you have added, on the late Proceedings
against America, are very just and judicious; and I cannot
see any Impropriety in your making them, tho' a Minister of
the Gospel. This Kingdom is a good deal indebted for its
Liberties to the Publick Spirit of its ancient Clergy, who
join'd with the Barons in obtaining Magna Charta, and
join'd heartily in forming the Curses of Excommunication
against the Infringers of it. There is no doubt but the Claim
of Parliament, of Authority to make Laws binding on the
Colonies in all cases whatsoever, includes an Authority to
change our Religious Constitution, and establish Popery or
Mahometanism, if they please, in its Stead : but, as you inti
mate, Power does not infer Right; and, as the Right is noth
ing, and the Power, (by our Increase,) continually diminish
ing, the one will soon
1 HerebeL.as
C copy
insignificant
ends. Ed.as the other. You
88
[1773
seem only to have made a small Mistake, in supposing they

modestly avoided to declare they had a Right, the Words of
the Act being, "that they have and of right ought to have,
full Power, &c."
Your Suspicion that "sundry others, besides Gov1 Bernd,
had written hither their Opinions and Counsels, encouraging
the late Measures to the Prejudice of our Country, which
have been too much heeded and followed," is, I apprehend,
but too well founded. You call them "traiterous Indi
viduals," whence I collect, that you suppose them of our own
Country. There was among the twelve Apostles one Traitor,
who betrayed with a Kiss. It should be no Wonder, there
fore, if among so many Thousand true Patriots, as New Eng
land contains, there should be found even twelve Judases
ready to betray their Country for a few paltry Pieces of Silver.
Their Ends, as well as their Views, ought to be similar. But
all these Oppressions evidently work for our Good. Provi
dence seems by every Means intent on making us a great
People. May our Virtues publick and private grow with us,
and be durable, that Liberty, Civil and Religious, may be
secur'd to our Posterity, and to all from every Part of the
Old World that take Refuge among us.
. . . With great Esteem, and my best Wishes for a long
Continuance of your Usefulness, I am, Rev*1 Sir, your most
obedient humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
1773]
TO SAMUEL COOPER
682.
TO SAMUEL COOPER 1
(b. m.)

Dear Sir,
I received your very valuable favours of March 15th and
April 23d. It rejoices me to find your Health so far restored,
that your Friends can again be benefitted by your Cor
respondence.
The Governor was certainly out in his Politics, if he hoped
to recommend himself there, by entering upon that Dispute
with the Assembly. His Imprudence in bringing it at all
upon the tapis, and his bad Management of it, are almost
equally censured. The Council and Assembly on the other
hand have, by the Coolness, Clearness, and Force of their
Answers, gained great Reputation.
The Unanimity of our Towns, in their Sentiments of Lib
erty, gives me great" Pleasure, as it shows the generally en
lightened State of our People's Minds, and demonstrates the
Falshood of the Opinion, much cultivated here by the Par
tisans of arbitrary Power in America, that only a small Fac
tion among us were discontented with the late Measures. If
that Unanimity can be discovered in all the Colonies, it will
give much greater Weight to our future Remonstrances. I
heartily wish with you that some Line could be drawn, some
Bill of Rights established for America, that might secure
Peace between the two Countries, so necessary for the Pros
perity of both. But I think little Attention is like to be
1 This letter has hitherto been published as two different letters bearing the
same date. It is here reprinted from the Ms. [written by a secretary and
signed by F.] in R M. (K. 203). Ed.
go
afforded by our Ministers to that salutary Work, till the

Breach becomes greater and more alarming, and then the
Difficulty of repairing it will be greater in a tenfold Proportion.
I congratulate you on the finishing of your new Meeting
house. I have considered, as well as I can, without being
on the Spot, the Intention of wanning it by some Machine in
the cold, damp Seasons. It must be a Matter of Difficulty
to warm sensibly all the Air in so large and so lofty a Room,
especially if the Fire is not kept up constantly on the common
Week Days as well as Sundays. For tho' the Machine is very
large and made very hot, yet the Space of Air and quantity
of Wall to be warmed is so great, that it must be long before
any considerable Effect will be produc'd. Then the Air
warm'd below by the Machine being rarify'd & fighter will
not spread among the People below as it would under a low
Cieling, but will naturally rise to the Top of the Room, and
can only descend again as it becomes colder and must give
Place to the succeeding warm rising Air. It will then descend
by the Walls and Windows, which being very cold by the
preceding Week's Absence of Fire, will cool that descending
Air so much in so long a Descent, that it will fall very heavily
and uncomfortably upon the Heads of all that happen to sit
under it, and will proceed in cold Currents along the Floor
to the warming Machine wherever it is situated. This must
continue till the Walls are warmed, for which I think one
Day is by no means sufficient, and that therefore a Fire kin
dled in the Morning of the Sabbath will afford no Comfort
to the Congregation that day, except to a few that sit near it,
and some inconvenience to the rest from the Currents above
mentioned.
If, however, your People, as they are rich, can afford it,
1773]
TO SAMUEL COOPER
91
and may be willing to indulge themselves, should chuse to

keep up a constant Fire in the Winter Months, you may have
from hence a Machine for the purpose, cast from the same
Patterns with those now used at the Bank, or that in Lin
coln's Inn Hall, which are plac'd in the middle of the respec
tive Rooms. The Smoke of these descends, and passing
under ground, rises in some Chimney at a Distance. Yours
must be a Chimney built, I suppose, without the House;
and as it ought to draw well to prevent your being troubled
with Smoke (as they often are at the Bank), it should be on
the South Side ; but this I fear would disfigure your Front.
That at Lincoln's Inn Hall draws better. They are in the
Form of Temples, cast in Iron, with Columns, Cornishes,
and every Member of elegant Architecture.
And I mention casting them from the same Patterns or
Moulds, because those being already made, a great deal of
Work and Expence will thereby be saved. But if you can
cast them in New England, a large Vase, or an antique Altar,
which are more simple Forms, may answer the Purpose as
well, and be more easily executed. Yet after all, when I con
sider the little Effect I have observed from these Machines
in those great Rooms, the Complaints of People who have
tried Buzaglo's Stoves in Halls, and how far your Meeting
house must exceed them in all its Dimentions, I apprehend
that after a great deal of Expence, and a good deal of Dust
on the Seats and in the Pews, which they constantly occasion,
you will not find your Expectations answered. And per
suaded as I am, from philosophic Considerations, that no one
ever catches the Disorder we call a Cold from cold Air, and
therefore never at Meeting, I should think it rather advisable
for those who cannot well bear it, to guard against the short
92
[1773
Inconvenience of cold Feet (w** only takes place toward the

End of the Service), by Basses or Bearskin Cases to put the
Legs in, or by small Stoves with a few Coals under foot,
more majorum.1
You mention the Surprise of Gendemen, to whom those
Letters have been communicated,' at the Restrictions with
which they were accompanied, and which they suppose ren
der them incapable of answering any important end. The
great Reason of forbidding their Publication was an Appre
hension, that it might put all the Possessors of such Cor
respondence here upon their Guard, and so prevent the ob
taining more of it. And it was imagined, that showing the
Originals to so many as were named, and to a few others as
they might think fit, would be sufficient to establish the
Authenticity, and to spread thro' the Province so just an
Estimation of the Writers, as to strip them of all their deluded
Friends, and demolish effectually their Interest and Influence.
The Letters might be shown even to some of the Governor's
and Lieutenant-Governor's Partisans, and spoken of to
Dear Sir,
Cooper replied (November 10, 1773),
1" Samuel
I received your valuable favours of the 7th and 25th of July, and you will
please to accept the thanks of the committee of our congregation, as well as
my own, for the trouble you have very kindly given yourself in your clear and
particular account of the warming machines for large rooms, and your advice
respecting our new building, together with the truly philosophical and con
vincing reasons upon which it is founded. All, to whom I have read that
part of your letter, have been highly entertained with it; and I must particu
larly thank you for your observation, that we do not receive the disorder
called a cold from cold air, and therefore never at meeting, being proud of
supporting myself with your authority against some of our physicians, who
seem to think that all the disorders of their patients are caught there. Your
letter has satisfied my whole congregation, and we are now all determined to
worship and make ourselves as comfortable as may be more majorum" Ed.
1 Governor Hutchinson's Letters. Ed.
TO MRS. JANE MECOM
93
Everybody ; for there was no Restraint proposed to talking

of them, but only to copying. However, the Terms given
with
The
them
great
could
Defect
onlyhere
be those
is, inwith
all sorts
whichofthey
People,
were areceived.
want of
attention to what passes in such remote Countries as America ;
an Unwillingness even to read any thing about them if it
appears a little lengthy, and a Disposition to postpone the
Consideration even of the Things they know they must at
last consider, that so they may have Time for what more
immediately concerns them, and withal enjoy their Amuse
ments, and be undisturbed in the universal Dissipation. In
other Respects, though some of the great regard us with a
jealous Eye, and some are angry with us, the Majority of the
Nation rather wish us well, and have no Desire to infringe
our Liberties. And many console themselves under the Ap
prehensions of declining Liberty here, that they or their
Posterity shall be able to find her safe and vigorous in America.
With sincere and great esteem, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
683.
TO MRS. JANE MECOM
(d. s. w.)

Dear Sister, I believe it is long since I have written
any Letters to you. I hope you will excuse it. I am oppress'd with too much Writing, and am apt to postpone when
I presume upon some Indulgence.
I received duly yours of Jan. 19, April 20, May 5 and May
*5-
94
[1773
Our Relations Jenkins and Paddock, came to see me.

They seem to be clever, sensible Men.
Is there not a little Affectation in your Apology for the
Incorrectness of your Writing ? Perhaps it is rather fishing
for Commendation. You write better, in my Opinion, than
most American Women. Here indeed the Ladies write
generally with more Elegance than the Gentlemen.
By Capt. Hatch went a Trunk containing the Goods you
wrote for. I hope they will come safe to hand and please.
Mrs. Stevenson undertook the Purchasing them with great
Readiness and Pleasure. Teasdale, whom you mention as
selling cheap, is broke and gone. Perhaps he sold too cheap.
But she did her best.
I congratulate you on the Marriage of your Daughter.
My Love to them. I am oblig'd to good Dr. Cooper for his
Prayers.
Your Shortness of Breath might perhaps be reliev'd by
eating Honey with your Bread instead of Butter, at Breakfast.
Young Hubbard seems a sensible Boy, and fit, I should
think, for a better Business than the Sea. I am concern'd
to hear of the Illness of his good Mother.
If Brother John had paid that Bond, there was no Occasion
to recal it for you to pay it ; for I suppose he might have had
Effects of our Father's to pay it with. I never heard how it
was managed.
Mrs. Stevenson presents her Respects, and I am ever,
Your affectionate Brother,
B. Franklin.
TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS
684.
TO SAMUEL FRANKLIN
95
(d. s. w.)

Loving Cousin,
I received your kind Letter of Nov. 6, and was glad to hear
of the Welfare of yourself and Family, which I hope contin
ues. Sally Franklin is lately married to Mr. James Pearce,
a substantial young Farmer at Ewell, about 12 miles from
London, a very sober, industrious Man, and I think it likely
to prove a good Match, [as she is likewise an industrious,
good girl.] 1
I would not have you be discouraged at the little Dullness
of Business, which is only occasional. A close Attention to
your Shop, and Application to Business, will always secure
more than an equal Share, because every Competitor will
not have those Qualities. Some of them, therefore, must
give Way to you, and the constant Growth of the Country
will increase the Trade of all, that steadily stand ready for it.
I send you a little Piece of mine, which more particularly
explains this Sentiment and am ever
Your affectionate Kinsman,
B. Franklin.
685.
TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS
(d. s. w.)
London, July 7, 1773

Dear Cousin: In looking over your letters I find in
that of November 12th mention of a prize of 20 which you
1 Passage in brackets is not found in the d. in D. S. W. Ed.
96
have drawn. It never came into my hands, and I cannot

find that Smith, Wright, & Gray know anything of it. If I
knew the No. of the ticket I could inquire farther.
I am much obliged by your care in Hall's affair, and glad
you have recovered so much of that debt and are likely to get
the rest. I hope it will be of service to my dear sister. The
goods for her were sent per Capt. Hatch, in a trunk consigned
to you.
I wish you success in your new plan of business, and shall
certainly embrace every opportunity I may have of promoting
it.
Upon your recommendation I went to see the black poetess 1
and offered her any services I could do her. Before I left
the house I understood her master was there, and had sent
her to me, but did not come into the room himself, and I
thought was not pleased with the visit. I should perhaps
have inquired first for him, but I had heard nothing of him ;
and I have heard nothing since of her.
My love to Cousin Grace and your children
I am, yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.
686.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN (d. s. w.)

I am
Dear
gladSon,
to find by yours of May 4 that you have been
able to assist Josiah Davenport a little, but vex'd that he and
you should think of putting me upon a Solicitation, which
it is impossible for me to engage in. I am not upon Terms
with Lord North, to ask any such Favour from him. Dis1 Phfflis Wheatley. Ed.
1773]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
97
pleased with something he said relating to America, I have

never been at his Levees, since the first. Perhaps he has
taken that amiss. For the last Week we met occasionally at
Lord Le Despencer's, in our Return from Oxford, where I had
been to attend the Solemnity of his Installation, and he seemed
studiously to avoid speaking to me. I ought to be asham'd
to say that on such occasions I feel myself to be as proud as
anybody. His Lady indeed was more gracious. She came,
and sat down by me on the same Sopha, and condescended
to enter into a Conversation with me agreably enough, as if
to make some Amends. Their Son and Daughter were with
them. They staied all Night, so that we din'd, supp'd, and
breakfasted together, without exchanging three Sentences.
But had he ever so great a Regard for me, I could not ask
that Office, trifling as it is, for any Relation of mine. And
detesting as I do the whole System of American Customs,
believing they will one Day bring on a Breach, through the
Indiscretion and Insolence of those concern'd in the Collec
tion, I should never wish to see one so near to me in that Busi
ness. If you think him capable of acting as Deputy Secre
tary, I imagine you might easily obtain that for him of Mr.
Morgann.
He has lately been with me, is always very complaisant,
and, understanding I was about returning to America, re
quested my Interest to obtain for him the Agency of your
Province. His Friend, Sir Watkin Lewes, who was formerly
Candidate for the same great Place, is now High Sheriff of
London, and in the Way of being Lord Mayor. The new
Sheriffs elect are (could you think it?) both Americans, viz.
Mr. Sayre, the New Yorker, and Mr. W.1 brother to Dr.
1 William Lee. Ed.
VOL. VI H
98
[1773
Lee. ... I am glad you stand so well with Lord Dartmouth.

I am likewise well with him, but he never spoke to me of
augmenting your Salary. He is truly a good Man, and
wishes sincerely a good Understanding with the Colonies,
but does not seem to have Strength equal to his Wishes.
Between you and I, the late Measures have been, I suspect,
very much the King's own, and he has in some Cases a great
Share of what his Friends call Firmness. Yet, by some
Painstaking and proper Management, the wrong Impressions
he has received may be removed, which is perhaps the only
Chance America has for obtaining soon the Redress she aims
at. This entirely to yourself.
And, now we are among Great Folks, let me tell you a little
of Lord Hillsborough. I went down to Oxford with and at
the Instance of Lord Le Despencer, who is on all occasions
very good to me, and seems of late very desirous of my Com
pany. Mr. Todd too was there, who has some Attachment to
Lord H. and in a walk we were taking, told me, as a Secret,
that Lord H was much chagrin'd at being out of place, and
could never forgive me for writing that Pamphlet against his
Report about the Ohio. " I assur'd him, " says Mr. T., " that
I knew you did not write it ; and the Consequence is, that he
thinks I know the contrary, and wanted to impose upon him
in your Favour; and so I find he is now displeas'd with me,
and for no other Cause in the World." His friend Bamber
Gascoign, too, says, that they well know it was written by
Dr. Franklin, who was one of the most mischievous Men in
England.
That same Day Lord H. called upon Lord Le Despencer,
whose chamber and mine were together in Queen's College.
I was in the Inner Room shifting, and heard his Voice, but
1773]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
99
did not see him, as he went down Stairs immediately with

Lord Le D, who mentioning that I was above, he return'd
directly and came to me in the pleasantest Manner imag
inable. "Dr. F.," says he, "I did not know till this Minute
that you were here, and I am come back to make you my
Bow I I am glad to see you at Oxford, and that you look so
well," &c. In Return for this Extravagance, I compli
mented him on his Son's Performance in the Theatre, tho'
indeed it was but indifferent, so that Account was settled.
For as People say, when they are angry, // he strikes me, I'll
strike him again; I think sometimes it may be right to say,
// he flatters me, I'll flatter him again. This is Lex Talionis,
returning Offences in kind. His Son however (Lord Fairford,) is a valuable young Man, and his Daughters, Ladys
Mary and Charlotte, most amiable young Women. My
Quarrel is only with him, who, of all the Men I ever met with,
is surely the most unequal in his Treatment of People, the
most insincere, and the most wrongheaded ; witness, besides
his various Behaviour to me, his Duplicity in encouraging us
to ask for more Land, ask for enough to make a Province (when
we at first ask'd only for 2,500,000 Acres), were his Words,
pretending to befriend our Application, then doing every thing
to defeat it ; and reconcib'ng the first to the last, by saying to
a Friend, that he meant to defeat it from the Beginning ; and
that his putting us upon asking so much was with that very
View, supposing it too much to be granted. Thus, by the
way, his Mortification becomes double. He has serv'd us
by the very means he meant to destroy us, and tript up his
own Heels into the Bargain. Your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.
ioo
687.
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
(d. s. wg

Dear Sir,
I received your favour of May 1st, with the pamphlet, for
which I am obliged to you. It is well written. I hope that
in time the endeavours of the friends to liberty and humanity
will get the better of a practice, that has so long disgraced our
nation and religion.
A few days after I received your packet for M. Dubourg,
I had an opportunity of forwarding it to him per M. Poissonniere; physician of Paris, who kindly undertook to deliver
it. M. Dubourg has been translating my book into French.
It is nearly printed, and he tells me he purposes a copy for
you.
I shall communicate your judicious remark, relating to the
septic quality of the air transpired by patients in putrid
diseases, to my friend Dr. Priestley. I hope that after having
discovered the benefit of fresh and cool air applied to the sick,
people will begin to suspect that possibly it may do no harm
to the well. I have not seen Dr. Cullen's book, but am glad
to hear that he speaks of catarrhs or colds by contagion. I
have long been satisfied from observation, that besides the
general colds now termed influenzas, (which may possibly
spread by contagion, as well as by a particular quality of the
air), people often catch cold from one another when shut up
together in close rooms, coaches, &c., and when sitting near
and conversing so as to breathe in each other's transpiration ;
the disorder being in a certain state. I think, too, that it is
the frouzy, corrupt air from animal substances, and the per
1773]
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
101
spired matter from our bodies, which being long confined in

beds not lately used, and clothes not lately worn, and books
long shut up in close rooms, obtains that kind of putridity,
which occasions the colds observed upon sleeping in, wearing,
and turning over such bedclothes, or books, and not their
coldness or dampness. From these causes, but more from
too full living, with too little exercise, proceed in my opinion
most of the disorders, which for about one hundred and fifty
years past the English have called colds.
As to Dr. Cullen's cold or catarrh a frigore, I question
whether such an one ever existed. Travelling in our severe
winters, I have suffered cold sometimes to an extremity only
short of freezing, but this did not make me catch cold. And,
for moisture, I have been in the river every evening two or
three hours for a fortnight together, when one would suppose
I might imbibe enough of it to take cold if humidity could
give it; but no such effect ever followed. Boys never get
cold by swimming. Nor are people at sea, or who live at
Bermudas, or St. Helena, small islands, where the air must
be ever moist from the dashing and breaking of waves against
their rocks on all sides, more subject to colds than those who
inhabit part of a continent where the air is driest. Dampness
may indeed assist in producing putridity and those miasmata
which infect us with the disorder we call a cold ; but of itself
can never by a little addition of moisture hurt a body filled
with watery fluids from head to foot.
With great esteem, and sincere wishes for your welfare, I
am, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
B. Franklin.
102
688.
TO ANTHONY BENEZET (d. s. w.)

Dear Friend, I received your Favour of April 24

with the Pamphlets, for which I thank you. I am glad to
hear that such humane Sentiments prevail so much more
generally than heretofore ; that there is Reason to hope our
Colonies may in time get clear of a Practice that disgraces
them, and, without producing any equivalent Benefit, is
dangerous to their very Existence.
I hope erelong to have the Pleasure of seeing you, and con
versing with you more fully on that and other Subjects than I
can now do by Writing.
In the meantime, believe me ever, dear Friend,
B. F.
689.
TO JOHN FOXCROFT 1
(d. s. w.)

Dear Friend, I received yours of June 7, and am glad
to find by it that you are safely return 'd from your Virginia
1 John Foxcroft was deputy postmaster under Franklin. He was married
August 2, 1770, by the Rev. Thomas Coombe at St. James's Church, West
minster, to Judith Osgood, resident in King Street. The reference in this
letter to Mrs. Foxcroft as " my daughter " has caused some persons to leap at
the unwarranted conclusion that she was the illegitimate child of Franklin.
The indisputable evidence of dates disposes promptly of such speculations.
If all the young women whom Franklin called " daughter " and who called
him " father " were actually of his flesh and blood, he would have been
attended by the largest family that ever dwelt under one roof-tree. Ed.
1773]
TO JOHN FOXCROFT
103
Journey, having settled your Affairs there to Satisfaction,

and that you found your Family well at New York.
I feel for you in the Fall you had out of your Chair. I
have had three of those Squelchers in different Journeys,
and never desire a fourth.
I do not think it was without Reason that you continu'd
so long one of St. Thomas' Disciples ; for there was always
some cause for doubting. Some People always ride before
the Horse's Head. The Draft of the Patent is at length got
into the Hands of the Attr-General, who must approve the
Form before it passes the Seals, so one would think much
more time can scarce be required to compleat the Business ;
But 't is good not to be too sanguine. He may go into the
Country; and the Privy Councillors likewise; and some
Months pass before they get together again. Therefore, if
you have any Patience, use it.
I suppose Mr. Finlay will be some time at Quebec in settling
his Affairs. By the next Packet you will receive a Draft of
Instructions for him.
In mine of Dec 2, upon the Post-Office Accounts to Apr.
1772, I took Notice to you that I observed I had full Credit
for my Salary ; but no Charge appear'd against me for Money
paid on my Acc' to Mrs. Franklin from the Philad" Office.
I supposed the Thirty Pounds Currency per Month was regu
larly paid, because I had had no Complaint from her for
want of Money, and I expected to find the Charge in the
Acc" of the last Year that is, to April 5, 1773; but nothing
of it appear* there, I am at a loss to understand it, and you
take no Notice of my Observation above mentioned. The
great ballance due from that Office begins to be remark'd
here, and I should have thought the Officer would, for his
104
own sake, not have neglected to lessen it, by showing what

he had paid on my Acc\ Pray, my dear Friend, explain
this to me.
I find by yours to Mr. Todd that you expectd soon another
little One. God send my Daughter a good time, and you a
Good Boy. Mrs. Stevenson is pleas'd with your Remem
brance of her, and joins with Mr. and Mrs. Hewson and
myself in best Wishes for you and yours.
I am ever yours affectionately,
B. Franklin.
690.

(P. H. S.)
Inclos'd
Gentlemen,
is the Broker's Acct. of Sales of the last Silk, Accts.
of Charges, & my Acct Current. The Price is not so high

as we might have expected if the Ruin of Paper Credit here
had not occasioned such a Scarcity of Currency as put a
stop to a great Part of the Silk Business as well as other
Businesses that were carried on by Credit beyond their
natural Brands, f- Two Months Time was given to Buyers,
and I have not received the Money. You may therefore
draw for the Ballance of the Acct. 210" 10" 5 J on me,
or in Case of my Absence on Brown & Collinson, Bankers,
with whom I shall leave an Order to honour your Bill.
I hear by several Hands that your Silk is in high Credit;
we may therefore hope for rising Prices, The Manufacturers
being at first doubtful of a new Commodity, not knowing
till Trial has been made how it will work. I most cordially
TO SAMUEL DANFORTH
1773]
wish Success to your generous & Noble Undertaking, be

lieving it likely to prove of great Service to our Country;
and am, with great Esteem
Gentlemen
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. Franklin.
691.
TO SAMUEL DANFORTH1
(d. s. w.)
(l. c.)
Dear Sir,
It gave me great pleasure to receive so chearful an Epistle
from a Friend of half a Century's Standing, and to see him
commencing Life anew in so valuable a Son. I hope the
young Gentleman's Patent will be as beneficial to him, as
his Invention must be to the Publick.
I see by the Papers, that you continue to afford her your
Services, which makes me almost asham'd of my Resolu
tions for Retirement. But this Exile, tho' an honourable
one, is become grievous to me, in so long a Separation from
my Family, Friends, and Country; all which you happily
enjoy; and long may you continue to enjoy them. I hope
for the great Pleasure of once more seeing and conversing
with you : And tho' living-on in one's Children, as we both
may do, is a good thing, I cannot but fancy it might be better
to continue living ourselves at the same time. I rejoice,
1 Samuel Danforth (1696-1777), President of the Council of the Massa
chusetts Colony, and judge of probate for Middlesex County. His son, Samuel
(1740-1827), was an eminent physician, and President of the Massachusetts
Medical Society. Ed.
io6
therefore, in your kind Intentions of including me in the

Benefits of that inestimable Stone, which, curing all Diseases
(even old Age itself), will enable us to see the future glorious
State of our America, enjoying in full Security her own
Liberties, and offering in her Bosom a Participation of them
to all the oppress'd of other Nations. I anticipate the jolly
Conversation we and twenty more of our Friends may have
100 Years hence on this subject, over that well replenish'd
Bowl at Cambridge Commencement. I am, dear Sir, for
an Age to come, and for ever, with sincere Esteem and Re
spect, your most obedient humble Serv'.
B. F[rankxin.]
692.
TO JOHN WINTHROP
(d. s. w.)
London, July 25. '73

Dear Sir
I received your Favours of March 4 & April 19. Mr.
Danforth paid me the 52/ you sent by him. The Vol. of
Transactions I think went in a Trunk that I sent to Mr.
Jonathan Williams. I hope you receiv'd it safe. Mr.
Danforth has succeeded in obtaining his Patent. I hope it
will prove serviceable to himself as well as the Publick.
Dr. Priestley is now well provided for. Lord Shelburne is
become his Patron, and desirous to have the Company of
a Man of general Learning to read with him & superintend
the Education of his Children, has taken him from his Con
gregation at Leeds, settled 300 a Year upon him for Ten
Years, and 200 for life with a House to live in near his
Country Seat. My Lord has a great Library there which
the Doctor is now putting in Order & seems very happy in
TO SAMUEL COOPER
1773]
107
his new Situation. The learned Leisure he will now have,

secure of a comfortable Subsistance, gives his Friends a
pleasing Hope of many useful Works from his Pen. I
expect him soon in town, when I shall communicate to him
your Remarks on his last Book, for which I am sure he will
feel himself much obliged to you.
Your Remark on the Passage of Castillioneous will be
read at the Society at their next Meeting. I thank you much
for the Paper & Accounts of Damage done by Lightning
which you have favoured me with. The Conductors begin
to be used here. Many Country Seats are furnished with
them, some Churches, the Powder Magazine at Purfleet,
the Queen's House in the Park, & M. LeRoy of the Academy
of Sciences at Paris has lately given a Memoir recommending
the Use of them in that Kingdom, which has been long
oppos'd and obstructed by Abbe" Nollet. The Duke of
Tuscany, he says, ce Prince, qui ne connoit pas de dflassement plus agr6able des soins pe"nible du Gouvernement, que
l'Etude de la Physique, a ordonnd, l'Anne"e derniere, qu'on
gtablit de ces Barres audessus de tous les Magasins a poudre
de ses Etats; on dit que la Re"publique de Venise a donne*
les Mfimes Ordres, etc.1
[B. Franklin.]
693.
Dear Sir,
TO SAMUEL COOPER
(b. m.)
London' July 25- 1773
I wrote to you on the 7th Instant pretty fully, and am

since favoured with yours of June 14th. I am much pleased
1 As the remainder of this letter is quoted by Franklin in his "Tract rela
tive to the Affair of Hutchinson's Letters," it is not printed here and the
reader is referred to page 273. En.
io8
with the Proposal of the Virginia Assembly, and the respect

ful Manner in which it has been received by ours. I think
it likely to produce very salutary Effects.1
I am glad to know your Opinion, that those Letters came
seasonably, and may be of public Utility. I accompanied
them with no Restriction relating to myself. My duty to
_^jhe Province, as their Agent, I thought required the Com\ munication of them, as far as I could. I was sensible I
; should make Enemies there, and perhaps might offend gov
ernment here ; but those Apprehensions I disregarded. I did
not expect and hardly still expect that my sending them could
be kept a Secret; but since it is so hitherto, I now wish it
may continue so, because the Publication of the Letters,
contrary to my Engagement, has changed the Circumstances.
If they serve to diminish the Influence and demolish the
Power of the Parties, whose Correspondence has been, and
would probably have continued to be so mischievous to the
Interests and Rights of the Province, I shall on that Account
be more easy under any inconveniences I may suffer, either
here or there ; and shall bear, as well as I can, the Imputation
of not having taken sufficient Care to insure the Performance
of my Promise.
I think Government can hardly expect to draw any future
Service from such Instruments, and one would suppose they
must soon be dismiss'd. We shall see.
I hope to be favoured with the Continuance of your Corre
spondence and Intelligence, while I stay here; it is highly
1 The Virginia resolves for appointing a Committee of Correspondence
arrived in Boston a short time before the assembling of the legislature. The
first business after the meeting was to accede to the proposal of Virginia, and
to appoint a Committee of Correspondence. S.
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
109
useful to me, and will be, as it always has been, pleasing

everywhere. I am ever, dear Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
694.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, July 25. 1773.

Sir,
I am favour'd with yours of June 14 and 16, contain*
some Copies of the Resolves of the Committee upon the
Letters.1 I see by your Account of the Transaction, that
you could not well prevent what was done. As to the Re
port of other Copies being come from England, I know that
could not be. It was an Expedient to disengage the House.
I hope the Possession of the Originals, and the Proceedings
upon them, will be attended with salutary Effects to the
Province, and then I shall be well pleased.
I observe that you mention, that no Person besides Dr.
Cooper and one of the Committee knew they came from me.
I did not accompany them with any Request of being myself
conceal'd ; for believing what I did to be in the Way of my
Duty as Agent, tho' I had no doubt of its giving Offence, not
only to the Parties expos'd, but to Administration here, I
was regardless of the Consequences. However, since the
Letters themselves are now copied ; and printed, contrary to
the Promise I made, I am glad my Name has not been heard
on the occasion; and, as I do not see it could be of any Use
to the Publick, I now wish it may continue unknown, tho'
I hardly expect it. As to yours, you may rely on my never
mentioning it, except that I may be oblig'd to show your
1 Resolves concerning Hutchinson's Letters. Ed.
no
Letter in my own Vindication to the Person only, who might

otherwise think he had reason to blame me for breach of
Engagement. It must surely be seen here, that, after such
a Detection of their Duplicity, in pretending a Regard and
Affection to the Province, while they were undermining its
Privileges, it is impossible for the Crown to make any good
Use of their Services, and that it can never be for its Interest
to employ Servants, who are under such universal Odium.
The Consequence, one would think, should be their Removal.
But perhaps it may be to Titles, or to Pensions, if your
Revenue can pay them. I am, with great Esteem, Sir,
your most obedient humble Servant.
B. Franklin.
695.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
(d. s. w.)
West Wycombe, Lord le Despencer's, Aug. 3. 1773

Dear Son : I am come hither to spend a few Days
and breathe a little fresh Air.
Nothing material has occurr'd since mine per Sutton,
except the final Hearing at the Cockpit relating to Gov.
Wentworth,1 against whose Conduct the Board of Trade
had reported, and the Hearing was at the Instance of his
Friends against the Report. Their L"* have not yet given
their Determination, but it is thought he is in no Danger.
As to the Ohio Affair, it is scarce likely to be got through
this Summer, for Reasons I have already given you.
Our Paper-Money Aa not being yet considered here,
1 Sir John Wentworth (1737-1880), governor of New Hampshire (17661776). Ed.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
ill
together with the Massachusetts Affairs, will, I believe,

keep me another Winter in England.
Temple is just return'd to School from his Summer Vaca
tion. He always behaves himself so well, as to encrease
my Affection for him every time he is with me.
As you are like to have a considerable Landed Property,
it would be well to make your Will, if you have not already
done it, and secure that Property to him. Our Friend Gallo
way will advise you in the Manner. Whatever he may come
to possess, I am persuaded he will make a good Use of it,
if his Temper and Understanding do not strangely alter.
I am in this House as much at my Ease as if it was my
own; and the Gardens are a Paradise. But a pleasanter
Thing is the kind Countenance, the facetious and very intelli
gent Conversation of mine Host, who having been for many
Years engaged in publick Affairs, seen all Parts of Europe,
and kept the best Company in the World, is himself the best
existing.
I wear the Buttons (for which I thank you) on a suit of
light gray which matches them. All the connoisseurs in
natural Productions are puzzeled with them, not knowing
any thing similar.1
With love to Betsey, I am ever your affectionate Father
B. Franklin.
1 See letter to Peter Collinson, Vol. IV, p. 244. Ed.
M2
696.
TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA *
London, Aug. 11, 1773

Rev. and Dear Sir:
I embrace this opportunity to salute you by means of
Mr. Fromond ' your most ingenious fellow country-man,
and to tell you that as my continuous occupation in various
affairs hinders me from making further studies in our favorite
science I have thought that I could not better promote it
among the English, than by procuring a translation into our
tongue, of your last excellent book; with the aid of some
friends who have contributed to the expense, it is now com
pleted and ready for the press, May I beg you to take from
your plates and to send me 500 copies of the pictures to be
used in the projected edition ? They could come by sea
from Nice and be directed to your envoy extraordinary, who
will have the goodness to permit it I will promptly pay
according to your order whatever may be the expense for
paper, printing, and duty, etc. If this can be done it will
spare us the expense of the wood cutter.
I am with the greatest esteem always Dear Sir
Your most obb. and most humble servant
Benj. Franklin.
1 Translated from " Memorie istoriche intorno Gli studi del Padre Giambatista Beccaria." (Eandi: Turin, 1783.) Ed.
1 Jean Claude Fromond (1703-1795), an Italian physicist, professor in the
University of Pisa. Ed.
TO MR. BURDETT
1 773]
697.
Sir,
TO MR. BURDETT
(a. p. s.)
London, Aug1 21 1773
I duly received your Favour of the io'h
and should
think a Man of your Talents a great Acquisition to the Col

onies, if we could make it worth your while to remove hither.
No Country is better fitted by Nature to receive Advantage
from the Arts of making Rivers Navigable, & forming ex
tensive Communications by the means of short Canals be
tween their Branches, but as yet I doubt whether the Popu
lation & internal Commerce is sufficient to bear the Expence.
Mr. Ballendene, however may in this Respect be better in
formed than I am. As yet there has been no Meeting of
those concerned in the New Colony, and I apprehend that
when they have obtained their Patent, their first Care must
be of another kind. But since I am acquainted with your
Willingness to engage in such Undertakings, on proper
Encouragement I shall omit no Opportunity of doing Justice
to you
Opinion may have
As I am persuaded that in serving you I shall serve my
Country.
With great Esteem, I am,
Sir,
Your most obed?
hum Servt.
B. Franklin.
P. S. I should be glad to be inform'd where I can see
some Sample of the new Art you mention of printing in ImitaVOL. VI I
114
tion of Paintings. It must be a most valuable Discovery:

but more likely to meet with adequate Encouragement on
this Side the water than on ours.
698.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(d. s. w.)
London, Aug1 24, 1773.

Sir,
I received duly your several Favours of June 25, 26, and
30, with the Papers enclosed. My Lord Dartmouth being
at his Country Seat in Staffordshire, I transmitted to him
the Address for the Removal of the Gov1 and Lieu' Gov1,
and Mr. Bollan and I jointly transmitted the Letter to his
Lordship from both Houses. I delivered to Mr. Bollan
one Set of the authenticated Copies of the Letters, and we
shall cooperate in the Business we are charg'd with.
I am told that the Governor has requested leave to come
home; that some great Persons about the Court do not
think the Letters, now they have seen them, a sufficient
Foundation for the Resolves ; that therefore it is not likely
he will be remov'd, but suffered to resign, and that some
Provision will be made for him here. But nothing, I appre
hend, is likely to be done soon, as most of the great Officers
of State, who compose the Privy Council, are in the Country,
and likely to continue there till the Parliament meets, and
perhaps the above may be chiefly Conjecture.
I have inform'd Mr. Lee, that, in Case there should be a
hearing, I was directed to engage him as Council for the
Province ; that I had received no money, but would advance
what might be necessary; those Hearings by Council being
1773]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
115
expensive. I purpose writing to you again by the Packet,

and am with the greatest Respect, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
P. S. No Determination is yet public on the case of Mr.
Lewis against Governor Wentworth, which has been a very
costly Hearing to both Sides.
B. F.
699.
Dear Son,
London, Sept. 1, 1773.
I have now before me yours of July 5 and 6. The August

packet is not yet arrived. Dr. Cooper of New York's opinion
of the author of the Sermon, however honourable to me, is
injurious to the good Bishop; and therefore, I must say,
in justice and truth, that I knew nothing of his intention to
preach on the subject, and saw not a word of the Sermon till
it was printed. Possibly some preceding conversation be
tween us may have turned his thoughts that way ; but if so,
that is all.
I think the resolutions of the New England townships must
have the effect they seem intended for, viz. to show that the
discontents were really general and their sentiments concern
ing their rights unanimous, and not the fiction of a few dema
gogues, as their governors used to represent them here:
and therefore not useless, though they should not as yet in
duce government to acknowledge their claims; that people
may probably think it sufficient for the present to assert and
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin " (Duane), 1817, Vol VI,
p. 329. Ed.
u6
hold forth their rights secure ; that sooner or later they must
be admitted and acknowledged. The declaratory law here,
had too its use, viz. to prevent or lessen at least a clamour
against the ministry, that repealed the Stamp Act, as if they
had given up the right of this country to govern America.
Other use indeed it could have none; and I remember Lord
Mansfield told the Lords, when upon that bill, that it was
nugatory. To be sure, in a dispute between two parties
about rights, the declaration of one party can never be sup
posed to bind the other.
It is said there is now a project on foot to form a union
with Ireland, and that Lord Harcourt is to propose it at the
next meeting of the Irish Parliament. The eastern side of
Ireland are averse to it; supposing, that, when Dublin is
no longer the seat of their government it will decline, the
harbour being but indifferent, and that the western and
southern ports will rise and nourish on its ruins, being good
in themselves, and much better situated for commerce.
For these same reasons, the western and southern people
are inclined to the measure, and 'tis thought it may be car
ried. But these are difficult affairs, and usually take longer
time than the projectors imagine. Mr. Crowley,1 the author
of several proposals for uniting the colonies with the mother
country, and who runs about much among the ministers,
tells me, the union of Ireland is only the first step towards
a general union. He is for having it done by the Parliament
of England, without consulting the colonies, and he will
warrant, he says, that if the terms proposed are equitable,
they will all come in one after the other. He seems rather
a little cracked upon the subject.
1 See letter in reply to Thomas Crowley, Vol. V, p. 166. Ed.
1773]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
117
[_It is said here, that the famous Boston letters 1 were sent
chiefly, if not all, to the late Mr. Wheatly. They fell into
my hands, and I thought it my duty to give some principal
people there a sight of them, very much with this view, that
when they saw the measures they complained of took their
rise in a great degree from the representations and recom
mendations of their own countrymen, their resentment
against Britain on account of those measures might abate,
as mine had done, and a reconciliation be more easily ob
tained. In Boston they concealed who sent them, the better
to conceal who received and communicated them. And
perhaps it is as well, that it should continue a secret. Being
of that country myself, I think those letters more heinous
than you seem to think them ; but you had not read them all,
nor perhaps the Council's remarks on them. I have written
to decline their agency, on account of my return to America.
Dr. Lee succeeds me. I only keep it while I stay, which
perhaps will be another winter.
I grieve to hear of the death of my good old friend, Dr.
Evans.' I have lost so many, since I left America, that I
begin to fear that I shall find myself a stranger among strangers,
when I return. If so, I must come again to my friends in
England. I am ever your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.
1 Governor Hutchinson's Letters. Ed.
2 Cadwallader Evans was elected a member of A. P. S., Nov. 1 767. He
died in 1773, aged 57. Ed.
118
700.
(d. s. w.)
London, September I, 1773

My Dear Child : ... There is a new Transla
tion of my Book at Paris and printed there, being the 3d
Edition in French. A Fifth Edition is now printing here.
To the French Edition they have prefix'd a Print of me,
which, tho' a Copy of that by Chamberlin, has got so French
a Countenance, that you would take me for one of that lively
Nation. I think you do not mind such things or I would
send you one. I am ever, my dear Debby,
Your affectionate Husband,
B. Franklin.
701.
AN EDICT
BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA1

Dantzic, Sept. 5, [1773.]
English
We have
nation,
long under
wondered
the Prussian
here at the
impositions
supinenessupon
of the
its
trade entering our port. We did not, till lately, know the
claims, ancient and modern, that hang over that nation;
and therefore could not suspect that it might submit to those
impositions from a sense of duty or from principles of equity.
The following Edict, just made publick, may, if serious,
throw some light upon this matter.
1 From The Gentleman's Magaiine, October, 1773, p. 513. Ed.
1773]
AN EDICT BY THE KING OF PRUSSIA
119
" Frederic, by the, grace of God, King of Prussia, &c.

&c. &c., to all present and to come, (d ious prsens et d
venir,) Health. The peace now enjoyed throughout our
dominions, having afforded us leisure to apply ourselves
to the regulation of commerce, the improvement of our
finances, and at the same time the easing our domestic sub
jects in their taxes: For these causes, and other good con
siderations us thereunto moving, we hereby make known,
that, after having deliberated these affairs in our council,
present our dear brothers, and other great officers of the
state, members of the same, we, of our certain knowledge,
full power, and authority royal, have made and issued this
present Edict, viz.
"Whereas it is well known to all the world, that the first
German settlements made in the Island of Britain, were by
colonies of people, subject to our renowned ducal ancestors,
and drawn from their dominions, under the conduct of
Hengist, Horsa, Hella, Uff, Cerdicus, Ida, and others; and
that the said colonies have flourished under the protection
of our august house for ages past; have never been eman
cipated therefrom ; and yet have hitherto yielded little profit to
the same: And whereas we ourself have in the last war
fought for and defended the said colonies, against the power
of France, and thereby enabled them to make conquests
from the said power in America, for which we have not yet
received adequate compensation : And whereas it is just and
expedient that a revenue should be raised from the said
colonies in Britain, towards our indemnification; and that
those who are descendants of our ancient subjects, and thence
still owe us due obedience, should contribute to the replen
ishing of our royal coffers as they must have done, had their
120
ancestors remained in the territories now to us appertaining :

We do therefore hereby ordain and command, that, from
and after the date of these presents, there shall be levied and
paid to our officers of the customs, on all goods, wares, and
merchandizes, and on all grain and other produce of the
earth, exported from the said Island of Britain, and on all
goods of whatever kind imported into the same, a duty of
four and a half per cent ad valorem, for the use of us and our
successors. And that the said duty may more effectually
be collected, we do hereby ordain, that all ships or vessels
bound from Great Britain to any other part of the world,
or from any other part of the world to Great Britain, shall
in their respective voyages touch at our port of Koningsberg, there to be unladen, searched, and charged with the
said duties.
"And whereas there hath been from time to time dis
covered in the said island of Great Britain, by our colonists
there, many mines or beds of iron-stone ; and sundry subjects,
of our ancient dominion, skilful in converting the said stone
into metal, have in time past transported themselves thither,
carrying with them and communicating that art; and the
inhabitants of the said island, presuming that they had a
natural right to make the best use they could of the natural
productions of their country for their own benefit, have not
only built furnaces for smelting the said stone into iron,
but have erected plating-forges, slitting-mills, and steelfurnaces, for the more convenient manufacturing of the same ;
thereby endangering a diminution of the said manufacture
in our ancient dominion; we do therefore hereby farther
ordain, that, from and after the date hereof, no mill or other
engine for slitting or rolling of iron, or any plating-forge to
1773]
121
work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making steel,

shall be erected or continued in the said island of Great
Britain: And the Lord Lieutenant of every county in the
said island is hereby commanded, on information of any
such erection within his county, to order and by force to
cause the same to be abated and destroyed; as he shall
answer the neglect thereof to us at his peril. But we are
nevertheless graciously pleased to permit the inhabitants
of the said island to transport their iron into Prussia, there
to be manufactured, and to them returned ; they paying our
Prussian subjects for the workmanship, with all the costs of
commission, freight, and risk, coming and returning; any
thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding.
"We do not, however, think fit to extend this our indul
gence to the article of wool ; but, meaning to encourage, not
only the manufacturing of woollen cloth, but also the raising
of wool, in our ancient dominions, and to prevent both, as
much as may be, in our said island, we do hereby absolutely
forbid the transportation of wool from thence, even to the
mother country, Prussia; and that those islanders may be
farther and more effectually restrained in making any ad
vantage of their own wool in the way of manufacture, we
command that none shall be carried out of one county into
another; nor shall any worsted, bay, or woollen yarn, cloth,
says, bays, kerseys, serges, frizes, druggets, cloth-serges,
shalloons, or any other drapery stuffs, or woollen manufac
tures whatsoever, made up or mixed with wool in any of the
said counties, be carried into any other county, or be waterborne even across the smallest river or creek, on penalty of
forfeiture of the same, together with the boats, carriages,
horses, &c., that shall be employed in removing them.
122
Nevertheless, our loving subjects there are hereby permitted

(if they think proper) to use all their wool as manure for the
improvement of their lands.
"And whereas the art and mystery of making hats hath
arrived at great perfection in Prussia, and the making of
hats by our remoter subjects ought to be as much as possible
restrained : And forasmuch as the islanders before mentioned,
being in possession of wool, beaver and other furs, have
presumptuously conceived they had a right to make some
advantage thereof, by manufacturing the same into hats,
to the prejudice of our domestic manufacture : We do there
fore hereby strictly command and ordain, that no hats or
felts whatsoever, dyed or undyed, finished or unfinished,
shall be loaded or put into or upon any vessel, cart, carriage,
or horse, to be transported or conveyed out of one county
in the said island into another county, or to any other place
whatsoever, by any person or persons whatsoever; on pain
of forfeiting the same, with a penalty of five hundred pounds
sterling for every offence. Nor shall any hat-maker, in any
of the said counties, employ more than two apprentices, on
penalty of five pounds sterling per month; we intending
hereby, that such hatmakers, being so restrained, both in the
production and sale of their commodity, may find no ad
vantage in continuing their business. But, lest the said
islanders should suffer inconveniency by the want of hats,
we are farther graciously pleased to permit them to send their
beaver furs to Prussia ; and we also permit hats made thereof
to be exported from Prussia to Britain; the people thus
favoured to pay all costs and charges of manufacturing,
interest, commission to our merchants, insurance and freight
going and returning, as in the case of iron.
1773]
123
"And, lastly, being willing farther to favour our said

colonies in Britain, we do hereby also ordain and command,
that all the thieves, highway and street robbers, house
breakers, forgerers, murderers, sdtes, and villains of
every denomination, who have forfeited their lives to the law
in Prussia; but whom we, in our great clemency, do not
think fit here to hang, shall be emptied out of our gaols into
the said island of Great Britain, for the better peopling of
that country.
"We flatter ourselves, that these our royal regulations and
commands will be thought just and reasonable by our muchfavoured colonists in England; the said regulations being
copied from their statutes of 10 and n William III. c. 10,
5 Geo. II. c. 22, 23, Geo. II. c. 29, 4 Geo. I. c. n,
and from other equitable laws made by their parliaments;
or from instructions given by their Princes; or from resolu
tions of both Houses, entered into for the good government
of their own colonies in Ireland and America.
"And all persons in the said island are hereby cautioned
not to oppose in any wise the execution of this our Edict,
or any part thereof, such opposition being high treason; of
which all who are suspected shall be transported in fetters
from Britain to Prussia, there to be tried and executed ac
cording to the Prussian law.
"Such is our pleasure.
"Given at Potsdam, this twenty-fifth day of the month of
August, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-three,
and in the thirty-third year of our reign.
"By the King, in his Council.
" Rechtmaessig, Sec."
124
[1773
Some take this Edict to be merely one of the King's Jettx

d?Esprit: others suppose it serious, and that he means a
quarrel with England ; but all here think the assertion it
concludes with, "that these regulations are copied from acts
of the English parliament respecting their colonies," a very
injurious one; it being impossible to believe, that a people
distinguished for their love of liberty, a nation so wise, so
liberal in its sentiments, so just and equitable towards its
neighbours, should, from mean and injudicious views of
petty immediate profit, treat its own children in a manner
so arbitrary and tyrannical 1
702.
Sir,
TO THOMAS CUSHING1
London, September 12, 1773.
The above is a copy of my last, per packet. Inclosed is

the original letter therein mentioned. His Lordship con
tinues in the country, but is expected (Secretary Pownall
tells me) the beginning of next month.
r"
To avoid repealing the American tea duty, and yet find a
vent for tea, a project is executing to send it from hence,
on account of the East India Company to be sold in America,
agreeable to a late act, impowering the Lords of the Treasury
to grant licenses to the company to export tea thither, under
certain restrictions, duty free. Some friends of govern^ ment (as they are called) in Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
&c., are to be favoured with the commission, who undertake
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), 1817, Vol. VL
p. 331. Ed.
TO JOHN BASKERVILLE
1773]
"S
by their interest to carry the measure through in the colonies.

How the other merchants, thus excluded from the tea trade,
will like this, I cannot foresee. Their agreement, if I re
member right, was not to import tea, till the duty shall be
repealed. Perhaps they will think themselves still obliged
by that agreement, notwithstanding this temporary expe
dient; which is only to introduce the tea for the present,
and may be dropped next year, and the duty again re
quired, the granting or refusing such license from time to
time remaining in the power of the treasury. And it will
seem hard, while their hands are tied, to see the profits of
that article all engrossed by a few particulars.
Inclosed I take the liberty of sending you a small piece of
mine, written to expose, in as striking a light as I could, to
the nation, the absurdity of the measures towards America,
and to spur the ministry if possible to a change of those
measures.1 Please to present my duty to the House, and
respects to the Committee. I have the honour to be, with
much esteem, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
703.
Dear Sir,
TO JOHN BASKERVILLE
(a. p. s.)
London, Sept. 21. 1773.
I duly received your Favour, of the 24th past and some

time after the parcel containing the Specimens, and your
valuable Present of Shaftesbury, excellently printed, for
which I hold myself greatly obliged to you.
The Specimens
1 Probably the " Rules by which a Great Empire may be reduced to a

Small One," or " An Edict of the King of Prussia." Ed.
136
I shall distribute by the first ship among the Printers of

America, and I hope to your Advantage. I suppose no
Orders will come unaccompanied by Bills, or Money, and I
would not advise you to give Credit, especially as I do not
think it will be necessary.
The Sheet of Chinese Paper, from its enormous Size, is a
great Curiosity. I see the Marks of the Mold in it. One
Side is smooth ; that, I imagine, is the Side that was apply'd
to the smooth Face of the Kiln on which it was dry'd. The
litde Ridges on the other Side I take to be Marks of a Brush
pass'd over it to press it against that Face, in places where it
might be kept off by Air between, and which would otherwise
prevent its receiving the Smoothness. But we will talk
further of this, when I have the Pleasure of seeing you.
You speak of enlarging your Foundery. Here are all the
matrices of James's Foundery 1 to be sold. There seem to be
among them some tolerable Hebrews and Greeks, and some
good Blacks. I suppose you know them. Shall I buy any
of them for you? I thank you for your kind Invitation.1
Perhaps I may embrace it for a few Days. My best Respects
to good Mrs. Baskerville, & believe me ever, with great es
teem,
Your most obedient hum1* Serv'
B. F.
1 Rumford and James. Ed.
1 To visit Baskerville at " Easy Hill." B's letter of August 24, 1773, is in
A. P. S. Ed.
1773]
RULES TO REDUCE A GREAT EMPIRE
704.
127
RULES
BY WHICH
A GREAT EMPIRE MAY BE REDUCED TO A SMALL
ONE;
PRESENTED TO A LATE MINISTER,
A
/...'.' 1
WHEN HE ENTERED UPON HIS ADMINISTRATION.1
An ancient Sage boasted, that, tho' he could not fiddle,
he knew how to make a great city of a little one. The science
that I, a modern simpleton, am about to communicate, is
the very reverse.
I address myself to all ministers who have the management
of extensive dominions, which from their very greatness
are become troublesome to govern, because the multiplicity
of their affairs leaves no time for fiddling.
I. In the first place, gentlemen, you are to consider, that
a great empire, like a great cake, is most easily diminished
at the edges. Turn your attention, therefore, first to your
remotest provinces; that, as you get rid of them, the next
may follow in order.
II. That the possibility of this separation may always
exist, take special care the provinces are never incorporated
with the mother country; that they do not enjoy the same
common rights, the same privileges in commerce; and that
they
1 Printed
are governed
from TAe Gentlematis
by severer Magatine,
laws, allVol.
of your
XLIII,enacting,
September,with1773,
p. 441. There is an incomplete rough draft in A. P. S. The Minister re
ferred to was the Earl of Hillsborough. Ed.
f'i
128
[1773
out allowing them any share in the choice of the legislators.

By carefully making and preserving such distinctions, you
will (to keep to my simile of the cake) act like a wise ginger
bread-baker, who, to facilitate a division, cuts his dough
half through in those places where, when baked, he would
have it broken to pieces.
III. Those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired,
purchased, or conquered, at the sole expence of the setders,
or their ancestors, without the aid of the mother country.
If this should happen to increase her strength, by their grow
ing numbers, ready to join in her wars; her commerce, by
their growing demand for her manufactures; or her naval
power, by greater employment for her ships and seamen,
they may probably suppose some merit in this, and that it
entitles them to some favour; you are therefore to forget it
all, or resent it, as if they had done you injury. If they
happen to be zealous whigs, friends of liberty, nurtured in
revolution principles, remember all that to their prejudice,
and resolve to punish it ; for such principles, after a revolu
tion is thoroughly established, are of no more use; they are
even odious and abominable.
IV. However peaceably your colonies have submitted to
your government, shewn their affection to your interests,
and patiently borne their grievances; you are to suppose
them always inclined to revolt, and treat them accordingly.
Quarter troops among them, who by their insolence may
provoke the rising of mobs, and by their bullets and bayonets
suppress them. By this means, like the husband who uses
his wife ill from suspicion, you may in time convert your
suspicions into realities.
V. Remote provinces must have Governors and Judges, to
1773]
129
represent the Royal Person, and execute everywhere the

delegated parts of his office and authority. You ministers
know, that much of the strength of government depends on
the opinion of the people ; and much of that opinion on the
choice of rulers placed immediately over them. If you send
them wise and good men for governors, who study the in
terest of the colonists, and advance their prosperity, they
will think their King wise and good, and that he wishes the
welfare of his subjects. If you send them learned and up
right men for Judges, they will think him a lover of justice.
This may attach your provinces more to his government.
You are therefore to be careful whom you recommend for
those offices. If you can find prodigals, who have ruined
their fortunes, broken gamesters or stockjobbers, these
may do well as governors; for they will probably be rapacious,
and provoke the people by their extortions. Wrangling
proctors and pettifogging lawyers, too, are not amiss; for
they will be for ever disputing and quarrelling with their
little parliaments. If withal they should be ignorant, wrongheaded, and insolent, so much the better. Attornies' clerks
and Newgate solicitors will do for Chief Justices, especially
if they hold their places during your pleasure; and all will
contribute to impress those ideas of your government, that
are proper for a people you would wish to renounce it.
VI. To confirm these impressions, and strike them deeper,
whenever the injured come' to the capital with complaints
of mal-administration, oppression, or injustice, punish such
suitors with long delay, enormous expence, and a final
judgment in favour of the oppressor. This will have an
admirable effect every way. The trouble of future complaints
will be prevented, and Governors and Judges will be encourVOL. VI K
130
[1773
aged to farther acts of oppression and injustice ; and thence

the people may become more disaffected, and at length des
perate.
VII. When such Governors have crammed their coffers,
and made themselves so odious to the people that they can
no longer remain among them, with safety to their persons,
recall and reward them with pensions. You may make them
baronets too, if that respectable order should not think fit
to resent it. All will contribute to encourage new governors
in the same practice, and make the supreme government,
detestable.
VIII. If, when you are engaged in war, your colonies
should vie in liberal aids of men and money against the
common enemy, upon your simple requisition, and give far
beyond their abilities, reflect that a penny taken from them
by your power is more honourable to you, than a pound
presented by their benevolence; despise therefore their
voluntary grants, and resolve to harass them with novel
taxes. They will probably complain to your parliaments,
that they are taxed by a body in which they have no repre
sentative, and that this is contrary to common right. They
will petition for redress. Let the Parliaments flout their
claims, reject their petitions, refuse even to suffer the reading
of them, and treat the petitioners with the utmost contempt.
Nothing can have a better effect in producing the alienation
proposed ; for though many can forgive injuries, none ever
forgave contempt.
DC. In laying these taxes, never regard the heavy burthens
those remote people already undergo, in defending their
own frontiers, supporting their own provincial governments,
making new roads, building bridges, churches, and other
1773]
131
public edifices, which in old countries have been done to your

hands by your ancestors, but which occasion constant calls
and demands on the purses of a new people. Forget the
restraints you lay on their trade for your own benefit, and the
advantage a monopoly of this trade gives your exacting
merchants. Think nothing of the wealth those merchants
and your manufacturers acquire by the colony commerce;
their encreased ability thereby to pay taxes at home; their
accumulating, in the price of their commodities, most of those
taxes, and so levying them from their consuming customers ;
all this, and the employment and support of thousands of
your poor by the colonists, you are intirely to forget. But
remember to make your arbitrary tax more grievous to your
provinces, by public declarations importing that your power
of taxing them has no limits; so that when you take from
them without their consent one shilling in the pound, you
have a clear right to the other nineteen. This will probably
weaken every idea of security in their property, and convince
them, that under such a government they have nothing they
can call their own; which can scarce fail of producing the
happiest consequences I
X. Possibly, indeed, some of them might still comfort
themselves, and say, "Though we have no property, we have
yet something left that is valuable; we have constitutional
liberty, both of person and of conscience. This King, these
Lords, and these Commons, who it seems are too remote
from us to know us, and feel for us, cannot take from us our
Habeas Corpus right, or our right of trial by a jury of our
neighbours; they cannot deprive us of the exercise of our
religion, alter our ecclesiastical constitution, and compel us
to be Papists, if they please, or Mahometans." To annihilate
132
[1773
this comfort, begin by laws to perplex their commerce with

infinite regulations, impossible to be remembered and ob
served; ordain seizures of their property for every failure;
take away the trial of such property by Jury, and give it to
arbitrary Judges of your own appointing, and of the lowest
characters in the country, whose salaries and emoluments
are to arise out of the duties or condemnations, and whose
appointments are during pleasure. Then let there be a
formal declaration of both Houses, that opposition to your
edicts is treason, and that any person suspected of treason
in the provinces may, according to some obsolete law, be
seized and sent to the metropolis of the empire for trial;
and pass an act, that those there charged with certain other
offences, shall be sent away in chains from their friends and
country to be tried in the same manner for felony. Then
erect a new Court of Inquisition among them, accompanied
by an armed force, with instructions to transport all such
suspected persons; to be ruined by the expence, if they
bring over evidences to prove their innocence, or be found
guilty and hanged, if they cannot afford it. And, lest the
people should think you cannot possibly go any farther, pass
another solemn declaratory act, "that King, Lords, Com
mons had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and
authority to make statutes of sufficient force and validity
to bind the unrepresented provinces in all cases whatso
ever." This will include spiritual with temporal, and,
taken together, must operate wonderfully to your purpose;
by convincing them, that they are at present under a power
something like that spoken of in the scriptures, which can
not only kill their bodies, but damn their souls to all eternity,
by compelling them, if it pleases, to worship the Devil.
1773]
133
XI. To make your taxes more odious, and more likely to

procure resistance, send from the capital a board of officers
to superintend the collection, composed of the most indis
creet, ill-bred, and insolent you can find. Let these have
large salaries out of the extorted revenue, and five in open,
grating luxury upon the sweat and blood of the industrious;
whom they are to worry continually with groundless and
expensive prosecutions before the abovementioned arbitrary
revenue Judges; all at the cost of the party prosecuted, tho'
acquitted, because the King is to pay no costs. Let these
men, by your order, be exempted from all the common taxes
and burthens of the province, though they and their property
are protected by its laws. If any revenue officers are sus
pected of the least tenderness for the people, discard them.
If others are justly complained of, protect and reward them.
If any of the under officers behave so as to provoke the people
to drub them, promote those to better offices: this will
encourage others to procure for themselves such profitable
drubbings, by multiplying and enlarging such provocations,
and all will work towards the end you aim at.
XII. Another way to make your tax odious, is to misapply
the produce of it. If it was originally appropriated for the
defence of the provinces, the better support of government,
and the administration of justice, where it may be necessary,
then apply none of it to that dejence, but bestow it where it
is not necessary, in augmented salaries or pensions to every
governor, who has distinguished himself by his enmity to the
people, and by calumniating them to their sovereign. This
will make them pay it more unwillingly, and be more apt to
quarrel with those that collect it and those that imposed it,
who will quarrel again with them, and all shall contribute
134
to your main purpose, of making them weary of your govern

ment.
XIII. If the people of any province have been accus
tomed to support their own Governors and Judges to satis
faction, you are to apprehend that such Governors and Judges
may be thereby influenced to treat the people kindly, and to
do them justice. This is another reason for applying part
of that revenue in larger salaries to such Governors and
Judges, given, as their commissions are, during your pleasure
only; forbidding them to take any salaries from their
provinces; that thus the people may no longer hope any
kindness from their Governors, or (in Crown cases) any
justice from their Judges. And, as the money thus mis
applied in one province is extorted from all, probably all
,will resent the misapplication.
XIV. If the parliaments of your provinces should dare to
claim rights, or complain of your administration, order
them to be harrassed with repeated dissolutions. If the same
men are continually returned by new elections, adjourn their
meetings to some country village, where they cannot be ac
commodated, and there keep them during pleasure; for
this, you know, is your prerogative ; and an excellent one it is,
as you may manage it to promote discontents among the
people, diminish their respect, and increase their disaffection.
XV. Convert the brave, honest officers of your navy into
pimping tide-waiters and colony officers of the customs.
Let those, who in time of war fought gallantly in defence of
the commerce of their countrymen, in peace be taught to
prey upon it. Let them learn to be corrupted by great and
real smugglers; but (to shew their diligence) scour with
armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, cove, or nook
1773]
throughout the coast of your colonies ; stop and detain every

coaster, every wood-boat, every fisherman, tumble their
cargoes and even their ballast inside out and upside down;
and, if a penn'orth of pins is found un-entered, let the whole
be seized and confiscated. Thus shall the trade of your
colonists suffer more from their friends in time of peace,
than it did from their enemies in war. Then let these boats
crews land upon every farm in their way, rob the orchards,
steal the pigs and the poultry, and insult the inhabitants.
If the injured and exasperated farmers, unable to procure
other justice, should attack the aggressors, drub them, and
burn their boats; you are to call this high treason and re
bellion, order fleets and armies into their country, and threaten
to carry all the offenders three thousand miles to be hanged,
drawn, and quartered. 01 this will work admirably!
XVI. If you are told of discontents in your colonies, never
believe that they are general, or that you have given occasion
for them; therefore do not think of applying any remedy,
or of changing any offensive measure. Redress no grievance,
lest they should be encouraged to demand the redress of
some other grievance. Grant no request that is just and
reasonable, lest they should make another that is unreason
able. Take all your informations of the state of the colonies
from your Governors and officers in enmity with them.
Encourage and reward these leasing-makers ; secrete their
lying accusations, lest they should be confuted ; but act upon
them as the clearest evidence ; and believe nothing you hear
from the friends of the people : suppose all their complaints
to be invented and promoted by a few factious demagogues,
whom if you could catch and hang, all would be quiet.
Catch and hang a few of them accordingly; and the blood
136
of the Martyrs shall work miracles in favour of your

purpose.
XVII. If you see rival nations rejoicing at the prospect
of your disunion with your provinces, and endeavouring to
promote it; if they translate, publish, and applaud all the
complaints of your discontented colonists, at the same time
privately stimulating you to severer measures, let not that
alarm or offend you. Why should it^ since you all mean
the same thing ?
XVIII. If any colony should at their own charge erect a
fortress to secure their port against the fleets of a foreign
enemy, get your Governor to betray that fortress into your
hands. Never think of paying what it cost the country, for
that would look, at least, like some regard for justice; but
turn it into a citadel to awe the inhabitants and curb their
commerce. If they should have lodged in such fortress
the very arms they bought and used to aid you in your con
quests, seize them all ; it will provoke like ingratitude added
to robbery. One admirable effect of these operations will
be, to discourage every other colony from erecting such de
fences, and so your enemies may more easily invade them;
to the great disgrace of your government, and of course the
furtherance of your project.
XIX. Send armies into their country under pretence of
protecting the inhabitants; but, instead of garrisoning the
forts on their frontiers with those troops, to prevent incur
sions, demolish those forts, and order the troops into the heart
of the country, that the savages may be encouraged to attack
the frontiers, and that the troops may be protected by the
inhabitants. This will seem to proceed from your ill will
or your ignorance, and contribute farther to produce and
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
137
strengthen an opinion among them, that you are no longer

fit to govern them.
XX. Lastly, invest the General of your army in the prov
inces, with great and unconstitutional powers, and free him
from the controul of even your own Civil Governors. Let
him have troops enow under his command, with all the
fortresses in his possession; and who knows but (like some
provincial Generals in the Roman empire, and encouraged
by the universal discontent you have produced) he may
take it into his head to set up for himself? If he should,
and you have carefully practised these few excellent rules of
mine, take my word for it, all the provinces will immediately
join him; and you will that day (if you have not done it
sooner) get rid of the trouble of governing them, and all
the plagues attending their commerce and connection from
henceforth and for ever.
Q. E. D.
705.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. r. o.)
Sept. 23, 1773

Nothing
Sir, of Importance has occur'd since my last. This
serves chiefly to cover a Newspaper in which I have Stated
a few of the American Grievances that were omitted in my
"Receipt for Diminishing a Great Empire." These odd
ways of presenting Matters to the publick View sometimes
occasion them to be more read, talk'd of, and more attended
to.
With great Respect, I am, Sir, etc.
B. Franklin.
138
706.
TO THOMAS PERCIVAL 1
[1773
(a. p. s.)
West Wycomb, the Seat of Lord Le

Despencer, Sept. 25. 1773
Dear Sir,
I have received here your Favour of the 18th, enclosing
your very valuable Paper of the Numeration of Manchester.
Such enquiries may be as useful as they are curious, and if
once made general would greatly assist in the prudent Govern
ment of a State.
In China I have somewhere read, an Account is yearly
taken of the Numbers of People, and the Quantities of Pro
vision produc'd. This Account is transmitted to the Em
peror, whose Ministers can thence foresee a Scarcity, likely
to happen in any Province, and from what Province it can
best be supply'd in good time. To facilitate the Collecting
this Account, and prevent the Necessity of entring Houses
and spending time in asking and answering Questions, each
House is fumish'd with a little Board, to be hung without the
Door during a certain time each Year; on which Board is
marked certain Words, against which the Inhabitant is to
mark Number or Quantity, somewhat in this Manner;
Men, 1
Women, 2
Children, 3
Rice or Wheat, 5 Quarters
Flesh, &c. 1,000 lbs.
1 Thomas Percival (1740-1804), a learned and eminent physician of Man
chester, in England, and author of several valuable publications on medical
and philosophical subjects. Ed.
1773]
TO THOMAS PERCIVAL
39
All under 16 are accounted Children, and all above Men

and Women. Any other Particulars, which the Government
desires information of, are occasionally mark'd on the same
Boards. Thus the Officers, appointed to collect the Ac
counts in each District, have only to pass before the Doors,
and enter in their Book what they find mark'd on the Board,
without giving the least Trouble to the Family. There is a
Penalty on marking falsly; and, as Neighbours must know
nearly the Truth of each other's Account, they dare not
expose themselves, by a false one, to each other's Accusation.
Perhaps such a Regulation is scarce practicable with us.
The Difference of Deaths, between i in 28 at Manchester,
and 1 in 120 at Morton, is surprizing. It seems to show
the Unwholesomeness of the Manufacturing Life; owing
perhaps to the Confinement in small, Close Rooms, or in
larger with Numbers, or to Poverty and want of Necessaries,
or to Drinking, or to all of them. Farmers who manufacture
in their own Families what they have occasion for and no
more, are perhaps the happiest People and the healthiest.
'Tis a curious Remark that moist Seasons are the healthiest.
The Gentry of England are remarkably afraid of Moisture,
and of Air. But Seamen, who live in perpetually moist
Air, are always Healthy, if they have good Provisions. The
Inhabitants of Bermuda, St. Helena, and other Islands far
from Continents, surrounded with Rocks against which the
Waves continually dashing fill the Air with Spray & Vapour,
and where no Wind can arrive that does not pass over much
Sea, and of course bring much Moisture, these People are
remarkably healthy. And I have long thought that mere
moist Air has no ill Effect on the Constitution; tho' Air
impregnated with Vapours from putrid Marshes is found
140
[1773
pernicious, not from the Moisture, but the Putridity. It

seems strange that a Man whose Body is compos'd in great
Part of moist Fluids, whose Blood and Juices are so watery,
who can swallow Quantities of Water and Small Beer daily
without Inconvenience, should fancy that a little more or
less Moisture in the Air should be of such Importance. But
we abound in Absurdity and Inconsistency.
Thus, tho it is generally allowed that taking the Air is a good
Thing, yet what Caution against Air, what stopping of
Crevices, what wrapping up in warm Clothes, what shutting
of Doors and Windows! even in the midst of Summer!
Many London Families go out once a Day to take the Air;
three or four Persons in a Coach, one perhaps Sick ; these go
three or four Miles, or as many Turns in Hide Park, with the
Glasses both up close, all breathing over & over again the
same Air they brought out of Town with them in the Coach
with the least change possible, and render'd worse and worse
every moment. And this they call taking the Air. From
many Years' Observations on myself and others, I am per
suaded we are on a wrong Scent in supposing Moist or cold
Air, the Causes of that Disorder we call a Cold. Some un
known Quality in the Air may perhaps produce Colds, as in
the Influenza; but generally I apprehend they are the Effects
of too full Living in proportion to our Exercise.
Excuse, if you can, my Intruding into your Province, and
believe me ever with sincere Esteem, dear Sir,
B. Franklin.
1773]
TO JAN WGEATHOUSZ
707.
TO JAN INGENHOUSZ
My dear Friend,
141
(a. p. s.)
London, Sept. 30. 1773
I rejoic'd as much as any friend could do, at the News we

receiv'd here from time to time of your Successes in your Pro
fession, and of the safe Recovery of your illustrious Patients
of that most amiable Family. But it griev'd us all at the same
time to hear that you did not yourself enjoy Health in that
Country. Surely their known Goodness will graciously give
you Leave of Absence, if you have but the Courage to request
it, and permit you to come and reside in England, which
always agreed well with your Constitution. All your Friends
here will be made happy by such an Event.1
^1 had proposed to return to America this last Summer,
but some Events in our Colony Affairs, induc'd me to stay
here another Winter. Some Time in May or June next I
believe I shall leave England^ May I hope to see you here
once more.
I shall be glad to see the work of Abbe" Fontana on that
Disease of Wheat. As yet I have not heard that it is come to
England.
Sir W. Hamilton writes from Naples, that after many
Experiments, he has not been able to perceive any certain
1 Dr. Ingenhousz was now residing at Vienna, whither he had gone to
inoculate for the smallpox the Archduchess Theresa Elizabeth, the only
daughter of the Emperor, and the Archdukes Ferdinand and Maximilian,
the Emperor's brothers. He remained in that city several years. He was in
England during a large part of the year 1779, when he published his work,
entitled " Experiments on Vegetables, &c." In the title-page of that work, he
styles himself, " Counsellor of the Court and Body Physician to their Imperial
Majesties." S.
142
Signs of Electricity in the Torpedo. It is perhaps best that

there should be two Opinions on this Subject, for that may
occasion a more thorough Examination of it, & finally make
us better acquainted with it.
It is not difficult to construct a Needle, so as to keep point
ing to the Meridian of any one Place, whatever may be the
Variation in that Place. But to point always to the Merid
ian, wherever the Needle may be remov'd, is I apprehend
not possible.
Mr. Nairne, has, as you have heard, finished a very fine
Electric Machine. I have seen Sparks from the prime Con
ductor 13 Inches in length. He has added a large Battery,
and produces a Discharge from it sufficiently strong to blast
growing Vegetables, as Lightning is suppos'd to do. From
a greater Force used, perhaps some more Discoveries may
be made. I am much pleas'd with the Account you give me
of your new Machine of white Velvet rubbed upon Hareskin.
Last Year the Board of Ordnance apply'd to the Royal
Society here for their Opinion of the Propriety of erecting
Conductors to secure the Powder Magazines at Purfieet.
The Society appointed a Committee to view the Magazines,
and report their Advice. The members appointed were
Messrs. Cavendish, Watson, Delavall, Robertson, Wilson,
and myself. We accordingly, after viewing them, drew up
a Report, recommending Conductors to each, elevated 10
feet above the Roof, & pointed at the Ends. Mr. Delavall
did not attend but all the rest agreed in the Report, only
Mr. Wilson objected to pointing the Rods, asserting that blunt
Ends or Knobs would be better. The Work however was
finished according to our Direction. He was displeas'd,
that his Opinion was not followed, and has written a Pamphlet
1773]
TO JAN INGENHOUSZ
143
against Points. I have not answered it, being averse to Dis

putes. But in a new Translation and Edition of my Book,
printed lately at Paris, in 2 vols. 4, you will see some new
Experiments of mine, with the Reasonings upon them, which
satisfy'd the Committee. They are not yet printed in Eng
lish, but will in a new Edition now printing at Oxford, and
perhaps they will be in the next Transactions.
It has been a Fashion to decry Hawkesworth's Book ; 1
but it does not deserve the Treatment it has met with. It
acquaints us with new People having new Customs, and
teaches us a good Deal of new Knowledge.
Capt. Phips is returned, not having been able to approach
the Pole nearer than 81 Degrees, the Ice preventing.
M. Fremont, an ingenious young Italian, who was lately
here, gave me a little SpyGlass of his Making, upon Pere
Boschovich's Principles, the Ocular Lens being a composi
tion of different Glasses instead of the Objective. It is in
deed a very good one.
Sir John Pringle is return'd from Scotland, better in Health
than heretofore. He always speaks of you with Respect
and affection, as does Dr. Huck and all that knew you.
I am ever, with the sincerest Esteem, dear Sir,
Your faithful and most obed' serv',
B. F[ranklin.]
1 " An Account of the Voyages undertaken by order of his present Majesty
for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere . . . drawn up from the
Journals which were kept by the several commanders and from the Papers of
Joseph Banks, Esq., by John Hawkesworth, LL.D., London, 1773." For
criticism of the book, see Mrs. Delany "Autobiography," 1862, 2d Series,
L 552. Ed.
144
708.
London, October 6, 1773.

Dear Son,
I wrote to you the 1st of last month, since which I have
received yours of July 29, from New York. I know not what
letters of mine Governor H[utchinson] could mean, as advis
ing the people to insist on their independency. But whatever
they were, I suppose he has sent copies of them hither, having
heard some whisperings about them. I shall however, be
able at any time to justify every thing I have written; the
purport being uniformly this, that they should carefully avoid
all tumults and every violent measure, and content themselves
with verbally keeping up their claims, and holding forth their
rights whenever occasion requires; secure, that, from the
growing importance of America, those claims will ere long
be attended to and acknowledged.
From a long and thorough consideration of the subject,
I am indeed of opinion, that the parliament has no right to
make any law whatever, binding on the colonies; that the
king, and not the king, lords, and commons collectively,
is their sovereign; and that the king, with their respective
parliaments, is their only legislator. I know your senti
ments differ from mine on these subjects. You are a thor
ough government man, which I do not wonder at, nor do I
aim at converting you. I only wish you to act uprightly and
steadily, avoiding that duplicity, which in Hutchinson, adds
contempt to indignation. If you can promote the prosperity
of your people, and leave them happier than you found them,
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), 1817, Vol. VI,
p. 332. Ed.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
whatever your political principles are, your memory will be
honoured.
I have written two pieces here lately for the Public Adver
tiser, on American affairs, designed to expose the conduct
of this country towards the colonies in a short, comprehensive,
and striking view, and stated, therefore, in out-of-the-way
forms, as most likely to take the general attention. The
first was called "Rules by which a Great Empire may be
reduced to a small one;" the second, "An Edict of the King
of Prussia." I sent you one of the first, but could not get
enough of the second to spare you one, though
*
my clerk went
the next morning to the printer's, and wherever they were
sold. They were all gone but two. In my own mind I pre
ferred the first, as a composition for the quantity and variety
of the matter contained, and a kind of spirited ending of each
paragraph. But I find that others here generally prefer the
second.
I am not suspected as the author, except by one or two
friends; and have heard the latter spoken of in the highest
terms, as the keenest and severest piece that has appeared
here for a long time. Lord Mansfield, I hear, said of it,
that it was very able and very artful indeed; and would
do mischief by giving here a bad impression of the measures
of government ; and in the colonies, by encouraging them in
their contumacy. It is reprinted in the Chronicle, where
you will see it, but stripped of all the capitaling and italicing,
that intimate the allusions and mark the emphasis of written
discourses, to bring them as near as possible to those spoken :
printing such a piece all in one even small character, seems
to me like repeating one of Whitefield's sermons in the monot
ony of a schoolboy.
VOL. VI L
146
[1773
What made it the more noticed here was, that people in

reading it were, as the phrase is, taken in, till they had got
half through it, and imagined it a real edict, to which mistake
I suppose the King of Prussia's character must have contrib
uted. I was down at Lord Le Despencer's, when the post
brought that day's papers. Mr. Whitehead 1 was there, too,
(Paul Whitehead, the author of "Manners,") who runs early
through all the papers, and tells the company what he finds
remarkable. He had them in another room, and we were
chatting in the breakfast parlour, when he came running in to
us, out of breath, with the paper in his hand. Here I says
he, here's news for ye ! Here's the King of Prussia, claiming
a right to this kingdom I All stared, and I as much as any
body; and he went on to read it. When he had read two
or three paragraphs, a gentleman present said, Damn his
impudence, I dare say, we shall hear by next post that he is
upon his march with one hundred thousand men to back this.
Whitehead, who is very shrewd, soon after began to smoke
it, and looking in my face said, I'll be hanged if this is not
some of your American jokes upon us. The reading went on,
and ended with abundance of laughing, and a general ver
dict that it was a fair hit : and the piece was cut out of the
paper and preserved in my Lord's collection.
I do not wonder that Hutchinson should be dejected. It
must be an uncomfortable thing to live among people who he
is conscious universally detest him. Yet I fancy he will not
have leave to come home, both because they know not well
1 Paul Whitehead (1710-1774). For Johnson's opinion of "Manners,"
see Boswell, " Life," V, 116. The Ms. of" Manners" (1739) is in B. M. (Add.
Mss. 25, 277, ff. 1 17-120). Whitehead bequeathed his heart to his friend and
patron, Lord Le Despencer, and it is buried in the mausoleum at High
Wycombe. Ed.
1773]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
147
what to do with him, and because they do not very well like
his conduct.J I am ever your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.
709.
TO THOMAS CUSHING1
London, November 1, 1773.

Sot,
I duly received your favour of 26th of August, with the
letter inclosed for Lord Dartmouth, which I immediately
sent to him. As soon as he comes to town, I shall wait upon
his lordship, and discourse with him upon the subject of it;
and I shall immediately write to you what I can collect from
the conversation.
In my own opinion, the letter of the two Houses of the
29th June, proposing, as a satisfactory measure, the restoring
things to the state in which they were at the conclusion of
the late war, is a fair and generous offer on our part, and my
discourse here is, that it is more than Britain has a right to
expect from us ; and that if she has any wisdom left she will
embrace it, and agree with us immediately; for that the
longer she delays the accommodation, which finally she must
for her own sake obtain, the worse terms she may expect,
since the inequality of power and importance, that at present
subsists between us is daily diminishing, and our sense of our
own rights, and of her injustice, continually increasing. I
am the more encouraged to hold such language, by perceiv
ing that the general sense of the nation is for us; a convic
tion prevailing that we have been ill used, and that a breach
with us would be ruinous to this country.
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), 1817, VoL VI,
p. 334. Ed.
148
THE WRITWGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
[1773
The pieces I wrote, to increase and strengthen those sen

timents, were more read and talked of and attended to than
usual. The first, as you will see by the inclosed, has been
called for and reprinted in the same paper, besides being cop
ied in others, and in the magazines. A long, laboured answer
has been made to it, (by Governor Bernard, it is said,) 1
which I send you. I am told it does not satisfy those in whose
justification it was written, and that a better is preparing.
I think with you, that great difficulties must attend an at
tempt to make a new representation of our grievances, in
which the point of right should be kept out of sight, espe
cially as the concurrence of so many colonies seems now
necessary. And therefore it would certainly be best and
wisest for Parliament, (which does not meet till after the
middle of January,) to make up the matter themselves, and
at once reduce things to the state desired. There are not
wanting some here who believe this will really be the case;
for that a new election being now in view, the present members
are likely to consider the composing all differences with
America, as a measure agreeable to the trading and manu
facturing part of the nation ; and that the neglecting it may
be made use of by their opponents to their disadvantage.
[_I have as yet received no answer to the petition for remov
ing the governors.* I imagine that it will hardly be complied
with, as it would embarrass government to provide for them
otherwise, and it will be thought hard to neglect men, who
have exposed themselves, by adhering to what is here called
1 " Select Letters on the Trade and Government of America, and the Prin
ciples of Law and Polity applied to the American Colonies" (Sir Francis
Bernard), 1773. Ed.
2 Petition from the Legislature of Massachusetts for the removal of Gov
ernor Hutchinson and Lieutenant-Governor Oliver. Ed.
TO AN ENGRAVER
149
the interest and rights of this country. But this I only con
jecture, as I have heard nothing certain about it. Indeed I
should think continuing them in their places would be rather
a punishment than a favour. For what comfort can men have
in living among a people, with whom they are the object of
universal odiumPj
I shall continue here one winter longer, and use my best
endeavours, as long as I stay, for the service of our country.
With great esteem, I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
710.
TO AN ENGRAVER1
(a. p. s.)
London, Nov. 3, 1773.

Sib,
I was much pleased with the Specimens you so kindly sent
me of your new Art of Engraving. That on the China is
admirable. No one would suppose it any thing but Painting.
I hope you meet with all the Encouragement you merit, and
that the invention will be, (what inventions seldom are,)
profitable to the Inventor.
I know not who (now we speak of Inventions) pretends to
that of Copper-Plate Engravings for Earthen- Ware, and I
am not disposed to contest the Honour of it with anybody,
as the Improvement in taking Impressions not directly from
the Plate, but from printed Paper, applicable by that means
to other than flat Forms, is far beyond my first Idea. But I
have reason to apprehend I might have given the Hint, on
which that Improvement was made : For more than twenty
1 The name of the engraver is unknown. Ed.
ISO
[1773
years since, I wrote to Dr. Mitchell from America, proposing

to him the printing of square Tiles for ornamenting Chimnys,
from Copper Plates, describing the Manner in which I thought
it might be done, and advising the Borrowing from the Book
seller the Plates, that had been used in a thin Folio, called
Moral Virtue Delineated, for the Purpose.
As the Dutch Delph-ware Tiles were much used in America,
which are only or chiefly Scripture Histories, wretchedly
scrawled, I wished to have those moral Prints, (which were
originally taken from Horace's poetical Figures,) introduced
on Tiles, which being about our Chimneys, and constantly
in the Eyes of Children when by the Fireside, might give
Parents an Opportunity, in explaining them, to impress
moral Sentiments ; and I gave Expectations of great Demand
for them if executed. Dr. Mitchell wrote to me, in answer,
that he had communicated my Scheme to several of the prin
cipal Artists in the Earthen Way about London, who rejected
it as impracticable. And it was not till some years after that
I first saw an enamelled Snuff Box, which I was sure was from
a Copper-Plate, tho' the Curvature of the Form made me
wonder how the Impression was taken.
I understand the China Work in Philadelphia is declined
by the first Owners. Whether any others will take it up and
continue it, I know not.
Mr. Banks is at present engaged in preparing to publish
the Botanical Discoveries of his Voyage. He employs 10
Engravers for the Plates, in which he is very curious, so as
not to be quite satisfied in some Cases with the Expression
given by either the Graver, Etching, or Metzotinto, par
ticularly where there is a Wooliness, or a Multitude of small
Points, on a Leaf. I sent him the largest of the Specimens
1773]
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
you sent, containing a Number of Sprigs. I have not seen

him since, to know whether your Manner would not suit some
of his plants better than the more common Methods. With
great esteem, I am, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
7ii.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY1

Sir,
There is at present great quietness here, and no prospect
that the war between the Turks and Russians will spread
farther in Europe. The last harvest is allowed to have been
generally plentiful in this country ; and yet such was the pre
ceding scantiness of crops, that it is thought there is no corn
to spare for exportation, which continues the advantages to
our corn provinces.
The Parliament is not to meet till after the middle of
January. It is said there is a disposition to compose all
differences with America before the next general election,
as the trading and manufacturing part of the nation are
generally our wellwishers, think we have been hardly used,
and apprehend ill consequences from a continuance of the
measures that we complain of: and that if those measures
are not changed, an American interest may be spirited up at
the election against the present members who are in, or
friends to administration. Our steady refusal to take tea
from
The scheme
hence for
forseveral
supplying
yearsuspast
without
has made
repealing
its impressions.
the act, by
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin " (Duane), 1817, Vol. |VI,
p. 336. Ed.
152
a temporary license from the treasury to export tea to America,

free of duty, you are before this time acquainted with. I
much want to hear how that tea is received. If it is rejected,
the act will undoubtedly be repealed, otherwise I suppose it
will be continued ; and when we have got into the use of the
Company's tea, and the foreign correspondences that supply
us at present, are broken off, the licenses will be discontinued,
and the act enforced.
I apprehend the better understanding, that lately sub
sisted in our provincial administration will hardly be con
tinued with the new governor; but you will soon see. I
wish for the full letter you promise me by the next packet,
which is now daily expected. With unalterable esteem and
attachment, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
712.

Dear Son,
I wrote you pretty fully by the last packet, and having had
no b'ne from you of later date than the beginning of August,
and little stirring here lately, I have now little to write.
In that letter I mentioned my having written two papers,
of whicti I preferred the first, but the public the last. It
seems I was mistaken in judging of the public opinion; for
the first was reprinted some weeks after in the same paper,
the printer giving for reason, that he did it in compliance
with the earnest request of many private persons, and some
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), 1817, Vol. VI,
p. 337. Ed.
TO WILLIAM BROWNRIGG
respectable societies; which is the more extraordinary, as
it had been copied in several other papers, and in the Gentle
man's Magazine. Such papers may seem to have a tendency
to increase our divisions; but I intend a contrary effect,
and hope by comprising in little room, and setting in a strong
light the grievances of the colonies, more attention will be
paid to them by our administration, and that when their un
reasonableness is generally seen, some of them will be removed
to the restoration of harmony between us.
B. Franklin.
713.
TO WILLIAM BROWNRIGG1
I thank
Dear you
Sir, for the remarks ofLondon,
your learned
November
friend*
7, 1773 at
Carlisle. I had, when a youth, read and smiled at Pliny's

account of a practice among the seamen of his time, to still
the waves in a storm by pouring oil into the sea ; which he
mentions, as well as the use made of oil by the divers; but
the stilling a tempest by throwing vinegar into the air had
escaped me. I think with your friend, that it has been of
late too much the mode to slight the learning of the ancients.
The learned, too, are apt to slight too much the knowledge
1 William Brownrigg (1711-1800), physician and chemist, born at High
Close Hall, Cumberland, and died at Ormathwaite, near Keswick. This letter
was read before the Royal Society, June 2, 1774, and published in Philo
sophical Transactions, LXIV, 445. Ed.
2 Rev. Mr. Farish who, in a letter to Dr. Brownrigg, quoted freely from
Pliny. Mr. Farish was the father of William Farish (1 759-1837), Jacksonian
Professor of natural and experimental philosophy, at Cambridge University.
ED.
154
of the vulgar. The cooling by evaporation was long an

instance of the latter. This art of smoothing the waves by
oil is an instance of both.
Perhaps you may not dislike to have an account of all I
have heard, and learnt, and done in this way. Take it if
you please as follows.
In 1757, being at sea in a fleet of ninety-six sail bound
against Louisbourg, I observed the wakes of two of the ships
to be remarkably smooth, while all the others were ruffled
by the wind, which blew fresh. Being puzzled with the
differing appearance, I at last pointed it out to our captain,
and asked him the meaning of it. "The cooks," says he,
"have, I suppose, been just emptying their greasy water
through the scuppers, which has greased the sides of those
ships a little;" and this answer he gave me with an air of
some little contempt, as to a person ignorant of what every
body else knew. In my own mind I at first slighted his
solution, though I was not able to think of another; but
recollecting what I had formerly read in Pliny, I resolved
to make some experiment of the effect of oil on water, when I
should have opportunity.
Afterwards being again at sea in 1762, I first observed
the wonderful quietness of oil on agitated water, in the
swinging glass lamp I made to hang up in the cabin, as
described in my printed papers.1 This I was continually
looking at and considering, as an appearance to me inex
plicable. An old sea captain, then a passenger with me,
thought little of it, supposing it an effect of the same kind
with that of oil put on water to smooth it, which he said was
a practice
1 See letter
of the
to Dr.Bermudians
John Pringle, dated
whenDecember
they would
I, 1762.strike
Ed. fish,
which they could not see, if the surface of the water was
ruffled by the wind. This practice I had never before heard
of, and was obliged to him for the information; though I
thought him mistaken as to the sameness of the experiment,
the operations being different as well as the effects. In one
case, the water is smooth till the oil is put on, and then be
comes agitated. In the other it is agitated before the oil is
applied, and then becomes smooth. The same gentleman
told me, he had heard it was a practice with the fishermen
of Lisbon when about to return into the river (if they saw
before them too great a surf upon the bar, which they appre
hended might fill their boats in passing) to empty a bottle or
two of oil into the sea, which would suppress the breakers,
and allow them to pass safely. A confirmation of this I
have not since had an opportunity of obtaining; but dis
coursing of it with another person, who had often been in
the Mediterranean, I was informed, that the divers there,
who, when under water in their business, need light, which
the curling of the surface interrupts by the refractions of so
many little waves, let a small quantity of oil now and then
out of their mouths, which rising to the surface smooths it,
and permits the light to come down to them. All these
informations I at times revolved in my mind, and wondered
to find no mention of them in our books of experimental
philosophy.
At length being at Clapham, where there is, on the com
mon, a large pond, which I observed one day to be very
rough with the wind, I fetched out a cruet of oil, and dropped
a little of it on the water. I saw it spread itself with sur
prising swiftness upon the surface ; but the effect of smooth
ing the waves was not produced; for I had applied it first
IS6
on the leeward side of the pond, where the waves were largest,
and the wind drove my oil back upon the shore. I then went
to the windward side where they began to form; and there
the oil, though not more than a tea spoonful, produced an
instant calm over a space several yards square, which spread
amazingly, and extended itself gradually till it reached the
lee side, making all that quarter of the pond, perhaps half
an acre, as smooth as a looking-glass.
After this I contrived to take with me, whenever I went
into the country, a little oil in the upper hollow joint of my
bamboo cane, with which I might repeat the experiment as
opportunity should offer, and I found it constantly to succeed.
In these experiments, one circumstance struck me with
particular surprise. This was the sudden, wide, and forcible
spreading of a drop of oil on the face of the water, which I
do not know that anybody has hitherto considered. If a
drop of oil is put on a highly polished marble table, or on a
looking-glass that lies horizontally, the drop remains in its
place, spreading very little. But, when put on water, it
spreads instantly, many feet round, becoming so thin as to
produce the prismatic colors, for a considerable space, and
beyond them so much thinner as to be invisible, except in
its effect of smoothing the waves at a much greater distance.
It seems as if a mutual repulsion between its particles took
place as soon as it touched the water, and a repulsion so
strong as to act on other bodies swimming on the surface,
as straw, leaves, chips, &c. forcing them to recede every
way from the drop, as from a centre, leaving a large, clear
space. The quantity of this force, and the distance to which
it will operate, I have not yet ascertained; but I think it a
curious inquiry, and I wish to understand whence it arises.
1773]
157
In our journey to the North, when we had the pleasure

of seeing you at Ormathwaite, we visited the celebrated Mr.
Smeaton,1 near Leeds. Being about to show him the smooth
ing experiment on a little pond near his house, an ingenious
pupil of his, Mr. Jessop, then present, told us of an odd
appearance on that pond, which had lately occurred to him.
He was about to clean a little cup in which he kept oil, and
he threw upon the water some flies that had been drowned
in the oil. These flies presently began to move, and turned
round on the water very rapidly, as if they were vigorously
alive, though on examination he found they were not so.
I immediately concluded that the motion was occasioned by
the power of the repulsion above mentioned, and that the
oil issuing gradually from the spungy body of the fly continued
the motion. He found some more flies drowned in oil, with
which the experiment was repeated before us. To show that
it was not any effect of life recovered by the flies, I imitated
it by little bits of oiled chips and paper, cut in the form of a
comma, of the size of a common fly; when the stream of
repelling particles issuing from the point made the comma
turn round the contrary way. This is not a chamber experi
ment; for it cannot be well repeated in a bowl or dish of
water on a table. A considerable surface of water is neces
sary to give room for the expansion of a small quantity of
oil. In a dish of water, if the smallest drop of oil be let fall
in the middle, the whole surface is presently covered with a
thin greasy film proceeding from the drop; but as soon as
that film has reached the sides of the dish, no more will issue
from the drop, but it remains in the form of oil, the sides of
1 John Smeaton (1724-1792), civil engineer, builder of the Eddystone light
house. Ed.
IS8
[1773
the dish putting a stop to its dissipation by prohibiting the

farther expansion of the film.
Our friend Sir John Pringle, being soon after in Scotland,
learned there, that those employed in the herring fishery
could at a distance see where the shoals of herrings were,
by the smoothness of the water over them, which might
possibly be occasioned, he thought, by some oiliness pro
ceeding from their bodies.
A gentleman from Rhode Island told me, it had been
remarked, that the harbour of Newport was ever smooth
while any whaling vessels were in it; which probably arose
from hence, that the blubber which they sometimes bring
loose in the hold, or the leakage of their barrels, might afford
some oil, to mix with that water, which from time to time
they pump out, to keep their vessel free, and that some oil
might spread over the surface of the water in the harbour,
and prevent the forming of any waves.
This prevention I would thus endeavour to explain.
There seems to be no natural repulsion between water and
air, such as to keep them from coming into contact with each
other. Hence we find a quantity of air in water; and if we
extract it by means of the air-pump, the same water, again
exposed to the air, will soon imbibe an equal quantity.
Therefore air in motion, which is wind, in passing over
the smooth surface of water, may rub, as it were, upon that
surface, and raise it into wrinkles, which, if the wind con
tinues, are the elements of future waves.
The smallest wave once raised does not immediately
subside, and leave the neighbouring water quiet; but in
subsiding raises nearly as much of the water next to it, the
friction of the parts making little difference. Thus a stone
1773]
59
dropped in a pool raises first a single wave round itself;

and leaves it, by sinking to the bottom ; but that first wave
subsiding raises a second, a second a third, and so on in
circles to a great extent.
A small power continually operating will produce a great
action. A finger applied to a weighty suspended bell can
at first move it but little ; if repeatedly applied, though with
no greater strength, the motion increases till the bell swings
to its utmost height, and with a force that cannot be resisted
by the whole strength of the arm and body. Thus the small
first-raised waves, being continually acted upon by the wind,
are, though the wind does not increase in strength, continu
ally increased in magnitude, rising higher and extending
their basis, so as to include a vast mass of water in each wave,
which in its motion acts with great violence.
But if there be a mutual repulsion between the particles
of oil, and no attraction between oil and water, oil dropped
on water will not be held together by adhesion to the spot
whereon it falls; it will not be imbibed by the water; it
will be at liberty to expand itself ; and it will spread on a sur
face, that besides being smooth to the most perfect degree
of polish, prevents, perhaps by repelling the oil, all imme
diate contact, keeping it at a minute distance from itself;
and the expansion will continue till the mutual repulsion
between the particles of the oil is weakened and reduced
to nothing by their distance.
Now I imagine that the wind, blowing over water thus
covered with a film of oil, cannot easily catch upon it, so as
to raise the first wrinkles, but slides over it, and leaves it
smooth as it finds it. It moves a little the oil indeed, which
being between it and the water, serves it to slide with, and
i6o
prevents friction, as oil does between those parts of a machine,

that would otherwise rub hard together. Hence the oil
dropped on the windward side of a pond proceeds gradually
to leeward, as may be seen by the smoothness it carries with
it, quite to the opposite side. For the wind being thus pre
vented from raising the first wrinkles, that I call the elements
of waves, cannot produce waves, which are to be made by
continually acting upon, and enlarging those elements, and
thus the whole pond is calmed.
Totally therefore we might suppress the waves in any
required place, if we could come at the windward place
where they take their rise. This in the ocean can seldom
if ever be done. But perhaps something may be done on
particular occasions, to moderate the violence of the waves
when we are in the midst of them, and prevent their breaking
where that would be inconvenient.
For, when the wind blows fresh, there are continually
rising on the back of every great wave a number of small
ones, which roughen its surface, and give the wind hold, as
it were, to push it with greater force. This hold is dimin
ished, by preventing the generation of those small ones.
And possibly too, when a wave's surface is oiled, the wind,
in passing over it, may rather in some degree press it down,
and contribute to prevent its rising again, instead of pro
moting it.
This, as mere conjecture, would have little weight, if the
apparent effects of pouring oil into the midst of waves were
not considerable, and as yet not otherwise accounted for.
When the wind blows so fresh, as that the waves are not
sufficiently quick in obeying its impulse, their tops being
thinner and lighter are pushed forward, broken, and turned
1773]
161
over in a white foam. Common waves lift a vessel without

entering it ; but these when large sometimes break above and
pour over it, doing great damage.
That this effect might in any degree be prevented, or the
height and violence of waves in the sea moderated, we had no
certain account; Pliny's authority for the practice of sea
men in his time being slighted. But discoursing lately on
this subject with his Excellency Count Bentinck, of Holland,
his son the Honourable Captain Bentinck, and the learned
Professor Allemand, (to all whom I showed the experiment
of smoothing in a windy day the large piece of water at the
head of the Green Park,) a letter was mentioned, which had
been received by the Count from Batavia, relative to the
saving of a Dutch ship in a storm by pouring oil into the sea.
I much desired to see that letter, and a copy of it was prom
ised me, which I afterward received.
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Tengnagel to Count Bentinck,

dated at Batavia, 5 January, 1770.
"Near the islands Paul and Amsterdam, we met with a
storm, which had nothing particular in it worthy of being
communicated to you, except that the captain found himself
obliged for greater safety in wearing the ship, to pour oil into
the sea, to prevent the waves breaking over her, which had
an excellent effect, and succeeded in preserving us. As he
poured out but a little at a time, the East India Company
owes perhaps its ship to only six demi-ames of oil-olive. I
was present upon deck when this was done; and I should
not have mentioned this circumstance to you, but that we have
found people here so prejudiced against the experiment,
VOL. VI M
1 62
as to make it necessary for the officers on board and myself

to give a certificate of the truth on this head, of which we
made no difficulty."
On this occasion, I mentioned to Captain Bentinck a
thought which had occurred to me in reading the voyages of
our late circumnavigators, particularly where accounts are
given of pleasant and fertile islands which they much de
sired to land upon, when sickness made it more necessary,
but could not effect a landing through a violent surf break
ing on the shore, which rendered it impracticable. My idea
was, that possibly by sailing to and fro at some distance from
such lee-shore, continually pouring oil into the sea, the waves
might be so much depressed, and lessened before they reached
the shore, as to abate the height and violence of the surf,
and permit a landing; which, in such circumstances, was a
point of sufficient importance to justify the expense of the
oil that might be requisite for the purpose. That gentleman,
who is ever ready to promote what may be of public utility,
though his own ingenious inventions have not always met
with the countenance they merited, was so obliging as to
invite me to Portsmouth, where an opportunity would prob
ably offer, in the course of a few days, of making the experi
ment on some of the shores about Spithead, in which he
kindly proposed to accompany me, and to give assistance
with such boats as might be necessary. Accordingly, about
the middle of October last, I went with some friends to Ports
mouth; and a day of wind happening, which made a leeshore between Haslar hospital and the point near Jillkecker,
we went from the Centaur with the longboat and barge
towards that shore. Our disposition was this ; the long-boat
1773]
163
was anchored about a quarter of a mile from the shore;

part of the company were landed behind the point (a place
more sheltered from the sea) who came round and placed
themselves opposite to the longboat, where they might ob
serve the surf, and note if any change occurred in it upon
using the oil. Another party, in the barge, plied to wind
ward of the longboat, as far from her as she was from the
shore, making trips of about half a mile each, pouring oil
continually out of a large stone bottle, through a hole in
the cork, somewhat bigger than a goose-quill. The ex
periment had not, in the main point, the success we wished,
for no material difference was observed in the height or
force of the surf upon the shore ; but those who were in the
longboat could observe a tract of smoothed water, the whole
of the distance in which the barge poured the oil, and gradu
ally spreading in breadth towards the long-boat. I call it
smoothed, not that it was laid level; but because, though
the swell continued, its surface was not roughened by the
wrinkles, or smaller waves, before mentioned; and none or
very few white caps (or waves whose tops turn over in foam)
appeared in that whole space, though to windward and lee
ward of it there were plenty ; and a wherry, that came round
the point under sail, in her way to Portsmouth, seemed to
turn into that tract of choice, and to use it from end to end,
as a piece of turnpike road.
It may be of use to relate the circumstances of an experi
ment that does not succeed, since they may give hints of
amendment in future trials; it is therefore I have been thus
particular. I shall only add what I apprehend may have
been the reason of our disappointment.
I conceive, that the operation of oil on water is, first, to
164
prevent the raising of new waves by the wind ; and, secondly,

to prevent its pushing those before raised with such force,
and consequently their continuance of the same repeated
height, as they would have done, if their surface were not
oiled. But oil will not prevent waves being raised by another
power, by a stone, for instance, falling into a still pool; for
they then rise by the mechanical impulse of the stone, which
the greasiness on the surrounding water cannot lessen or
prevent, as it can prevent the winds catching the surface and
raising it into waves. Now waves once raised, whether by
the wind or any other power, have the same mechanical
operation, by which they continue to rise and fall, as a pen
dulum will continue to swing a long time after the force ceases
to act by which the motion was first produced ; that motion
will, however, cease in time ; but time is necessary. There
fore, though oil spread on an agitated sea may weaken the
push of the wind on those waves whose surfaces are cov
ered by it, and so, by receiving less fresh impulse, they may
gradually subside; yet a considerable time, or a distance
through which they will take time to move, may be neces
sary to make the effect sensible on any shore in a diminution
of the surf ; for we know, that, when wind ceases suddenly,
the waves it has raised do not as suddenly subside, but
settle gradually, and are not quite down till after the wind has
ceased. So, though we should, by oiling them, take off the
effect of wind on waves already raised, it is not to be ex
pected that those waves should be instantly levelled. The
motion they have received will, for some time, continue;
and, if the shore is not far distant, they arrive there so soon,
that their effect upon it will not be visibly diminished. Pos
sibly, therefore, if we had begun our operations at a greater
1774]
PREFACE TO "BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"
165
distance, the effect might have been more sensible. And

perhaps we did not pour oil in sufficient quantity. Future
experiments may determine this.
I was, however, greatly obliged to Captain Bentinck, for
the cheerful and ready aids he gave me; and I ought not
to omit mentioning Mr. Banks, Dr. Solander, General
Camoc, and Dr. Blagden, who all assisted at the experiment,
during that blustering, unpleasant day, with a patience and
activity that could only be inspired by a zeal for the improve
ment of knowledge, such especially as might possibly be of
use to men in situations of distress.
I would wish you to communicate this to your ingenious
friend, Mr. Farish, with my respects; and believe me to be,
with sincere esteem, dear Sir,
B. Franklin.
714.
PREFACE TO "AN ABRIDGMENT OF THE

BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"1
The editor of the following abridgment of the Liturgy

of the Church of England thinks it but decent and respectful
to all, more particularly to the reverend body of clergy, who
1 The book was entitled : " Abridgment of the Book of Common Prayer
and Administration of the Sacraments, and Other Rites and Ceremonies of
the Church, according to the Use of the Church of England; together with
the Psalter or Psalms of David, pointed as they are to be sung or said in the
Churches. London. Printed in the Year MDCCLXXIII."
The noble lord associated in the preparation of this abridgment was Lord
Le Despencer, with whom, during the summer of 1773, Franklin passed some
time at his country residence. The " preface " exists in Ms. in an incomplete
draft in A. P. S. The part found in the draft is enclosed here in brackets.
Ed.
166
[1774
adorn the Protestant religion by their good works, preaching,

and example, that he should humbly offer some reason for
such an undertaking. He addresses himself to the serious
and discerning. He professes himself to be a Protestant of
the Church of England, and holds in the highest veneration
the doctrines of Jesus Christ. He is a sincere lover of social
worship, deeply sensible of its usefulness to society ; and he
aims at doing some service to religion, by proposing such
abbreviations and omissions in the forms of our Liturgy
(retaining everything he thinks essential) as might, if adopted,
procure a more general attendance. For, besides the differ
ing sentiments of many pious and well-disposed persons in
some speculative points, who in general have a good opinion
of our Church, it has often been observed and complained
of, that the Morning and Evening Service, as practised in
England and elsewhere, are so long, and filled with so many
repetitions, that the continued attention suitable to so serious
a duty becomes impracticable, the mind wanders, and the
fervency of devotion is slackened. Also the propriety of
saying the same prayer more than once in the same service
is doubted, as the service is thereby lengthened without
apparent necessity ; our Lord having given us a short prayer
as an example, and censured the heathen for thinking to
be heard because of much speaking.
Moreover, many pious and devout persons, whose age or
infirmities will not suffer them to remain for hours in a cold
church, especially in the winter season, are obliged to forego
the comfort and edification they would receive by their
attendance at divine service. These, by shortening the time,
would be relieved, and the younger sort, who have had some
principles of religion instilled into them, and who have been
1774] PREFACE TO "BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"
167
educated in a belief of the necessity of adoring their Maker,

would probably more frequently, as well as cheerfully, attend
divine service, if they were not detained so long at any one
time. Also many well disposed tradesmen, shopkeepers,
artificers, and others, whose habitations are not remote from
churches, could, and would, more frequently at least, find
[time to attend divine service on other than Sundays, if the
prayers were reduced to a much narrower compass.
Formerly there were three services performed at different
times of the day, which three services are now usually joined
in one. This may suit the convenience of the person who
officiates, but it is too often inconvenient and tiresome to
the congregation. If this abridgment, therefore, should ever
meet with acceptance, the well-disposed clergy who are
laudably desirous to encourage the frequency of divine ser
vice, may promote so great and good a purpose by repeating
it three times on a Sunday, without so much fatigue to
themselves as at present. Suppose, at nine o'clock, at eleven,
and at one in the evening; and by preaching no more ser
mons than usual of a moderate length; and thereby accom
modate a greater number of people with convenient hours.
These were general reasons for wishing and proposing
an abridgment. In attempting it we do not presume to
dictate even to a single Christian. We are sensible there is
a proper authority in the rulers of the Church for ordering
such matters; and whenever the time shall come when it
may be thought not unreasonable to revise our Liturgy, there
is no doubt but every suitable improvement will be made,
under the care and direction of so much learning, wisdom,
and piety, in one body of men collected. Such a work as
this must then be much better executed. In the meantime
168
[1774
this humble performance may serve to show the practicability

of shortening the service near one half, without the omission
of what is essentially necessary; and we hope, moreover,
that the book may be occasionally of some use to families,
or private assemblies of Christians.
To give now some account of particulars. We have pre
sumed upon this plan of abridgment to omit the First Lesson,
which is taken from the Old Testament, and retain only the
Second from the New Testament, which, we apprehend,
is more suitable to teach the so-much-to-be-revered doctrine
of Christ, and of more immediate importance to Christians ;]
although the Old Testament is allowed by all to be an accu
rate and concise history, and, as such, may more properly
be read at home.
[We do not conceive it necessary for Christians to make use
of more than one creed. Therefore, in this abridgment are
omitted the Nicene Creed and that of St. Athanasius. Of
the Apostle's Creed we have retained the parts that are most
intelligible and most essential. And as the Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost are there confessedly and avowedly a part of
the belief, it does not appear necessary, after so solemn a
confession, to repeat again, in the Litany, the Son and Holy
Ghost, as that part of the service is otherwise very prolix.
The Psalms being a collection of odes written by different
persons, it hath happened that many of them are on the same
subjects and repeat the same sentiments such as those
that complain of enemies and persecutors, call upon God for
protection, express a confidence therein, and thank him for
it when afforded. A very great part of the book consists of
repetitions of this kind, which may therefore well bear
abridgment. Other parts are merely historical, repeating
1774]
PREFACE TO "BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"
169
the mention of facts more fully narrated in the preceding

books, and which, relating to the ancestors of the Jews, were
more interesting to them than to us. Other parts are local,
and allude to places of which we have no knowledge, and
therefore do not affect us. Others are personal, relating to
the particular circumstances of David or Solomon, as kings,
and can therefore seldom be rehearsed with any propriety
by private Christians. Others imprecate, in the most bitter
terms, the vengeance of God on our adversaries, contrary to
the spirit of Christianity, which commands us to love our
enemies, and to pray for those that hate us and despitefully
use us. For these reasons it is to be wished that the same
liberty were by the governors of our Church allowed to the
minister with regard to the reading Psalms, as is taken by
the clerk with regard to those that are to be sung, in directing
the parts that he may judge most suitable to be read at the
time, from the present circumstances of the congregation, or
the tenor of his sermon, by saying, "Let us read" such and
such parts of the Psalms named. Until this is done our
abridgment, it is hoped, will be found to contain what may
be most generally proper to be joined in by an assembly of
Christian people. The Psalms are still apportioned to the
days of the month, as heretofore, though the several parts for
each day are generally a full third shorter.
We humbly suppose the same service contained in this
abridgment might properly serve for all the saints' days,
fasts, and feasts, reading only the Epistle and Gospel appro
priated to each day of the month.
The Communion is greatly abridged, on account of its
great length; nevertheless, it is hoped and believed that all
those parts are retained which are material and necessary.
170
[1774
Infant Baptism in Churches being performed during

divine service, would greatly add to the length of that ser
vice, if it were not abridged. We have ventured, therefore,
to leave out the less material parts.
The Catechism, as a compendium of systematic theology,
which learned divines have written folio volumes to explain,
and which, therefore, it may be presumed, they thought
scarce intelligible without such expositions, is, perhaps,
taken altogether, not so well adapted to the capacities of
children as might be wished. Only those plain answers,
therefore, which express our duty towards God, and our
duty towards our neighbor, are retained here. The rest is
recommended to their reading and serious consideration,
when more years shall have ripened their understanding.]
The Confirmation is here shortened.
The Commination, and all cursing of mankind, is, we think,
best omitted in this abridgment.
The form of solemnization of Matrimony is often abbrevi
ated by the officiating minister at his discretion. We have
selected what appears to us the material parts, and which
we humbly hope, will be deemed sufficient.
The long prayers in the service for the Visitation of the
Sick seem not so proper, when the afflicted person is very
weak and in distress,
p " The Order for the Burial of the Dead is very solemn and
moving ; nevertheless, to preserve the health and lives of the
living, it appeared to us that this service ought particularly
to be shortened. For numbers standing in the open air with
their hats off, often in tempestuous weather, during the cele
bration, its great length is not only inconvenient, but may
be dangerous to the attendants. We hope, therefore, that
1774] PREFACE TO "BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER"
171
our abridgment of it will be approved by the rational and

prudent.
The Thanksgiving of women after childbirth being, when
read, part of the service of the day, we have also, in some
measure, abridged that.
Having thus stated very briefly our motives and reasons,
and our manner of proceeding in the prosecution of this work,
we hope to be believed, when we declare the rectitude of our
intentions. We mean not to lessen or prevent the practice
of religion, but to honour and promote it. We acknowledge
the excellency of our present Liturgy, and, though we have
shortened it, we have not presumed to alter a word in the
remaining text ; not even to substitute who for which in the
Lord's Prayer, and elsewhere, although it would be more cor
rect. We respect the characters of bishops and other digni
taries of our Church, and, with regard to the inferior clergy
we wish that they were more equally provided for, than by
that odious and vexatious as well as unjust method of gather
ing tithes in kind, which creates animosities and litigations,
to the interruption of the good harmony and respect which
might otherwise subsist between the rectors and their parish
ioners.
And thus, conscious of upright meaning, we submit this
abridgment to the serious consideration of the prudent and
dispassionate, and not to enthusiasts and bigots ; being con
vinced in our own breasts, that this shortened method, or
one of the same kind better executed, would further religion,
increase unanimity, and occasion a more frequent attendance
on the worship of God.
172
715.
TO THOMAS CUSHING1

Sis,
jl received the honour of yours dated October 28, with the
Journals of the House and Mr. Turner's election sermon. I
waited on Lord Dartmouth on his return to town, and learnt
that he had presented to his majesty our petition for the re
moval of the governors. No subsequent step had yet been
taken upon it : but his Lordship said the king would probably
refer the consideration of it to a committee of council, and
that I should have notice to be heard in support of it. By
the turn of his conversation, though he was not explicit, I
apprehend the petition is not likely to be complied with : but
we shall see. His lordship expressed as usual much concern
at the differences subsisting, and wished they would be ac
commodated. Perhaps his good wishes are all that is in his
power.
The famous letters having unfortunately engaged Mr.
Temple and Mr. Wheatly in a duel, which being interrupted
" would probably be renewed, I thought it incumbent on me to
prevent, as far as I could, any farther mischief, by declaring
publicly the part I had in the affair of those letters, and thereby
at the same time to rescue Mr. Temple's character from an
undeserved and groundless imputation, that bore hard upon
his honour, viz. that of taking the letters from Mr. Wheatly,
and in breach of confidence. I did this with the more pleas
ure, as I believe him a sincere friend to our country. I am
1 From "The Works of Dr. Benjamin Franklin " (Duane), 181 7, VoL VI,
p. 338. Ed.
i774]
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
173
told by some that it was imprudent in me to avow the obtain

ing and sending those letters, for that administration will
resent it. I have not much apprehension of this, but if it
happens, I must take the consequences. I only hope it will
not affect any friend on your side of the water, for I have
never mentioned to whom they were transmitted.
A letter of mine to you, printed in one of the Boston papers,
has lately been reprinted here, to show, as the publisher ex
presses it, that I am 11 one of the most determined enemies of
the welfare and prospority of Great Britain." In the opinion
of some, every one who wishes the good of the whole empire
may nevertheless be an enemy to the welfare of Great Britain,
if he does not wish its good exclusively of every other part,
and to see its welfare built on their servitude and wretched
ness. Such an enemy I certainly am. But methinks it is
wrong to print letters of mine at Boston, which give occasion
to these reflections^
I shall continue to do all I possibly can this winter towards
an accommodation of our differences; but my hopes are
small.
signs to Divine
ruin. Providence
With great first
esteem
infatuates
and respect,
the power
I have
it the
de-f
honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
B. Franklin.
716.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN'

Dear Son,
. I received yours of October 20, and November 2. Your
December packet is not yet arrived.
1 From "The Worki of Dr. Benjamin Franklin" (Duane), 1817, Vol. VI,
p. 339. Ed.
174
No insinuations of the kind you mention, concerning Mr.

G,
1 have reached me, and, if they had, it would have
been without the least effect ; as I have always had the strong
est reliance on the steadiness of his friendship, and on the
best grounds, the knowledge I have of his integrity, and the
often repeated disinterested services he has rendered me.
My return will interfere with nobody's interest or influence in
public affairs, as my intention is to decline all interest in them,
and every active part, except where it can serve a friend, and
to content myself with communicating the knowledge of them
which my situation may have furnished me with, and be con
tent with giving my advice for the public benefit, where it
may be asked, or where I shall think it may be attended to ;
for being now about entering my sixty-ninth year, and having
lived so great a part of my life to the public, it seems but fair
that I should be allowed to live the small remainder to myself
and to my friends.
If the honourable office you mention will be agreeable to
him, I heartily wish it him. I only hope, that, if offered to
him, he will insist on its being not during pleasure, but
quamdiu se bene gesserit.
Our friend Temple, as you will see by the papers, has been
engaged in a duel, about an affair in which he had no concern.
As the combat was interrupted, and understood to be un
finished, I thought it incumbent on me to do what I could
for preventing further mischief, and so declared my having
transmitted the letters in question. This has drawn some
censure upon myself, but as I grow old, I grow less concerned
about censure, when I am satisfied that I act rightly; and I
have the pleasure of having exculpated a friend, who lay
undeservedly under an
1 Joseph
imputation
Galloway. much
Ed. to his dishonour.
1774]
TO SAMUEL RHOADS
175
[I am now seriously preparing for my departure to America.J

I purpose sending my luggage, books, instruments, &c., by
All or Falconer, and taking my passage to New York in one
of the spring or summer packets, partly for settling some
business with the Postoffice there, and partly that I may see
you on my way to Philadelphia, and learn thereby more per
fectly the state of affairs there. Your affectionate father,
B. Franklin.
717.
TO SAMUEL RHOADS
(p. h. s.)
London, Jan. 5. 1774.

Dear Friend,
I received your Favours of Oct. 29 and 31, inclosing the
Votes, for which I thank you.
I am much obliged to the Assembly for the repeated Marks
of their Confidence in me. The Great Officers of State
having generally been in the Country, no public Business of '
consequence has been for some time transacted here. But
the Parliament meets next Week, when all will return again
to their Stations and the Duty of their Offices, and the Boards
resume Business. I do not find that your Laws of last
Winter have yet been presented, and the time is now near
for carrying your Paper money Act into Execution. At
present I do not see any Difficulty likely to arise upon it, on
the Part of the Board of Trade, unless one should be started
on the
, there being no mention of the Value or kind
of the Money to be struck, whether Sterling or Proclama
tions, or any other. But it being an Act of Pennsylvania, I
suppose it is to be understood that the Money will be of the
Value of the present Currency of that Province. Virginia
has lately had a Quantity of Copper Halfpence struck at the
176
Mint here for their Province. Inclos'd I send you a Speci

men of theirs. They may serve to keep out the worthless
counterfeit Trash of late so common.
With great Esteem & Respect, I am ever
Dear Friend
B. Franklin.
718.
TO WILLIAM London,
FRANKLIN
February 2, 1774.
(b. m.)
Dear Son : This Line is just to acquaint you that I am

well, and that my Office of Deputy-Postmaster is taken from
me^j As there is no Prospect of your being ever promoted to
a better Government, and that you hold has never defray'd
its Expenses, I wish you were well settled in your farm. 'Tis
an honester and a more honourable, because a more inde
pendent Employment. You will hear from others the Treat
ment I have receiv'd. I leave you to your own Reflections
and Determinations upon it, and remain ever your affec
tionate Father,
B. Franklin.
719.
FROM
THOMAS CUSHING AND OTHERS,

COMMITTEE, ETC.
(l. c.)
Boston, December 21st, 1773.
Sir : It has been the Expectation of many of the Colonists that the last
Session of Parliament would have put a final end to those Grievances under
which they bad so long been oppressed, and against which they had so long
in vain Remonstrated. They expected that the Revenue Acts would have
been repealed and that they should no more have had reason to complain of
1774]
FROM THOMAS CUSHING AND OTHERS
177
the Unconstitutional exertions of Parliamentary Power; they were naturally

led to form these expectations from the Conduct of Administration, who lately
encouraged them with assurances that if all things remained quiet in America,
these unhappy dissentions would soon terminate in a lasting Union : but how,
sir, were they surprized to find they had been deceived; to find that the
Parliament, at the very time they expected relief, pursued new measures for
effectually securing and inhancing the oppressive Revenues, and with this
View, by an Act passed the last Session, impowered the East India Company
to Ship their Teas to America. From this Act they readily saw that they had
nothing to hope from the favour of administration, but that they rather dis
covered an indisposition that the Parliament should grant them any relief.
They considered the act as introductive to monopolies, which, besides the
train of Evils that attend them in a Commercial View, are forever dangerous
to Publick Liberty, more especially under the direction and Influence of
Government. They also looked upon it pregnant with new Grievances, paving
the way to further Impositions, and in its Consequences threatning the final
destruction of American Liberties. Thrown by this Idea into State of
Desperation, the United Voice of the People, not only in this Province, but in
New York and Pensylvania, and as far as we can learn in all the Colonies,
was, that they would never suffer the Tea to be landed, but would prefer any
species of hazard and danger to a tame submission to measures which, if pur
sued, must reduce them to a state of abject Slavery. Administration could
not have invented a method so effectual for raising the Spirit of the Colonies,
or promoting among them an entire union of Sentiment. At the same time
People on your side the Water have for several months been repeatedly
Informing our Merchants of this manouver and advising them, as they
regarded their Sacred Rights, to withstand the landing of the Teas by the
most vigorous opposition.
While the minds of the People were impressed with these Sentiments the
Vessels arrived with the Teas, consigned to Messrs. Richard Clark & Sons,
Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson, Benjamin Faneuil and Joshua Winslow,
Esqrs. Previous to this the Town of Boston had several meetings, in order to
Induce the Consignees to resign their Trust, but to no purpose, and imme
diately upon the arrival of the Vessels aforesaid, that every measure possible
might be taken to prevent Confusion and disorder, while the minds of all
were in great agitation the People in this and many of the neighboring Towns
assembled in the Old South Meeting House (Faneuil Hall not being capa
cious enough to contain the People that attended), to prevail with the
Consignees to send back the Teas, and if possible to preserve it from that
Destruction which the resentment of the People might justly lead them to
expect. You will see by the inclosed papers the measures they took and the
Resolves they passed, and will wonder, perhaps, that these resolves and
measures were in vain. They not only treated with the Consignees, but with
the owners and masters of these Vessels, but all without success. Despairing
VOL. vi N
178
to effectuate any method of accommodation, after having tried all that could
be devised to no purpose, they Dissolved the meeting, which, agreable to
their constant and declared design, had protected the Teas from destruction.
Nigh twenty days were now passed since the arrival of one of the Tea
Vessels, commanded by Capt. Hall, at which time, according to Act of Par
liament, it was in the Power of the Custom-House Officers to take the
Teas into their own possession in order to secure the duties. There were just
grounds to think that they intended to do it the minute the Twenty days
were expired, and that they would attempt to Land them by force and over
bear any opposition that might be made by a second Effusion of Blood.
Under these apprehensions the Teas, the Evening of the 16th Instant, were
destroyed by a number of Persons unknown and in disguise. Such was the
obstinacy of the Consignees, their Advisers and Coadjutors, such their Aver
sion to all Conciliating Measures, that they are almost universally condemned,
and some even of the Court party among us acknowledge that the destruction
of the Teas must be imputed to these obstinate enemies of our Liberties, who
never would consent to any method proposed for its preservation, and who
perhaps wished to irritate and inflame the minds of an injured, oppressed
People to measures of violence, of which afterwards they hoped to make their
own advantages.
The House of Representatives, at the last Session, appointed us a Com
mittee to write to their Agent. In pursuance of this appointment we have
given you this Information of the present state of our affairs, and doubt not
you will make such an Improvement of this intelligence as shall be most for
the We
Interest
are, with
of this
respect,
province
yourinmost
particular,
humbleand
Servants
of the Colonies in general.
Benjamin Franklin, Esq.
Thomas Cushinc,
Sam'l Adams,
John Hancock,
Wm. Phillips.
720. TO THOMAS CUSHING, AND OTHERS (l.l.)

I received
Gentlemen,
the Honour of your Letter
London,
dated
Feb. Dec?
2. 1774.21.
containing a distinct Account of the Proceedings at Boston

relative to the Tea imported there, and of the Circumstances
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING, AND OTHERS
179
that occasioned its Destruction. I communicated the same

to Lord Dartmouth, with some other Advices of the same
Import. It is yet unknown what Measures will be taken here
on the Occasion ; but the Clamour against the Proceeding is
high and general. I am truly concern'd as I believe all con
siderate Men are with you, that there should seem to any
a Necessity for carrying Matters to such Extremity, as, in a
Dispute about Publick Rights, to destroy private Property.
This (notwithstanding the Blame justly due to those who
obstructed the Return of the Tea) it is impossible to justify
with People so prejudiced in favour of the Power of Parlia
ment to tax America, as most are in this Country. As the
India Company however are not our Adversaries, and the
offensive Measure of sending their Teas did not take its Rise
with them, but was an Expedient of the Ministry to serve
them and yet avoid aRepeal of the old Act, I cannot but wish
& hope that before any compulsive Measures are thought of
here, our General Court will have shewn a Disposition to
repair the Damage and make Compensation to the Company.
This all our Friends here wish with me; and that if War
is finally to be made upon us, which some threaten, an Act of
violent Injustice on our part, unrectified may not give a col
ourable Pretence for it. A speedy Reparation will imme
diately set us right in the Opinion of all Europe. And tho'
the mischief was the Act of Persons unknown, yet as probably
they cannot be found or brought to answer for it, there seems
to be some reasonable Claim on the Society at large in which
it happened. Making voluntarily such Reparation can be
no Dishonour to us or Prejudice to our Claim of Rights,
since Parliament here has frequently considered in the same
Light similar Cases; and only a few Years since, when a
l8o
valuable Saw-mill, which had been erected at a great Expence was violently destroyed by a Number of Persons sup
posed to be Sawyers, but unknown, a Grant was made out
of the Publick Treasury of Two Thousand Pounds to the
owner as a Compensation. I hope in thus freely (and
perhaps too forwardly) expressing my Sentiments & Wishes,
I shall not give Offence to any. I am sure I mean well;
being ever with sincere Affection to my native Country, and
great Respect to the Assembly and yourselves,
Gentlemen,
Your most obedient and
most humble Servant
B. Franklin.
HonWe Thomas Cushing
Sam1 Adams
Esquires
John Hancock
William Phillips
721.
TO JOSIAH TUCKER1
Reverend Sir,
(l. c.)
Being informed by a Friend, that some severe Strictures on

my Conduct and Character had appeared in a new Book pub
lished under your respectable Name, I purchased and read
it. After thanking you for those Parts of it that are so in
structive on Points of great Importance to the common Inter
ests of Mankind, permit me to complain, that, if by the
1 Josiah Tucker (1712-1799), Dean of Gloucester, wrote several pamphlets
upon the American troubles in which he maintained that a separation from
the colonies was desirable. Ed.
1774]
TO JOSIAH TUCKER
181
Description you give in pages 180, 181, of a certain American

Patriot, whom you say you need not name, you do, as is sup
posed, mean myself, nothing can be further from the Truth
than your assertion, that I applied or used any interest,
directly or indirectly, to be appointed one of the stamp
Officers for America. I certainly never expressed a Wish of
the kind to any Person whatever; much less was I, as you
say, "more than ordinary assiduous on this Head." I have
heretofore seen in the Newspapers Insinuations of the same
Import, naming me expressly; but, being without the name
of the Writer, I took no Notice of them.
I know not whether they were yours, or were only your
Authority for your present charge; but now they have the
Weight of your name and dignified Character, I am more
sensible of the Injury ; and I beg leave to request, that you
will reconsider the Grounds on which you have ventured to
publish an Accusation, that, if believed, must prejudice me
extremely in the opinion of good men, especially in my own
country, whence I was sent expressly to oppose the imposition
of that tax. If on such reconsideration and enquiry you find,
as I am persuaded you will, that you have been imposed upon
by false Reports, or have too lightly given credit to Hearsays
in a matter that concerns another's Reputation, I flatter
myself that your Equity will induce you to do me Justice,
by retracting that Accusation. In Confidence of this, I am,
with great Esteem, Reverend Sir, your most obedient and
most humble Servant,
B. Franklin 1
1 For Josiah Tucker's reply, see page 198. Ed.
183
722.
[1774
TO THOMAS CUSHING1

Sir,
I wrote a line to you by the last packet, just to acquaint you
there had been a hearing on our petition. I shall now give
you the history of it as succinctly as I can.
We had long imagined, that the King would have consid
ered that petition, as he had done the preceding one, in his
cabinet, and have given an answer without a hearing, since
it did not pray punishments or disabilities on the governors.
But on Saturday the 8th of January, in the afternoon, I re
ceived notice from the clerk of the Council, that the Lords
of the Committee for Plantation Affairs, would, on the Tues
day following at twelve, meet at the Cockpit, to take into
consideration the petition referred to them by his Majesty,
and that my attendance was required.
I sent directly to Mr. Arthur Lee, requesting a meeting,
that we might consult upon it. He was not at his chambers,
but my note was left for him. Sunday morning I went to
Mr. Bollan, and communicated the affair to him. He had
received a similar notice. We considered whether it was
best to employ other counsel, since Mr. Lee, he said, could
not be admitted as such, not being yet called to the bar. He
thought it not advisable. He had sometimes done it in
colony cases, and found lawyers of little service. Those who
are eminent, and hope to rise in their profession, are unwilling
to offend the court 1; First
andprinted
its disposition
by Sparki. on
Ed.this occasion was
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
183
well known. But he would move to be heard in behalf of

the Council of the province, and thence take occasion to sup
port the petition himself.
I went and sent again to Mr. Lee's chambers in the Temple,
but could not meet with him ; and it was not till near the end
of the week that I learnt he was at Bath. On Monday, very
late in the afternoon, I received another notice, that Mr.
Mauduit, agent for the governor and lieutenant-governor,
had asked and obtained leave to be heard by counsel on
the morrow in their behalf. This very short notice seemed
intended to surprise us. On Tuesday, we attended at the
Cockpit, and the petition being read, I was called upon for
what I had to offer in support of it ; when, as had been con
certed between us, I acquainted their Lordships that Mr.
Bollan, then present, in pursuance of their notice, would
speak to it.
He came forward and began to speak; but objection was
immediately made by some of the Lords, that he, being only
agent for the Council, which was not a party to this petition,
could not properly be heard on it. He however repeatedly
endeavoured to obtain leave to speak, but without effect;
they would scarce hear out a sentence, and finally set him
aside. I then said, that, with the petition of the House of
Representatives, I had received their resolutions which pre
ceded it, and a copy of the letters on which those resolutions
were founded, which I would lay before their Lordships in
support of the petition.
The resolutions were accordingly read; but, when the
letters were taken up, Mr. Wedderburn, the solicitor-general,
brought there as counsel for the governors, began to object,
and inquire how they were authenticated, as did also some
184
[1774
of the Lords. I said the authentications were annexed.

They wanted to know the nature of them. I said that would
appear, when they were read, and prayed they would hear
them. Lord Chief Justice De Grey asked whom the letters
were directed to ; and, taking them in his hand, observed there
was no address prefixed to any of them. I said, that, though
it did not appear to whom they were directed, it appeared
who had written them; their names were subscribed; the
originals had been shown to the gentlemen themselves, and
they had not denied their handwriting ; and the testifications
annexed proved these to be true copies.
With difficulty I obtained leave to have the authentications
read ; and the solicitor-general proceeding to make observa
tions as counsel for the governors, I said to their Lordships,
that it was some surprise to me to find counsel employed
against the petition; that I had no notice of that intention,
till late in the preceding day ; that I had not purposed troub
ling their Lordships with the hearing of counsel, because I did
not conceive that any thing could possibly arise out of the
petition, any point of law or of right, that might require the
discussion of lawyers ; that I apprehended this matter before
their Lordships was rather a question of civil or political pru
dence, whether, on the state of the fact that the governors had
lost all trust and confidence with the people, and become
universally obnoxious, it would be for the interest of his
Majesty's service to continue them in those stations in that
province; that I conceived this to be a question of which
their Lordships were already perfect judges, and could receive
no assistance in it from the arguments of counsel; but, if
counsel was to be heard on the other side, I must then
request leave to bring counsel in behalf of the Assembly,
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
185
and that their Lordships would be pleased to appoint a

further day for the hearing, to give time for preparing the
counsel.
Mr. Mauduit was then asked, if he would waive the leave
he had of being heard by counsel, that their Lordships might
proceed immediately to consider the petition. He said he
was requested by the governors to defend them, and they had
promised to defray the expense, by which he understood
that they expected he should employ counsel; and then,
making me some compliments, as if of superior abilities, said
he should not against me hazard the defence of his friends by
taking it upon himself. I said I had intended merely to lay
the papers before their Lordships, without making a single
comment on them. But this did not satisfy ; he chose to be
heard by counsel. So finally I had leave to be heard by
counsel also in behalf of the petition. The solicitor-general,
finding his cavils against the admission of the letters were not
supportable, at last said, that, to save their Lordships' time,
he would admit the copies to be true transcripts of the origi
nals, but he should reserve to himself a right, when the
matter come on again, of asking certain questions, such as,
How the Assembly came into possession of them, through
what hands, and by what means they were procured? "Cer
tainly," replied Lord Chief Justice De Grey, somewhat aus
terely, "and to whom they were directed; for the perfect un
derstanding of the passages may depend on that and other
such circumstances. We can receive no charge against a man
founded on letters directed to nobody, and perhaps received
by nobody. The laws of this country have no such practice."
Lord President, near whom I stood, as I was putting up my
papers, asked me if I intended to answer such questions. In
186
[1774
that, I said, I shall take counsel. The day appointed for the
hearing was the 29th of January.
Several friends now came to me, and advised me to retain
Mr. Dunning, formerly solicitor-general, and very able in his
profession. I wished first to consult with Mr. Lee, supposing
he might rather be for his friend, Mr. Sergeant Glynn. I
found Mr. Lee was expected in town about the latter end of
the week, and thought to wait his coming ; in the mean time I
was urged to take Mr. Dunning's advice, as to my own conduct,
if such questions should be asked me. I did so ; and he was
clear, that I was not and could not be obliged to answer them,
if I did not choose it, which I informed him was the case,
being under a promise not to divulge from whom I received
the letters. He said he would attend, however, if I desired it,
and object in my behalf to their putting such questions.
A report now prevailed through the town, that I had been
grossly abused by the solicitor-general, at the Council Board.
But this was premature. He had only intended it, and men
tioned that intention. I heard, too, from all quarters, that
the ministry and all the courtiers were highly enraged against
me for transmitting those letters. I was called an incendiary,
and the papers were filled with invectives against me. Hints
were given me, that there was some thoughts of apprehending
me, seizing my papers, and sending me to Newgate. I was
well informed, that a resolution was taken to deprive me of
my place; it was only thought best to defer it till after the
hearing ; I suppose, because I was there to be so blackened,
that nobody should think it injustice. Many knew, too,
how the petition was to be treated ; and I was told, even before
the first hearing, that it was to be rejected with some epithets,
the Assembly to be censured, and some honour done the gov
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
187
ernors. How this could be known, one cannot say. It might

be only conjecture.
The transactions relating to the tea had increased and
strengthened the torrent of clamour against us. No one had
the least expectation of success to the petition ; and, though
I had asked leave to use counsel, I was half inclined to waive
it, and save you the expense; but Mr. Bollan was now strongly
for it, as they had refused to hear him. And, though fortified
by his opinion, as he had long experience in your affairs, I
would at first have ventured to deviate from the instructions
you sent me in that particular, supposing you to allow some
discretionary liberty to your agents ; yet, now that he urged
it as necessary, I employed a solicitor, and furnished him with
what materials I could for framing a brief; and Mr. Lee,
coming to town, entered heartily into the business, and under
took to engage Sergeant Glynn, who would readily have
served us, but, being in a fit of the gout, which made his
attendance uncertain, the solicitor retained Mr. Dunning
and Mr. John Lee, another able man of the profession.
While my mind was taken up with this business, I was
harassed with a subpoena from the Chancellor to attend his
court the next day, at the suit of Mr. William Whately con
cerning the letters. This man was under personal obliga
tions to me, such as would have made it base in him to com
mence such a suit of his own motion against me, without any
previous notice, claim, or demand; but, if he was capable
of doing it at the instance of the ministry, whose banker he is
for some pension money, he must be still baser.
The briefs being prepared and perused by our counsel,
we had a consultation at Mr. Dunning's chambers in Lin
coln's Inn. I introduced Mr. Arthur Lee, as my friend and
i88
[1774
successor in the agency. The brief, as you will see by a copy

I send you, pointed out the passages of the letters, which were
applicable in support of the particular charges contained in
the resolutions and petition. But the counsel observed, we
wanted evidence to prove those passages false; the counsel
on the other side would say, they were true representations
of the state of the country ; and, as to the political reflections
of the writers, and their sentiments of government, their aims
to extend and enforce the power of Parliament and diminish
the privileges of their countrymen, though these might ap
pear in the letters and need no other proof, yet they would
never be considered here as offences, but as virtues and merits.
The counsel therefore thought it would answer no good end
to insist on those particulars ; and that it was more advisable
to state as facts the general discontent of the people, that the
governors had lost all credit with them, and were become
odious, &c. ; facts of which the petition was itself full proof,
because otherwise it could not have existed ; and then show
that it must in such a situation be necessary for his Majesty's
service, as well as the peace of the province, to remove
them. By this opinion, great part of the brief became un
necessary.
Notwithstanding the intimations I had received, I could
not believe that the solicitor-general would be permitted to
wander from the question before their Lordships into a new
case, the accusation of another person for another matter,
not cognizable before them, who could not expect to be there
so accused, and therefore could not be prepared for his
defence. And yet all this happened, and in all probability
was preconcerted; for all the courtiers were invited, as to
an entertainment, and there never was such an appearance
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
189
of privy counsellors on any occasion, not less than thirtyfive, besides an immense crowd of other auditors.
The hearing began by reading my letter to Lord Dart
mouth, enclosing the petition, then the petition itself, the
resolves, and lastly the letters, the solicitor-general making
no objections, nor asking any of the questions he had talked
of at the preceding board. Our counsel then opened the
matter, upon their general plan, and acquitted themselves
very handsomely ; only Mr. Dunning, having a disorder on
his lungs that weakened his voice exceedingly, was not so
perfectly heard as one could have wished. The solicitorgeneral then went into what he called a history of the prov
ince for the last ten years, and bestowed plenty of abuse upon
it, mingled with encomium on the governors. But the favor
ite part of his discourse was levelled at your agent, who stood
there the butt of his invective ribaldry for near an hour, not
a single Lord adverting to the impropriety and indecency
of treating a public messenger in so ignominious a manner,
who was present only as the person delivering your petition,
with the consideration of which no part of his conduct had
any concern. If he had done a wrong, in obtaining and
transmitting the letters, that was not the tribunal where he
was to be accused and tried. The cause was already before
the Chancellor. Not one of their Lordships checked and
recalled the orator to the business before them, but, on the
contrary, a very few excepted, they seemed to enjoy highly
the entertainment, and frequently burst out in loud applauses.
This part of his speech was thought so good, that they have
since printed it, in order to defame me everywhere, and par
ticularly to destroy my reputation on your side of the water ;
but the grosser parts of the abuse are omitted, appearing,
190
[1774
'I suppose, in their own eyes, too foul to be seen on paper

so that the speech, compared to what it was, is now perfectly
decent. I send you one of the copies. My friends advise
me to write an answer, which I purpose immediately.
The reply of Mr. Dunning concluded. Being very ill,
and much incommoded by standing so long, his voice was
so feeble, as to be scarce audible. What little I heard was
very well said, but appeared to have little effect.
Their Lordships' Report, which I send you, is dated the
same day. It contains a severe censure, as you will see, on
the petition and the petitioners; and, as I think, a very un
fair conclusion from my silence, that the charge of surrep
titiously obtaining the letters was a true one; though the
solicitor, as appears in the printed speech, had acquainted
them that the matter was before the Chancellor; and my
counsel had stated the impropriety of my answering there
to charges then trying in another court. In truth I came by
them honourably, and my intention in sending them was
virtuous, if an endeavour to lessen the breach between two
states of the same empire be such, by showing that the in
juries complained of by one of them did not proceed from the
other, but from traitors among themselves.
It may be supposed, that I am very angry on this occasion,
and therefore I did purpose to add no reflections of mine on
the treatment the Assembly and their agent have received,
lest they should be thought the effects of resentment and a
desire of exasperating. But, indeed, what I feel on my own
account is half lost in what I feel for the public. When I
see, that all petitions and complaints of grievances are so
odious to government, that even the mere pipe which con
veys them becomes obnoxious, I am at a loss to know how
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
191
peace and union are to be maintained or restored between

the different parts of the empire. Grievances cannot be
redressed unless they are known ; and they cannot be known
but through complaints and petitions. If these are deemed
affronts, and the messengers punished as offenders, who will
henceforth send petitions? And who will deliver them?
It has been thought a dangerous thing in any state to stop
up the vent of griefs. Wise governments have therefore
generally received petitions with some indulgence, even when
but slightly founded. Those, who think themselves injured
by their rulers, are sometimes, by a mild and prudent answer,
convinced of their error. But where complaining is a crime,
hope becomes despair.
The day following I received a written notice from the
secretary of the general postoffice, that his Majesty's post
master-general found it necessary to dismiss me from my
office of deputy postmaster-general in North America. The
expression was well chosen, for in truth they were under a
necessity of doing it ; it was not their own inclination ; they
had no fault to find with my conduct in the office ; they knew
my merit in it, and that, if it was now an office of value, it
had become such chiefly through my care and good manage
ment; that it was worth nothing, when given to me; it
would not then pay the salary allowed me, and, unless it did,
I was not to expect it ; and that it now produces near three
thousand pounds a year clear to the treasury here. They
had beside a personal regard for me. But as the postoffices
in all the principal towns are growing daily more and more
valuable, by the increase of correspondence, the officers
being paid commissions instead of salaries, the ministers
seem to intend, by directing me to be displaced on this occa
192
[1774
sion, to hold out to them all an example that, if they are

not corrupted by their office to promote the measures of
administration, though against the interests and rights of the
colonies, they must not expect to be continued. This is the
first act for extending the influence of government in this
branch. But as orders have been some time since given to
the American postmaster-general, who used to have the dis
position of all places under him, not to fill vacancies of value,
till notice of such vacancies had been sent hither, and instruc
tions thereupon received from hence, it is plain, that such
influence is to be a part of the system; and probable, that
those vacancies will for the future be filled by officers from
this country. How safe the correspondence of your Assembly
committees along the continent will be through the hands of
such officers may now be worth consideration, especially as
the postoffice act of Parliament allows a postmaster to open
letters, if warranted so to do by the order of a secretary of
state, and every provincial secretary may be deemed a sec
retary of state in his own province.
It is not yet known what steps will be taken by govern
ment with regard to the colonies, or to our province in par
ticular. But, as inquiries are making of all who come from
thence, concerning the late riot, and the meetings that pre
ceded it, and who were speakers and movers at these meet
ings, I suspect there is some intention of seizing persons,
and perhaps of sending them hither. But of this I have no
certainty. No motion has yet been made in the House of
Commons concerning our affairs; and that made in the
House of Lords was withdrawn for the present. It is not
likely, however, that the session will pass over without some
proceeding relating to us, though perhaps it is not yet settled
TO RICHARD BACHE
1774]
193
what the measures shall be. With my best wishes for the
prosperity of the province, I have the honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin
723.
TO RICHARD BACHE
(a. p. s.)

Dear Son,
I received yours of Nov. 20, 30, Dec. 28, & Jany 1. Before
this gets to hand you will have heard that I am displac'd,
and consequently have it no longer in my Power to assist
you in your Views relating to the Post Office, and as things
are I would not wish to see you concern'd in it. For I con
ceive that the Dismissing me merely for not being corrupted
by the Office to betray the Interests of my Country, will make
it some Disgrace among us to hold such an Office.
Inclos'd I send you the Bill I paid for you. There was no
Protest.
I am oblig'd by your Civilities to the People I recommend
to you. In Capt. Falconer's ship there goes a young Man
of good Character, William Brown, a Tanner, to whom I
gave a Letter for you, and I wish you to assist him with
your best Advice. With Capt. All there goes a Philip Adams
with his Wife and Child. He is a Farmer, well recommended
to me as a very honest Man. I shall give him likewise a
Letter to you, and desire you would favour him too with your
Counsel, and show them some Civility.
I am glad my Countrymen Approve of the Papers you
mention. The Ministry here do not like them at all. The
General was a little mistaken.
I receiv'd the Accounts from Mr T. Foxcroft. I wrote
VOL. VI o
194
[1774
by the Packet to desire that no more of those Payments

should be receiv'd.
I am now fix'd to return homewards in or about May
next. I hope to have the great Pleasure of finding you all
well and happy. It will not be worth while to write me any
Letters that cannot be expected to arrive here before the
middle of that Month.
I forwarded your Letter to your good Mother.
My love to Sally & the Children. I am ever
Your affectionate Father
B. F.
I send with Capt. Falconer consign'd to you, a Number of
Boxes of Printing Letters, which I purchas'd at an Auction
extreamly cheap. Store them away somewhere without
opening. When I return, I can either sell them or use them,
as I may find Occasion.
724.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
(a. p. s.)

Dear Friend, ......
The Acts of Feby Session 1773, are at last presented, of
which I have lately acquainted the Committee.1 They are
now before the Board of Trade. I do not yet hear of any
Objection to the Paper Money Bill, and hope there can be
none that we shall not get over. I observe there is no Decla
ration of the Value of the Bills, whether Proclamation or
Sterling; possibly if this should be taken Notice of, it may
1 The acts of the Pennsylvania Assembly, sent over to be approved by the
King. Ed.
1774]
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
be thought too loose and uncertain; but it may escape their

Observation, and if necessary, you can by a little Supplement
ascertain it.
The Treatment of the Tea in America has excited great
Wrath here, but how that will vent itself is not yet known,
except that some part of it has fallen upon me, perhaps from
a Suspicion that I instigated the Opposition to its Importa
tion. This, however, is not the given Reason. [My return
ing to Boston Hutchinson & Oliver's letters is held out to
the Public as the great Offence for which I am depriv'd of
my Office. I will explain to you my Conduct in that Matter.
Those Letters, which had, at the time, been shown about
here to several Persons, fell into the Hands of a Gentleman,
who produc'd them to me, to convince me of the Truth of
a Fact, the Possibility of which I had in Conversation deny'd,
viz, that the sending Troops to Boston, and other Measures
so offensive to the People of New England, did not arise*
from any inimical Disposition in this Country towards them,
but were projected, propos'd & solicited by some of the prin
cipal & best esteemed of their own People. I was convinc'd
accordingly, by perusing those Letters, and thought it might
have a good effect, if I could convince the Leaders there of
the same Truth, since it would remove much of their Re
sentment against Britain as a harsh, unkind
1 Mother,
lay the Blame where it ought to lay, and by that means pro
mote a Reconciliation. I therefore obtain'd Leave to send
over the Letters, but with a Promise that they should only
be shown to a few Persons, not printed, nor any Copies
1 The letter as known to Sparks and Bigelow ended here. The remainder
of the letter by them believed to be lost is now printed from the draft found
by me among the Franklin papers in A. P. S. Ed.
196
taken, and the Originals return'd. This Injunction I sent

with the Letters to the Comm"" of Correspondence, but the
Assembly found means to evade it, & printed them. They
however took up the Matter as I intended it, and resolv'd
that all their Grievances had originated from those Persons.
If the Ministry here had been dispos'd to a Reconciliation,
as they sometimes pretend to be, this was giving a fair Open
ing, which they might have thank'd me for ; but they chose
rather to abuse me, and at a Hearing before the Privy Coun
cil on an Address of the Massachusetts Assembly for the
Removal of the Governor, indecendy suffer'd the Solicitor
General to wander from the Point before them into a long
studied Invective ag' me who was there only as a publick
Messenger charg'd with that Address to his Majesty. Wedderburne's Speech is since printed ; but as everybody except
the Courtiers had exclaim'd at the Scurrility of it, they seem
Ito have been asham'd of it, when in black & white, & have
omitted much of it, so that comparM to the Verbal Speech,
the printed one is perfectly decent. I shall soon answer it
& give this Court my Farewell. I
I wish most sincerely with you that a Constitution was
form'd and settled for America, that we might know what
we are & what we have, what our Rights and what our
Duties in the Judgment of this Country as well as in our
own. Till such a Constitution is settled, different Sentiments will ever occasion Misunderstandings.
But if 'tis to be settled, it must settle itself, no body here
caring for the Trouble of thinking on't.
I long to be with you & to converse with you on these
important Heads. A few months I hope will bring us to
gether. In the calm Retirement of Trevose, perhaps we
1774]
TO JOHN FOXCROFT
197
may spend some Hours usefully. I am sure they will be

spent agreably to Dear Friend
P. S. The Ship Ohio still aground.
B. Franklin
725.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
(b. m.)
February 18, 1774

Some tell me that it is determined to displace you likewise,
but I do not know it as certain. I only give you the hint, as
an Inducement to you to delay awhile your removal to Amboy,
which in that Case would be an Expense and Trouble to no
purpose. Perhaps they may expect that your Resentment
of their Treatment of me may induce you to resign, and save
them the shame of depriving you when they ought to pro
mote. But this I would not advise you to do. Let them
take your place if they want it, tho in truth I think it scarce
worth your Keeping, since it has not afforded you sufficient
to prevent your running every year behindhand with me.
But one may make something of an Injury, nothing of a
Resignation.
B. Franklin.
726.
TO JOHN FOXCROFT
(a. p. s.)
London, Feb. 18. 1774.

Dear Friend,
It is long since I have heard from you. I hope nothing
I have written has occasion'd any Coolness. We are no
longer Colleagues, but let us part as we have liv'd so long,
in Friendship.
198
[1774
I am displac'd unwillingly by our Masters, who were

oblig'd to comply with the Orders of the Ministry. It
seems I am too much of an American. Take care of your
self, for you are little less.
I hope my Daughter continues well. My Blessing to her.
I shall soon, God willing, have the Pleasure of seeing you,
intending homewards in May next. I only wait the Ar
rival of the April Pacquet with the Accounts, that I may
settle them here before I go. I beg you will not fail of for
warding them by that Opportunity, which will greatly oblige
Dear Friend,
[B. Franklin]
727. FROM JOSIAH TUCKER TO B. FRANKLIN

The
Sir,letter which you did me the honourMonday,
to send February
to Gloucester,
21st,(a.
I have
1774.
s.)
p. just
received in London, where I have resided many weeks, and am now return
ing to Gloucester. On inquiry, I rind that I was mistaken in some circum
stances relating to your conduct about the Stamp Act, though right as to the
substance. These errors shall be rectified the first opportunity. After having
assured you, that I am no dealer in anonymous newspaper paragraphs, nor
have a connexion with any who are, I have the honour to be, Sir, your
humble servant,
J. Tucker.
728.
Reverend Sir,
TO JOSIAH TUCKER
(l. c.)
I received your Favour of yesterday. If the Substance

of what you have charged me with is right, I can have but
1774]
FROM J. TUCKER TO B. FRANKLIN
199
little concern about any mistakes in the Circumstances:

Whether they are rectified or not, will be immaterial. But,
knowing the Substance to be wrong, and believing that you
can have no desire of continuing in an Error, prejudicial
to any Man's Reputation, I am persuaded you will not take
it amiss, if I request you to communicate to me the Particu
lars of the Information you have received, that I may have
an opportunity of examining them; and I flatter myself I
shall be able to satisfy you that they are groundless. I pro
pose this Method as more decent than a public Altercation,
and suiting better the respect due to your Character. With
great Regard, I have the Honour to be, Reverend Sir, your
most obedient humble servant,
B. Franklin.
729.
FROM J. TUCKER TO B. FRANKLIN1

(A. P. S.)
TheSir,Request made in your last letter is so very

Glocester,
just and Feb.
reasonable,
24, 1774.
that I
shall comply with it very readily. It has long appeared to me, that you much
exceeded the Bounds of Morality in the Methods you pursued for the advance
ment of the supposed Interest of America. If it can be proved, that I have
unjustly suspected you, I shall acknowledge my Error with as much satisfac
tion as you can have in reading my Recantation of it. As to the Case more
immediately referred to in your letters, I was repeatedly informed, that you
had solicited the late Mr. George Grenville for a place or agency in the Dis
tribution of Stamps in America. From which Circumstance I myself con
cluded, that you had made interest for it on your own Account; whereas I
am now informed, there are no positive Proofs of your having solicited to ob
tain such a Place for yourself, but that there is sufficient Evidence still exist
ing of your having applied for it in favour of another Person. If this latter
1 The original letter is in A. P. S. A contemporary transcript is in L. C
Ed.
zoo
[1774
should prove to be the Fact, as I am assured it will, I am willing to suppose,

from several Expressions in both your letters, that you will readily acknowledge
that the Difference in this Case between yourself and your Friend, is very im
material to the general Merits of the Question. But, if you should have
Distinctions in this Case, which are above my Comprehension, I shall content
myself with observing, that your great Abilities and happy Discoveries deserve
universal Regard; and that, as on these accounts I respect and esteem you,
so I have the Honour to be, Sir, your very humble Servant,
J. Tucker.
730.
TO JOSIAH TUCKER
(l. c.)

Rev" Sir,
I thank you for the Frankness with which you have com
municated to me the Particulars of the Information you had
received, relating to my supposed Application to Mr. Grenville for a Place in the American Stamp-Office. As I deny
that either your former or latter Informations are true, it
seems incumbent on me, for your Satisfaction, to relate all
the Circumstances fairly to you, that could possibly give rise
to such Mistakes.
Some Days after the Stamp Act was passed, to which I
had given all the Opposition I could, with Mr Grenville, I
received a Note from Mr. Wheatly, his Secretary, desiring to
see me the next morning. I waited upon him accordingly,
and found with him several other Colony Agents. He
acquainted us, that Mr. Grenville was desirous to make the
Execution of the Act as little inconvenient and disagreeable
to the Americans as possible ; and therefore did not think of
sending Stamp Officers from hence, but wished to have dis
creet and reputable Persons appointed in each Province
from among the Inhabitants, such as would be acceptable
1774]
TO JOSIAH TUCKER
201
to them ; for, as they were to pay the Tax, he thought Strangers

should not have the Emoluments. Mr. Wheatly therefore
wished us to name for our respective Colonies, informing us,
that Mr. Grenville would be obliged to us for pointing out
to him honest and responsible Men, and would pay great
regard to our Nominations. ^By this plausible and apparently
candid Declaration, we were drawn in to nominate; and I
named for our Province Mr. Hughes, saying, at the same
time, that I knew not whether he would accept of it, but, if
he did, I was sure he would execute the office faithfully.
I soon after had notice of his appointment. We none of us,
I believe, foresaw or imagined, that this Compliance with
the request of the Minister would or could have been called
an Application of ours, and adduced as a proof of our Appro
bation of the Act we had been opposing; otherwise I think
few of us would have named at all ; I am sure I should not.
This, I assure you, and can prove to you by living Evidence,
is a true account of the Transaction in question, which, if
you compare with that you have been induced to give of it
in your Book, I am persuaded you will see a difference that
is far
Permit
fromme
being
further
"a Distinction
to remark,above
thatyour
your
Comprehension."
Expression of
there being "no positive Proofs of my having solicited to
obtain such a place for myself," implies that there are never
theless some circumstantial Proofs sufficient at least to sup
port a Suspicion. The latter Part however of the same
Sentence, which says, "there is sufficient Evidence still
existing of my having applied for it in favour of another Per
son," must, I apprehend, if credited, destroy that Suspicion,
and be considered as positive Proof of the contrary; for, if
I had Interest enough with Mr. Grenville to obtain that
202
[1774
Place for another, is it likely that it would have been refused

me, had I asked it for myself?
There is another Circumstance, which I would offer to
your candid Consideration. You describe me as "changing
sides, and appearing at the Bar of the House of Commons to
cry down the very Measure I had espoused, and direct the
Storm that was falling upon that Minister." As this must
have been after my supposed solicitation of the Favour for
myself or my Friend, and Mr. Grenville and Mr. Wheatly
were both in the House at the Time, and both asked me Ques
tions, can it be conceived, that, offended as they must have
been with such a Conduct in me, neither of them should put
me in mind of this my sudden Changing of Sides, or remark
it to the House, or reproach me with it, or require my Reasons
for it ? And yet all the Members then present know, that not
a Syllable of the kind fell from either of them, or from any of
their Party.
I persuade myself that by this time you begin to suspect
you may have been misled by your Informers. I do not ask
who they are, because I do not wish to have particular Motives
for disliking People, who in general may deserve my Respect.
They too may have drawn Consequences beyond the Infor
mation they received from others, and, hearing the Office
had been given to a Person of my Nomination, might as
naturally suppose / had sollicited it, as Dr. Tucker, hearing
I had sollicited it, might "conclude" it was for myself.
I desire you to believe, that I take kindly, as I ought, your
freely mentioning to me, " that it has long appeared to you,
that I much exceeded the Bounds of Morality in the Methods
I pursued for the Advancement of the supposed Interests
of America." I am sensible there is a good deal of Truth
1774]
TO SAMUEL COOPER
in the Adage, that our Sins and our Debts are always more
than we take them to be; and tho' I cannot at present, on
Examination of my Conscience, charge myself with any
Immorality of that kind, it becomes me to suspect, that what
has long appeared to you may have some Foundation. You
are so good as to add, that, "if it can be proved you have un
justly suspected me, you shall have a satisfaction in acknowl
edging the Error." It is often a hard thing to prove that
Suspicions are unjust, even when we know what they are ;
and harder, when we are unacquainted with them. I must
presume, therefore, that, in mentioning them, you had an
Intention of communicating the Grounds of them to me, if
I should request it, which I now do, and, I assure you, with
a sincere Desire and Design of amending what you may
show me to have been wrong in my conduct, and to thank
you for the admonition. In your Writings I appear a bad
Man ; but, if I am such, and you can thus help me to become
in reality a good one, I shall esteem it more than a sufficient
Reparation to, Reverend Sir, your most obedient humble
servant,
B. F.1
731.
TO SAMUEL COOPER
(b. m.)

I thank
Dear you
Sir,much for your respected Favours of Nov. 10,
Dec. 17, and 20, and for the satisfactory Intelligence they
contained. I condole with you most sincerely on your great
Loss.
1 A memorandum was found appended to the rough draft of this letter, in
the handwriting of the author, dated February 7th, 1775, in which he said:
" No answer has yet been receiv'd to the above letter." Ed.
204
[1774
I have written a pretty full Account to the Speaker of the

Treatment their Petition and their Agent have received here.
My Letter went to Symes, and probably you may have seen
it before this can reach you; therefore, and because I have
a little Disorder in my Eyes at present, I do not repeat any
part of it to you, nor can I well send a Copy to him.
^You can have no Conception of the Rage the ministerial
People have been in with me, on acc' of my transmitting
those Letters.1 It is quite incomprehensible. If they had
jbeen wise, they might have made a good Use of the Discovery,
by agreeing to lay the Blame of our Differences on those,
from whom, by those Letters, it appear'd to have arisen, and
by a Change of Measures, which would then have appear'd
natural, and restor'd the Harmony between the two Countries.J
I send directed to you a Set of the late French Edition
of my Philosophical Papers.* There are in it several Pieces
not in the English. When you have look'd them over, please
to give them to Mr. Winthrop for the College Library.* I
am ever, dear Sir, yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1 Hutchinson's Letters. Ed.
*a Harvard
Dubourg'sCollege.
edition,published
Ed.
in 1 773. Ed.
1774] DIFFERENCES BETWEEN COLONIES, ETC.
732.
205
ON
THE RISE AND PROGRESS

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN
OF THE GREAT BRITAIN
AND HER AMERICAN COLONIES.1

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER
(l. C.)
Sir,
The enclos'd Paper was written just before Lord Hills
borough quitted the American Department. An Expec
tation then prevailing, from the good Character of the noble
Lord who succeeded him, that the Grievances of the Colonies
would, under his Administration, be redress'd, it was laid
aside; but, as not a single Measure of his Predecessor has
since been even attempted to be changed, and on the con
trary new ones have been continually added, farther to ex
asperate, render them desperate, and drive them, if possible,
into open Rebellion, it may not be amiss now to give it the
Public, as it shows in detail the rise and Progress of those
differences, which are about to break the Empire into Pieces.
I am, Sir, yours, &c.,
Sir,
A. P.
It is a bad Temper of Mind that takes a Delight in Oppo
sition, and is ever ready to Censure Ministry in the gross,
1 An auto d. of the letter and a contemporary copy of the enclosure are in
L. C. The exact Hate is unknown.. W. T, F. supposed the article to have
been written about the time F. departed for America. Ed.
3o6
[1774
without Discrimination. Charity should be willing to be

lieve, that we never had an Administration so bad, but there
might be some good and some wise Men in it ; and that even
such is our Case at present. The Scripture saith, "By their
Works shall ye know them." By their Conduct, then, in
their respective Departments, and not by their Company
or their party Connections, should they be distinctly and
separately judged.
One of the most serious affairs to this Nation, that has of
late required the Attention of Government, is our Misunder
standing with the Colonies. They are in the Department
of Lord Hillsborough, and, from a prevailing Opinion of his
Abilities, have been left by the other Ministers very much to
his Management. If, then, our American Business has been
conducted with Prudence, to him chiefly will be due the Repu
tation of it.
Soon after the Conclusion of the last War, it became an
Object with the Ministers of this Country to draw a Revenue
from America. The first Attempt was by a Stamp Act. It
soon appeared, that this Step had not been well considered;
that the Rights, the Ability, the Opinions and Temper of that
great People had not been sufficiently attended to. They
complained, that the Tax was unnecessary, because their
Assemblies had ever been ready to make voluntary Grants
to the Crown in proportion to their Abilities, when duly
required so to do; and unjust, because they had no Repre
sentative in the British Parliament, but had Parliaments
of their own, wherein their Consent was given, as it ought to
be, in Grants of their own money. I do not mean to enter
into this Question. The Parliament" repealed the Act as
inexpedient, but in another Act asserted a Right of taxing
207
America ; and in the following Year laid Duties on the Manu

factures of this Country exported thither. On the Repeal
of the Stamp Act, the Americans had returned to their wonted
Good-Humor and Commerce with Great Britain; but this
new Act for laying Duties renewed their uneasiness. They
were long since forbidden by the Navigation Act to purchase
Manufactures of any other Nation; and, supposing that Act
well enforced, they saw, that by this indirect Mode it was in
the Power of Great Britain to burden them as much as by
any direct Tax, unless they could lay aside the Use of such
Manufactures as they had been accustomed to purchase from
Britain, or make the same themselves.
In this Situation were Affairs, when my Lord H.1 entred
on the American Administration. Much was expected from
his supposed Abilities, Application, and Knowledge of
Business in that Department. The Newspapers were filled
with his Panegyrics, and our Expectations raised perhaps
inconveniently.
The Americans determined to petition their Sovereign,
praying his gracious Interposition in their favour with his
Parliament, that the Imposition of these Duties, which they
considered as an Infringement of their Rights, might be re
pealed. The Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay had voted
that it should be proposed to the other Colonies to concur
in that Measure. This, for what Reason I do not easily
conceive, gave great offence to his Lordship ; and one of his
first Steps was to prevent these concurring Petitions. To
this End, he sent a Mandate to that Assembly (the Parlia
ment of that Country), requiring them to rescind that Vote,
and desist from the Measure, threatening them with Dissolu1 Hillsborough. Ed.
2o8
[1774
tion in case of Disobedience. The Governor communicated

to them the Instructions he received to that purpose. They
refused to obey, and were dissolved ! Similar orders were
sent at the same time to the Governors of the other Colonies,
to dissolve their respective Parliaments if they presumed
to accede to the Boston Proposition of Petitioning his Maj
esty, and several of them were accordingly dissolved.
Bad Ministers have ever been averse to the Right Subjects
claim of petitioning and remonstrating to their Sovereign;
for thro' that Channel the Prince may be apprized of the MalAdministration of his Servants; they may sometimes be
thereby brought into Danger; at least such Petitions afford
a Handle to their Adversaries, whereby to give them Trouble.
But, as the Measure to be complained of was not his Lord
ship's, it is rather extraordinary that he should thus set his
face against the intended Complaints. In his angry Letters
to America, he called the Proposal of these Petitions "a
Measure of most dangerous and factious Tendency, calculated
to enflame the Minds of his Majesty's Subjects in the Colonies,
to promote an unwarrantable Combination, and to excite
and encourage an open Opposition to, and denial of, the
Authority of the Parliament, and to subvert the true Spirit of
the Constitution;" and directed the Governors, immediately
on the Receipt of these Orders, to exert their utmost Influence
to defeat this flagitious Attempt.
Without entring into the particular Motives to this Piece
of his Lordship's Conduct, let us consider a little the Wisdom
of it. When Subjects conceive themselves oppressed or injured,
laying their complaints before the Sovereign, or the governing
Powers, is a kind of Vent to Griefs that gives some Ease to
their Minds; the receiving with at least an Appearance of
209
Regard their Petitions, and taking them into Consideration,

gives present Hope, and affords time for the cooling of Re
sentment ; so that even the Refusal, when decently express'd
and accompanied with Reasons, is made less unpleasant by
the Manner, is half approved, and the rest submitted to with
Patience. But when this Vent to popular Discontents is
deny'd, and the Subjects are thereby driven to Desperation,
infinite Mischiefs follow. Many Princes have lost Part,
and some the whole of their Dominions, and some their
Lives, by this very Conduct of their Servants. The Secre
tary for America, therefore, seems in this Instance not
to have judged rightly for the Service "of- his excellent
Master.
But supposing the Measure of discouraging and preventing
Petitions a right one, were the Means of effecting this End
judiciously chosen? I mean, the threatening with Dissolu
tion and the actual dissolving of the American Parliaments.
His Lordship probably took up the Idea from what he knows
of the State of Things in England and Ireland, where, to be
re-chosen upon a Dissolution, often gives a Candidate great
Trouble, and sometimes costs him a great deal of Money. A
Dissolution may therefore be both Fine and Punishment to
the Members, if the^ desire to be again returned. But,
in most of the Colonies, there is no such thing as standing
Candidate for Election. There is neither Treating nor Brib
ing. No Man even expresses the least Inclination to be
chosen. Instead of humble Advertisements, intreating Votes
and Interest, you see, before every new Election, Requests
of former Members, acknowledging the Honour done them
by preceding Elections, but setting forth their long Service
and Attendance on the Public Business in that Station, and
VOL. VI P
210
[1774
praying that, in Consideration thereof, some other Person may

be chosen in their Room.
Where this is the Case, where the same Representatives
may be, and generally are, after a Dissolution, chosen,
without asking a Vote or giving even a Glass of Cyder to
an Elector, is it likely that such a Threat could contribute
in the least to answer the End proposed? The Experience
of former Governors might have instructed his Lordship,
that this was a vain Expedient. Several of them, misled by
their English Ideas, had tried this Practice to make Assem
blies submissive to their Measures, but never with Success.
By the Influence of his Power in granting Offices, a Governor
naturally has a Number of Friends in an Assembly; these,
if suffered to continue, tho' a Minority, might frequently
serve his Purposes, by promoting what he wishes, or obstruct
ing what he dislikes. But if, to punish the Majority, he in
a Pet dissolves the House, and orders a new Election, he is
sure not to see a single Friend in the new Assembly. The
People are put into an ill Humour by the Trouble given them,
they resent the Dissolution as an affront, and leave out every
Man suspected of having the least Regard for the Governor.
This was the very Effect of my Lord's Dissolutions in America,
and the new Assemblies were all found more untractable than
the old ones.
But besides the Imprudence of this Measure, was it con
stitutional? The Crown has doubtless the Prerogative of
dissolving Parliaments, a Prerogative lodged in its hands for
the Publick Good, which may in various Instances require
the Use of it. But should a King of Great Britain demand of
his Parliament the Rescission of any Vote they had passed,
or forbid them to petition the Throne, on pain of Dissolution,
211
and actually dissolve them accordingly, I humbly conceive

the Minister who advised it would run some hazard of Cen
sure at least, for thus using the Prerogative to the Violation
of common Right, and Breach of the Constitution. The
American Assemblies have no Means of impeaching such a
Minister; but there is an Assembly, the Parliament of Eng
land, that has that Power, and in a former Instance exercised
it well, by impeaching as great a Man, (Lord Clarendon,)
for having (tho' in one Instance only,) endeavoured to intro
duce arbitrary Government into the Colonies.
The Effect this Operation of the American Secretary had
in America, was not a Prevention of those Petitions, as he
intended, but a Despair in the People of any Success from
them, since they could not pass to the Throne but thro' the
Hands of one, who showed himself so extremely averse to
the Existence of them. Thence arose the Design of inter
esting the British Merchants and Manufacturers in the Event
of their Petitions, by Agreements not to import Goods from
Great Britain till their Grievances were redressed. Universal
Resentment occasioned these Agreements to be more generally
entred into, and the sending Troops to Boston, who daily
insulted the Assembly 1 and Townsmen, instead of terrifying
into a Compliance with his Measures, served only to exas
perate and sour the Minds of the People throughout the Con
tinent, make Frugality fashionable, when the Consumption
of British Goods was the Question, and determine the In
habitants to exert every Nerve in establishing Manufactures
among themselves.
1 They mounted a numerous Guard daily round the Parliament-House,
with Drums beating and fifes playing, while the Members were in their De
bates, and had Cannon planted and pointed at the Building. F.
212
[1774
Boston having grievously offended his Lordship, by the

refractory Spirit they had shown in re-chusing those Repre
sentatives, whom he esteemed Leaders of the Opposition
there, he resolved to punish that Town by removing the
Assembly from thence to Cambridge, a Country Place about
four Miles distant. Here too his Lordship's English and
Irish Ideas seem to have misled him. Removing a Parlia
ment from London or Dublin, where so many of the Inhabit
ants are supported by the Expence of such a number of
wealthy Lords and Commoners, and have a Dependance on
that Support, may be a considerable Prejudice to a City
deprived of such Advantage ; but the Removal of the Assem
bly, consisting of frugal, honest Farmers, from Boston, could
only affect the Interest of a few poor Widows, who kept
Lodging-houses there. Whatever Manufactures the Members
might want, were still purchased at Boston. They them
selves, indeed, suffered some Inconvenience, in being perhaps
less commodiously lodged, and being at a Distance from the
Records ; but this, and the keeping them before so long pro
rogued, when the Publick Affairs required their Meeting,
could never reconcile them to Ministerial Measures ; it could
serve only to put them more out of Humour with Britain
and its Government so wantonly exercised, and to so little
purpose. Ignorance alone of the true State of that Country
can excuse (if it may be excused) these frivolous Proceedings.
To have good ends in view, and to use proper Means to
obtain them, shows the Minister to be both good and wise.
To pursue good Ends by improper Means argues him, tho'
good, to be but weak. To pursue bad Ends, by artful Means,
shows him to be wicked, tho' able. But when his Ends are
bad, and the Mentis he uses improper to obtain those ends,
213
what shall we say of such a Minister ? Every Step taken for

some time past in our Treatment of America, the suspending
their Legislative Powers for not making Laws by Direction
from hence ; the countenancing their Adversaries by Rewards
and Pensions, paid out of the Revenues extorted from them
by
ing
that
merce,
whose
Laws
over
Revenue,
Substance
and
to
a which
set
perpetually
who
of they
rash,
by insolence
have
are
indiscreet
accusing
supported)
not of
given
Behaviour,
the
Commissioners
their
good
to Government
Assent
harassing
People
; to
the(out
collect
Comsend-\
here,
of I*
as Rebels and Traitors, have made themselves universally

odious there, but here are caressed and encouraged ; together
with the arbitrary Dissolution of Assemblies, and the quar
tering Troops among the People, to menace and insult them ;
all these Steps, if intended to provoke them to Rebellion,
that we might take their Lives and confiscate their Estates,
are proper Means to obtain a bad End. But, if they are
intended to conciliate the Americans to our Government,
restore our Commerce with them, and secure the Friendship
and Assistance which their growing Strength, Wealth, anJ i
Power may, in a few years, render extremely valuable to us,
can any thing be conceived more injudicious, more absurd !
His Lordship may have in general a good Understanding ; his
Friends say he has; but in the Political Part of it, there must
surely be some Twist, some extreme Obliquity.
A Well-wisher to the King and alltyis Dominions.
to the printer of the publicY advertiser (l. c.)
Your
Sir,correspondent Britannicus inveighs violently against
Dr. Franklin, for his Ingratitude to the Ministry of this Na-
214
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN1 FRANKLIN [1774
tion, who have conferred upon him so many Favours. They

gave him the Post- Office of America; they made his Son a
Governor ; and they offer'd him a Post of five hundred a Year
in the Salt- Office^ hejyould relinquish the Interests of his
Country ; but he has had the Wickedness to continue true to
it, and is as much an American as ever. As it is a settled
Point in Government here, that every Man has his Price,
'tis plain they are Bunglers in their Business, and have not
given him enough. Their Master has as much reason to be
angry with them, as Rodrigue in the Play with his Apothe
cary, for not effectually poisoning Pandolpho, and they
must probably make use of the Apothecary's Justification, viz.
" Scene IV. Rodrigue and Fell, the Apothecary.
"Rodrigue. You promised to have this Pandolpho upon
his Bier in less than a Week ; 'tis more than a Month since,
and he still walks and stares me in the Face.
"Fell. True; and yet I have done my best Endeavours.
In various ways I have given the Miscreant as much Poison
as would have kill'd an Elephant. He has swallow'd Dose
after Dose ; far from hurting him, he seems the better for it.
He hath a wonderfully strong Constitution. I find I cannot
kill him but by cutting his Throat, and that, as I take it, is
not my Business.
"Rodrigue. Then it must be mine."
TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLICK LEDGER1 (L.C.) (A.P.S.)

Sir,
Nothing can equal the present Rage of our ministerial
Writers against our Brethren in America, Vho have the Mis1 Original draft in A. P. S.
215
fortune to be Whigs in a Reign when Whiggism is out of

Fashion, who are besides Protestant Dissenters and Lovers
of Liberty, i One may easily see from what Quarter comes the
Abuse of those People in the Papers ; their Struggle for their
Rights is called rebellion, and the People rebels; while
those who really rebelled in Scotland (1745) for the Expul
sion of the present reigning Family, and the Establishment
of Popery and arbitrary Power, on the Ruins of Liberty and
Protestantism, who enter'd England and trampled on its
Belly as far as Derby, to the Astonishment of this great City,
and, shaking the Publick Credit of the Nation, have now
all their Sins forgiven on Account of their Modish Principles,
and are called, not Rebels, but by the softer Appellation of
Insurgents I
These angry writers use their utmost Efforts to persuade us,
that this War with Tthe Colonies (for a War it will be) is a
National Cause, when in fact it is merely a ministerial one.
Administration wants an American Revenue to dissipate in
corruption. The Quarrel is about a paltry three-penny
Duty on Tea. There is no real Clashing of Interests be
tween Britain and America. Their Commerce is to their
mutual Advantage, or rather most to the Advantage of Britain,
which finds a vast Market in America for its Manufactures;
and as good Pay, I speak from Knowledge, as in any country
she trades to upon the Face of the Globe. But the Fact needs
not my Testimony; it speaks for itself; for if we could else
where get better Pay and better Prices, we should not send our
Goods to America.
The gross Calumniators of that People, who want us to
imbrue our Hands in Brothers' Blood, have the Effrontery
to tell the World, that the Americans Associated in Resolu
216
[1774
tions not to pay us what they owed us, unless we repeal'd

the Stamp Act. This is an infamous falshood; they
know it to be Such. I call upon the Incendiaries, who have
advanced it, to produce their Proofs. Let them name any
two that enter'd into such an Association, or any one that
made such a Declaration. Absurdity marks the very Face
of this Lie. Every one acquainted with Trade knows, that
a credited Merchant, daring to be concern'd in such an Asso
ciation, could never expect to be trusted again. His Char
acter on the Exchange of London would be ruin'd for ever.
The great Credit given them since that time, nay, the present
Debt due from them, is itself a Proof of the Confidence we
have in their Probity.
Another villainous falshood advanc'd against the Ameri
cans is, that, though we have been at such Expence in pro
tecting them, they refuse to contribute their Part to the Publick general Expence of the Empire. The Fact is, that they
never did refuse a Requisition of that kind. A Writer, who calls
himself Sagittarius. (I suppose from his flinging about, like
Solomon's Fool, Firebrands, Arrows, and Death), in the
Ledger of March 9th, asserts, that the " Experiment has been
tried, and that they did not think it expedient to return even
an Answer." How does he prove this? Why, "the Colony
Agents were told by Mr. Grenville, that a Revenue would be
requir'd from them to defray the Expences of their Protec
tion." But was the Requisition ever made? Were Circu
lar Letters ever sent, by his Majesty's Command, from the
Secretary of State to the several Colony Governments, accord
ing to the established Custom, stating the Occasion and re
quiring such Supplies as were suitable to their Abilities and
Loyalty? And did they then refuse, not only Compliance,
217
but an Answer? No such Matter; Agents are not the

Channel thro' which Requisitions are made. If they were
told by Mr. Grenville, that "a Revenue would be required,
and yet the Colonies made no Offer, no Grant, nor laid any
Tax," does it follow they would not have done it, if they had
been requir'd ? Probably they thought it time enough when
the Requisition should come, and in fact it never appear'd
there to this Day. In the last War they all gave so liberally,
that we thought ourselves bound in honour to return them a
Million. But we are disgusted with their free gifts ; we want
to have something that is obtain 'd by force, like a mad
Landlord who should refuse the willing payment of his full
Rents, and chuse to take less by way of Robbery.
This Shameless Writer would cajole the People of England
with the Fancy of their being Kings of America, and that their
Honour is at Stake by the Americans disputing their Gov
ernment. He thrusts us into the throne cheek-by-jole with
Majesty, and would have us talk, as he writes, of our Sub
jects in America, and our Sovereignty over America; for
getting that the Americans are Subjects of the King, not our
Subjects, but our Fellow Subjects^ and that they have Parlia
ments of their own, with the Right_of granting their own
Money by their own Representatives^which we cannot de
prive them of but by Violence and Injustice.
Having by a series of iniquitous and irritating Measures
provok'd a loyal People almost to Desperation, we now
magnify every act of an American Mob into rebellion,
tho' the Government there disapprove fFand order Prosecu
tion, as is now the case with regard to the tea destroy'd. And
we talk of nothing but Troops and Fleets, and Force, of block
ing up Ports, destroying Fisheries, abolishing Charters, &c.
218
THE WRITWGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
[1774
&c. Here Mobs of English Sawyers can burn Saw-Mills;

Mobs of English Labourers destroy or plunder Magazines of
Corn ; Mobs of English Coal-heavers attack Houses with Fire
arms ; English Smugglers can fight regularly the King's cruiz
ing Vessels, drive them ashore, and burn them, as lately on the
Coast of Wales, and on the Coast of Cornwall ; but upon these
Accounts we hear no Talk of England's being in rebellion;
no Threats of taking away its Magna Charta, or repealing
its Bill of Rights ; for we well know, that the operations of a
Mob are often unexpected, sudden, and soon over, so that
the Civil Power can seldom prevent or suppress them, not
being able to come in before they have dispers'd themselves;
and therefore it is not always accountable for their Mischiefs.
Surely the great Commerce of this Nation with the Ameri
cans is of too much Importance to be risk'd in a Quarrel,
which has no Foundation but nunisterial Pique and Ob
stinacy !
To us in the Way of Trade comes now, and has long come,
all the super-lucration arising from their Labours. But
will our reviling them as Cheats, Hypocrites, Scoundrels,
Traitors, Cowards, Tyrants, &c. &c., according to the
present Court Mode in all our Papers, make them more our
Friends, more fond of our Merchandise? Did ever any
Tradesman succeed, who attempted to drub Customers into
his Shop? And will honest John Bull, the Farmer, be long
sattistied with Servants, that before his Face attempt to kill
his Plow Horses?
A Londoner.
1774]
TO JAN INGENHOUSZ
733.
219
TO JAN INGENHOUSZ1
Deak Friend : I am very sensible of your kindness in

the concern you express on account of the late attack on my
character before the Privy Council and in the papers. Be
assured, my good friend, that I have done nothing unjustifi
able, nothing but what is consistent with the man of honour
and with my duty to my king and country, and this will soon
be apparent to the public as it is now to all here who know me.
I do not find that I have lost a single friend on the occasion.
All have visited me repeatedly with affectionate assurances of
their unaltered respect and affection, and many of distinction,
with whom I had before but slight acquaintance. You
know that in England there is every day, in almost every
paper, some abuse on public persons of all parties, the king
himself does not always escape, and the populace who are
used to it, love to have a good character cut up now and then
for their entertainment. On this occasion it suited the pur
pose of the ministry to have me abused, as it often suits the
purpose of their opposers to abuse them. And having my
self been long engaged in public business, this treatment is
not new to me. I am almost as much used to it as they are
themselves, and perhaps can bear it better. I have indeed
lost a little place that was in their power, but I can do very
well without it. It will not be long before I publish my vin
dication, which some circumstances keep back at present.
1 From John Bigelow, "The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin,"
Vol. X, p. 337. Ed.
220
[1774
Sir John Pringle continues well. His speech in giving the

last medal, on the subject of the discoveries relating to the air,
did him great honour. Dr. Priestley goes on rapidly with
new and curious experiments on that subject. He is about
printing a new 8vo book full of them. . .
B. Franklin.
734.
TO GIAMBATISTA BECCARIA'
(a. p. s.)
London, March 20. 1774.

Rev" and dear Slr,
I have receiv'd several of your Favours lately, relating to the
Edition of your Book in English, which I have put into the
Hands of the Translator, who will observe your Directions.
The Work is now in the Press, and goes on pretty fast. I
am much oblig'd by your kind Assistance in procuring the
Impressions from the Plates. They are not yet arriv'd here;
but the Money, which I find by a Note from you to Dr. Priestly
amounts to 143 livres of Piemont, will be paid by the Book
seller, Mr. Nourse, in my Absence, to any Person you may
order to receive it.
Mr. Walsh, the same ingenious Member of our Society
who went to France to make Experiments on the Torpedo,
has lately hit on a new Discovery in Electricity, which sur
prizes us a little. You know that finding Air, made rarer by
the Pump or by Heat, gave less Obstruction to the Passage
of Electricity, than when in its denser State, we were apt to
1 Here a paragraph is omitted relating to Walsh's experiment which is
repeated almost verbatim in the next letter. Ed.
5 This letter is printed in Italian in " Memorie Istoriche intorno gli studi
del Padre Giambatista Beccaria" (Turin, 1783), p. 150. In the book it is
dated March 25, 1774. Ed.
1774]
TO THE MARQUIS DE CONDORCET
221
think a perfect Vacuum would give it no Resistance at all.

But he, having by boiling the Mercury made a perfect
Vacuum in a long bent Torricellian Tube, has found that
Vacuum to resist absolutely the Passage of the Electric
Fluid during two or three Days, or till some quantity of Air,
the smallest imaginable, is admitted into it. This, if verify'd
by future Experiments, may afford some new Light to the
Doctrine
1 of the science of atmospheric electricity, and
of the aurora borealis. I have the honour to be with in
alterable Respect and Esteem Rev. Sir, etc.
B. Franklin.
735.
TO THE MARQUIS DE CONDORCET

(A. P. S.)

Sir,
I am ashamed that my late continued Embarras in public
Affairs should have so long prevented my answering the
Letter you honoured me with, of the 2d Dec1 last.
I transmitted your Queries to our Society at Philadelphia,
where they will be well considered, and full Answers will be
sent you. On my Return thither, which I am now preparing
for, I shall take care, if not done, to urge the doing it as soon
as possible.
In the mean time, I can inform you, as to Qu. 1, that,
tho there is in Pensilvania abundance of Limestone and
Marble, no Flint has yet been found there by the English;
1 Here the rough draft (A. P. S.) abruptly ends. The editors have noted
that " the remainder of the letter is lost." The concluding words in the text
are from Prospero Balbo's translation of the original letter (Turin, 1 783).
Ed.
222
yet it is supposed, that Flint is to be met with in some Part

of the Country, since Heads of Arrows made of it by the
ancient Inhabitants are sometimes found in Ploughing the
Fields. That, small Sea Shells are found intermix'd with
the Substance of Rock-Stone in some of our highest Moun
tains, and such I think as are not now to be met with on our
Coasts. Several Skeletons, suppos'd by their Tusks etc. to
be of Elephants, have been found near the Ohio, an Acc' of
which may be found in the English Philos. Transactions.
As to Qu. 2, Observations have been made in America of
the Variation of the Needle, and, as well as I can remember,
it is found to differ a Degree in about 20 Years.
As to Qu. 3; the Height of the Barometer, by many
Years' Observation, is said to vary between 28 -59 and 30 78.
The Conjectures from those Changes are still uncertain.
As to Qu. 4. The Negroes, who are free, live among the
White People, but are generally improvident and poor. I
think they are not deficient in natural Understanding, but
they have not the Advantage of Education. They make
good Musicians.
As to Qu. 5 ; I do not know that any Marks of Volcanos,
any Lava, or Pomice-Stone, have been met with in North
America. Pit-Coal is found in many Places, and very good,
but little used, there being plenty of Wood.
These Answers are very short. I hope to procure you
such as shall be more full and satisfactory.
With great Respect, I have the Honour to be, Sir, &c.
B. F[ranklin.]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
1774]
736.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
323
(p. r. o.)

Sir : I received your Favour of Jan. 23d. I suppose
we never had since we were a People so few Friends in
Britain. The violent Destruction of the Tea seems to have
united all Parties here against our Province, so that the Bill
now brought into Parliament for shutting up Boston as a
Port till Satisfaction is made, meets with no Opposition. [An
Alteration in our Charter relating to the Choice of the Council
is also talked of, but it is not certain that it will be propos'd
at presentj I cannot but hope that the Affair of the Tea will
have been considered in the Assembly before this time, and
Satisfaction proposed if not made; for such a Step will re
move much of the Prejudice now entertain'd against us, and
put us again on a fair Footing in contending for our old
Privileges as Occasion may require. I am not well enough
to bustle or to write much, and can only add my best Wishes
for the Prosperity of my Country.
With great Respect and Esteem, I have the Honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obed\ humb1" Servt.
B. Franklin.
P.S. By the Enquiries that I hear are made, I suspect
there may be a Design to seize some Persons who are sup
posed to be the Ringleaders, and bring them here for Trial.
It is talk'd here that authentic Advices are received assur
ing Government that Messrs. Hancock and Adams were seen
at the Head of the Mob that destroy'd the Tea, openly en
224
[1774
couraging them. I oppose this Report by alledging the

Improbability that, when the lower Actors tho't it prudent
to disguise themselves, any of the principal Inhabitants
should appear in the Affair.
737.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. r. o.)

Sir,
My last was of the 2 2d past, since which I have received
none of your favours. I mentioned that the bill brought into
Parliament for punishing Boston met with no opposition.
It did, however, meet with a little before it got through, some
few of the members speaking against it in the House of
Commons, and more in the House of Lords. It passed,
however, by a very great majority in both, and received the
royal assent on Thursday the 31st past. You will have a
copy of it from Mr. Lee.
(In mine of February 2d, I informed you, that, after the
treatment I had received at the Council Board, it was not
possible for me to act longer as your agent, apprehending I
could as such be of no further use to the province. I have
nevertheless given what assistance I could, as a private man,
by speaking to members of both Houses, and by joining in the
petitions of the natives of America now happening to be in
London, which were ably drawn by Mr. Lee, to be presented
separately to the several branches of the legislature. They
serve, though without other effect, to show our sentiments,
and that we did not look on and let the act pass without bear
ing our testimony against it. And, indeed, though called
TO THOMAS CUSHING
225
petitions (for under another name they would not have been
received) they are rather remonstrances and protests.^]
By the enclosed extract of a letter from Wakefield in York
shire to a friend of mine, you will see that the manufacturers
begin to take the alarm. Another general non-importation
agreement is apprehended by them, which would complete
their ruin. But great pains are taken to quiet them with the
idea, that Boston must immediately submit, and acknowl
edge the claims of Parliament, for that none of the other colo
nies will adhere to them. A number of the principal manu
facturers from different parts of the kingdom are now in
town, to oppose the new duty on foreign linens, which they
fear may provoke the Germans to lay discouragements on
British manufactures. They have desired me to meet and
dine with them on Wednesday next, where I shall have an
opportunity of learning their sentiments more fully, and com
municating my own.
vSome alterations of the constitution of the Massachusetts
are now hotly talked of; though what they are to be, seems
hardly yet settled. One thing mentioned is the appointment
of the Council by mandamus. Another, giving power to the
governor to appoint magistrates without consent of Council.
Another, the abolishing of town meetings, or making it un
lawful to hold them, till the business to be proposed has been
certified to the governor, and his permission obtained.^ A
motion has also been made in the House of Commons, with
a view to conciliate, as is said ; that all the duty acts should
be revised, and, in the revision and reenacting, without for
mally or expressly repealing the tea duty (which would hurt
the dignity of Parliament), sink or omit it, and add an equal
value in some of the coasting port duties; and the tea duty,
VOL. VI Q
226
[1774
being thus taken out of the way, it is supposed will have the
salutary effect of preventing the other colonies from making
a common cause with ours. Some advantages in trade are
at the same time to be given to America for the same purpose,
such as carrying wine and fruit directly from Spain and Por
tugal, without touching in England.
I send enclosed the proceedings of the Lords on Wednes
day, which show their zeal in the business, by appointing a
committee to sit during the recess in the Easter holidays.
With great esteem, I am, Sir, &c.
8. Franklin.
738.
Dear Sir,
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY1
Craven Street, April 10, 1774.
In compliance with your request, I have endeavoured to

recollect the circumstances of the American experiments I
formerly mentioned to you, of raising a flame on the surface
of some waters there.
When I passed through New Jersey in 1764, I heard it
several times mentioned, that, by applying a lighted candle
near the surface of some of their rivers, a sudden flame would
catch and spread on the water, continuing to burn for near
half a minute. But the accounts I received were so imperfect,
that I could form no guess at the cause of such an effect, and
rather doubted the truth of it. I had no opportunity of see
ing the experiment; but, calling to see a friend who hap
pened to be just returning home from making it himself, I
1 From Priestley's " Experiments on Air " (Vol. I, p. 321), 3d Edition.
Ed.
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
7X1
learned from him the manner of it ; which was to choose a

shallow place, where the bottom could be reached by a
walking-stick, and was muddy ; the mud was first to be stirred
with the stick, and, when a number of small bubbles began to
arise from it, the candle was applied. The flame was so
sudden and so strong, that it catched his ruffle and spoiled
it, as I saw. New Jersey having many pine-trees in many
parts of it, I then imagined that something like a volatile
oil of turpentine might be mixed with the waters from a pineswamp, but this supposition did not quite satisfy me. I
mentioned the fact to some philosophical friends on my re
turn to England, but it was not much attended to. I suppose
I was thought a little too credulous.
In 1765, the Reverend Dr. Chandler received a letter from
Dr. Finley,1 President of the College in that province, re
lating the same experiment. It was read at the Royal So
ciety, November 21st of that year, but not printed in the
Transactions; perhaps because it was thought too strange
to be true, and some ridicule might be apprehended, if any
member should attempt to repeat it, in order to ascertain, or
refute it. The following is a copy of that account.
"A worthy gentleman, who lives at a few miles distance,
informed me, that in a certain small cove of a mill-pond, near
his house, he was surprised to see the surface of the water
blaze like inflamed spirits. I soon after went to the place, and
made the experiment with the same success. The bottom of
the creek was muddy, and when stirred up, so as to cause a
considerable curl on the surface, and a lighted candle held
within two or three inches of it, the whole surface was in a
1 Samuel Finley (1715-1766) succeeded Samuel Davies as President of
Princeton in July, 1761. Ed.
228
blaze, as instantly as the vapour of warm inflammable spirits,

and continued, when strongly agitated, for the space of
several seconds. It was at first imagined to be peculiar to
that place; but upon trial it was soon found, that such a
bottom in other places exhibited the same phenomenon.
The discovery was accidentally made by one belonging to
the mill."
I have tried the experiment twice here in England, but
without success. The first was in a slow running water with
a muddy bottom. The second in a stagnant water at the
bottom of a deep ditch. Being some time employed in stir
ring this water, I ascribed an intermitting fever, which
seized me a few days after, to my breathing too much of that
foul air, which I stirred up from the bottom, and which I
could not avoid while I stooped, endeavouring to kindle it.
The discoveries you have lately made, of the manner in which
inflammable air is in some cases produced, may throw light
on this experiment, and explain its succeeding in some cases,
and not in others.
With the highest esteem, and respect
I am, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
B. Franklin.
739.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. r. o.)

Snt : The above are Copies of my two last. CThe Tor
rent is still violent against America. A Bill is brought in to
alter the Charter appointing the Council by the Crown, giving
Power to the Governors to nominate and commission Magis
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
239
trates without Consent of Council, and Forbidding any Town

Meeting to be held in the Province (except the annual one
for chusing Town Officers) without the Permission of the
Governor, and for that Business only for which such Per
mission shall be requested.] The Manner of appointing
Jurors is likewise to be altered. And another Bill is to pro
vide for the Security of Persons who may be concern'd in
executing or enforcing Acts of Parliament there, by direct
ing their Trials for any thing done by them to be in some
neighbouring Province or in Great Britain at the Discretion
of the Governor. I hope to get the Breviates of these Bills
in time to send by this Ship. | They will meet with Opposition
in both Houses; but there is little Hope that they will not
pass, we having very few Friends in Parliament at present.
The House will probably sit 'till some time in June, perhaps
longer, and till they hear the Effect of these Measures in
America. I think to stay here as long as they sit, Mr Lee
being about to go abroad for a few Months. General Gage
has been hastily commission'd and sent away to be your
Governor. It is given out that Copies of several Letters of
mine to you are sent over here to the Ministers, and that their
Contents are treasonable, for which I should be prosecuted
if Copies could be made Evidence. I am not conscious of
any treasonable Intention, and I know that much Violence
must be us'd with my Letters before they can be construed
into Treason, yet having lately seen two of my Actions, one
my Endeavour to lessen the Differences between the two
Countries, the other to stop a dangerous Quarrel between
Individuals, and which I should have thought and still think
to be good Actions, condemn'd as bad ones by high Au
thority, I am not to wonder if less than a small Lump in my
230
Forehead is voted a Horn. And you will not wonder if my

future Letters contain mere Relations of Facts, without any
of my Sentiments upon them, which perhaps I have been
too forward in offering. With the greatest Respect I have
the Honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient, humble serv',
B. Franklin.
740.
TO MRS. DEBORAH FRANKLIN1

My dear Love,
. I hoped to have been on the sea in my return by this time ;
but I find I must stay a few weeks longer, perhaps for the
summer ships.) Thanks to God, I continue well and hearty;
and I hope to find you so, when I have the happiness once
more of seeing you.
Your goddaughter, Amelia Evans that was, (now Mrs.
Barry,) is gone again with her husband and children to Tunis,
where she is to live some time, while her husband, who is
captain of a ship, trades in those seas. Enclosed I send the
affectionate, sensible, letter she wrote to me on taking leave.
My blessing to the children. Mrs. Hewson's have lately
had the smallpox; the eldest in the common way very full,
the youngest by inoculation lightly, and both are now well.
But Mr. Hewson is down with a terrible fever, and till yes
terday his life was despaired of. We now begin to hope his
recovery.* I shall give you another line by the packet of
1 First printed by Sparks.
* Dr. William Hewson wounded himself in making a dissection. He died
on Sunday morning, May I (1774), three days after the writing of this letter.
In a letter dated May 5, Franklin wrote of Hewson, " He was an excellent
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
231
next week, and am, as ever, dear Debby, your affectionate

husband,
B. Franklin.
741.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(a. p. s.)
London, June 1. 1774.

I received
Sir,
your respected Favour of March 31, with an
other of the same Date from the Committee. The latest
of my Letters, which had then come to your hands, was of
Jan. 7, since which I have written several, viz. of Feb. 2 to your
self, and one of the same Date to the Committee. Of Feb. 15
containing a full Account of the Hearing on the Petition, of
March 22 with some Acc' of the intended Acts against our
Province, of April 2 with an Acc' of the Petition presented by
the Natives of America at this time residing here. Of April
16 containing an Acc' of the Appointment of General Gage
as Governor and more Particulars of the intended Acts. And
in the Course of last Month I sent you, by various Convey
ances, under Covers, with only a Line or two, Copies of the
Acts themselves, and other publick Papers and Pamphlets.
I mention these Dates and Particulars that you may know if
any of my Letters are missing. With this I enclose a List of
your new Council, the Quebec Bill, an Abstract of the Reso
lutions for laying Duties in that province, and some Papers
containing the two Protests of the Lords, and a List of those
who have voted against the Bills.
young man, ingenious, industrious, useful and beloved by all that knew him.
He was just established in a profitable, growing business, with the best pros
pects of bringing up his young family advantageously. They were a happy
couple." Ed.
332
[1774
Lord Chatham, being ill at the Time, could not be present,

or he would probably have voted on the same side. He has
since appeared in the House, and delivered his Sentiments
fully on the American Measures, blam'd us for destroying
the Tea, and our Declarations of Independence on the Par
liament ; but condemn'd strongly the Measures taking here
in consequence, and spoke honourably of our Province and
People, & of their Conduct in the late War.
/ Mr. Lee is gone to make the Tour of France and Italy, and
probably will be absent near a Year. Just before his De
parture he drew up, at my Instance, a kind of Answer to the
Lords' Committee's Report, for which I furnish'd him with
most of the Materials. I enclose a Copy of it. I had resign'd
your Agency to him, expecting to leave England about the
end of this Month; but on his Departure he has return 'd me
all the Papers, and I feel myself now under a kind of Neces
sity of Continuing, till you can be acquainted with this Cir
cumstance, and have time to give further Orders. \
I shall apply to Lord Dartmouth, agreable to the Direc
tions of the honW" Committee, and write to them fully, as soon
as I have his Lordship's Answer.
Your friendly Concern on my Account, lest the Project for
a Subscription PostOffice in America should prove preju
dicial to me, is very obliging; but you must have learnt
before this time, that it was then superfluous, V my Place
having been taken from me on the 31st of January. As the
Salary I received in that Office is now ceas'd, and I have
been lately at near 200 Expence, on the Province Acc' in
various Ways, I am now oblig'd to request, that some Means
may be fallen upon of making me a Remittance here; for I
have little Expectation that the Instruction will be recall 'd
1774]
TO REV. THOMAS COOMBE
233
on my Application.J With great esteem, I have the honour

to be, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
742.
TO REV. THOMAS COOMBE
Dear Friend,
(a. p. s.)
I received with great Pleasure yours of May 15, as it inform'd me of your Health & Happiness. I thank you for
your Sermon, which I read with Satisfaction. I am glad
that of my good Bishop 1 pleas'd you. I enclose a Speech
of his on the same subject. It is deem'd here a Masterpiece
of Eloquence. I send also the last Edition of some Lines
of your friend Goldsmith, with the Addition of my friend
Whitefoord's Epitaph, whom you may remember. Also
the Heroic Postscript, the author of which is yet unknown.'
He may be fond of Fame as a Poet ; but, if he is, his Prudence
predominates at present, and prevails with him to shun it.
That which you are acquiring, as an Orator, gives me
Pleasure as your Friend; and it will give you yourself the
most solid Satisfaction, if you find that by your Eloquence
you can turn many to Righteousness. Without that effect,
the Preacher or the Priest, in my Opinion, is not merely
sounding Brass or a tinkling Cymbal, which are innocent
Things ; he is rather like the Cunning Man in the Old Baily,
who conjures and tells Fools their Fortunes to cheat them
out of their Money.
Mrs. Stevenson and Mrs. Hewson return your Compli1 Bishop of St. Asaph. Ed. (
a It was written by William Mason (1724-1797). Ed.
234
[1774
ments, with their best Wishes. We have lost Mr. Hewson,

and a great Loss it was. My respects to your good Father.
Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours most
affectionately,
B. Franklin.
743.
My dear Child,
(a. p. s.)
I have had no Line from you by several late Opportunities.

I flatter myself it is owing not to Indisposition, but to the
Opinion of my having left England, which indeed I hope
soon to do. Mr. Dillwyn tells me he never saw so fine a
Child as your youngest Grandson: Has he eclips'd poor
Ben ? of whose pretty History I us'd to receive so many folio
Pages in your Letters.
I enclose a Letter I have just receiv'd from your GodDaughter, Amelia Evans that was (now Barry). I wrote to
you before, that she had marry'd the Captain of a Ship in the
Levant Trade. She is now again at Tunis, where you will
see she has lately lain in of her third Child. Her Father,
you know, was a geographer,1 and his daughter has some
connection, I think, with the whole Globe; being born her
self in America, and having her first Child in Asia, her second
in Europe, and now her third in Africa.
Mrs. Stevenson presents her best Respects. She too is
very happy in her two Grandsons. Her Daughter, our poor
Polly, who lately lost her good Husband, is become rich by
1 Lewis Evans of Philadelphia, a surveyor, and author of maps and geo
graphical writings. Ed.
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
1774]
the Death of her Aunt.

affectionate husband,
744.
*3S
I am ever, my dear Debby, your

B. Franklin.
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
(a. p. s.)

I receiv'd
Dear Sir,
your Favour of May 14. with the very ingenious
Oration 1 you deliver'd at the Society, for which I thank you.
The Bookseller you had likewise sent it to, Mr Dilly, being
desirous of Dr Huck's Opinion & mine as to its Publication,
we had a little Consultation upon it; the Result of which
was, that tho' the Piece had in many Respects a great deal
of Merit, yet as there were some Particulars that would be
excepted to by the medical People here, many of whom are in
the Royal Society & have great Weight there; and as the
Society generally is of late grown more difficult in the Admis
sion of new Members, several Candidates being this last year
rejected, and a Criticism to the Disadvantage of your Piece
in the Reviews or otherways might prejudice some Votes
against you; we thought it best the Publication should be
postpon'd till after the Ballot for your Election; it being
intended by us to put you up as a Candidate at the next
meeting of the Society, which will be in November, and we
were unwilling to hazard your being refus'd, as it would be
better not to propose you, than to do it without a moral
Certainty of Success. We therefore advis'd the Booksel
ler not to print it till Winter, which he the more readily
agreed to, as that is the best Season for publishing. You
1 "Natural History of Medicine among the Indians of North America."
Ed.
236
[1774
compliment me too highly in supposing a Preface of mine

would be of any Advantage to it
Wishing you all sorts of Happiness, I am ever,
Dear Sir,
Your affectionate Friend
& most obed' Servant
B. Franklin.
745.
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
(a. p. s.)
London July 25. 1774

Dear Sir
I have already written to you as a Friend by this Con
veyance. I now write to you as one of the Secretaries of our
Philosophical Society, who understands French, to request
your Attention to the enclos'd Papers and that you would
translate them for the Use of the Society.
In this Ship, Capt. Falconer, I send a Box, containing a
Number of Presents for the Society, from different Hands,
in Books and Pamphlets on Philosophical Subjects. The
most magnificent is that from M. Buffon, being his Natural
History of Birds, as far as published. The whole was in
Sheets. The Letter-Press part is not yet finished of all of
them: So I have bound Compleatly only the two first Vol
umes. The others being Plates, I thought it best to keep
them together by a half-binding till the descriptive Part
should be obtained. With this Present came the enclosed
Directions for preserving Subjects of Natural History ; from
whence I conclude some Returns in that way may be ex
pected and I believe it will be thought proper to attend to it.
1774]
TO BENJAMIN RUSH
237
There is a Volume of their Memoirs from the Prussian

Academy of Sciences. And some of the Transactions from
the Royal Society here, who have directed them to be con
stantly sent you from the time you first sent them yours.
Let me know if these are regular. I suspect that one Vol
ume is sent twice, and that one is omitted.
Methinks a Line or two of Thanks would be proper from
the Society to each Benefactor.
I wish to procure Answers to as many of the Marquis de
Condorcet's Questions as may be. He is a very respectable
Man, and one of the Secretaries of the Academy of Sciences
at Paris.
I took the Liberty last Year of recommending to the Society
for Election as a Member, our Friend (and a Zealous Friend
of America) M. Barbeu Dubourg of Paris. I have never
heard whether it was done or not. You know his Merit in
Science to be such as would do honour to any Society in
Europe. Is it possible there could arise any Objection to his
Admission ?
By some Proposals I put into the Box, you will see that an
Edition of the English Philosophical Transactions at large,
and from the Beginning, is printing by Subscription in Ger
many. A Proof, this, of the growing Acquaintance with our
Language among the foreign Literati. Nine Volumes are
already printed, and sold at half the Price of the English Edi
tion, which is indeed hard to be got.
Present my Respects to the Society, and best Wishes for
their Success ; and believe me, with sincere Esteem
Dear Sir
Your most obedient humble Servant
B. Franklin
238
746.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
[1774
(p. r. o.)

Sir : The last Line I have been favour'd with from you
is of the 30th of April. I have since written to you several
times. I hope our Correspondence is not intercepted.
This serves to cover a Pamphlet or two just published here,
of which I shall send you a Number, as I think it may be of
Use in America to see what Sentiments are entertain'd here ;
and believing they may be of Use here, I have been at some
Expence in promoting the Publication. With great Re
spect, I am, Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. Franklin.
747.
Sir
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(l. l.)
I It is a long time since I have been favoured by a Line from

you. I suppose you thought me on my return to America,
& that your Letters would probably not reach me here:
But I have been advised by our Friends to stay till the Result
of your Congress should arrive. J The Coolness, Temper, &
Firmness of the American Proceedings; the Unanimity of
all the Colonies, in the same Sentiments of their Rights, &
of the Injustice offered to Boston; and the Patience with
which those Injuries are at Present borne, without the least
Appearance of Submission; have a good deal surprized and
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
1774]
>39
disappointed our Enemies, and the Tone of Publick Con

versation, which has been violently against us, begins evi
dently to turne; so that I make no doubt that before the
meeting of Parliament it will be as general in our Favour.
All who know well the State of things here, agree, that if the
Non Consumption Agreement should become general, and
be firmly adhered to, this Ministry must be ruined, and our
Friends succeed them, from whom we may hope a great
Constitutional Charter to be confirmed by King, Lords, &
Commons, whereby our Liberties shall be recognized and
established, as the only sure Foundation of that Union so
necessary for our Common welfare. You will see a stronger
Opposition in our Favour at the next Meeting of Parliament
than appear'd in the last: But as I have said in former
Letters, we should depend chiefly upon ourselves. The
Uncertainty of safe Conveyance prevents my being more
particular or adding more at present, than that I am, with
the sincerest Esteem & Respect
Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servant
B. Franklin
748.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN 1
(b. m.)
London, Sept. 7, 1774.

I received
yours of July 3, from New York, with the Bill
Dear Son,
of Exchange for Forty Pounds, Cobham on Bond & Ryland,
which is carried to the Credit of your Account.
1 Sparks printed this letter from an imperfect and fragmentary draft in
A. P. S. Ed.
240
[1774
I have spoken in Mr. Antill's Favour ; but there seems to

have been a previous Disposition of those Places.
At the Time of making up the Mail for the August Packet
I was down at Lord Le Despencer's, and wrote the above
Letter to you from thence, frank'd by his Lordship. A week
after the Packet had sail'd my Letter was returned to me,
having been, by a Blunder at the Office, sent to Burlington,
in Yorkshire. I have now open'd it to add this, and send it
re-seal'd to have the Benefit of the same Frank.
I am glad you have met with my Friend Barro.". I wish
you to cultivate his Acquaintance, and Mrs. Barrow s, who
is a good and amiable Woman.
I am much oblig'd to Mr. Panton for his Information re
lating to Mr. Parker's Affairs. Cousin Jonathan Williams,
an expert and accurate Accomptant, is now with me, and
engag'd in posting and settling my Accounts, which will be
done before the next Packet, when I shall send what concern'd Parker's. In the meantime I think it cannot be amiss
for you or Mr. Bache to accept any Security Mrs. Parker is
willing to give. (You mention some Lands.) I think I
gave a power to Mr. Bache.
You say my Presence is wish'd for at the Congress, but no
Person besides in America has given me the least Intimation
of such a Desire ; and it is thought by the great Friends of the
Colonies here, that I ought to stay till the Result of the Con
gress arrives, when my Presence here may be of Use. In my
Opinion all depends on the Americans themselves. If they
make, & keep firm Resolutions not to consume British
Manufactures till their Grievances are redress'd and their
Rights acknowledged, this Ministry must fall, and the
aggrieving Laws be repeal'd. This is the Opinion of all
wise men here.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
941
I hear nothing of the Proposal you have made for a Con

gress of Governors etc. I do not so much as you do wonder
that the Massachusetts have not offered Payment for the
Tea: i. Because of the uncertainty of the Act, which gives
them no surety that the Port shall be opened on their making
that Payment. 2, no specific Sum is demanded. 3, no one
knows what will satisfy the Custom-house Officers, nor who
the "others " are, that must be satisfied ; nor what will satisfy
them. And 4, after all they are in the King's Power, how
much of the Port shall be opened. As to "doing Justice
before they ask it," that should have been thought of by the
Legislature here, before they demanded it of the Bostonians.
They have extorted many Thousand Pounds from America
unconstitutionally, under Colour of Acts of Parliament, and
with an armed Force. Of this Money they ought to make
Restitution. They might first have taken out Payment
for the Tea, &c. and return'd the Rest. But you, who
are a thorough Courtier, see every thing with Government
Eyes.
I am sorry for the loss of Sir W. Johnson, especially at this
time of danger from an Indian War.1 I see by the Papers
that you were with him at the time. Mr. Parker of Amboy,
has written to Mr. Wilmot that the King's Approbation of
the Boundary Act is not arriv'd. I sent Duplicates of it last
Winter to Messrs Kinsey & Hewlings: one by the Packet,
the other by a Philadelphia Ship. As you know they have
receiv'd them, may request Mr. Kinsey to acknowledge the
Receipt of them to Mr. Parker.
A fresh Memorial has lately been presented on the Ohio
1 Sir William Johnson died at the place of his residence, near the Mohawk
River, on the nth of July, 1774. S.
VOL. VI R
342
[1774
Affair. The Event still uncertain, But Mr. Walpole con

tinues confident that sooner or later it must succeed.
A Spanish War is now seriously apprehended here, and the
Stocks of course are falling. The Aug. Packet is hourly ex
pected, when I hope to hear of your safe Return & Health.
With love to Betsey I am ever
Your affectionate Father,
B. Franklin.
749.
TO SAMUEL TUCKER, AND OTHERS1

(a. p. s.)
Gentlemen,
London, Sept. 7. 1774.
I have just received two of your Favours of July 26.

requiring my attention to the Several Acts of your Assembly
passed the last Session, & Endeavours to obtain the Royal
Approbation of them. This Instruction I shall most cer
tainly observe, and it will be a great pleasure to me if I meet
with the Success you wish.
I hope to receive by the next Ship printed Copies of the
Acts. It is well always to furnish your Agent with them
early ; and also with the votes, as they are sometimes of Ser
vice in explaining an Act & removing Objections. The
votes of the last Session I have been favour'd with by Mr.
Dillwyn.
I shall also endeavour to give you the earliest Intelligence
of every publick Measure here that may any way affect the
Liberties of America. Probably nothing of the kind will
occur till the Meeting of Parliament, but that it is said will
1 Addressed to Samuel Tucker, Jon Mehelm, Robert Friend Price, Henry
Faxson and Jo. Kinsey. Ed.
1774]
TO PETER TIMOTHY
243
be early in November. The result of your Congress is im

patiently waited for here. Unanimity and firmness will do
everything for you.
The kind & friendly Sentiments you express towards me
are extreamly obliging. Accept my thankful Acknowledg
ments, & be assured of my faithful Attachment to the public
Interests of your Province, and of the Sincere Respect with
which I am,
Gentlemen,
Your most obedient
humble Servant,
A speedy War with Spain is expected.
B. F.
750.
Dear Sir,
TO PETER TIMOTHY 1
(a. p. s.)
I received your Favour of May 26, and am much oblig'd by

your kind Invitation to your House, which I should certainly
accept with Pleasure, if I should ever go to Carolina.
You wish me to correspond with you on publick Affairs.
Those relating to America have been, and still continue, in
so disagreable a Situation, that I cannot write upon them
with Pleasure. Much depends on yourselves. If at the
intended congress your Deputies are nearly unanimous in
declaring your Rights, and in resolving firmly against all Im
portations from hence till those Rights are acknowledged here,
you cannot well fail of carrying your Point. This Ministry
1 A printer of Charleston, South Carolina, who from 1768 corresponded
with Franklin upon topics of politics and commerce. Ed.
244
must go out, and give Place to Men of juster and more

generous Principles. If you divide, you are lost.
I believe I shall stay here another Winter, and shall be glad
to hear of the Welfare of you and yours. My Love and
Blessing to my little Namesake. If you send me any of your
papers per Packet, I shall receive them free of Expence ; for,
tho' I now pay for my Letters, they do not charge me for
Newspapers. I am ever, dear Sir,
Your affectionate humble Serv'
B. Franklin.
751.
TO THOMASLondon,
CUSHING
September (p.
15 1774
r. o.)
Sir: I received last week only, your Favour of June 27,

and I have received no other from you since that of April 30.
[ You complain of hearing seldom from me, and yet I have
written oftener this year than ever before. I apprehend
our Letters are intercepted, j I hope you have received mine
of June 1, for in that you will find the Dates of many of the
Letters I had written before that time; and I wish that for
the future you would be so good as to mention the Dates of
those you receive, as I shall always do for your Satisfaction
of those I receive from you.
I rejoice to find that the whole Continent have so justly,
wisely and unanimously taken up our Cause as their own.
This is an unexpected Blow to the Ministry, who rely'd on
our being neglected by every other Colony; this they de
pended on as another Circumstance that must force our
immediate Submission, of which they were likewise perfectly
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
245
sure. They are now a little disconcerted, but I hear yet

from that Quarter no talk of retreating or changing of Meas
ures. The Language of those about the Court rather is that
the King must now go on, whatever may be the Consequence.
ing
the
On to
the
Mischief
unite.
other hand,
that
I have
must
our
been
Friends
arise
taking
toare
the
pains
increasing
Whole
among
from
and
them,
aendeavourDismemto show
bring of the Empire, which all the Measures of the present

mad Administration have a Tendency to accomplish, and
which can only be prevented by such a Union of the Friends
of Liberty in both Houses as will compell a Change of that
Administration
to you with whom
andI those
have Measures.
conferr'd, nor
I must
the Conversations
not now relateI v
have had on this Subject, lest my Letter fall into wrong
Hands ; but I may say I have reason to think a strong Push
will be made at the very beginning of the Session to have all
the late Acts revers'd, and a solemn Assurance given America
that no future Attempts shall be made to tax us without our
Consent. Much depends on the Proceedings of the Con
gress. All sides are Enquiring when an Account of them
may be expected. And I am advis'd by no means to leave
England till they arrive. Their Unanimity and Firmness
will have great Weight here, and probably unhorse the present
wild Riders.
I inclose a Copy of mine mention'd above. Since that
Date I have written several short Letters to you, including
the Bishop of St. Asaph's Speech (which is admired here as a
Masterpiece of Eloquence and Wisdom), an Address to Prot
estant
have been
Dissenters,
instrumental
and sundry
in Writing,
other Pieces
Printing,
and or
Papers
Publishing
that I
here. \Jt would encourage me, if you could find time to ac-
246
[1774
knowledge the Receipt of such things, and let me know how

they were approved.^ Nothing material has pass'd here in
publick Affairs since the Rising of Parliament. Great
and
Preparations
a War with
are Spain
now making
is apprehended,
for the Election
but willofbea avoided
new Oneif;
possible.
I am, Sir, with great Esteem and Respect, your most
obedient humble Servant,
B. Franklin
P. S. The Bishop's Speech has had four Editions, the
last of 5,000 Number.
753.
TO MRS. JANE MECOM1
Dear Sister,
London, September 26, 1774.
I hope you continue in health, as I do, thanks to God.

But I wish to know how you fare in the present distress of
our dear country. I am apprehensive, that the letters be
tween us, though very innocent ones, are intercepted. They
might restore to me yours at least, after reading them; es
pecially as I never complain of broken, patched-up seals (of
late very common), because I know not on whom to fix the
fact.
I see in a Boston paper of August 18th, an article express
ing, "that it is generally believed Dr. Franklin has received
a promise of being restored to the royal favour, and promoted
to an office superior to that which he resigned." I have
made no public answer to any of the abuses I have received
1 From "A Collection of the Familiar Letters and Miscellaneous Papers of
Benjamin Franklin " (Sparks), 1833, p. 15a Ed.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
1774]
347
in the papers here, nor shall I to this. But as I am anxious to

preserve your good opinion, and as I know your sentiments,
and that you must be much afflicted yourself, and even de
spise me, if you thought me capable of accepting any office
from
towards
thismy
government,
native country,
whileI itcannot
is acting
misswith
thissofirst
much
opportunity
hostility /
of assuring you, that there is not the least foundation for
such a report ; that, so far from having any promise of royal
favour, I hear of nothing but royal and ministerial displeasure ;
which, indeed, as things at present stand, I consider as an
honour.
least
communication
|_I have seen no
withminister
them. since
\ The January,
generousnor
andhad
noble
the
friends of America in both Houses do indeed favour me with
their notice and regard; but they are in disgrace at court,
as well as myself. Be satisfied, that I shall do nothing to
lessen me in your esteem, or my own. I shall not, by the
least concurrence with the present measures, merit any
court favour, nor accept of any, if it were offered me, which,
however, is not at all likely to happen.
As those here, who most interest themselves in behalf of
America, conceive, that my being present at the arrival of
the proceedings of the Congress and the meeting of Parlia
ment may be of use, I submit to their judgment, and think
it now likely, that I shall not return till spring. I am
ever, &c.
B. Franklin.
753.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(p. r. o.)
London, September 27. 1774

Sni : I wrote to you lately by the Boston Packet, Capt.
Shepherd, and by several preceding Conveyances. / 1 should
248
be glad to hear from you what Letters of mine came to your

hands, as I suspect they are often intercepted^
The Ministers have for some time been out of town, as
well as those of both Houses who are Friends of America.
But the latter have frequent Communications, for the pur
pose of dropping their private Misunderstandings, and uniting
in the public Cause, which at present needs all their joint
Assistance, since a Breach with America, hazarded by the
late harsh Measures, may be ruinous to the general Welfare
of the British Empire. In forwarding this good Work
among them, as far as my little Endeavours may amount to,
I have been for sometime industriously engaged. I see some
Letters in your Newspapers, said to be written from hence,
which represent Lord Chatham as having deserted your
cause. I can of my own certain Knowledge assure you of
the contrary, and that his Sentiments are such as you could
wish. It was thought the Parliament would meet in Novem
ber; but the Talk now is, that it will be further prorogu'd
till January, that Government may be in full Possession of
the Proceedings of the Congress, and the Views of the Ameri
cans. With great Respect, I am, Sir, your most obedient
humble servant,
B. Franklin.
754.
TO RICHARD BACHE1
London, September 30, 177/

Dear Son,
2i
The bearer, Mr. Thomas Paine, is very well recommended
to me, as an ingenious, worthy young man. He goes to
Pennsylvania with a1 First
viewprinted
of settling
by Sparks.
there. I reqjiest you
to
1774]
give him your best
TO THOMAS
advice andCUSHING
countenance, as he is quite
249
a stranger there. If you can put him in a way of obtaining

employment as a clerk, or assistant tutor in a school, or as
sistant surveyor, (of all which I think him very capable,)
so that he may procure a subsistence at least, till he can make
acquaintance and obtain a knowledge of the country, you
will do well, and much oblige your affectionate father. My
love to Sally and the boys.
B. Franklin.
755.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(l. l.)
London, Oct. 6. 1774

Since
Sir, my last to you which went per Capt. Foulger, the
Parliament by a sudden & unexpected Resolution in the
Cabinet, has been dissolved. Various are the Conjectures
as t<J the Motives; among which one is that some Advices
from Boston, importing the Impossibility of carrying on
Government there under the late Acts of Parliament, have
made it appear necessary that a new Election should be got
through before any Ferment arises here among the Manu
facturers, which if it happen'd during the Election (as might
be expected if the old Parliament had gone on to finish its
Term) would probably have been a means of Outing many
of the Court Candidates. As yet it does not appear that there
< any Intention of Changing Measures: But all intelligent
M-n are of Opinion, that if the American Congress should
resoive on the Non-consumption of the Manufactures of
Brita..i this Ministry must go out, and their late Measures be
all reversed. As such a resolution, firmly adher'd to, would
2$o
in a peaceable and justifiable Way do every thing for us that

we can wfch, I am griev'd to hear of Mobs & Violence, and
the pulling down the Houses, which our Friends cannot
justify, and which give great Advantage against us to our
Enemies.
The Electors of the Cities of London & Westminster, the
Borough of Southwark, the County of Middlesex, and some
other Places, have exacted of their Candidates Engagements
under their Hands that they will among other things endeav
our a Repeal of the late iniquitous Acts against America,
and tis suppos'd the Example of the Metropolis will be follow'd in other Places, and would have been nearly general
if the Election had not been thus precipitated. The Bishop
of St. Asaph's intended speech, several Copies of which I
send you, and of which many Thousands have been printed
and distributed here has had an extraordinary Effect, in
changing the Sentiments of Multitudes with regard to America.
And when the Result of the Congress arrives, and the
Measures they resolve to pursue (which I confide will be wise
& good, enter'd into with Unanimity, and persisted in with
Firmness) come to be known and consider'd here, I am
persuaded our Friends will be multiplied, and our Enemies
diminished so as to bring on an Accommodation in which our
undoubted Rights shall be acknowledg'd and establish'd.
This, for the common Welfare of the British Empire, I most
ardently wish. But I am in perpetual Anxiety lest the mad
Measure of mixing Soldiers among a People whose Minds are
in such a State of Irritation, may be attended with some
sudden Mischief; For an accidental Quarrel, a personal
Insult, an imprudent Order, an insolent Execution of even
a prudent one, or 20 other things, may produce a Tumult,
1774]
TO THOMAS CUSHING
unforeseen, and therefore impossible to be prevented, in

which such a Carnage may ensue, as to make a Breach that
can never afterwards be healed.
I pray God to Govern everything for the best, and am
with the greatest Esteem & Respect,
Your
Sir (and the Committee's)
most obedient
and most humble Servant
B Franklin
756.
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(l. l.)
London, Oct. 10. 1774

I wrote
Sir, to you a few Days since, and have little to add.
The Election for Lord Mayor ended on Saturday, when
Wilkes was chosen by a great Majority both of the Livery &
of the Aldermen; and 'tis thought he will carry the Elections
of 4 Members for the City, 2 for the Borough of Southwark,
2 for Westminster, and 2 for the County of Middlesex,
himself one of the latter; all of whom have subscrib'd an
Engagement to endeavour a Repeal of the late Acts against
America. But still if the Temper of the Court continues,
there will doubtless be a Majority in the new Parliament for
its Measures, whatever they are : For as most of the Mem
bers are bribing or purchasing to get in, there is little doubt
of selling their votes to the Minister for the time being, to
reimburse themselves. Luxury introduces necessity even
among those that make the most splendid Figures here;
this brings most of the Commons as well as Lords to Market ;
252
and if America would save for 3 or 4 Years the Money she

spends in Fashions & Fineries & Fopperies of this Country,
she might buy the whole Parliament, Minister and all.
It is said 3 ships of the Line are fitting out to join the
Fleet at Boston; for what purpose I cannot imagine, since
it does not appear that those already there are insufficient to
block up that Port.
Some of the ministerial People seeing things turn out in
America contrary to what they had been made to expect,
begin to blame Hutchinson for misleading them. And Gen.
Gage, who when going was talk'd of as a cool prudent Man,
& therefore fit for that Service; is now spoken of as peevish,
passionate & indiscreet ; for which indeed several particulars
of his Conduct appear to afford good Grounds.
All here are impatient to know the Result of your Congress.
The two last Letters I have receiv'd from you, are of April 30,
and June 27. I suppose the Expectation of my being on
my Way to America has prevented your Writing.
With great Respect, I have the honour to be Sir,
Your most obedient
and most humble Servant
B. Franklin
757.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
(a. p. s.)
[London,] Oct. 12. 1774.

Dear Sir,
I wrote to you on the 1st Inst, by Capt Cook, acquainting
you with the Disposition of the Parliament, since which the
Elections are going on briskly everywhere for a new one.
The Electors of London, Westminster, the Borough of
1774]
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
>53
Southwark, & the County of Middlesex, have obliged their

Candidates to sign a written Engagement, that they will
endeavour a Repeal of the late oppressive and unconstitu
tional American Laws, & promote a Reconciliation between
the two Countries. Their Example will be followed in some
other Places, and 'tis thought would have been pretty general
in the trading and manufacturing Towns, if the suddenness
of the Dissolution had not hurried things too much.
It being objected to one of the Candidates set up for
Westminster, viz Lord Percy, that he is absent on the wicked
Business of cutting the Throats of our American Brethren,
his Friends have thought it necessary this Morning to publish
a Letter of his, expressing that he is upon good Terms with
the People of Boston, and much respected by them. These
Circumstances show, that the American Cause begins to be
more popular here. Yet the Court talk boldly of persisting
in their Measures, and 3 Ships of the Line are fitting out for
America, which are to be over-mann'd, to have a Double
Number of Marines, and several arm'd Tenders. It is
rumoured they are to stop all the ports of America.
Many think the new Parliament will be for reversing the
late proceedings; but that depends on the Court, on which
every Parliament seems to be dependent; so much so, that
I begin to think a Parliament here of little Use to the People :
For since a Parliament is always to do as a ministry would
hav it, why should we not be govern'd by the Ministry in
the first Instance ? They could afford to govern us cheaper,
the Parliament being a very expensive Machine, that re
quires a vast deal of oiling and greasing at the People's
Charge; for they finally pay all the enormous Salaries of
Places, the Pensions, and the Bribes, now by Custom become
254
[1774
necessary to induce the Members to vote according to their

Consciences.
(My Situation here is thought by many to be a little hazard
ous ; for that if by some Accident, the Troops and People of
N. E.1 should come to Blows, I should probably be taken up ;
the ministerial People affecting everywhere to represent me
as the Cause of all the Misunderstanding; and I have been
frequently caution'd to secure my Papers, and by some
advis'd to withdraw. But I venture to stay, in compliance
with the Wish of others, till the Result of the Congress ar
rives, since they suppose my being here might on that Oc
casion be of Use; and I confide in my Innocence, that the
worst which can happen to me will be an Imprisonment on
Suspicion, tho' that is a thing I should much desire to avoid,
as it may be expensive and vexatious, as well as dangerous
to my HealthJ With great respect and esteem, I am ever,
dear Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
758.
A PARABLE AGAINST PERSECUTION*
1. And it came to pass after these things, that Abraham

sat in the door of his tent, about the going down of the sun.
2. And behold a man, bent with age, coming from the way
of the wilderness, leaning on a staff.
3. And Abraham arose and met him, and said unto him,
Turn in, I pray thee, and wash thy feet, and tarry all night,
and thou shalt arise early in the morning, and go on thy way.
4. But the man said, Nay, for I will abide under this tree.
1 New England. Ed.
s See Volume I, p. 179. The parable is printed here from Vaughan's
text. ED.
1774]
^ PARABLE AGAINST PERSECUTION
255
5. And Abraham pressed him greatly ; so he turned, and

they went into the tent; and Abraham baked unleavened
bread, and they did eat.
6. And when Abraham saw that the man blessed not God,
he said unto him, Wherefore dost thou not worship the most
high God, Creator of heaven and earth ?
7. And the man answered and said, I do not worship
thy God, neither do I call upon his name ; for I have made
to myself a god, which abideth always in mine house, and
provideth me with all things.
8. And Abraham's zeal was kindled against the man, and
he arose and fell upon him, and drove him forth with blows
into the wilderness.
9. And God called unto Abraham, saying, Abraham,
where is the stranger?
10. And Abraham answered and said, Lord, he would
not worship thee, neither would he call upon thy name;
therefore have I driven him out from before my face into
the wilderness.
11. And God said, Have I borne with him these hundred
and ninety and eight years, and nourished him, and cloathed
him, notwithstanding his rebellion against me; and couldst
not thou, who art thyself a sinner, bear with him one night ?
12. And Abraham said, Let not the anger of the Lord
wax hot against his servant; lo, I have sinned; lo, I have
sinned; forgive me, I pray thee.
13. And Abraham arose, and went forth into the wilder
ness, and sought diligently for the man, and found him, and
returned with him to the tent; and when he had entreated
him kindly, he sent him away on the morrow with gifts.
14. And God spake again unto Abraham, saying, For
256
[1774
this thy sin shall thy seed be afflicted four hundred years in
a strange land ;
15. But for thy repentance will I deliver them; and they
shall come forth with power, and with gladness of heart,
and with much substance.1
759.
A PARABLE ON BROTHERLY LOVE
1. In those days there was no worker of iron in all the

land. And the merchants of Midian passed by with their
camels, bearing spices, and myrrh, and balm, and wares of
iron.
2. And Reuben bought an axe of the Ishmaelite merchants,
which he prized highly, for there was none in his father's
house.
3. And Simeon said unto Reuben his brother, "Lend me,
I pray thee, thine axe." But he refused, and would not.
4. And Levi also said unto him, "My brother, lend me,
I pray thee, thine axe ; " and he refused him also.
5. Then came Judah unto Reuben, and entreated him,
saying, "Lo, thou lovest me, and I have always loved thee;
do not refuse me the use of thine axe."
6. But Reuben turned from him, and refused him likewise.
7. Now it came to pass, that Reuben hewed timber on
the bank of the river, and his axe fell therein, and he could
by no means find it.
8. But Simeon, Levi, and Judah had sent a messenger
after the Ishmaelites with money, and had bought for them
selves each an axe.
1 On the subject of this Parable see also a letter from Or. Franklin to Mr.
Vaughan, dated November 2d, 1789. Ed.
1774]
A PARABLE ON BROTHERLY LOVE
257
9. Then came Reuben unto Simeon, and said, "Lo, I

have lost mine axe, and my work is unfinished; lend me
thine, I pray thee."
10. And Simeon answered him, saying, "Thou wouldest
not lend me thine axe, therefore will I not lend thee
mine."
11. Then went he unto Levi, and said unto him, "My
brother, thou knowest my loss and my necessity; lend me,
I pray thee, thine axe."
12. And Levi reproached him, saying, "Thou wouldest
not lend me thine axe when I desired it, but I will be better
than thou, and will lend thee mine."
13. And Reuben was grieved at the rebuke of Levi and
being ashamed, turned from him, and took not the axe, but
sought his brother Judah.
14. And as he drew near, Judah beheld his countenance
as it were covered with grief and shame; and he prevented
him, saying, "My brother, I know thy loss; but why should
it trouble thee ? Lo, have I not an axe that will serve both
thee and me? Take it, I pray thee, and use it as thine own."
15. And Reuben fell on his neck, and kissed him, with
tears, saying, "Thy kindness is great, but thy goodness in
forgiving me is greater. Thou are indeed my brother, and
whilst I live, will I surely love thee."
16. And Judah said, "Let us also love our other brethren;
behold, are we not all of one blood?"
17. And Joseph saw these things, and reported them to
his father Jacob.
18. And Jacob said, "Reuben did wrong, but he repented.
Simeon also did wrong ; and Levi was not altogether blame
less.
vol, vi s
258
[1774
19. "But the heart of Judah is princely. Judah hath

the soul of a king. His father's children shall bow down
before him, and he shall rule over his brethren."
760.
TRACT RELATIVE TO THE AFFAIR OF

HUTCHINSON'S LETTERS1
(l. c.)
Having been from my Youth more or lest engag'd in

publick Affairs, it has often happened to me in the Course
of my Life to be censured sharply for the Part I took in them.
Such Censures I have generally passed over in Silence,
conceiving, when they were just, that I ought rather to
amend than defend; and when they were undeserved, that
a little Time would justify me. Splashes of Dirt thrown
upon my Character, I suffered while fresh to remain: I did
not chuse to spread by endeavouring to remove them, but
rely'd on the vulgar Adage thai they would all rub off when
they were dry. Much Experience has confirm'd my Opinion
of the Propriety of this Conduct; for notwithstanding the
frequent, and sometimes the virulent Attacks which the
Jostlings of Party Interests have drawn upon me, I have
had the Felicity of bringing down to a good old Age as fair
a Reputation (may I be permitted to say it ?) as most publick
Men that I have known, and have never had reason to re
pent my neglecting to defend it.
I should therefore (persisting, as old Men are apt to do,
1 For the history of the Hutchinson letters, see the Life of Franklin in
Volume X of this edition. This paper was written in 1774, but was not pub
lished until it appeared in W. T. F.'s edition of the works in 1 81 7. A draft
and trans, of it exist in L. C. Ed.
1774] TRACT RELATIVE TO HUTCHINSON LETTERS 259

in old Habits) have taken no Notice of the late Invective of
the Sollicitor- General, nor of the abundant Abuse in the
Papers, were I not urg'd to it by my Friends, who say, that
the first being delivered by a publick Officer of Government
before a high and most respectable Court, the Privy Council,
and countenanc'd by its Report, and the latter having that
for its Foundation, it behoves me, more especially as I am
about leaving this Country, to furnish them with the Knowl
edge of such Facts as may enable them to justify to others
their good Opinion of me. This compells me to the present
Writing : for otherwise, having for some time past been grad
ually loosning all publick Connections, declining my Agencies,
determin'd on retiring to my little Family, that I might
enjoy the Remainder of Life in private Repose, indifferent
to the Opinion of Courtiers, as having nothing to seek or
wish among them, and being secure that Time would soon
lay the Dust which Prejudice and Party have so lately rais'd,
I should not think of giving myself the Trouble of Writing,
and my Friends of reading an Apology for my political
Conduct.
That this conduct may be better understood, and its Con
sistency more apparent, it seems necessary that I should
first explain the Principles on which I have acted. It has.
long appeared to me, that the only true British Politicks were
those which aim'd at the Good of the Whole British Empire,
not that which sought the Advantage of one Part in the Dis
advantage of the others ; therefore all Measures of procuring
Gain to the Mother Country arising from Loss to her Colo
nies, and all of Gain to the Colonies arising from or occasion
ing Loss to Britain, especially where the Gain was small and
the Loss great, every Abridgment of the Power of the Mother
260
[1774
Country, where that Power was not prejudicial to the Liber

ties of the Colonists, and every Diminution of the Privileges
of the Colonists, where they were not prejudicial to the Wel
fare of the Mo. Country, I, in my own Mind, condemned as
improper, partial, unjust, and mischievous; tending to create
Dissensions, and weaken that Union, on which the Strength,
Solidity, and Duration of the Empire greatly depended;
and I opposed, as far as my little Powers went, all Proceed
ings, either here or in America, that in my Opinion had such
Tendency. Hence it has often happened to me, that while
I have been thought here too much of an American, I have
in America been deem'd too much of an Englishman.
From a thorough Enquiry (on Occasion of the Stamp Act)
into the Nature of the Connection between Britain and the
Colonies, I became convinced, that the Bond of their Union
is not the Parliament, but the King. That in removing to
America, a Country out of the Realm, they did not carry
with them the Statutes then existing; for, if they did, the
Puritans must have been subject there to the same grievous
Acts of Conformity, Tithes, Spiritual Courts, &c., which
they meant to be free from by going thither; and in vain
would they have left their native Country, and all the Conveniencies and Comforts of its improved State, to combat
the Hardships of a new Settlement in a distant Wilderness,
if they had taken with them what they meant to fly from,
or if they had left a Power behind them capable of sending
the same Chains after them, to bind them in America :
They took with them, however, by Compact, their Allegiance
to the King, and a Legislative Power for the making a new
Body of Laws with his Assent, by which they were to be gov
erned. Hence they became distinct States, under the same

Prince, as Scotland and England were before the Union, as
Ireland is, as Jersey, Guernsey and Hanover are, governed
each by its own Laws, and by the same Sovereign; having
each the Power of granting their own Money to that Sover
eign. And the Privilege of not being taxed but by their
own Representatives.
thority
At the
over
same
all the
time,Colonies
I considered
as of the
thegreatest
King's importance
Supreme Auto /
them, affording a Dernier Resort for settling all their Disputes,
a Means of preserving Peace among them with each other,
and a Center in which their Common Force might be united
against a common Enemy. This Authority I therefore
thought, when acting within its due Limits, should be ever
as carefully supported by the Colonists as by the Inhabitants
of Britain.
In Conformity with these Principles, and as Agent for the
Colonies, I opposed the Stamp Act, and endeavoured to"obtain its Repeal, as an Infringement of the Rights of the
Colonists, of no real Advantage to Britain, since she might
ever be sure of greater Aids from our voluntary Grants than
she could expect from arbitrary Taxes, as by losing our
Respect and Affection, on which much of her Commerce
with us depended, she would lose more in that Commerce
than she could possibly gain by such Taxes, and as it was
detrimental to the Harmony which had till then so happily
subsisted, and which was so essential to the Welfare of the
whole. And to keep up, as much as in me lay, a Reverence
for the King and a Respect for the British Nation on that side
the Water, and on this some Regard for the Colonies, (both
tending to promote that Harmony,) I industriously, on all
Occasions, in my Letters to America, represented the Meas-
262
ures that were grievous to them, as being neither royal nor

National Measures, but the Schemes of an Administration,
which wished to recommend itself for its Ingenuity in Finance,
or to avail itself of new Revenues in creating, by Places and
Pensions, new Dependencies ; for that the King was a good
and gracious Prince, and the People of Britain their real
Friends. And on this Side the Water, I represented the
People of America as fond of Britain, concern'd for its Inter
ests and its Glory, and without the least Desire of a Separation
from it. In both Cases I thought, and still think, I did not
exceed the Bounds of Truth, and I have the heartfelt Satis
faction attending good Intentions, even when they are not
successful.
|_With these Sentiments I could not but see with Concern
the Sending of Troops to Boston; and their Behaviour to
the People there gave me infinite Uneasiness, as I appre
hended from that Measure the worst of Consequences, a
Breach between the two Countries. And I was the more
concern'd when I found, that it was considered there as a
National Measure (since none here oppos'd it), and as a
Proof that Britain had no longer a Parental Regard for them.
I myself in Conversation sometimes spoke of it in this Light,
and I own with some Resentment (being myself a Native of
that Country), till I was, to my great Surprise, assured by a
Gentleman of Character and Distinction (whom I am not at
present permitted to name), that not only the Measure I par
ticularly censur'd so warmly, but all the other Grievances
we complain'd of, took their Rise, not from Government
here, but were projected, proposed to Administration, sollicited, and obtained by some of the most respectable among
the Americans themselves, as necessary Measures for the wel

fare of that Country. As I could not readily assent to the
Probability of this, he undertook to convince me, and he
hoped thro' me (as their Agent here) my Countrymen. Ac
cordingly he call'd on me some Days after, and produc'd to
me these very Letters from Lieut-Gov1 Hutchinson, Secr7
Oliver, and others, w0h have since been the Subject of so much
Discussion.
Tho' astonished, I could not but confess myself convinced,
and I was ready as he desired to convince my Countrymen ;
for I saw, I felt indeed by its Effect upon myself, the Tendency
it must have towards a Reconciliation, which for the common
Good I earnestly wished; it appear'd moreover, my Duty
to give my Constituents an Intelligence of such Importance
to their Affairs ; but there was some Difficulty, as the Gentle
man would not permit Copies to be taken of the Letters;
and, if that could have been done, the Authenticity of those
Copies might have been doubted and'disputed. My simple
Account of them as Papers I had seen, would have been still
less certain ; I therefore wish'd to have the Use of the Origi
nals for that Purpose, which I at length obtained, on these
express Conditions, that they should not be printed ; that no
Copies should be taken of them ; that they should be shown
only to a "few of the leading People of the Government ;
and that they should be carefully returned.
I accepted these Conditions, and under the same trans
mitted the original Letters to the Committee of Correspond
ence at Boston, without taking or reserving any Copy of
them for myself.1 I agreed the more willingly to the Restraint
from an Apprehension, that a Publication might, considering
the State of Irritation in which the Minds of People there had
1 See letter in Volume V, to Thomas Cushing, dated December 2, 1772.
264
long been kept, occasion some Riot of mischievous conse

quence. I had no other Scruple in sending them, for as they
had been handed about here to prejudice that People, why
not to them for their Advantage ? The writers too had taken
the same Liberty with the Letters of others, transmitting
hither those of Rosne and Auchmuty in Confirmation of their
own Calumnies against the Americans; Copies of some of
mine too had been return 'd here by Officers of Government.
Why, then, should theirs be exempt from the same Treat
ment? To whom they had been directed here I could only
conjecture; for I was not inform'd, and there was no address
upon them when I receiv'd them. My Letter in which I
enclos'd them, express'd more fully the Motives above mention'd for sending them, and I shall presently give an Extract
of so much of it as related to them.
But as it has, on the contrary, been roundly asserted that
I did not, as Agent, transmit those Letters to the Assembly's
Committee of Correspondence ; that I sent them to a Junto,
my peculiar Correspondents; that fearing to be known as
the Person who sent them, I had insisted on the keeping that
Circumstance a Secret: that I had "shown the utmost
Solicitude to have that Secret kept " ; and this has been urged
as a demonstrative Proof, that I was conscious of Guilt in
the Manner of obtaining them ; and therefore fear'd a Dis
covery so much as not to dare putting my Name to the Letter
in which I enclos'd them, and which only appear'd to be mine
by my well-known Handwriting; I would here, previous to
that Extract, observe, that on the same Paper was first written
the Copy of a preceding Letter, which had been sent sign'd
by me as usual ; and accordingly the Letter now in question
began with these Words, " The above is a Copy of my last;"

and all the first Part of it was on Business transacted by me
relating to the Affairs of the Province, and particularly to
two Petitions sent to me as Agent by the Assembly, to be
presented to the King. These Circumstances must to every
Person there have as clearly shown me to be the Writer of
that Letter, as my well-known Hand must have done to those
peculiar Correspondents of my own, to whom it is said I sent
it. If then I hoped to be conceal'd by not signing my Name
to such a Letter, I must have been as silly as that Bird, which
is suppos'd to think itself unseen when it has hid only its
Head. And, if I could depend on my Correspondents' keep
ing secret a Letter and a Transaction, which they must needs
know were mine, I might as well have trusted them with my
Name, and could have had no Motive for omitting it. In
truth, all I insisted on was (in pursuance of my Engagement),
that the Letters should not be printed or copied ; but I had not
at the time the least Thought or Desire of keeping my Part
in that Transaction a Secret; and, therefore, so far from
requesting it, I did not so much as give the smallest Intima
tion, even that it would be agreable to me not to be men
tioned on the Occasion. And if I had had that Inclination,
I must have been very weak indeed to fancy, that the Person
I wrote to, all the rest of the Committee of Correspondence,
Five other Persons named, and "such others as the Committee
might think fit to show them to," with three Gentlemen here
to whom I had communicated the matter, should all keep
as a Secret on my Account what I did not state as a Secret,
or request should be concealed.
So much of the Letter as relates to the Governor's Letters
is as follows.
"On this Occasion I think it fit to acquaint you, that there
266
has lately fallen into my Hands part of a Correspondence,

that I have reason to believe laid the Foundation of most
if not all our present grievances. I am not at Liberty to
tell thro' what Channel I receiv'd it; and I have engag'd
that it shall not be printed, nor Copies taken of the whole,
or any Part of it ; but I am allow'd to let it be seen by some
Men of Worth in the Province, for their Satisfaction only.
In confidence of your preserving inviolably my Engagement,
I send you inclosed the original Letters, to obviate every
Pretence of Unfairness in Copying, Interpolation, or Omis
sion. The Hands of the Gentlemen will be well known.
Possibly they may not like such an Exposal of their Conduct,
however tenderly and privately it may be managed. But
if they are good Men, or pretend to be such, and agree that
all good Men wish a good Understanding and Harmony to
subsist between the Colonies and their Mother Country, they
ought the less to regret, that, at the small Expence of their
Reputation for Sincerity and Publick Spirit among their
Compatriots, so desirable an Event may in some degree be
forwarded. For my own Part, I cannot but acknowledge,
that my Resentment against this Country, for its arbitrary
Measures in governing us, conducted by the late Minister,
has, since my Conviction by these Papers that those Measures
were projected, advised, and called for by Men of Character
among ourselves, and whose Advice must therefore be at
tended with all the Weight that was proper to mislead,
and which could therefore scarce fail of Misleading; my
own Resentment, I say, has by this Means been exceedingly
abated. J think they must have the same Effect with you;
but I am not, as I have said, at Liberty to make the Letters
publick. I can only allow them to be seen by yourself, by

the other Gentlemen of the Committee of Correspondence,
by Messrs. Bowdoin and Pitts of the Council, and Drs.
Chauncey, Cooper, and Winthrop, with a few such other Gen
tlemen as you may think fit to show them to. After being some
Months in your Possession, you are requested to return them
to me.
"As to the writers, I can easily as well as charitably con
ceive it possible, that a Man educated in Prepossessions of the
unbounded Authority of Parliament, &c. may think unjus
tifiable every Opposition even to its unconstitutional Exac
tions, and imagine it their Duty to suppress, as much as in
them lies, such Opposition. But when I find them bartering
away the Liberties of their native Country for Posts, and ne
gotiating for Salaries and Pensions extorted from the People ;
and, conscious of the Odium these might be attended with,
calling for Troops to protect and secure the Enjoyment of
them: When I see them exciting Jealousies in the Crown,
and provoking it to Wrath against so great a Part of its most
faithful Subjects; creating Enmities between the different
Countries of which the Empire consists ; occasioning a great
Expence to the Old Country for Suppressing or Preventing
imaginary Rebellions in the New, and to the new Country
for the Payment of needless Gratifications to useless Officers
and Enemies ; I cannot but doubt their Sincerity even in the
political Principles they profess, and deem them mere Timeservers, seeking their own private Emolument, thro' any
Quantity of Publick Mischief; Betrayers of the Interest,
not of their native Country only, but of the Govern
ment they pretend to serve, and of the whole English
Empire.
"With the greatest Esteem and Respect, I have the honour
268
to be, Sir, your and the Committee's most obedient humble

Servant,
"B. Franklin."
The next letter is of Jan. 5, 1773, to the same Gentleman,1
beginning with these Words," I did myself the Honour of writ
ing to you on the 2d of December past, enclosing some origi
nal Letters from Persons in Boston, which I hope got safe to
hand;" and then it goes on with other Business transacted
by B. F. as Agent and is signed with his Name as usual.
In Truth he never sent an anonymous Letter to any Person
in America, since his Residence here, unless where two or
more Letters happen'd to be on the same Paper, the first a
Copy of a preceding Letter, and the subsequent Referring
to the preceding ; in that Case he may possibly have omitted
signing more than one of them, as unnecessary.
The first Letter, acknowledging the Receipt of the Papers,
is dated "Boston, March 24, 1773," and begins thus; "I
have just received your Favour of the 2d December last,
with the several Papers enclos'd, for which I am much oblig'd
to you. I have communicated them to some of the Gentle
men you mentioned. They are of Opinion, that tho' it might
be inconvenient to publish them, yet it might be expedient
to have Copies taken and left on this Side the Water, as there
may be a Necessity to make some Use of them hereafter:
However I read to them what you had wrote to me upon the
Occasion, and told them I could by no means consent Copies
of them or any Part of them should be taken without your
express Leave ; that I would write to you upon the Subject ;
and should strictly conform to your Directions."
1 Thomas Cushing, Speaker of the House of Representatives in Massa
chusetts. Ed.

The next Letter, dated April 20, 1773, begins thus; "I
wrote you in my last, that the Gentlemen, to whom I had com
municated the Papers you sent me under Cover of yours of
the 2d of December last, were of Opinion that they ought to
be retained on this side the Water to be hereafter imployed
as the Exigency of our Affairs may require, or at least that
authenticated Copies ought to be taken before they are
returned : I shall have, I find, a very difficult Task properly
to conduct this Matter, unless you obtain leave for their being
retained or Copied. I shall wait your Directions on this
Head, and hope they will be such as will be agreable to all
the Gentlemen, who unanimously are of Opinion, that it
can by no means answer any valuable Purpose to send them
here for the Inspection of a few Persons, barely to satisfy
their Curiosity."
On the 9th of March, I wrote to the same Person, not having
then receiv'd the preceding Letters, and mention'd my having
written to him of the 2d of December and 5th of January;
and knowing what Use was made against the People there,
of every trifling Mob, and fearing lest if the Letters should
contrary to my Directions be made publick something more
serious of the kind might happen, I concluded that Letter
thus; "I must hope that great Care will be taken to keep our
People quiet, since nothing is more wish'd for by our Enemies,
than that by Insurrections we should give a good Pretence
for increasing the Military among us, and putting us under
more severe Restraints. And it must be evident to all, that
by our rapidly increasing Strength we shall soon become of
so much Importance, that none of our just Claims of Privilege
will be as heretofore unattended to, nor any Security we can
wish for our Rights be deny'd us."
270
Mine of May 6 begins thus ; "I have received none of your

Favours, since that of Nov. 28. I have since written to you
of the following Dates, Dec. 2, Jan. 5, March 9, and April 3,
which I hope got safe to hand." Thus in two out of three
Letters, subsequent to that of Dec. 2, which endos'd the
Governor's Letters, I mention'd my Writing that Letter,
which shows I could have no Intention of concealing my
having written it; and that therefore the Assertion of my
sending it anonymous is without Probability.
In mine of June 2, 1773, I acknowledge the Receipt of his
[Letter] of Mar. 24, and not being able to answer immediately
his Request of leave to copy the Letters, I said nothing of
them then, postponing that Subject to an Opportunity which
was expected two days after, viz. June 4th, when my Letter
of that Date concludes thus; "As to the Letters I communi
cated to you, tho' I have not been able to obtain Leave to
take Copies or publish them, I have Permission to let the
Originals remain with you, as long as you may think it of any
Use to have the Originals in Possession."
In mine of July 7. 1773, I answer the above of April 20
as follows. "The Letters communicated to you were not
merely to satisfy the Curiosity of any, but it was thought there
might be a Use in showing them to some Friends of the
Province, and even to some of the Governor's Party, for their
more certain Information concerning his Conduct and Poli
ticks, tho' the Letters were not made quite publick. I believe
I have since wrote to you, that there was no Occasion to re
turn them speedily ; and, tho' I cannot obtain Leave as yet
to suffer Copies to be taken of them, I am allowed to say,
that they may be shewn and read to whom and as many as
you think proper."

The same Person writes to me of June 14, 1773, in these
Terms; "I have endeavoured inviolably to keep to your
Injunctions with respect to the Papers you sent me; I have
shown them only to such Persons as you directed; no one
person, except Dr. Cooper and one of the Committee, know
from whom they came or to whom they were sent. I have
constantly avoided mentioning your Name upon the Occasion,
so that it never need be known (if you incline to keep it a
Secret) who they came from, and to whom they were sent;
and / desire, so far as I am concerned, my Name may not be
mentioned; for it may be a Damage to me. I thought it, how
ever, my Duty to communicate them as permitted, as they
contained Matters of Importance that very nearly affected
the Government. And notwithstanding all my Care and
Precaution, it is now publickly known that such Letters are
here. Considering the Number of Persons who were to see
them, (not less than Ten or Fifteen,) it is astonishing they did
not get Air before." Then he goes on to relate how the
Assembly, having heard of them, oblig'd him to produce'them,
but engag'd not to print them ; and that they afterwards did
nevertheless print them, having got over that Engagement by
the Appearance of Copies in the House, produc'd by a Mem
ber, who it was reported had just receiv'd them from England.
This letter concludes; "I have done all in my Power strictly
to conform to your Restrictions ; but, from the Circumstances
above related, you must be sensible it was impossible to pre
vent the Letters being made publick and therefore hope I
shall be free from all Blame respecting this Matter."
This Letter accounts for its being, unexpectedly to me,
made a Secret in Boston, that I had sent the Letters. The
Gent, to whom I sent them had his Reasons for desiring not
272
to be known as the Person who receiv'd and communicated

them; but as this would have been suspected, if it were
known that I sent them, that Circumstance was to be kept a
Secret. Accordingly they were given to another, to be by
him produc'd to the committee.
My answer to this was of July 25, 1773, as follows: [See
letter to Thomas Cushing, July 25, 1773, supra, p. 109. Ed.]
With the abovemention'd Letter of the 14th June, I re
ceived one from another of the Gentlemen1 to whom the
Papers had been communicated, which says, " By whom and
to whom they were sent is still a Secret, known only to three
Persons here, and may still remain so, if you desire it." My
Answer to him of July 25, was; "I accompany'd them with
no Restriction relating to myself: My Duty to the Province
as their Agent I thought requir'd the Communication of them
so far as I could. I was sensible I should make enemies
there, and perhaps might offend Governm' here; but these
Apprehensions I disregarded. I did not expect, and hardly
still expect, that my sending them could be kept a Secret.
But since it is such hitherto, I now wish it may continue so,
because the Publication of the Letters, contrary to my
Engagement, has changed the Circumstances." His Reply
to this, of the 10th of November, is; "After all the solicitous
Enquiries of the Governor and his Friends respecting his
Letters, it still remains a Secret from and to whom they were
sent here. This is known, among us, to two only besides my
self; and will remain undiscover'd, unless farther Intelligence
should come from your Side the Water, than I have reason
to think has yet been obtain'd. I cannot, however, but admire
your honest Openness
1 Rev. Samuel
in this
Cooper,
Affair,
of Boston.
and noble
Ed.
Negligence

of any Inconveniencies that might arise to yourself in this
essential Service to our injur'd Country."
To another Friend 1 I wrote of the same Date, July 25,
what will show the Apprehensions I was constantly under,
of the Mischiefs that might attend a Breach from the exas
perated State of Things, and the Arguments I used to prevent
it ; viz. " I am glad to see that you are elected into the Council,
and are about to take Part in our Publick Affairs. Your
Abilities, Integrity, and sober Attachment to the Liberties
of our Country, will be of great Use at this tempestuous Time,
in conducting our little Bark into safe Harbour. By the
Boston Newspapers there seem to be among us some violent
Spirits, who are for an immediate Rupture. But, I trust,
the general Prudence of our Countrymen will see, that by
our growing Strength we advance fast to a Situation in which
our Claims must be allow'd; that by a premature Struggle
we may be crippled and kept down another Age; that as
between Friends every Affront is not worth a Duel, between
Nations every Injury not worth a War, so between the Gov
erned and the Governing, every Mistake in Government,
every Incroachment on Rights, is not worth a Rebellion.
'Tis in my Opinion, sufficient for the present that we hold
them forth on all Occasions, not giving up any of them;
using at the same time, every Means to make them gen
erally understood and valued by the People; cultivating a
Harmony among the Colonies, that their Union in the same
Sentiments may give them greater Weight; remembring
withal that this Protestant Country (our Mother, tho' of late
an unkind one,) is worth preserving, and that her Weight in
1 Professor Winthrop, of Harvard College, a member of his Majesty's
Council in Massachusetts. See this letter, p. 106. Ed.
vol. VI T
274
the Scale of Europe, her Safety in a great Degree, may depend

on our Union with her. Thus conducting, I am confident,
we may within a few Years obtain every Allowance of, and
every Security for, our inestimable Privileges, that we can
wish or desire."
His Answer of Dec. 31, is; "I concur perfectly with you
in the Sentiments expressed in your last. No considerate
Person, I should think, can approve of desperate Remedies,
except in desperate Cases. The People of America are
extreamly agitated by the repeated Efforts of Administration
to subject them to absolute Power. They have been amused
with Accounts of the pacific Disposition of the Ministry,
and flattered with Assurances, that upon their humble Peti
tions, all their Grievances should be redressed. They have
petitioned from time to time ; but their Petitions have had no
other Effect than to make them feel more sensibly their own
Slavery. Instead of Redress, every Year has produced some
new Manoeuvre, which could have no Tendency but to irritate
them more and more. The last Measure of the East India
Company's sending their Tea here, subject to a Duty, seems
to have given the finishing Stroke to their Patience. You
will have heard of the Steps taken at Boston, New York,
and Philadelphia, to prevent the Payment of this Duty, by
sending the Tea back to its Owners. But, as this was found
impossible at Boston, the Destruction of the Tea was the Con
sequence. What the Event of these Commotions will be,
God only knows. The People thro' the Colonies appear
immoveably fix'd in their Resolution, that the Tea Duty
shall never be paid; and, if the Ministry are determin'd
to inforce these Measures, I dread the Consequences: I
verily fear they will turn America into a field of Blood. But
I will hope for the best."
1774] TRACT RELATIVE TO HUTCHrNSON LETTERS 275

I am told, that Administration is possess'd of most of my
Letters sent or received on Publick Affairs for some Years
past; Copies of them having been obtain'd from the Files
of the several Assemblies, or as they pass'd thro' the PostOffice. I do not condemn their ministerial Industry or com
plain of it. The foregoing Extracts may be compar'd with
those Copies; and I can appeal to them with Confidence,
that upon such Comparison, these Extracts will be found
faithfully made. And that the whole Tenor of my Letters
has been, to persuade Patience and a careful guarding against
all Violence, under the Grievances complain'd of, and this
from various Considerations, such as, that the Welfare
of the Empire depended upon the Union of its Parts; that
the Sovereign was well dispos'd towards us, and the Body
of this Nation our Friends and Well-Wishers ; that it was the
Ministry only who were prejudic'd against us; that the Sen
timents of Ministers might in time be changed, or the Min
isters themselves be changed ; or that, if those Chances fail'd,
at least Time would infallibly bring Redress, since the
Strength, Weight, and Importance of America were con
tinually and rapidly increasing, and its Friendship of course
daily becoming more valuable and more likely to be culti
vated by an Attention to its Rights. The NewsPapers have
announc'd, that Treason is found in some of my Letters. It
must then be of some new Species. The Invention of Court
Lawyers has always been fruitful in the Discovery of new
Treasons ; and perhaps it is now become Treason to censure
the Conduct of Ministers. None of any other kind, I am
sure, can be found in my Correspondence.
The Effect of the Governor's Letters on the Minds of the
People in New England, when they came to be read there,
276
was precisely what had been expected, and proposed by send

ing them over. It was now seen, that the Grievances, which
had been so deeply resented as Measures of the Mother
Country, were in fact the Measures of two or three of their
own People; of course all that Resentment was withdrawn
from her, and fell where it was proper it should fall on the
Heads of those Caitiffs, who were the Authors of the Mischief.
Both Houses 1 took up the Matter in this Light ; [and the
House of Representatives agreed to the following resolves,
reported by the committee appointed to consider the letters;
viz.
"The Committee appointed to consider certain Letters laid before the
House of Representatives, reported the following Resolves.
"Tuesday, June 15th, 1773.
" Resolved, That the letters signed Tho. Hutchinson and Amho. Oliver,
now under the consideration of this House, appear to be the genuine letters
of the present governor and lieutenant-governor of this province, whose hand
writing and signatures are well known to many of the members of this House ;
and that they contain aggravated accounts of facts and misrepresentations;
and that one manifest design of them was to represent the matters they treat
of in a light highly injurious to this province, and the persons against whom
they were written.
" Resolved, That, though the letters aforesaid, signed The. Hutchinson,
are said by the governor in his message to this House of June 9th, to be
' private letters written to a gentleman in London, since deceased,' and ' that
all except the last were written many months before he came to the chair';
yet that they were written by the present governor, when he was lieutenantgovernor and chiefjustice of this province ; who has been represented abroad
as eminent for his abilities, as for his exalted station; and was under no
official obligation to transmit private intelligence; and that they therefore
must be considered by the person to whom they were sent, as documents of
solid intelligence ; and that this gentleman in London, to whom they were
written, was then a member of the British Parliament, and one who was very
active in American affairs; and therefore that these letters, however secretly
written, must naturally be supposed to have, and really had, a public operation.
" Resolved, That these 'private letters' being written 'with express confi1 That is, the Council and House of Representatives of Massachusetts. S.

dence of secrecy ' was only to prevent the contents of them being known
here, as appears by said letters ; and this rendered them the more injurious
in their tendency, and really insidious.
" Resolved, That the letters signed Tho. Hutchinson, considering the
person by whom they were written, the matters they expressly contain, the
express reference in some of them for ' full intelligence ' to Mr. Hallowell, a
person deeply interested in the measures so much complained of, and recom
mendatory notices of divers other persons, whose emoluments arising from
our public burdens must excite them to unfavourable representations of us, the
measures they suggest, the temper in which they were written, the manner in
which they were sent, and the person to whom they were addressed, had a
natural and efficacious tendency to interrupt and alienate the affections of our
most gracious sovereign King George the Third, from this his loyal and
affectionate province ; to destroy that harmony and good-will between Great
Britain and this colony, which every friend to either would wish to establish ;
to excite the resentment of the British administration against this province ;
to defeat the endeavours of our agents and friends to serve us by a fair repre
sentation of our state of grievances ; to prevent our humble and repeated
petitions from reaching the royal ear of our common sovereign ; and to pro
duce the severe and destructive measures, which have been taken against this
province, and others still more so, which have been threatened.
" Resolved, As the opinion of this House, that it clearly appears from the
letters aforesaid, signed Tho. Hutchinson and Andw. Oliver, that it was the
desire and endeavour of the writers of them, that certain acts of the British
Parliament for raising a revenue in America, might be carried into effect by
military force : and, by introducing a fleet and army into this his Majesty's
loyal province, to intimidate the minds of his subjects here, and prevent
every constitutional measure to obtain the repeal of those acts, so justly
esteemed a grievance to us, and to suppress the very spirit of freedom.
" Resolved, That it is the opinion of this House, that, as the salaries
lately appointed for the governor, lieutenant-governor and judges of this
province, directly repugnant to the charter, and subversive of justice, are
founded on this revenue ; and as these letters were written with a design, and
had a tendency, to promote and support that revenue, therefore there is great
reason to suppose the writers of those letters were well knowing to, suggested,
andpromoted the enacting said revenue acts, and the establishments founded
on the same.
" Resolved, That, while the writer of these letters, signed Tho. Hutchinson,
has been thus exerting himself, by his 'secret confidential correspondence,' to
introduce measures destructive of our constitutional liberty, he has been prac
tising every method among the people of this province, to fix in their minds
an exalted opinion of his warmest affection for them, and his unremitted
endeavours to promote their best interests at the court of Great Britain.
" Resolved, as the opinion of this House, That, by comparing these letters,
278
signed Tho. Hutchinson, with those signed Anthv. Oliver, Cha. Paxton, and
Nath. Rogers, and considering what has since in fact taken place conformable
thereto, that there have been for many years past measures contemplated, and
a plan formed, by a set of men born and educated among us, to raise their own
fortunes, and advance themselves to posts of honour and profit, not only to the
destruction of the charter and constitution of this province, but at the
expense of the rights and liberties of the American colonies. And it is
further the opinion of this House, that the said persons have been some of
the chief instruments in the introduction of a military force into the province,
to carry their plans into execution ; and, therefore, they have been not only
greatly instrumental in disturbing the peace and harmony of the government,
and causing and promoting great discord and animosities, but are justly
chargeable with the great corruption of morals, and all that confusion, misery,
and bloodshed, which have been the natural effects of the introduction of troops.
" Whereas, for many years past, measures have been taken by the British
administration, very grievous to the good people of this province, which this
House have now reason to suppose were promoted, if not originally sug
gested, by the writers of these letters ; and many efforts have been made by
the people to obtain the redress of their grievances ;
" Resolved, That it appears to this House, that the writers of these letters
have availed themselves of disorders that naturally arise in a free government
under such oppressions, as arguments to prove, that it was originally neces
sary such measures should have been taken, and that they should now be
continued and increased.
" Whereas, in the letter signed Cha. Paxton, dated Boston Harbour, June
20th, 1768, it is expressly declared, that 'unless we have immediately two or
three regiments, it is the opinion of all the friends of government, that Boston
will be in open rebellion ; '
" Resolved, That this is a most wicked and injurious representation, de
signed to inflame the minds of his Majesty's ministers and the nation; and to
excite in the breast of our sovereign a jealousy of his loyal subjects of said
town, without the least grounds therefor, as enemies of his Majesty's person
and government.
" Whereas, certain letters by two private persons, signed T. Moffat and
G. Rome, have been laid before the House, which letters contain many matters
highly injurious to government, and to the national peace ;
" Resolved, That it has been the misfortune of their government, from the
earliest period of it, from time to time, to be secretly traduced and maliciously
represented to the British ministry, by persons who were neither friendly to
this colony nor to the English constitution.
" Resolved, That this House have just reason to complain of it as a very
great grievance, that the humble petitions and remonstrances of the commons
of this province are not allowed to reach the hands of our most gracious
sovereign, merely because they are presented by an agent, to whose appoint

ment the governor, with whom our chief dispute may subsist, doth not con
sent; while the partial and inflammatory letters of individuals, who are
greatly interested in the revenue acts, and the measures taken to carry them
into execution, have been laid be/ore administration, attended to, and deter
mined upon, not only to the injury of the reputation of the people, but to the
depriving them of their invaluable rights and liberties.
" Whereas, this House are humbly of opinion, that his Majesty will judge
it to be incompatible with the interest of his crown, and the peace and safety
of the good people of this his loyal province, that persons should be contin
ued in places of high trust and authority in it, who are known to have with
great industry, though secretly, endeavoured to undermine, alter, and over
throw the constitution of the province; therefore,
" Resolved, That this House is bound, in duty to the King and their con
stituents, humbly to remonstrate to his Majesty the conduct of his Excellency
Thomas Hutchinson, Esquire, Governor, and the Honourable Andrew Oliver,
Esquire, Lieutenant-Governor, of this province; and to pray that his Majesty
would be pleased to remove them for ever from the government thereof."1"
Upon these Resolutions was founded the following Peti
tion, transmitted to me to be presented to his Majesty.
"TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.
"Most Gracious Sovereign,
"We, your Majesty's loyal subjects, the representatives of your ancient
colony of Massachusetts Bay, in General Court legally assembled, by virtue of
your Majesty's writ under the hand and seal of the Governor, beg leave to
lay this our humble petition before your Majesty.
" Nothing but the sense of duty we owe to our sovereign, and the obliga
tion we are under to consult the peace and safety of the province, could in
duce us to remonstrate to your Majesty concerning the mal-conduct of persons,
who have heretofore had the confidence and esteem of this people; and whom
your Majesty has been pleased, from the purest motives of rendering your
subjects happy, to advance to the highest places of trust and authority in the
province.
"Your Majesty's humble petitioners, with the deepest concern and anxiety,
have seen the discords and animosities which have too long subsisted between
your subjects of the parent state and those of the American colonies. And
we have trembled with apprehensions, that the consequences, naturally arising
therefrom, would at length prove fatal to both countries.
1 The House of Representatives adopted these Resolves, as here reported,
by a large majority. The Council almost unanimously passed a series of
Resolves, on the 25th of June, embodying similar sentiments. Ed.
28o
" Permit us humbly to suggest to your Majesty, that your subjects here
have been inclined to believe, that the grievances which they have suffered,
and still continue to suffer, have been occasioned by your Majesty's ministers
and principal servants being, unfortunately for us, misinformed in certain facts
of very interesting importance to us. It is for this reason, that former assem
blies have, from time to time, prepared a true state of facts to be laid before
your Majesty; but their humble remonstrances and petitions, it is presumed,
have by some means been prevented from reaching your royal hand.
" Your Majesty's petitioners have very lately had before them certain papers,
from which they humbly conceive it is most reasonable to suppose, that there
has been long a conspiracy of evil men in this province, who have contem
plated measures, and formed a plan, to advance themselves to power, and
raise their own fortunes, by means destructive of the charter of the province,
at the expense of the quiet of the nation, and to the annihilating of the rights
and liberties of the American colonies.
" And we do, with all due submission to your Majesty, beg leave particu
larly to complain of the conduct of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinson,
Esquire, Governor, and the Honourable Andrew Oliver, Esquire, LieutenantGovernor of this your Majesty's province, as having a natural and efficacious
tendency to interrupt and alienate the affections of your Majesty, our rightful
sovereign, from this your loyal province; to destroy that harmony and good
will between Great Britain and this colony, which every honest subject should
strive to establish; to excite the resentment of the British administration
against this province; to defeat the endeavours of our agents and friends to
serve us by a fair representation of our state of facts; to prevent our humble
and repeated petitions from reaching the ear of your Majesty, or having their
desired effect. And, finally, that the said Thomas Hutchinson and Andrew
Oliver have been among the chief instruments in introducing a fleet and army
into this province, to establish and perpetuate their plans, whereby they have
been, not only greatly instrumental in disturbing the peace and harmony of
the government, and causing unnatural and hateful discords and animosities
between the several parts of your Majesty's extensive dominions, but are justly
chargeable with all that corruption of morals, and all that confusion, misery,
and bloodshed, which have been the natural effects of posting an army in a
populous town.
" Wherefore we most humbly pray, that your Majesty would be pleased to
remove from their posts in this government the said Thomas Hutchinson,
Esquire, and Andrew Oliver, Esquire ; who have, by their abovementioned
conduct, and otherwise, rendered themselves justly obnoxious to your loving
subjects, and entirely lost their confidence ; and place such good and faithful
men"In
in their
the name
stead,and
as your
by order
Majesty
of thein House
your wisdom
of Representatives.
shall think 6t.
"Thomas Cushing, Speaker."

Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies, being
in the Country when I receiv'd this Petition, I transmitted it to
his Lordship, inclos'd in the following Letter to which Letter
his Lordship was pleased to return me the following Answer.
"TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE EARL OF DARTMOUTH.
" My Lord,
"London, August 21st, 1773.
" I have just received, from the House of Representatives of the Massa
chusetts Bay, their address to the King, which I now enclose, and send to
your Lordship, with my humble request in their behalf, that you would be
pleased to present it to his Majesty the first convenient opportunity.
" I have the pleasure of hearing from that province by my late letters,
that a sincere disposition prevails in the people there to be on good terms
with the mother country ; that the Assembly have declared their desire only
to be put into the situation they were in before the Stamp Act. They aim at
no novelties. And it is said, that, having lately discovered, as they.think, the
authors of their grievances to be some of their own people, their resentment
against Britain is thence much abated.
" This good disposition of theirs (will your Lordship permit me to say)
may be cultivated by a favourable answer to this address, which I therefore
hope your goodness will endeavour to obtain. With the greatest respect, I
have the honour to be, my Lord, &c,
" B. Franklin,"
" Agentfor the House ofRepresentatives"
"LORD DARTMOUTH'S ANSWER1
" I "have
Sir, received your Letter of the 21st Instant,
"Sandwell,
together
25 August,
with an Address
1773.
of the House of Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay, which I shall not
fail to lay before the King the next time I shall have the honour of being ad
mitted into his presence. I cannot help expressing to you the pleasure it gives
me to hear, that a sincere disposition prevails in the People of that Province
to be on good terms with the Mother Country, and my earnest hope that the
time is at no great distance, when every ground of uneasiness will cease, and
the most perfect tranquillity and happiness be restored to the breasts of that
people.
" I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
" Benjamin Franklin, Esq."
- Dartmouth.
1 The original letter is in L. C. Ed.
a8a
Both Houses at the same time join'd in a Letter to Lord

Dartmouth on this Subject, of which the following is a true
Copy. It came thro' my Hands and I transmitted it to his
Lp. [Here insert the Letter of June 29, from the True State.]
No one, who knows Lord D., can doubt the Sincerity of
the good Wishes express'd in his Letter to me; and if his
Majesty's other Servants had fortunately been possess'd
of the same benevolent Dispositions, with as much of that
Attention to the publick Interest, and Dexterity in Managing
it, as Statesmen of this Country generally show in obtaining
and securing their Places, here was a fine Opportunity put
into their Hands of " reestablishing the Union and Harmony
that formerly subsisted between Great Britain and her Colo
nies," so necessary to the Welfare of both, and upon the easy
Condition of only "restoring Things to the State they were
in at "the Conclusion of the late War." This was a solemn
Declaration sent over from the Province most aggriev'd,
with which they acquitted Britain of their Grievances, and
charg'd them all upon a few Individuals of their own Country.
Upon the Heads of these very mischievous Men they depre
cated no Vengeance, tho' that of the whole Nation was jusdy
merited ; they considered it as an hard thing for an Admin
istration to punish a Governor who had acted from Orders,
tho' the Orders had been procured by his Misrepresentations
and Calumnies ; they therefore only petitioned, " that his Maj
esty would be pleased to remove T. H., Esq., and A. O., Esq.,"
from their Posts in that Government, and place good and faith
ful Men in their stead." These Men might have been plac'd
or pension'd elsewhere, as others have been ; or like the ScapeGoats of old,
1 Thomas
they might
Hutchinson
have
andcarried
Andrew away
Oliver.
into
Ed.the Wilder-

ness all the Offences which have arisen between the two
Countries, with the burthens of which, they, having been the
Authors of those Mischiefs, were most justly chargeable.
But this Opportunity our Ministers had not the Wisdom
to embrace ; they chose rather to reject it, and to abuse and
punish me for giving it. A Court Clamour was rais'd against
me as an incendiary; and the very Action upon which I
valued myself, as it appear'd to me a Means of lessening our
Differences, I was unlucky enough to find charg'd upon me,
as a wicked Attempt to increase them. Strange Perversion.
I was, it seems, equally unlucky in another Action, which
I also intended for a good One ; and which brought on the
abovemention'd Clamour. The News being arriv'd here of
the divulging of those Letters in America, great Enquiry
was made, who had transmitted them. Mr. Temple, a
Gentleman of the Customs, was accus'd of it in the Papers.
He vindicated himself. A publick Altercation ensu'd upon
it between him and a Mr. Wheadey, Brother and Executor
to the Person to whom it was supposed the Letters had been
originally written, and who was suspected by some of com
municating them, on the Supposition that by his Brother's
Death they might have fallen into his Hands. As the Gen
tleman, to whom I sent them, had in his Letter to me above
recited, given an important Reason for his desiring it should
be conceal'd, that he was the Person who receiv'd them, and
had for the same Reason chosen not to let it be known I
sent them, I suffer'd that Altercation to go on without inter
fering, supposing it would end, as other Newspaper Debates
usually do, when the Parties and the Publick should be tired
of them. But this Debate unexpectedly, produc'd a Duel.
The Gentlemen were parted ; Mr. Wheately was hurt, but not
284
dangerously. This, however, alarm'd me, and made me wish

I had prevented it ; but imagining all now over between them,
I still kept Silence, till I heard that the Duel was understood
to be unfinish'd, as having been interrupted by Persons ac
cidentally near, and that it would probably be repeated as
soon as Mr. Wheately, who was mending daily, had recover'd his Strength. I then thought it high time to interpose.
And as the Quarrel was for the publick Opinion, I took what
I thought the shortest way to settle that Opinion, with regard
to the Parties, by publishing what follows, viz.
"TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
" Finding
" Sir, that two gentlemen have been unfortunately engaged in a duel,
about a transaction and its circumstances, of which both of them are totally
ignorant and innocent ; I think it incumbent upon me to declare (for the
prevention of farther mischief, as far as such a declaration may contribute to
prevent it), that I alone am the person who obtained and transmitted to Bos
ton the letters in question. Mr. W. could not communicate them, because
they were never in his possession ; and, for the same reason, they could not
be taken from him by Mr. T. They were not of the nature of private letters
between friends. They were written by public officers to persons in public
stations, on public affairs, and intended to procure public measures ; they
were therefore handed to other public persons, who might be influenced by
them to produce those measures. Their tendency was to incense the mother
country against her colonies, and, by the steps recommended, to widen the
breach ; which they effected. The chief caution expressed with regard to
privacy was, to keep their contents from the colony agents, who, the writers
apprehended, might return them, or copies of them to America. That appre
hension was, it seems, well founded ; for the first agent who laid his hands
on them, thought it his duty 1 to transmit them to his constituents.
" B. Franklin,
" Agentfor the House ofRepresentatives
" Craven Street, December 25th, 1773."
ofMassachusetts Bay.
1 In remarking on this word as here used, Dr. Franklin said, in a note
found in his handwriting; "Governor Hutchinson, as appears by his letters,
since found and published in New England, had the same idea of duty, when
he procured copies of Dr. Franklin's letters to the Assembly, and sent them
to the ministry of England." S.
1774] TRACT RELATIVE T^WTCHINSON LETTERS 285

This Declaration of mine was at first generally approv'd,
except that some blam'd me for not having made it sooner,
so as to prevent the Duel ; but I had not the Gift of Prophecy ;
I could not foresee that the Gentlemen would fight ; I did not
even foresee that either of them could possibly take it ill of
me. I imagin'd I was doing them a good Office, in clearing
both of them from Suspicion, and removing the Cause of
their Difference. I should have thought it natural for them
both to have thank'd me; but I was mistaken as to one of
them. His Wounds perhaps at first prevented him; and
afterwards he was tutor'd probably to another kind of Be
haviour by his Court Connections.
My only Acquaintance with this Gentleman, Mr. [William]
Wheately, was from an Application he made to me to do him
the favour of enquiring after some Land in Pennsylvania,
suppos'd to have been purchas'd anciently from the first
Proprietor, by a Major Thomson, his Grandfather, of which
they had some imperfect Memorandums in the Family, but
knew not whether it might not have been sold or convey'd
away by him in his Lifetime, as there was no Mention of it
in his Will. I took the Trouble of Writing accordingly to
a Friend of Mine, an eminent Lawyer there, well acquainted
with such Business, desiring him to make the Enquiry. He
took some Pains in it at my Request, and succeeded; and
in a Letter inform'd me, that he had found the Land ; that
the Proprietary claimed it, but he thought the Title was clear
to the Heir of Thomson ; that he could easily recover it for
him, and would undertake it, if Mr. Wheately should think
fit to imploy him ; or, if he should rather chuse to sell it,
my Friend impower'd me to make him an Offer of 5000
Sterling for it. With this Letter I waited upon him about a
286
THE WRITINGS OF &NJAMIN FRANKLIN [1774
Month before the Duel, at his House in Lombard Street,

the first time I had ever been in it. He was pleas'd with the
Intelligence, and call'd upon me once or twice afterwards
to concert the Means of making out his Title.
I mention some of these Circumstances to show that it
was not thro' any previous Acquaintance with him that I
came to the Knowledge of the famous Letters : for they had
been in America near a Year before I so much as knew where
he liv'd ; and the others I mention to show his Gratitude. I
could have excus'd his not thanking me for sparing him a
second Hazard of his Life: For tho' he might feel himself
serv'd, he might also apprehend, that to seem pleas'd would
look as if he was afraid of fighting again ; or perhaps he did
not value his Life at any thing. But the Addition to his
Fortune one would think of some Value to a Banker; and
yet the Return this worthy Gentleman made me for both
Favours was, without the smallest previous Notice, Warning,
Complaint, or Request to me, directly or indirectly or exprest
in any Manner whatsoever, to clap upon my Back a Chancery
Suit.
His Bill set forth, "That he was Administrator of the
Goods and Chattels of his late Brother Thomas Wheately;
that some Letters had been written to his said Brother by
the Governors Hutchinson and Oliver, that those Letters
had been in the Custody of his said Brother at the time of his
Death, or had been by him deliver'd to some other Person for
Perusal, and to be by such Person safely kept and returned
to said Thomas Wheately ; that the same had by some means
come into my Hands; that to prevent a Discovery, I, or
some Person by my Order, had erased the Address of the
Letters to the said T. Wheately ; that carrying on the Trade

of a Printer, I had, by my Agents or Confederates, printed
and published the same Letters in America, and disposed
of great Numbers; that I threat'ned to print and sell the
same in England ; and that he had applied to me to deliver
up to him the said Letters, and all Copies thereof, and desist
from printing and publishing the same, and account with
him for the Profits thereof ; and he was in hopes I would have
complied with such Request, but so it was that I had refused,
&c., contrary to Equity and good Conscience, and to the mani
fest Injury and Oppression of him, the Complainant; and
praying my Lord Chancellor, that I might be obliged to dis
cover how I came by the Letters, what Number of Copies I
had printed and sold, and to account with him for the Profits,"
&c. &c. The Gentleman himself must have known, that
every Circumstance of this was totally false; that of his
Brother's having deliver'd the Letters to some other Person
for Perusal excepted. Those as little acquainted with Law
as I was, (who indeed never before had a Suit of any kind,)
may wonder at this as much as I did. But I have now
learnt that in chancery, tho' the Defendant must swear to the
Truth of every Point in his Answer, the Plaintiff is not put
to his Oath, or obliged to have the least Regard to Truth in
his Bill, but is allowed to lie as much as he pleases. I do
not understand this, unless it be for the Encouragement of
Business.
My Answer upon Oath was, "That the Letters in question
were given to me, and came into my Hands, as Agent for the
House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts
Bay ; that, when given to me, I did not know to whom they
had been addressed, no Address appearing upon them;
nor did I know before that any such Letters existed ; that I
288
had not been for many Years concern 'd in Printing; that I
did not cause the Letters to be printed, nor direct the doing
it; that I did not eraze any Address that might have been
on the Letters, nor did I know that any other Person had
made such Erazure; that I did, as Agent to the Province,
transmit (as I apprehended it my Duty to do) the said Letters
to one of the committee, with whom I had been directed
to correspond, inasmuch as in my Judgment they related to
Matters of great publick Importance to that Province, and
were put into my Hands for that Purpose ; that I had never
been applied to by the Complainant, as asserted in his Bill,
and had made no Profits of the Letters, nor intended to make
any," &c.
It was about this time become evident, that all Thoughts
of Reconciliation with the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay,
by Attention to their Petitions, and a Redress of their Griev
ances, was laid aside; that Severity was resolv'd; and that
the decrying and vilifying the People of that Country, and
me their Agent, among the rest, was quite a Court Measure.
It was the Ton with all the ministerial Folks to abuse them
and me, in every Company, and in every Newspaper; and it
was intimated to me, as a thing settled, long before it hap
pened, that the Petition for Removal of the Governors was to
be rejected, the Assembly censur'd, and myself, who had
presented it, was to be punished by the Loss of my Place in
the Post-Office. For all this I was therefore prepar'd ; but
the Attack from Mr. Wheately was, I own, a Surprize to me.
Under the abovementioned Circumstances of Obligation, and
without the sightest Provocation, I could not have imagined
any Man base enough to commence, of his own Motion, such
a vexatious Suit against me. But a little accidental Infor

mation serv'd to throw some Light upon the Business. An
Acquaintance 1 calling on me, after having just been at
the Treasury, show'd me what he stil'd a pretty Thing, for
a Friend of his; it was an Order for 150, payable to Dr.
[Samuel] Johnson, said to be one Half of his Yearly Pension,
and drawn by the Secretary of the Treasury on this same
Mr. Wheately. I then consider'd him as a Banker to the
Treasury for the Pension Money, and thence as having an
interested Connection with Administration, that might in
duce him to act by Direction of others in harassing me with
this Suit, which gave me if possible a still meaner Opinion of
him, than if he had done it of his own Accord.
What further Steps he or his Confederates, the Mrs,' will
take in this Cause, I know not. I do not indeed believe the
Banker himself, finding there are no Profits to be shar'd,
would willingly lay out a Sixpence more upon the Suit ; but
then my Finances are not sufficient to cope at Law with
the Treasury here ; especially when Administration has taken
Care to prevent my Constituents of N. England from paying
me any Salary, or reimbursing me any Expences, by a special
Instruction to the Governor, not to sign any Warrant for that
purpose on the Treasury there.
The Injustice of thus depriving the People there of the Use
of their own Money, to pay an Agent acting in their Defence,
while the Governor, with a large Salary out of the Money
extorted from them by Act of Parliament, was enabled to
pay plentifully Maudit and Wedderburn to abuse and de
fame them and their Agent, is so evident as to need no Com
ment. But this they call government!
1 William Strahan, member of Parliament, and King's Printer. W. T. F.
1 Ministers. Ed.
vol. vi v
290
761. THE RESULT OF ENGLAND'S PERSISTENCE

IN HER POLICY TOWARDS THE COLONIES
ILLUSTRATED.1
EXPLANATION.
Great Britain is supposed to have been placed upon the
globe; but the colonies, (that is, her limbs,) being severed
from her, she is seen lifting her eyes and mangled stumps
to Heaven ; her shield, which she is unable to wield, lies use
less by her side; her lance has pierced New England; the
laurel branch has fallen from the hand of Pennsylvania;
the English oak has lost its head, and stands a bare trunk,
with a few withered branches; briers and thorns are on the
ground beneath it; the British ships have brooms at their
topmast heads, denoting their being on sale ; and Britannia
herself is seen sliding off the world (no longer able to hold
its balance), her fragments overspread with the label, Date
oboluu Belisario.
the moral.
History affords us many instances of the ruin of states,
by the prosecution of measures ill suited to the temper and
genius of their people. The ordaining of laws in favour of one
1 " During the disputes between the two countries, Dr. Franklin invented
* little emblematical design, intended to represent the supposed state of
Great Britain and her colonies, should the former persist in her oppressive
measures, restraining the latter's trade, and taxing their people by laws made
by a legislature in which they were not represented. It was engraved on a
copper plate. Dr. Franklin had many of them struck off on cards, on the
back of which he occasionally wrote his notes. It was also printed on a halfsheet of paper, with the explanation and moral." W. T. F.
1774]
ACT FOR PREVENTING EMIGRATION
part of the nation, to the prejudice and oppression of another,

is certainly the most erroneous and mistaken policy. An equal
dispensation of protection, rights, privileges, and advantages,
is what every part is entitled to, and ought to enjoy ; it being
a matter of no moment to the state, whether a subject grows
rich and flourishing on the Thames or the Ohio, in Edin
burgh or Dublin. These measures never fail to create
great and violent jealousies and animosities between the
people favoured and the people oppressed; whence a total
separation of affections, interests, political obligations, and
all manner of connexions, necessarily ensue, by which the
whole state is weakened, and perhaps ruined for everl
762.
ON
A PROPOSED ACT OF PARLIAMENT FOR PRE

VENTING EMIGRATION1
(l. c.)
to the printer of the public advertiser.
You
Sir,
give us in your paper of Tuesday, the 16th of Novem
ber, what is called "The Plan of an Act to be proposed at
the next Meeting of Parliament to prevent the Emigration
of our People." I know not from what authority it comes;
but, as it is very circumstantial, I suppose some such plan
may be really under consideration, and that this is thrown
1 A contemporary copy is in L. C, signed by Franklin : " A Friend to thePoor," and endorsed by him " Paper Written in England by B. F. to discour
age the intended Act for preventing Emigration." Ed.
293
out to feel the pulse of the public. I shall therefore, with

your leave, give my sentiments of it in your paper.
During a century and a half that Englishmen have been
at liberty to remove if they pleased to America, wehaye^
heard of no law to restrain that liberty, and confine them as
prisoners in this Island. Nor do we perceive any ill effects
ishing
produced
in value
by their
through
emigration.
a want' of
Our
tenants,
estates,have
far been
fro7h~6!mhv
in that
period more than doubled; the lands in general are better
cultivated ; their increased produce finds a ready sale at an
advanced price, and the complaint has for some time been,
not that we want mouths to consume our meat, but that we
want meat for our number of mouths.
Why then is such a restraining law now thought necessary?
A paragraph in the same paper from the Edinburgh Courant,
may perhaps throw some light upon this question. We are
there told, "that one thousand five hundred people have
emigrated to America from the shire of Sutherland within
these two years, and carried with them seven thousand five
hundred pounds sterling, which exceeds a year's rent of
the whole county ; that the single consideration of the misery
which most of these people must suffer in America, indepen
dent of the loss of men and money to the mother country,
should engage the attention, not only of the landed interest,
but of administration." The humane writer of this para
graph may, I fancy, console himself with the reflection, that
perhaps the apprehended future sufferings of those emigrants
will never exist; for that it was probably the authentic
accounts they had received from friends already settled
there, of the felicity to be enjoyed in that country, with a
thorough knowledge of their own misery at home, which
1774]
293
induced their removal. And, as a politician, he may be

comforted by assuring himself, that, if they really meet with
greater misery in America, their future letters lamenting it,
will be more credited than the Edinburgh Courant, and
effectually, without a law, put a stop to the emigration. It
seems some of the Scottish chiefs, who delight no longer to
live upon their estates in the honourable independence they
were born to, among their respecting tenants, but choose
rather a life of luxury, though among the dependents of a
court, have lately raised their rents most grievously, to sup
port the expense. The consuming of those rents in London,
though equally prejudicial to the poor county of Sutherland,
no Edinburgh news paper complains of; but now, that the
oppressed tenants take flight, and carry with them what
might have supported the landlord's London magnificence,
he begins to feel for the mother country, and its enormous
loss of seven thousand five hundred pounds carried to her
colonies ! Administration is called upon to remedy the evil,
by another abridgment of English liberty. And surely
administration should do something for these gentry, as they
do any thing for administration.
But is there not an easier remedy? Let them return to
their family seats, live among their people, and, instead of
fleecing and skinning, patronize and cherish them ; promote
their interest, encourage their industry, and make their situ
ation comfortable. If the poor folks are happier at home
than they can be abroad, they will not lightly be prevailed
with to cross the ocean. But can their lord blame them for
leaving home in search of better living, when he first set
them the example?
I would consider the proposed law,
294
1st. As to the necessity of it.

2dly. The practicability.
3dly. The policy, if practicable.
And, 4thly. The justice of it.
Pray spare me room for a few words on each of these
heads.
1st. As to the Necessity of it.
If any country has more people than can be comfortably
subsisted in it, some of those who are incommoded may be
induced to emigrate. As long as the new situation shall be
far preferable to the old, the emigration may possibly con
tinue. But when many of those, who at home interfered
with others of the same rank (in the competition for farms,
shops, business, offices, and other means of subsistence),
are gradually withdrawn, the inconvenience of that competi
tion ceases; the number remaining no longer half starve
each other ; they find they can now subsist comfortably, and
though perhaps not quite so well as those who have left them,
yet, the inbred attachment to a native country is sufficient
to overbalance a moderate difference; and thus the emigra
tion ceases naturally. The waters of the ocean may move in
currents from one quarter of the globe to another, as they
happen in some places to be accumulated, and in others
diminished ; but no law, beyond the law of gravity, is neces
sary to prevent their abandoning any coast entirely. Thus the
different degrees of happiness of different countries and situa
tions find, or rather make, their level by the flowing of people
from one to another ; and where that level is once found, the
removals cease. Add to this, that even a real deficiency of
people in any country, occasioned by a wasting war or pes
1774]
295
tilence, is speedily supplied by earlier and more prolific

marriages, encouraged by the greater facility of obtaining
the means of subsistence. So that a country half depopu
lated would soon be repeopled, till the means of subsist
ence were equalled by the population. All increase beyond
that point must perish, or flow off into more favourable situ
ations. Such overflowings there have been of mankind in
all ages, or we should not now have had so many nations.
But to apprehend absolute depopulation from that cause,
and call for a law to prevent it, is calling for a law to stop the
Thames, lest its waters, by what leave it daily at Gravesend,
should be quite exhausted. Such a law, therefore, I do not
conceive to be necessary.
2dly. As to the Practicability.

When I consider the attempts of this kind that have been
made, first in the time of Archbishop Laud, by orders of
Council, to stop the Puritans, who were flying from his per
secutions into New England, and next by Louis the Four
teenth, to retain in his kingdom the persecuted Huguenots;
and how ineffectual all the power of our crown, with which
the Archbishop armed himself, and all the more absolute
power of that great French monarch, were, to obtain the end
for which they were exerted ; and when I consider, too, the
extent of coast to be guarded, and the multitude of cruisers
necessary effectually to make a prison of the Island for this
confinement of free Englishmen, who naturally love liberty,
and would probably by the very restraint be more stimulated
to break through it ; I cannot but think such a law imprac
ticable. The offices would not be applied to for licenses,
296
the ports would not be used for embarkation. And yet the
people disposed to leave us would, as the Puritans did, get
away by shipfuls.
3dly. As to the Policy of the Law.

Since I have shown there is no danger of depopulating
Britain, but that the place of those that depart will soon be
filled up equal to the means of obtaining a livelihood, let us
see whether there are not some general advantages to be
expected from the present emigration. The new settlers
in America, findings plenty of subsistence, and land easily
acquired whereon to seat their^ children, seldom postpoge.
marriage through fear of poverty. Their natural increase
is therefore in proportion far beyond what it would have been,
if they had remained here. New farms are daily everywhere
forming in those immense forests; new towns and villages
rising; hence a growing demand for our merchandise, to
the greater employment of our manufacturers, and the en
riching of our merchants. By this natural increase of people,
the strength of the empire is increased ; men are multiplied,
out of whom new armies may be formed on occasion, or the
old recruited. The long-extended seacoast, too, of that
vast country, the great maritime commerce of its ports with
each other, its many navigable rivers and lakes, and its plenti
ful fisheries, breed multitudes of seamen, besides those created
and supported by its voyages to Europe ; a thriving nursery
this, for the manning of our fleets in time of war, and main
taining our importance among foreign nations by that navy,
which is also our best security against invasions from our
enemies. An extension of empire by conquest of inhabited
1774]
countries is not so easily obtained, it is not so easily secured ;

it alarms more the neighbouring states; it is more subject
to revolts, and more apt to occasion new wars.
The increase of dominion by colonies proceeding from
yourselves, and by the natural growth of your own people,
cannot be complained of by your neighbours as an injury;
none have a right to be offended with it. Your new posses
sions are therefore more secure, they are more cheaply gained,
they are attached to your nation by natural alliance and affec
tion; and thus they afford an additional strength more
certainly to be depended on, than any that can be acquired
by a conquering power, though at an immense expense of
blood and treasure. These, methinks, are national advan
tages, that more than equiponderate with the inconveniences
suffered by a few Scotch or Irish landlords, who perhaps may
find it necessary to abate a little of their present luxury, or
of those advanced rents they now so unfeelingly demand.
From these considerations, I think I may conclude, that the
restraining law proposed would, if practicable, be impolitic.
4thly.
As to the Justice of it.
I apprehend that every Briton, who is made unhappy at

home, has a right to remove from any part of his King's
dominions into those of any other prince, where he can be
happier. If this should be denied me, at least it will be
allowed, that he has a right to remove into any other part
of the same dominions. For by this right so many Scotch
men remove into England, easing their own country of its
supernumeraries, and benefiting ours by their industry. And
this is the case with those who go to America. Will not
298
these Scottish lairds be satisfied unless a law passes to pin

down all tenants to the estate they are born on, (adscripts
gkbce,) to be bought and sold with it? God has given to the
beasts of the forest, and to the birds of the air, a right, when
their subsistence fails in one country, to migrate to another,
where they can get a more comfortable living; and shall
man be denied a privilege enjoyed by brutes, merely to gratify
a few avaricious landlords? Must misery be made per
manent, and suffered by many for the emolument of one;
while the increase of human beings is prevented, and thou
sands of their offsprings stifled, as it were, in the birth, that
this petty Pharaoh may enjoy an excess of opulence? God
commands to increase and replenish the earth ; the proposed
law would forbid increasing, and confine Britons to their
present number, keeping half that number too in wretched
ness. The common people of Britain and of Ireland conributed by the taxes they paid, and by the blood they lost,
to the success of that war, which brought into our hands
the vast unpeopled territories of North America ; a country
favored by Heaven with all the advantages of climate and
soil. Germans are now pouring into it, to take possession of
it, and fill it with their posterity, and shall Britons and
Irelanders, who have a much better right to it, be forbidden
a share of it, and, instead of enjoying there the plenty and
happiness that might reward their industry, be compelled to
remain here in poverty and misery? Considerations such
as these persuade me, that the proposed law would be both
unjust and inhuman.
If then it is unnecessary, imfrnrtjcahls^ impplj(icl and unjujtÎ hope our Parliament will never receive the bill, but
leave landlords to their own remedy, an abatement of rents,
1 774]
SPEECH FOR OPENING OF PARLIAMENT
299
and frugality of living ; and leave the liberties of Britons and

Irishmen at least as extensive as it found them. I am, Sir,
yours, &c.
A Friend to the Poor.
763. THE INTENDED SPEECH FOR THE OPEN

ING OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE PRES
ENT PARLIAMENT VIZ. NOV. 29, 1774
(a.p.s.)
My Lords and Gentlemen : 1
It gives me much concern that I am obliged at the open
ing of this Parliament to inform you that none of the meas
ures w** I adopted upon the advice of my late ParP in
respect to the disturbances of my American colonies have
produced those salutary effects, w** relying upon the sup
posed wisdom of their deliberations I had been induced to
expect. I therefore sent that ParP apacking rather abruptly,
& have called you in their place to pick a little advice out
of your wise heads upon some matters of the greatest weight
& importance relating to a sort of Crusade that I have
upon my hands. I must needs tell you that the business if
you choose to undertake it for me will be a seven or ten
years job at least. You must know then that my ministers
have put me upon a project to undertake the reduction of
the whole continent of North America to unconditional
1 This extraordinary prophecy and satire is found in Volume 44 of the
Franklin papers in A. P. S. It was evidently written by Franklin in 1774
and given by him to David Hartley, who, happening upon it among his
private papers after the conclusion of the war, sent a copy of it to Franklin
endorsed with name and date as above. Ed.
300
submission.
They wd have persuaded me to coax you into
this project by representing it to you as a matter very

easily to be done in a twinkling, and to make you believe
that my subjects in America whom you have always hitherto
considered as brave men are no better than a wretched
pack of cowardly run a ways, & that 500 men with whips
wd make them all dance to the tune of Yankee Doodle ; but
I wd tell you no such thing because I am very sure if you
meddle with it that you will find it a very different sort of
business.
Now Gentlemen of the House of Commons I give you
this fair notice for yourselves & your Constituents. If you
undertake this job, it will cost you at the least farthing a
good round sum of 40 or 50 millions; 40 or 50 thousands
of your Constituents will get knocked on the head and then
you are to consider what the rest of you will be gainers by
the bargain even if you succeed. The trade of a ruined &
desolated Country is always inconsiderable, its revenues tri
fling ; the expence of subjecting & retaining it in subjection
certain & inevitable. On the other side shd you prove un
successful!, shd that connection w* we wish most ardently
to maintain be dissolved, shd my ministers exhaust your
treasures & waste the blood of your Countrymen in vain
will they not deliver you weak & defenceless to your
natural enemies.
You must know this is not the first time that the
Serpent has been whispering into my ear, Tax America.
Cost what it will, make them youF heavers of wood &
drawers of water. Let them feel that your little finger is
thicker than the loins of all your ancestors. But I was
wiser than all that, I sent to Ld Rockingham & the advice
TO THOMAS CUSHING
1775]
301
that he gave me was this, not to burn my fingers in the

business, that it was ten to one against our making any
hand of it at all, that they were not worth shearing & at
best that we shd raise a cursed outcry & get but little wool.
I shall remember his last advice to me as long as I live.
Speak good words to them and they will be thy servants
for ever.
And now my Lords and Gentlemen
I have stated the whole matter fairly & squarely before
you. It is your own business, and if you are not content
as you are, look to the rest for yourselves. But if I were
to give you a word of advice it should be to remind you
of the Italian epitaph upon a poor fool that kill'd himself
with quacking
Stava ben, for star meglio, sto qui.
that is to say.
ick and died.
I was well, I would be better, I took Phys-
Unsigned.
Marked on the reverse side of the last sheet :
October 3, '86.
D. Hartley.
764.
Sir,
TO THOMAS CUSHING
(a. p. s.)
I have been favour'd with yours of Sept. 24 & Oct. 26,

from Philad* Nov. 14 and Dec. 5 from Boston, and thank
you for the Information communicated. ^_It gives my Mind
some Ease to learn, that such good Care is taken both by
the General and the Town to prevent Mischief. I hope
302
that Care will continue, and be effectual. And that people

will be persuaded to wait with Patience the Event of the Ap
plication of the Congress to the King, and the subsequent
Result of the ensuing Congress thereupon,j
Lord Chatham mov'd last Week in the House of Lords,
that an Address be presented to his Majesty humbly be
seeching him to withdraw the Troops from Boston, as a
Step towards opening the way to Conciliatory Measures;
but, after a long and warm Debate, the Motion was rejected
by a majority of 77 to 18 ; and open Declarations were made,
by the ministerial Side, of the Intention to enforce the late
Acts. To this End, three more Regiments of Foot and one
of Dragoons, seven hundred Marines, Six Sloops of War,
and two Frigates, are now under Orders for America.
Petitions, however are thronging into the House from all
Quarters, praying that healing Measures may be taken to
restore the Commerce. The Petition from the Congress
was brought into each House among other Papers by the
Ministers, without any particular Recommendation of its
Consideration of the House from his Majesty.
General Gage's Letters being read in the House of Com
mons, it appears from one of them, that it had been recom
mended to him by Lord Dartmouth to disarm some of the
Colonies; which he seems to approve, if it had been prac
ticable, but says it is not, till he is Master of the Country.
It is impossible to say what Turn the Parliament may
take before the Session is over. All depends on the Minis
ters, who possibly may change their Minds, when they find
the Merchants and Manufacturers universally dissatisfied
with their present Conduct ; but you cannot rely upon this,
and your chief Dependence must be on your own Virtue
TO CHARLES THOMSON
1775]
303
and Unanimity, which, under God, will in time bring you

thro' all Difficulties. I am with great respect, Sir, &c,
B. Franklin.
765.
Dear Sir,
TO CHARLES THOMSON1
London, Feb* 5, 1775.
\\ received duly your Favours of Nov. 1, by Capt Falconer,

and afterwards that of Oct. 26, both inclosing the Letter from
the Congress, and the Petition to the King. Immediately
on Receipt of the first, I wrote to every one of the other
Gentlemen nominated, and desired a meeting to consult
on the mode of presenting the Petition committed to our
Care. Three of them, viz.' Mr. Burke,* Mr. Wentworth,
and Mr. Life, declined being concerned in it, and without
consulting each other gave the same reason, viz.' that they
had no Instructions relating to it from their Constituents.
Mr. Garth was out of Town; so it rested on Mr. Bollan,
Mr. Lee, and myself. We took Council with our best
mouth,
Friends,that
and being
were advised
the regular
to present
official itmethod,
throughand
Lord
theDartonly ,
one in which we might on occasion call for an Answer.8
We accordingly waited on his Lordship with it, who
would not immediately undertake to deliver it, but requested
it might be left with him to peruse, which was done. He
1 From the original in the New York Historical Society. Ed.
3 Mr. Burke was at this time agent for New York. Ed.
It was resolved in Congress, October 25th, 1774, "That the Address to
the King be enclosed in a letter to the several colony agents, in order that
the same may be by them presented to his Majesty; and that the agents be
requested to call in the aid of such noblemen and gentlemen as are esteemed
firm friends to American liberty." S.
1 1
3o4
found nothing in it improper for him to present, and, after

wards sending for us, he informed us, that he had presented
the Petition to his Majesty, who had been pleased to re
ceive it very graciously, and to command him to tell us it
contained Matters of such Importance, that, as soon as they
met, he would lay it before his two Houses of Parliament.
We then consulted on the publication, and were advised
by wise and able men, Friends of America, whose names it
will not be proper to mention, by no means to publish it
till it should be before Parliament, as it would be deemed
disrespectful to the King. We flattered ourselves, from the
answer given by Lord D. that the King would have been
pleased to recommend it to the Consideration of Parliament
by some message; but we were mistaken. It came down
among a great Heap of Letters of Intelligence from Govern
ors and officers in America, Newspapers, Pamphlets, Hand
bills, &c., from that Country, the last in the List, and was
laid upon the Table with them, undistinguished by any
particular Recommendation of it to the Notice of either
House ; and I do not find, that it has had any further notice
taken of it as yet, than that it has been read as well as the
other Papers.
To draw it into the attention of the House, we petitioned
to be heard upon it, but were not permitted; and, by the
Resolution of the Committee of the whole House, which I
enclose, you will see that it has made little Impression;
and, from the constant Refusal, Neglect, or Discourage
ment of American Petitions, these many years past, our
Country will at last be convinced, that petitions are odious
here, and that Petitioning is far from being a probable means
of obtaining Redress. A firm, steady, and faithful adherence
TO CHARLES THOMSON
to the Non-Consumption Agreement, is the only thing to be
depended on; it begins already to work, (as you will see in
the votes of the House), by producing applications from the
merchants and manufacturers, and it must finally lead
Parliament into reasonable MeasuresJ
At present, the ministers are encouraged to proceed by

the Assurances they receive from America, that the people
are not unanimous ; that a very great part of them disapprove
the proceedings of the Congress, and would break thro'
them, if there was in the Country an Army sufficient to
support these Friends, as they are called, of Government.
They rely, too, on being able to divide us still farther by
various means ; for they seem to have no conception that such
a thing as public Spirit or public Virtue anywhere exists.
I trust they will find themselves totally mistaken. The
Congress is in high Esteem here among all the Friends of
Liberty, and their Papers much admir'd; perhaps nothing
of the kind has been more thoroughly published, or more
universally read. Lord Camden spoke highly of the Ameri
cans in general, and of the Congress particularly, in the
House of Lords. Lord Chatham said, that, taking the whole
together, and considering the members of the Congress as
the unsolicited, and unbiased Choice of a great, free, and
enlightened People ; their Unanimity, their Moderation, and
their Wisdom, he thought it the most honourable Assembly
of men, that had ever been known; that the Histories of
Greece and Rome gave us nothing equal to it. Lord Shelburne would not admit, that the Parliament of Britain could
be comparable with it, a Parliament obeying the Dictates
of a Ministry, who in nine cases out of ten were governed
by their under Secretaries.
VOL. vi x
306
You will see, among the papers herewith sent the motion
made by Lord Chatham, as preparatory to his plan, viz:
that the Troops should be removed from Boston. I send
also a Copy of the Plan itself, which you may be assured is
genuine. The Speeches hitherto published as his, during
the Session, are spurious. The Duke of Richmond and the
Duke of Manchester appeared for us also in the debate, and
spoke extremely well. Lord Chatham's Bill, tho' on so
important a Subject, and offered by so great a Character,
and supported by such able and learned speakers as Camden,
&c. &c., was treated with as much contempt as they could
have shown to a Ballad offered by a drunken Porter. It
was rejected on a slight reading, without being suffered even
to he on the Table for the perusal of the members.
The House of Commons, too, have shown an equal Rash
ness and Precipitation in matters that required the most
weighty deliberation, refusing to hear, and entering hastily
into violent Measures; and yet this is the Government, by
whose Supreme Authority, we are to have our Throats cut,
if we do not acknowledge, and whose dictates we are implicitly
to obey, while their conduct hardly entitles them to Common
Respect.
The agents have not time to make so many Copies of the
papers sent with this, nor, indeed, of our Letters to the
Speakers of the several Assemblies, as would be necessary to
send one for each; we therefore send only two, one per
Falconer, and the other per Lawrence to New York, re
questing, that you would get them copied at Philadelphia,
and forward them northward and southward, one to each
Speaker, by the earliest Conveyance. It is thought by our
.Friends, that Lord Chatham's Plan, if it had been enacted
1775]
TO SAMUEL TUCKER, AND OTHERS
307
here, would have prevented present mischief, and might

have been the foundation of a lasting good agreement ; for,
tho' in some Points it might not perfectly coincide with our
Ideas and Wishes, we might have proposed Modifications
or Variations where we should judge them necessary; and
in fine, the two Countries might have met in perfect union.
I hope, therefore, it will be treated with respect by our
writers, and its author honoured for the Attempt ; for though
he has put some particulars into it, as I think merely by way
of complying a little with the general prejudices here, and to
make more material Parts go better down, yet I am persuaded
he would not otherwise be tenacious of those Parts, meaning
sincerely to make us contented and happy, as far as consistent
with the general welfare^
I need not caution you to let no part of this Letter be
copied or printed. With great Esteem, I am, Sir, your
Affectionate Friend and humble servant.
[B. F.]
766. TO SAMUEL TUCKER, AND OTHERS (A. p. s.)

In Gentlemen
my last I informed you of my Attendance
London, Feb.
on the
14. Board
1775.
of Trade upon your Acts passed in March last, the Objections

made to some of them particularly the Paper Money Act
with the Answers I gave to those Objections; and that all
were likely to pass, except those for lowering the Interest
of Petitions
Money, and
are for
come
theupRelief
to Parliament
of an insolvent
from all
Debtor.
the Trading
308
Ports, and manufacturing Towns, concern'd in the American

Commerce, setting forth the Loss & Ruin they are likely
to suffer by the Stop put to that Commerce, & praying that
lenient Measures may be adopted for restoring it. The
N. American & W. India Merchants in London have also
petitioned to the same Purpose : But little Notice has hitherto
been taken of those Petitions, and both Houses have address'd the King declaring a Rebellion to be in Massachusetts
Bay, in consequence whereof more Troops are about to be
sent thither, & Administration seems determin'd on reducing
the Colonies by Force to a solemn Acknowledgment of the
Power claim'd by Parliament of mak? Laws to bind the
Colonies in all Cases whatsoever: A Bill is preparing to
deprive the four New England Colonies of their Fishery,
& other Severities are threatened. Yet many here are
confident, that if the Non-Consumption of British Manu
factures in America, is soberly and steadily adher'd to an
other Year, those Measures will all be revers'd, and our
Rights acknowledg'd.
I inclose Lord Chatham's propos'd Plan of Conciliation,
which was hastily & harshly rejected by the Lords. The
Friends of America generally wish it had been accepted;
because tho' some Exceptions might probably be made
there to Parts of it, and certain Explanations or Modifications
required or propos'd, yet it would have serv'd as the Basis
of a Treaty for Agreement, and in the meantime have pre
vented Mischief & Bloodshed.
With great Respect, I am, Gentlemen
Your most obed' hum8 Serv'
B. Franklin
TO JAMES BOWDOIN
177S]
767.
Dear Sir,
309
TO JAMES BOWDOIN1
I received your kind letter of September 6th by Mr. Quincy.

I thought it might be of use to publish a part of it, which
was done accordingly. But the measures it so justly censures
are still persisted in, and will, I trust, continue to produce
effects directly contrary to those intended. They will unite,
instead of dividing us, strengthen and make us more resolute,
instead of intimidating us, and work our honour and ad
vantage, instead of the disgrace and ruin designed for us.
A bill is now in hand to confine the trade of the four New
England colonies to Britain and the West Indies only, and
to prohibit their fishery. Other provinces have done as
offensive things, but Whiggism is thought to be more thor
oughly the principle in New England, and that is now an
unpardonable sin. The rest, however, are to have their
punishment in their turn, though perhaps less severe. That
is, if this Tory ministry continues in power ; but, though they
have by the late deceptive motion, amused many people
here, so as to give an appearance as if they intended pacific
measures, on which the stocks, which were falling apace,
have risen again; yet, when this deceit is understood, and
time proves the intended offer to America futile and in
effectual, the redoubled clamour of the trading, manufactur
ing, and Whig interests here will infallibly overthrow all the
enemies of America, and produce an acknowledgment of
her rights and satisfaction
1 First printed
for her
by Sparks.
injuries.
3io
[1775
|_If we continue firm and united, and resolutely persist in

the non-consumption agreement, this adverse ministry can
not possibly stand another year^ And surely the great body
of our people, the farmers and artificers, will not find it hard
to keep an agreement by which they both save and gain.
The traders only can suffer, and, where they do really suffer,
some compensation should if possible be made them. Hither
to the conduct of the colonies has given them great reputa
tion all over Europe. By a brave perseverance, with pru
dence and moderation, not forward in acting offensively, but
resolute in defence when necessary, they will establish a
respectable character both for wisdom and courage ; and then
they will find friends everywhere. ^The eyes of all Christen
dom are now upon us, and our honour as a people is become
a matter of the utmost consequence to be taken care of. If
we tamely give up our rights in this contest, a century to
come will not restore us in the opinion of the world; we
shall be stamped with the character of dastards, poltrons,
and fools; and be despised and trampled upon, not by this
haughty, insolent nation only, but by all mankind. Present
inconveniences are, therefore, to be borne with fortitude, and
better times expected^]
" Informes hyemes reducit
Jupiter; idem
Summovet. Non si male nunc, et olim
Sic erit"
I am much pleased with Mr. Quincy. It is a thousand
pities his strength of body is not equal to his strength of
mind. His zeal for the public, like that of David for God's
house, will, I fear, eat him up.
I hope Mrs. Bowdoin's health is fully established. Make
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
1 775]
3"
my respectful compliments acceptable to her; and believe

me ever, with sincere and great esteem, Dear Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
P. S. I never could learn the cause of Mr. Temple's being
displaced. The ministry refused to give any reason for it.
I have imagined, that it was a suspicion of his being the
author of some pieces in the papers reflecting on their meas
ures.
768.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
Dear Friend,
(a. p. s.)
In my last per Falconer I mention'd to you my showing

your Plan of Union to Lords Chatham and Camden. I now
hear, that you had sent it to Lord Dartmouth. Lord Gower
I believe alluded to it, when in the House he censur'd the
Congress severely, as first resolving to receive a Plan for
uniting the Colonies to the Mother Country, and afterwards
rejecting it, and ordering their first Resolution to be eras'd
out of their Minutes. Permit me to hint to you, that it is
whisper'd here by ministerial People, that yourself and Mr.
Jay of New York are Friends to their Measures, and give
them private Intelligence of the Views of the Popular or
Country Party in America. I do not believe this; but I
thought it a Duty of Friendship to acquaint you with the
Report.
I have not heard what Objections were made to the Plan
in the Congress, nor would I make more than this one,
that, when I consider the extream Corruption prevalent
312
[1775
among all Orders of Men in this old rotten State, and the
glorious publick Virtue so predominant in our rising Country,
I cannot but apprehend more Mischief than Benefit from a
closer Union. I fear they will drag us after them in all the
plundering Wars, which their desperate Circumstances, In
justice, and Rapacity, may prompt them to undertake; and
their wide- wasting Prodigality and Profusion is a Gulph
that will swallow up every Aid we may distress ourselves to
afford them.
Here Numberless and needless Places, enormous Salaries,
Pensions, Perquisites, Bribes, groundless Quarrels', foolish
Expeditions, false Accounts or no Accounts, Contracts and
Jobbs, devour all Revenue, and produce continual Necessity
in the Midst of natural Plenty. I apprehend, therefore,
that to unite us intimately will only be to corrupt and poison
us also. It seems like Mezentius's coupling and binding
together the dead and the living,
" Tormenti genus, et sanie taboque fluentes,
Complexu in misero, longi sic morte necabat."
However, I would try any thing, and bear any thing that
can be borne with Safety to our just Liberties, rather than
engage in a War with such near relations, unless compelled
to it by dire Necessity in our own Defence.
But, should that Plan be again brought forward, I imagine,
that, before establishing the Union, it would be necessary
to agree on the following preliminary Articles.
1. The Declaratory Act of Parliament to be repeaPd.
2. All Acts of Parl1, or Parts of Acts, laying Duties on the
Colonies to be repeal'd.
3. All Acts of Parl' altering the Charters, or Constitutions,
or Laws of any Colony, to be repeal'd.
TO JOSEPH GALLOWAY
313
4. All Acts of Parl' restraining Manufactures to be repeal'd.

5. Those Parts of the Navigation Acts, which are for the
Good of the whole Empire, such as require that Ships in the
Trade should be British or Plantation built, and navigated
by f British Subjects, with the Duties necessary for regulat
ing Commerce, to be reenacted by both Parliaments.
6. Then, to induce the Americans to see the regulating
Acts faithfully executed, it would be well to give the Duties
collected in each Colony to the Treasury of that Colony,
and let the Gov1 and Assembly appoint the Officers to collect
them, and proportion their Salaries. Thus the Business
will be cheaper and better done, and the Misunderstandings
between the two Countries, now created and fomented by the
unprincipled Wretches, generally appointed from England,
be entirely prevented.
You
Thesewill
are see
hasty
theThoughts
new Proposal
submitted
of Lord
to your
North,
Consideration.
made on'
Monday last, which I have sent to the Committee.1
Those
1 This proposal, which was introduced into Parliament by Lord North on

the 20th of February, is as follows: " That, when the Governor, Council, and
Assembly, or General Court of his Majesty's provinces, or colonies, shall pro
pose to make provision according to their respective conditions, circumstances,
and situations, for contributing their proportion to the common defence; such
proportion to be raised under the authorities of the General Court, or General
Assembly, of such province or colony, and disposable by Parliament; and
shall engage to make provision also for the support of the civil government,
and the administration of justice in such province or colony; it will be proper,
if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty in Parliament, and for so
long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear in respect of such
province or colony, to levy any duties, tax, or assessment, or to impose any
further duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expe
dient to impose for the regulation of commerce; the net produce of the
duties last mentioned, to be carried to the account of such province, colony,
or plantation respectively." " Almon's Parliamentary Register," Vol. I, p. 196.
En.
314
in Administration, who are for violent Measures, are said to

dislike it. The others rely upon it as a means of dividing,
and by that means subduing us. But I cannot conceive
that any Colony will undertake to grant a Revenue to a
Government, that holds a Sword over their Heads with a
Threat to strike the moment they cease to give, or do not
give so much as it is pleas 'd to expect. In such a Situation,
where is the Right of giving our own Property freely, or the
Right to judge of our own Ability to give ? It seems to me
the Language of a Highwayman, who, with a Pistol in your
Face, says, "Give me your Purse, and then I will not put my
Hand into your Pocket. But give me all your Money, or
I will shoot you through the Head." With great and sincere
Esteem, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
769.
TO JOSIAH QUINCY1
I Dear
received,
Sir,and perused with great
London,pleasure,
February 26,
the 1775.
letter
you honoured me with, by your amiable and valuable son.

I thank you for introducing me to the acquaintance of a
person so deserving of esteem for his public and private
virtues. I hope for your sake, and that of his friends and
country, that his present indisposition may wear off, and his
health be established. His coming over has been of great
service to our cause, and would have been much greater, if
his constitution would have borne the fatigues of being
more frequently in company. He can acquaint you so fully
with the state of things here, that my enlarging upon them
1 Sparks was the first editor to include this letter. Ed.
TO CHARLES THOMSON
1775]
315
will be unnecessary. I most sincerely wish him a prosperous

voyage, and a happy meeting with his friends and family;
and to you, my old dear friend, and the rest of those you love,
every kind of felicity ; being, with the truest esteem and affec
tion, yours,
B. Franklin.
770.
TO CHARLES THOMSON1
(l. c.)

Dear Sir,
I have some Thoughts of going with Osborne; but as I
may be disappointed in that, I write a few Lines, to acquaint
you, that the Petition of the Congress has lain upon the Table
of both Houses ever since it was sent down to them among
the Papers that accompany'd it from above, and has had no
particular Notice taken of it; our Petition to be heard in
support of it, having been, as I wrote you before, rejected
with Scorn in the Commons; which must satisfy the future
Congress that nothing is to be expected here from that Mode
of Application.
Nearly all the manufacturing and trading Towns that are
concern'd with America have now petition'd Parliament to
'This letter was discovered by Mr. Worthington C Ford in a volume of the
Continental Congress Papers containing " Letters of John Hancock and Mis
cellaneous Papers." Franklin had acknowledged the receipt of the Petition
to the King in a letter to Thomson, dated February 5, 1775. "This second
letter on the Petition, also unsigned, has escaped notice, although it is wholly
in Franklin's well-known writing. Even the clerk in the Secretary's office
who at a later day indorsed or docketed the paper was strangely ignorant of
its origin, for he wrote: ' Letter, March 19, 1775. Anonymous from London
to C: Thomson, Esq.' Indeed the year of the indorsement looks more like
1795 than 1775. The original is in the Papers of the Continental Congress,
Volume 58, folio 343, now in the Library of Congress." W. C Ford.
3i6
[1775
do something for healing the Differences that threaten Ruin

to their Commerce. Administration, which has appearM
to stagger several times within these two Months, must have
given way before this time; but have been supported chiefly
by Accounts from America that all was fluctuating there,
and that a little longer Perseverance would triumph over the
Factions, as they are called, and bring the whole Continent
to full and unconditional Submission. A Bill has therefore
pass'd the Commons, to deprive New England of its Fishery,
as well as its Trade, and a new Bill is order'd in, to extend the
Restraints on Trade to New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia, and South Carolina. Of New York they have
great Hopes, and some of North Carolina, which Colonies
are therefore omitted. All the Colonies, but those of New
England, it is given out, may still make Peace for themselves,
by acknowledging the Supreme unlimited Power of Parlia
ment: But those are absolutely to be conquered: After
which possibly they may obtain a Quebec Constitution.
More Troops are accordingly preparing to go over. And yet
with all this Face of Resolution, it is certain that the Ministers
are far from being cordially united in these Measures; that
some of them tremble for their Places, and all for the Events
as it relates to the Publick. While wise Observers are con
fident, that if America can hold strictly to its Non-Consump
tion Agreement another Year, it is impossible they can stand
the universal Clamour which begins to thicken round their
Heads, and that they must therefore be overthrown, and
routed ; and the Friends of America come into Administra
tion. It is indeed evident that the present Set are apprehen
sive of this, since to secure themselves against the Danger of
Impeachment, they take care in every Step to get Parliament
1775]
TO CHARLES THOMSON
317
to lead and advise the Measures to be taken: Contrary to

the ancient Practice of the Executive Power in taking its
Measures as Occasion requir'd, and depending on their Recti
tude for the future Approbation of Parliament.
I flatter myself that neither New York nor any other Colony
will be cajol'd into a Separation from the common Interest.
Our only Safety is in the firmest Union, and keeping strict
Faith with each other. If any Colony suffers itself to be
detach'd from the common Cause by the artful Management
of Ministers, that Colony will first incur the Detestation of the
rest ; and when that is become the Case, and none can be concern'd at any ill Usage it may receive, it will on some Pretence
or other be treated just as roughly as the others whom it
had so basely abandon'd.
With great Esteem, I am, Sir, Your Most
obedient humble
[B. Franklin.]
Servant
318
771.
AN ACCOUNT
OF
NEGOTIATIONS IN LONDON
FOR EFFECTING A RECONCILIATION BETWEEN
GREAT BRITAIN AND THE AMERICAN COLONIES.1
(d. S. W.)
Dear Son,
Having now a little Leisure for Writing, I will endeavour,
as I promised you, to recollect what Particulars I can of the
Negociations I have lately been concern'd in, with regard
to the Misunderstandings between Great Britain and America.
During the Recess of the last Parliament, which had pass'd
the severe Acts against the Province of the Massachusetts
Bay, the Minority having been sensible of their Weakness,
as an Effect of their Want of Union among themselves, began
to think seriously of a Coalition. For they saw in the Violence
of these American Measures, if persisted in, a Hazard of
Dismembring, Weakning, and perhaps Ruining the British
Empire. This inclin'd some of them to propose such an
Union with each other, as might be more respectable in the
1 This " Account " exists in two Mss. in the Stevens Collection : I. an
original draft in the author's handwriting ; 2. a transcript corrected by
Franklin. It was written during the author's passage to America. It was
not published until 181 7, when it was included in W. T. Franklin's edition of
his grandfather's works. It is here printed from the original Ms. Ed.
1775]
319
ensuing Session, have more Weight in Opposition, and be a

Body out of which a new Ministry might easily be formed,
should the ill Success of the late Measures, and the Firmness
of the Colonies in resisting them, make a Change appear
necessary to the King.
I took some Pains to promote this Disposition, in Con
versations with several of the principal among the Minority
of both Houses, whom I beseech'd and conjur'd most earnestly
not to suffer, by their little Misunderstandings, so glorious
a Fabric as the present British Empire to be demolished by
these Blunderers; and for their Encouragement assur'd
them, as far as my Opinions could give any Assurance, of
the Firmness and Unanimity of America, the Continuance
of which was what they had frequent Doubts of, and
appeared extreamly apprehensive and anxious concerning
it.
From the Time of the Affront given me at the Council
Board in January 1774, I had never attended the Levee of
any Minister. I made no Justification of myself from the
Charges brought against me : I made no Return of the Injury
by abusing my Adversaries; but held a cool, sullen silence,
reserving myself to some future Opportunity; for which
Conduct I had several Reasons not necessary here to specify.
Now and then I heard it said, that the Reasonable Part of
the Administration were asham'd of the Treatment they had
given me. I suspected that some who told me this, did it
to draw from me my Sentiments concerning it, and perhaps
my Purposes : But I said little or nothing upon the Subject.
In the mean time their Measures with regard to New England
failing of the Success that had been confidently expected, and
finding themselves more and more embarrass'd, they began,
32o
[1775
(as it seems,) to think of making use of me, if they could, to

assist in disengaging them. But it was too humiliating to
think of applying to me openly and directly; and therefore
it was contriv'd to obtain what they could of my Sentiments
thro' others.
The Accounts from America during the Recess all mani
fested that the Measures of Administration had neither
divided nor intimidated the People there ; that, on the con
trary they were more and more united and determined; and
that a non-importation Agreement was likely to take place.
The Ministry thence apprehending that this, by distressing
the trading and manufacturing Towns, might influence Votes
against the Court in the Elections for a new Parliament,
which were in course to come on the succeeding Year, sud
denly and unexpectedly dissolv'd the old one, and ordered the
Choice of a new one within the shortest time admitted by
Law, before the Inconveniences of that Agreement could
begin to be felt, or produce any such Effect.
When I came to England in 1757, you may remember I
made several Attempts to be introduc'd to Lord Chatham
(at that time first Minister), on account of my Pensilvania
Business, but without Success. He was then too great a
Man, or too much occupy'd in Affairs of greater Moment.
I was therefore oblig'd to content myself with a kind of nonapparent and unacknowledg'd Communication thro' Mr.
Potter and Mr. Wood, his Secretaries, who seem'd to culti
vate an Acquaintance with me by their Civilities, and drew
from me what Information I could give relative to the Ameri
can War, with my Sentiments occasionally on Measures
that were proposed or advised by others, [which gave me the
Opportunity of recommending and enforcing the Utility
1 775]
321
of conquering Canada.] 1 I afterwards considered Mr. Pitt

as an Inaccessible. I admired him at a distance, and made no
more Attempts for a nearer Acquaintance. I had only once
or twice the Satisfaction of hearing thro' Lord Shelbn", and
I think Lord Stanhope, that he did me the Honour of mention
ing me sometimes as a Person of respectable Character.
But towards the End of August last, returning from Brighthelmstone, I called to visit my Friend Mr. Sargent at his
seat, Halsted, in Kent, agreable to a former Engagement.
He let me know, that he had promised to conduct me to
Lord Stanhope's at Cheven*, who expected I would call
on him when I came into that Neighbourhood. We accord
ingly waited on Lord Stanhope that Evening, who told me
Lord Chatham desired to see me; and that Mr. Sargent's
House, where I was to lodge, being in the way, he would call
for me there the next morning and carry me to Hayes. This
was done accord''. That truly great Man receiv'd me with
abundance of Civility, enquired particularly into the Situa
tion of Affairs in America, spoke feelingly of the Severity
of the late Laws against the Massachusetts, gave me some
Acc' of his Speech in opposing them, and express'd great
Regard and Esteem for the People of that Country, who he
hop'd would continue firm and united in defending by all
peaceable and legal Means their constitutional Rights. I
assur'd him, that I made no doubt they would do so ; which
he said he was pleas'd to hear from me, as he was sensible
I must be well acquainted with them.
I then took Occasion to remark to him, that in former
Cases great Empires had crumbled first at their Extremities,
1 Passages enclosed in brackets are corrections made by F. in the tran
script. Ed.
VOL. VI Y
322
from this Cause, that Countries remote from the Seat and Eye
of Government which therefore could not well understand
their Affairs for want of full and true Information, had never
been well governed but had been oppress'd by bad Governors,
on Presumption that Complaint was difficult to be made and
supported against them at such a Distance. Hence such
gov had been encouraged to go on, till their Oppressions
became intolerable. But that this Empire had happily
found and long been in the Practice of a Method, whereby
every Province was well governed, being trusted in a great
Measure with the Government of itself, and that hence had
arisen such Satisfaction in the Subjects, and such encourage
ment to new Settlements, that had it not been for the late
wrong Politicks, (which would have Parliament to be om
nipotent, tho' it ought not to be so unless it could at the same
time be omniscient,) we might have gone on extending our
Western Empire, adding Province to Province, as far as the
South Sea. That I lamented the Ruin which seemed im
pending over so fine a Plan, so well adapted to make all the
Subjects of the greatest Empire happy; and I hoped that,
if his Lordship with the other great and wise Men of this Na
tion would unite and exert themselves, it might yet be rescu'd
out of the mangling Hands of the present Set of Blundering
Ministers, and that the Union and Harmony between Britain
and her Colonies, so necessary to the Welfare of both might be
restored.
He replied with great Politeness, that my Idea of extend
ing our Empire in that Manner, was a sound one, worthy
of a great, benevolent and comprehensive Mind. He wish'd
with me for a good Understanding among the different Parts
of the Opposition here, as a Means of restoring the ancient
1775]
323
Harmony of the two Countries, which he most earnestly

desir'd; but he spoke of the Coalition of our domestick
Parties as attended with Difficulty, and rather to be desired
than expected. He mention 'd an Opinion prevailing here
that America aim'd at setting up for itself as an independent
State; or at least to get rid of the Navigation Acts. I assur'd
him, that, having more than once travelled almost from one
end of the Continent to the other and kept a great Variety
of Company, eating, drinking, and conversing with them
freely, I never had heard in any Conversation from any Per
son drunk or sober, the least Expression of a wish for a Sepa
ration, or Hint that such a Thing would be advantageous
to America. And as to the Navigation Act, the main material
Part of it, that of carrying on Trade in British or Planta
tion Bottoms, excluding foreign Ships from our Ports, and
navigating with \ British Seamen, was as acceptable to us
as it could be to Britain. That we were even not against
Regulations of the General Commerce by Parliament pro
vided such Reg"" were bond fide for the Benefit of the whole
Empire, not for the small Advantage of one Part to the great
Injury of another, such as the obliging our Ships to call in
England with our Wine and Fruit, from Portugal or Spain ;
the restraints on our Manufactures, in the Woollen and Hatmaking Branches, the Prohibiting of Slitting-Mills, Steel
works, &c. He allow'd, that some Amendment might be
made in those Acts; but said those relating to the SlittingMills, trip Hammers, and Steel-Works, were agreed to by our
Agents, in a Compromise on the Opposition made here to
abating
In fine,theheDuty.
express'd much Satisfaction in my having call'd
upon him, and particularly in the Assurances I had given
324
him, that Am. did not aim at Independence) adding that he

should be glad to see me again as often as might be ; I said
I should not fail to avail myself of the Permission he was
pleas'd to give me of waiting upon his Lordship occasionally,
being very sensible of the Honour, and of the great Advan
tages and Improvement I should reap, from his instructive
Conversation;
The new Parliament
which indeed
was towas
meet
notthea 29th
meerofCompliment.
November,
(1774.) About the Beginning of that Month, being at the
Royal Society, Mr. Raper, one of our Members, told me there
was a certain Lady who had a desire of playing with me at
Chess, fancying she could beat me, and had requested him
to bring me to her : it was, he said, a Lady with whose Ac
quaintance he was sure I should be pleas'd, a Sister of Lord
Howe's, and he hop'd I would not refuse the Challenge.
I said I had been long out of Practice, but would wait upon
the Lady when he and she should think fit. He told me where
her House was, and would have me call soon, and without
farther Introduction, which I undertook to do ; but, thinking
it a little awkward, I postpon'd it ; and on the 30th meeting
him again at the Feast of the Society Election, being the Day
after the Parliament met, he put me in Mind of my Promise,
and that I had not kept it, and would have me name a Day
when he said he would call for me, and conduct me. I
nam'd the Friday following. He call'd accordingly. I went
with him, play'd a few games with the Lady, whom I found
of very sensible Conversation and pleasing Behaviour,
which induc'd me to agree most readily to an Appointment
for another Meeting a few Days after ; tho' I had not the least
Apprehension that any political Business could have any
Connection with this new Acquaintance.
17753
On the Thursday preceding this Chess Party, Mr. David

Barclay call'd on me to have some Discourse concerning the
Meeting of Merchants to petition Parliament. When that
was over, he spoke of the dangerous Situation of American
Affairs, the Hazard that a Civil War might be bro't on by
the present Measures, and the great Merit that Person would
have, who could contrive some Means of preventing so terri
ble a Calamity, and bring about a Reconciliation. He was
then pleas'd to add, that he was persuaded, from my Knowl
edge of both Countries, my Character and Influence in one
of them, and my Abilities in Business, no Man bad it so much
in his Power as myself. I naturally answer'd, that I should
certainly be very happy if I could in any degree be instru
mental in so good a Work, but that I saw no Prospect of it ;
For that tho' I was sure the Americans were always willing
and ready to agree upon any equitable Terms, yet I thought
an Accommodation impracticable, unless both sides wish'd
it ; and, by what I could judge from the Proceedings of the
Ministry, I did not believe they had the least Disposition
towards it; that they rather wish'd to provoke the North
American People into an open Rebellion, which might justify
a military Execution, and thereby gratify a grounded Malice>
which I conceiv'd to exist here against the Whigs and Dissen
ters of that Country. Mr. Barclay apprehended I judg'd
too hardly of the Ministers ; he was persuaded they were not
all of that Temper, and he fancy'd they would be very glad
to get out of their present Embarrassment on any Terms,
only saving the Honour and Dignity of Government. He
wish'd therefore that I would think of the Matter, and he
would call again and converse with me farther upon it. I
said I would do so, as he requested it, but I had no Opinion
326
of its Answering any Purpose. We parted upon this. But

two Days after I receiv'd a Letter from him, inclos'd in a Note
from Dr. Fothergill, both which follow.
" Esteemed Friend,
" Youngsbury, near Ware, 3d 12 Mo., 1774.
"After we parted on Thursday last, I accidentally met our mutual Friend,

Dr. Fothergill, in my way home, and intimated to him the subject of our dis
course; in consequence of which, I have received from him an Invitation to
a further Conference on this momentous Affair, and I intend to be in Town
to-morrow accordingly, to meet at his House between four and five o'clock;
and we unite in the request of thy Company. We are neither of us insensible,
that the Affair is of that Magnitude as should almost deter private persons
from meddling with it; at the same time we are respectively such Well-wish
ers to the Cause, that nothing in our power ought to be left undone, tho' the
utmost of our Efforts may be unavailable. I am thy respectful Friend,
"David Barclay.
" Dr. Franklin, Craven Street."
" Dr. Fothergill presents his respects to Dr. Franklin, and hopes for the
favour of his Company in Harper Street to-morrow Evening, to meet their
mutual Friend, David Barclay, to confer on American Affairs. As near 5
o'clock as may be convenient.
" Harper Street, 3d Inst."
The Time thus appointed was the Evening of the Day
on which I was to have my second Chess Party with the agreable Mrs. Howe, whom I met accordingly. After Playing
as long as we lik'd, we fell into a little Chat, partly on a
Mathematical Problem,1 and partly about the new Parlia
ment then just met, when she said, "And what is to be done
with this Dispute between Great Britain and the Colonies?
I hope we are not to have a Civil War." "They should kiss
and be Friends," says I ; " what can they do better ? Quar
relling can be of service to neither, but is Ruin to both."
"I have often said," says she, "that I wish'd Government
would employ you to settle the Dispute for 'em; I am sure
1 This Lady (which is a little unusual in Ladies) has a good deal of
mathematical Knowledge. F.
1775]
3*7
nobody could do it so well. Don't you think that the thing is

practicable?" "Undoubtedly, Madam, if the Parties are dispos'd to Reconciliation ; for the two Countries have really no
clashing Interests to differ about. It is rather a Matter of
Punctilio, which Two or three reasonable People might settle
in half an Hour. I thank you for the good Opinion you are
pleas'd to express of me; But the Ministers will never think of
employing me in that good Work ; they chuse rather to abuse
me." "Ay," says she, "they have behav'd shamefully to you.
And indeed some of them are now asham'd of it themselves."
I look'd upon this as accidental Conversation, thought no
more of it, and went in the Evening to the appointed Meeting
at Dr. Fothergill's, where I found Mr. Barclay with him.
The Doctor expatiated feelingly on the Mischiefs likely to
ensue from the present Difference, the Necessity of accom
modating it, and the great Merit of being instrumental in
so good a Work ; concluding with some Compliments to me ;
that nobody understood the Subject so thoroughly, and had
a better Head for Business of the kind ; that it seem'd there
fore a Duty incumbent on me, to do every thing I could to
accomplish a Reconciliation. And that, as he had with
Pleasure heard from Dfavid] Barclay that I had promis'd
to think of it, he hop'd I had put Pen to Paper, and form'd
some Plan for Consideration, and brought it with me. I
answer'd, that I had form'd no Plan ; as, the more I thought
of the Proceedings against the Colonies, the more satisfy'd
I was, that there did not exist the least Disposition in the
Ministry to an Accommodation ; that therefore all Plans must
be useless. He said I might be mistaken; That whatever
was the Violence of some, he had reason, good reason, to be
lieve others were differently dispos'd; and that if I would
328
draw a Plan, which we three upon considering should judge

reasonable, it might be made use of, and answer some good
Purpose, since he believ'd that either himself or D. Barclay
could get it communicated to some of the most moderate
among the Ministers, who would consider it with Attention;
and what appear'd reasonable to us, two of us being English
men might appear so to them.
As they both urg'd this with great Earnestness, and,
when I mention 'd the Impropriety of my doing any thing of
the kind at the time we were in daily expectation of hearing
from the Congress, who undoubtedly would be explicit on
the Means of Restoring a good Understanding, they seem'd
impatient, alledging that it was uncertain when we should
receive the Result of the Congress, and what it would be;
that the least Delay might be dangerous, that additional
Punishments for New England were in Contemplation, and
Accidents might widen the Breach, and make it irreparable;
therefore, something preventive could not be too soon thought
of and apply'd. I was therefore finally prevail'd with to
promise Doing what they desir'd, and to meet them again on
Tuesday Evening at the same Place, and bring with me some
thing for their Consideration.
Accordingly, at the Time, I met with them, and produc'd
the following Paper.
"Hints for Conversation upon the Subject of Terms
that might probably produce a durable Union between Britain
and the Colonies.
" 1. The Tea destroy 'd to be paid for.
" 2. The Tea-Duty Act to be repeal'd, and all the Duties
that have been receiv'd upon it to be repaid into the Treasu-
1775]
329
ries of the several Provinces from which they have been col
lected.
"3. The Acts of Navigation to be all re&iacted in the
Colonies.
"4. A Naval Officer, appointed by the Crown, to reside
in each Colony, to see that those Acts are observed.
" 5. All the Acts restraining Manufactures in the Colonies
to be reconsider'd.
"6. All Duties arising on the Acts for regulating Trade
with the Colonies, to be for the public Use of the respective
Colonies, and paid into their Treasuries. The Collectors
and Custom-house Officers to be appointed by each Gov
ernor, and not sent from England.
"7. In Consideration of the Americans maintaining their
own Peace Establishment, and the Monopoly Britain is to ;
have of their Commerce, no Requisition to be made from
them in time of Peace.
"8. No Troops to enter and quarter in any Colony, but
with the Consent of its Legislature.
"9. In time of War, on Requisition made by the King,
with Consent of Parliament, every Colony shall raise Money
by the following Rules or Proportions, viz. If Britain, on
Acc' of the War raises 3/ in the Pound to its land tax, then the
Colonies to add to their last general Provincial Peace Tax
a Sum equal to [\] thereof; and if Britain, on the same
Account, pays 4/ in the Pound, then the Colonies to add to
their said last Peace Tax a Sum equal to [J] thereof, which
additional Tax is to be granted to his Majesty, and to be employ'd in raising and paying Men for Land or Sea Service,
furnishing Provisions, Transports, or for such other Purposes
as the King shall require and direct. And tho' no Colony
330
[1775
may contribute less, each may add as much by voluntary

Grant as they shall think proper.
"10. Castle William to be restor'd to the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, and no Fortress built by the Crown in
any Province, but with the Consent of its Legislature.
"11. The late Massachusetts and Quebec Acts to be repeal'd, and a free Government granted to Canada.
"12. All Judges to be appointed during good Behaviour,
with equally permanent Salaries, to be paid out of the Prov
ince Revenues by Appointment of the Assemblies. Or,
if the Judges are to be appointed during the Pleasure of the
Crown, let the Salaries be during the Pleasure of the Assem
blies, as heretofore.
" 13. Governors to be supported by the Assemblies of each
Province.
"14. If Britain will give up its Monopoly of the Ameri
can Commerce, then the Aid above mentioned to be given
by America in time of Peace as well as in time of War.
"15. The Extension of the Act of Henry the Eighth, con
cerning Treasons to the Colonies, to be formally disown 'd by
Parliament.
" 16. The American Admiralty Courts reduc'd to the same
Powers they have in England, and the Acts establishing them
to be re&iacted in America.
"17. All Powers of Internal Legislation in the Colonies
to be disclaim'd by Parliament."
In reading this Paper a second time, I gave my Reasons
at length for each Article.
On the first I observ'd, that, when the Injury was done,
Britain had a Right to Reparation, and would certainly have
1775]
33>
had it on Demand, as was the Case when Injury was done by

Mobs in the time of the Stamp Act ; or she might have a Right
to return an equal Injury if she rather chose to do that;
but she could not have a Right both to Reparation and to
return an equal Injury; much less had she a Right to return
the Injury ten or twenty fold, as she had done by blocking
up the Port of Boston. All which extra Injury ought in my
judgm', to be repaired by Britain. That therefore if paying
for the Tea was agreed to by me, as an Article fit to be propos'd, it was merely from a Desire of Peace, and in Com
pliance with their Opinion express'd at our first Meeting,
that this was a sine qua non, that the Dignity of Britain requir'd it, and that if this was agreed to, every thing else would
be easy. This Reasoning was allow'd to be just; but still
the Article was thought necessary to stand as it did.
On the 2d, That the Act should be repeal'd, as having
never answer'd any good Purpose, as having been the Cause
of the present Mischief, and never likely to be executed.
That the Act being considered as unconstitutional by the
Americans, and what the Parliament had no Right to make,
they must consider all the Money extorted by it, as so much
wrongfully taken, and of which therefore Restitution ought
to be made ; and the rather as it would furnish a Fund out of
which the Payment for the Tea destroy'd might best be de
frayed. The Gentlemen were of Opinion, that the first
Part of this Article, viz. the Repeal, might be obtain'd, but
not the refunding Part, and therefore advis'd striking that out :
But as I thought it just and right, I insisted on its standing.
On the 3d and 4th Articles I observ'd, we were frequently
charg'd with Views of abolishing the Navigation Act. That
in truth, those Parts of it which were of most Importance to
332
Britain, as tending to increase its naval Strength, viz. those re

straining the Trade, to be carried on only in Ships belonging
to British Subjects, navigated by at least \ British or Colony
Seamen, &c., were as acceptable to us as they could be to
Britain, since we wish'd to employ our own Ships in preference
to Foreigners, and had no Desire to see foreign Ships enter
our Ports. That indeed the obliging us to land some of our
Commodities in England before we could carry them to
foreign Markets, and forbidding our Importation of some
Goods directly from foreign Countries, we thought a Hard
ship, and a greater Loss to us than Gain to Britain, and there
fore proper to be repeal'd: But as Britain had deem'd it
an equivalent for her Protection, we had never apply'd, or
propos'd to apply for such Repeal. And if they must be continu'd, I thought it best (since the Power of Parliament
enacted
to make inthem
all the
wasColonies,
now disputed),
which would
that they
demonstrate
should betheir
reConsent to them. And then, if, as in the 6th Article, all the
Duties arising on them were to be collected by Officers
appointed and salaried in the respective Governments,
and the Produce paid into their Treasuries, I was sure the
Acts would be better and more faithfully executed, and at
much less Expence, and one great Source of Misunderstanding
removed between the two Countries, viz. the Calumnies of
low Officers appointed from home, who were for ever abus
ing the People of the Country to Government, to magnify
their own Zeal, and recommend themselves to Promotion.
That the Extension of the Admiralty Jurisdiction, so much
complain'd of would then no longer be necessary. And that
besides its being the Interest of the Colonies to execute those
Acts, which is the best Security, Government might be satis
1775]
333
fy'd of its being done, from Accounts to be sent home by the

Naval Officers of the 4th Article. The Gentlemen were
satisfy'd with these Reasons, and approv'd the 3d and 4th
Articles ; so they were to stand.
The 5th they apprehended would meet with Difficulty.
They said, that restraining Manufactures in the Colonies
was a favorite Idea here; and therefore they wish'd that
Article to be omitted, as the proposing it would alarm, and
hinder perhaps the considering and granting others of more
Importance: But as I insisted on the Equity of allowing
all Subjects in every Country to make the most of their natu
ral Advantages, they desired I would at least alter the last
Word from repealed to reconsidered, which I comply'd with.
In maintaining the 7th Article (which was at first objected
to, on the Principle that all under the Care of Government
should pay towards the Support of it,) my Reasons were, that
if every distinct Part of the King's Dominions supported its
own Government in time of Peace, it was all that could justly
be required of it; that all the old or confederated Colonies
had done so from their beginning ; that their Taxes for that
Purpose were very considerable; that new Countries had
many public Expences, which old ones were free from, the
Works being done to their Hands by their Ancestors, such as
making Roads and Bridges, erecting Churches, Court-houses,
Forts, Quays, and other Publick Buildings, founding Schools
and Places of Education, Hospitals and Alms-houses, &c.
&c. ; that the voluntary and the legal Subscriptions and
Taxes for such Purposes, taken together amounted to more
than was paid by equal Estates in Britain. That it would be
best for Britain, on two Accounts, not to take Money from us
as Contribution to its public Expence, in time of Peace,
334
first, for that just so much less would be got from us in Com
merce, since all we could spare was already gain'd from us
by Britain in that Way ; and secondly that, coming into the
Hands of British Ministers, accustomed to Prodigality of
Publick Money, it would be squandered and dissipated,
answering no good general Purpose. That if we were to be
taxed towards the Support of Government in Britain, as Scot
land has been since the Union, we ought then to be allow'd
the same Privileges in Trade as she has been allow'd. That
if we are call'd upon to give to the Sinking Fund, or for
lessening the National Debt, Ireland ought to be likewise
called upon ; and both they and we, if we gave, ought to have
some Means established of enquiring into the Application
and securing a Compliance with the Terms on which we
should grant. That British Ministers would perhaps not
like our meddling with such Matters ; and that hence might
arise new Causes of Misunderstanding. That upon the
whole therefore I thought it best on all Sides, that no Aids
shall be asked or expected from the Colonies in Time of Peace ;
that it would then be their interest to grant bountifully and
exert themselves vigorously in time of War, the sooner to
put an End to it. That Specie was not to be had to send to
England in Supplies, but the Colonies could carry on War
with their own Paper Money, which would pay Troops, and
for Provisions, Transports, Carriages, Clothing, Arms, &c.
So this 7th Article was at length agreed to without farther
Objection.
The 8th the Gentlemen were confident would never be
granted. For the whole World would be of Opinion, that
the King who is to defend all Parts of his Dominions, should
have of course a Right to place his Troops where they might
1775]
335
best answer that purpose. I supported the Article upon

Principles equally important in my Opinion to Britain as to
the Colonies : For that if the King could bring into one partv
of his Dominions Troops rais'd in any other Part of them,
without the Consent of the Legislature of the Part to which
they were brought, he might bring Armies rais'd in America
into England without Consent of Parliament, which probably
would not like it, as a few Years since they had not liked
the Introduction of the Hessians and Hanoverians, tho'
justified by the Supposition of its being a Time of Danger.
That if there should be at any time real Occasion for British
Troops in America, there was no doubt of obtaining the Con
sent of the Assemblies there; and I was so far from being
willing to drop this Article, that I thought I ought to add
another, requiring all the present Troops to be withdrawn,
before America could be expected to treat or agree upon any
Terms of Accommodation ; as what they should now do of
that kind might be deem'd the Effect of Compulsion, the
Appearance of which ought as much as possible to be avoided,
since those reasonable things might be agreed to where the
Parties seem'd at least to act freely, which would be strongly
refus'd under Threats or the semblance of Force. That
the withdrawing the Troops was therefore necessary to make
any Treaty or Agreement durably binding on the Part of the
Americans, since Proof of having acted under Force would
invalidate any Agreement. And it could be no Wonder that
we should insist on the Crown's having no Right to bring a
standing Army among us in time of Peace, when we saw
now before our Eyes a striking Instance of the 111 Use to be
made of it, viz. to distress the King's Subjects in different
Parts of his Dominions, one Part after the other, into a Sub-
336
mission to arbitrary Power, which was the avowed Design

of the Army and Fleet now plac'd at Boston.' Finding me
obstinate, the Gentlemen consented to let this stand, but did
not seem quite to approve of it. They wish'd they said to
have this Paper or Plan that they might show, as containing
the Sentiments of considerate, Impartial Persons, and such
as they might as Englishmen support, which they thought
could not well be the case with this Article.
The 9th Article was so drawn in Compliance with an Idea
of Dr. Fothergill's started at our first Meeting, viz. that Gov
ernment here would probably Aot be satisfied with the Prom
ise of voluntary Grants in time of War from the Assemblies,
of which the Quantity must be uncertain; that, therefore,
it would be best to proportion them in some Way to the Shil
lings in the Pound rais'd in England ; but how such Propor
tion could be ascertained he was at a loss to contrive. I
was desired to consider it. It had been said, too, that Par
liament was become jealous of the Right claimed and hereto
fore used by the Crown, of raising Money in the Colonies
without Parliamentary Consent; and, therefore, since we
would not pay Parliamentary Taxes, future Requisitions
must be made with Consent of Parliament, and not otherwise.
I wondered that the Crown should be willing to give up that
separate Right, but had no Objection to its limiting itself,
if it thought proper: so I drew the Article accordingly, and
contrived to proportion the Aid by the Tax of the last Year
of Peace. And since it was thought that the Method I
should have liked best, would never be agreed to, viz. a
Continental Congress to be call'd by the Crown, for answering
Requisitions and proportioning Aids ; I chose to leave Room
for voluntary Additions by the separate Assemblies, that the
1775]
337
Crown might have some Motive for calling them together,

and Cultivating their Good Will, and they have some Satis
faction in showing their Loyalty and their Zeal in the common
Cause, and an Opportunity of manifesting their Disapproba
tion of a War, if they did not think it a just one. This article
therefore met with no Objection from them; and I had another
Reason for liking it, viz. that the View of the Proportion to
be given in time of War, might make us the more frugal in
time of Peace.
For the ioth Article, I urg'd the Injustice of seizing that
Fortress, (which had been built at an immense Charge by the
Province, for the Defence of their Port against national Ene
mies,) and turning it into a Citadel for awing the Town, re
straining their Trade, blocking up their Port, and depriving
them of their Privileges. That a great deal had been said of
their Injustice in destroying the Tea; but here was a much
greater Injustice uncompensated, that Castle having cost the
Province 3oo,ooo. And that such a Use made of a Fortress
they had built, would not only effectually discourage every
Colony from ever building another, and thereby leave them
more expos'd to foreign Enemies, but was a good Reason for
their insisting that the Crown should never erect any here
after in their Limits without the Consent of the Legislature.
The Gentlemen had not much to say against this Article,
but thought it would hardly be admitted.
The nth Article it was thought would be strongly objected
to; that it would be urged the old Colonists could have
nothing to do with the Affairs of Canada, whatever we had
with those of the Massachusetts ; that it would be considered
as an officious Meddling merely to disturb Government;
and that some even of the Massachusetts acts were tho't by
VOL. VI z
338
[1775
Administration to be Improvements of that Government,

viz. those altering the Appointment of Counsellors, the
Choice of Jurymen, and the Forbidding of Town Meetings.
I reply'd, that we having assisted in the Conquest of Canada,
at a great Expence of Blood and Treasure, had some Right
to be considered in the Settlement of it. That the Estab
lishing an arbitrary Government on the back of our Settle
ments might be dangerous to us all ; and that loving Liberty
ourselves, we wish'd it to be extended among Mankind, and
to have no Foundation for future Slavery laid in America.
That as to Amending the Massachusetts Government, tho'
it might be shown that every one of these pretended Amend
ments were real Mischiefs, yet that Charters being Compacts
between two Parties, the King and the People, no Alteration
could be made in them, even for the better, but by the Con
sent of both Parties. That the Parliament's Claim and Exer
cise of a Power to alter our Charters, which had always been
deem'd irrevocable 1 but for Forfeiture, and to alter Laws
made in pursuance of those Charters, which had received the
Royal Approbation, and thenceforth deemed fix'd and un
changeable but by the Powers that made them, had render'd
all our Constitutions uncertain, and set us quite afloat.
That as by claiming a Right to tax us ad libitum, they depriv'd us of all Property ; so, by this Claim of altering our
Laws and Charters at will, they depriv'd us of all Privilege
and Right whatever, but what we should hold at their Pleas
ure. That this was a Situation we could not be in, and must
risque Life and every thing rather than submit to it So
this Article remained.
The
1 " inviolable
12th article
" in Transcript,
I explain'd,
altered
bybyacquainting
F. to " irrevocable."
the Gentlemen
Ed.
1775]
339
with the former Situation of the Judges in most Colonies, viz.

that they were appointed by the Crown, and paid by the As
semblies. That the Appointment being during the Pleasure
of the Crown, the Salary had been during the pleasure of the
Assembly. That when it has been urg'd against the Assem
blies, that their making Judges dependent on them for their
Salaries, was aiming at an undue Influence over the Courts
of Justice ; the Assemblies usually reply'd, that making them
dependent on the Crown for Continuance in their Places,
was also retaining an Undue Influence over those Courts;
and that one undue Influence was a proper Balance for the
other; but that whenever the Crown would consent to Acts
making the Judges during good Behaviour, the Assemblies
would at the same time grant their Salaries to be permanent
during their Continuance in Office. This the Crown has
however constantly refused. And this equitable Offer is
now again here proposed ; the Colonies not being able to con
ceive why their Judges should not be render'd as independent
as those in England. That on the contrary the Crown now
claim'd to make the Judges in the Colonies dependent on its
Favour for both Place and Salary, both to be continu'd at its
Pleasure. This the Colonies must oppose as inequitable,
as putting both the Weights into one of the Scales of Justice.
If therefore the Crown does not chuse to commission the
Judges during good Behaviour, with equally permanent
Salaries, the Alternative is propos'd that the Salaries continue
to be paid during the Pleasure of the Assemblies as heretofore.
The Gentlemen allow'd this Article to be reasonable.
The 13th was objected to, as nothing was generally tho't
more reasonable here, than that the King should pay his own
Governor, in order to render him independent of the People,
340
who otherwise might aim at influencing him against his Duty,

by occasionally withholding his Salary. To this I answer'd,
that Governors sent to the Colonies were often Men of no
Estate or Principle, who came merely to make Fortunes, and
had no natural Regard for the Country they were to govern.
That to make them quite independ' of the People, was to
make them careless of their Conduct whether it was bene
ficial or mischievous to the Publick, and giving a Loose to
their Rapacious and oppressive Dispositions. That the In
fluence supposed could never extend to operate any thing
prejudicial to the King's Service, or the Interest of Britain ;
since the Governor was bound by a Set of particular Instruc
tions, which he had given Surety to observe ; and all the Laws
he assented to were subject to be repeal'd by the Crown, if
found improper. That the Payment of the Salaries by the
People was more satisfactory to them, as it was productive of
a good Understanding and mutual good Offices between
Governor and Governed, and therefore the Innovation lately
made in that respect at Boston and New York had in my
Opinion better be laid aside. So this Article was suffered
to remain.
But the 14th was thought totally inadmissible. The
Monopoly of the American Commerce could never be given
up, and the Proposing it would only give Offence without
answering any good Purpose. I was therefore prevailed on
to strike it wholly out.
The 15th was readily agreed to.
The 1 6th it was thought would be of little consequence, if
the Duties were given to the Colony Treasuries.
The 17th it was thought could hardly be obtain'd, but
might be try'd.
1775]
341
Thus having gone thro' the whole, I was desired to make a

fair Copy for Dr. Fothergill, who now inform'd us, that
having an Opportunity of seeing daily Lord Dartmouth, of
whose good Disposition he had a high Opinion, he would
communicate the Paper to him, as the Sentiments of con
siderate Persons, who wish'd the welfare of both Countries.
"Suppose," says Mr. Bfarclay], "I were to show this Paper
to Lord Hyde ; would there be any thing amiss in so doing ?
He is a very knowing Man, and tho' not in the Ministry
properly speaking, he is a good deal attended to by them. I
have some Acquaintance with him; we converse freely
sometimes; and perhaps, if he and I were to talk these
Articles over, and I should communicate to him our Con
versation upon them, some good might arise out of it." Dr.
Fothergil had no objection; and I said I could have none.
I knew Lord Hyde a little, and had an Esteem for him. I
had drawn the Paper at their Request, and it was now theirs
to do with it what they pleas'd. Mr. B. then propos'd that I
should send the fair Copy to him, which after making one
for Dr. F. and one for himself, he would return me. Another
Question then arose, whether I had any Objection to their
mentioning that I had been consulted. I said, none that
related to myself ; but it was my Opinion, if they wish'd any
Attention paid to the Propositions, it would be better not to
mention me; the Ministry having, as I conceiv'd, a Preju
dice against me, and every thing that came from me. They
said, on that Consideration it might be best not to mention
me, and so it was concluded. For my own part, I kept this
whole Proceeding a dead Secret. But I soon after found,
that it had taken Air by some means or other.
Being much interrupted the Day following, I did not copy
342
and send the Paper. The next Morning 1 I receiv'd a Note

from Mr. B, pressing to have it before 12 o' Clock. I ac
cordingly sent it to him. Three Days 2 after, I received the
following Note from him.
" D. Barclay presents his respects, and acquaints Dr. Franklin, that, being
inform'd a pamphlet, entituled A Friendly Address, has been dispersed to
the disadvantage of America, (in particular by the Dean of Norwich) he de
sires Dr. F. will peruse the inclosed, just come to hand from America; and if
he approves of it republish it, as D. B. wishes something might be properly
spread at Norwich. D. B. saw to-Day a Person, with whom he had been yes
terday (before he call'd on Dr. F.), and had the satisfaction of walking part
of the Way with him to another Noble Person's house, to meet on the business,
and he told him, that he could say, that he saw some light.
"Cheapside, utf Inst."
The Person so met and accompany'd by Mr. B, I under
stood to be Lord Hyde, going either to Lord Dartmouth's or
Lord North's ; I knew not which.
In the Week following arriv'd the Proceedings of the Con
gress, which had been long and anxiously expected, both by
the Friends and Adversaries of America.
[The Petition of Congress to the King was inclosed to me,
and accompanied by the following Letter from their President,
address'd to the American Agents in London, as follows.
"To Paul Wrntworth, Esquire,
Dr. Benjamin Franklin,
William Bollan, Esquire,
Dr. Arthur Lee,
Thomas Life, Esquire,
Edmund Burke, Esquire,
Charles Garth, Esquire.
" We" Gentlemen,
give you the strongest proof of our
" Philadelphia,
reliance on October
your zeal26th,
and 1774.
attach
ment to the happiness of America, and the cause of liberty, when we commit
the enclosed papers to your care.
1 December 8th. Ed.
December nth. Ed.
1775]
343
"We desire you will deliver the Petition into the hands of his Majesty;
and, after it has been presented, we wish it may be made public through the
press, together with the list of grievances. And as we hope for great assist
ance from the spirit, virtue, and justice of the nation, it is our earnest desire,
that the most effectual care be taken, as early as possible, to furnish the trad
ing cities and manufacturing towns throughout the united kingdom with our
Memorial to the People of Great Britain.
" We doubt not but that your good sense and discernment will lead you
to avail yourselves of every assistance, that may be derived from the advice
and friendship of all great and good men, who may incline to aid the cause of
liberty and mankind.
" The gratitude of America, expressed in the enclosed vote of thanks, we
desire may be conveyed to the deserving objects of it, in the manner that you
think will be most acceptable to them.1
" It is proposed that another Congress be held on the 10th of May next, at
this place ; but in the mean time we beg the favour of you, Gentlemen, to
transmit to the Speakers of the several Assemblies, the earliest information of
the most authentic accounts you can collect, of all such conduct and designs
of ministry or Parliament, as it may concern America to know. We are, with
unfeigned esteem and regard, Gentlemen, &c.
" By order of the Congress.
" Henry Middleton, President."]
The first Impression made by them [the proceedings of the
American Congress] * on People in general was greatly in our
favour. Administration seem'd to be stagger'd, were im
patient to know whether the Petition mention'd in the Pro
ceedings was come to my Hands, and took a roundabout
Method of obtaining that Information, by getting a minis
terial Merchant a known Intimate of the Soll' Gen1, to write
me a Letter importing that he heard I had receiv'd such a
Petition, that I was to be attended in presenting it by the
1 This vote of thanks was as follows : " October 2$th, 1 774. Resolved,
That this Congress, in their own names, and in the behalf of all those whom
they represent, do present their most grateful acknowledgments to those
truly noble, honourable, and patriotic advocates of civil and religious liberty,
who have so generously and powerfully, though unsuccessfully, espoused and
defended the cause of America, both in and out of Parliament." S.
3 The passages in brackets are found only in the Trans. Ed.
Merchants,
WRITINGS
begging OF
to know
BENJAMIN
the Time,
FRANKLIN
that he might
[1775
344
THE and
attend "on so important an Occasion, and give his Testimony

to so good a Work." Before these Proceedings arriv'd, it
had been given out that no Petition from the Congress could
be receiv'd, as they were an illegal Body : But the Secretary
of State, after a Day's Perusal (during which a Council was
held), told us it was a decent and proper Petition, and chearfully undertook to present it to his Majesty, who, he after
wards assur'd us, was pleas'd to receive it very graciously,
and to promise to lay it, as soon as they met, before his two
Houses of Parliament ; and we had reason to believe that at
that time, the Petition was intended to be made the Founda
tion of some Change of Measures ; but that purpose, if such
there were, did not long continue.
About this time, I receiv'd a Letter from Mr. Barclay, then
at Norwich, dated Dec 18, expressing his Opinion, that it
might be best to postpone taking any further Steps in the
Affair of procuring a Meeting and Petition of the Merchants,
(on which we had had several Consultations,) till after the
Holidays, thereby to give the Proceedings of Congress more
time to work upon Men's Minds; adding, "I likewise con
sider, that our Superiors will have some little time for Re
flection, and perhaps may contemplate on the Propriety of
the 'Hints' in their Possession. By a few Lines I have
J received from Lord H., he intimates his hearty Wish that they
may be productive of what may be practicable and advan
tageous for the Mother Country and the Colonies."
On the 22d, Mr. B. was come to town, when I din'd with
him, and learnt that Lord H. tho't the Propositions too hard.
On the 24th, I receiv'd the following Note from a consider
able Merchant in the City, viz.
1775]
345
" Mr. William Neate presents his most respectfull Compliments to Dr.
Franklin, and as a report prevailed yesterday Evening, that all the disputes
between Great Britain and the American Colonies were thro' his application
and influence with Lord North amicably settled, conformable to the wish and
desire of the late Congress, W. N. desires the favour of Dr. Franklin to inform
him by a line per the bearer, whether there is any credit to be given to the
report.
"St. Mary Hill, UjA Decemr, 1774."
My Answer was to this Effect, that I should be very happy

to be able to inform him that the Report he had heard had
some Truth in it ; but I could only assure him, that I knew
nothing of the Matter. Such Reports however were confi
dently circulated, and had some Effect in recovering the
Stocks, which had fallen 3 or 4 per Cent.
On Christmas- Day Evening, visiting Mrs. Howe, she told
me as soon as I came in, that her Brother, Lord Howe,
wish'd to be acquainted with me; that he was a very good
Man, and she was sure we should like each other. I said I
had always heard a good Character of Lord Howe, and should
be proud of the Honour of being known to him. "He is but
just by," says she ; "will you give me Leave to send for him ?"
" By all means, Madam, if you think proper." She rang for a
Servant, wrote a Note, and Lord H. came in a few Minutes.
After some extreamly polite Compliments, as to the gen
eral Motives for his desiring an Acquaintance with me, he
said he had a particular one at this time, viz. the alarming
Situation of our Affairs with America, which no one, he was
persuaded understood better than myself; that it was the
Opinion of some Friends of his, that no Man could do more
towards reconciling our Differences than I could, if I would
undertake it ; that he was sensible I had been very ill treated
by the Ministry, but he hop'd that would not be consider'd
346
by me in the present case : that he himself, tho' not in Oppo

sition, had much disapproved of their Conduct towards me;
that some of them he was sure were asham'd of it, and sorry
it had happen'd ; which he suppos'd must be sufficient to
abate Resentment in a great and generous Mind ; that if he
were himself in Administration, he should be ready to make
me ample Satisfaction, which he was persuaded would one
day or other be done ; that he was unconnected with the
Ministry, except by some personal Friendships, wish'd well
however to Governm', was anxious for the general Welfare
of the whole Empire, and had a particular Regard for New
England, which had shewn a very endearing Respect to his
Family; That he was merely an independent Member of
Parliament, desirous of doing what Good he could, agreeable
to his Duty in that Station ; that he therefore had wish'd for
an Opportunity of obtaining my Sentiments on the Means of
reconciling our Differences, which he saw must be attended
with the most mischievous Consequences, if not speedily
accommodated; that he hop'd his Zeal for the public Wel
fare would with me excuse the Impertinence of a mere
Stranger, who could have otherwise no reason to expect, or
right to request, me to open my Mind to him on these Topics ;
but he did conceive that if I would indulge him with my Ideas
of the Means proper to bring about a Reconciliation, it might
be of some Use; that perhaps I might not be willing myself
to have any direct Communication with this Ministry on this
Occasion; that I might likewise not care to have it known,
that I had any indirect Communication with them, till I could
be well assur'd of their good Dispositions; that, being him
self upon no ill Terms with them, he thought it not impos
sible that he might by conveying my Sentiments to them
177$]
347
and theirs to me, be a Means of bringing on a good Under

standing, without committing either them or me, if his Ne
gotiation should not succeed. And that I might rely on his
keeping perfectly secret every thing I should wish to remain so.
Mrs. Howe here offering to withdraw, whether of herself,
or from any sign from him, I know not, I begg'd she might
stay, as I should have no Secrets in a Business of this Nature
that I could not freely confide to her Prudence. Which was
Truth; for I had never conceiv'd a higher Opinion of the
Discretion and excellent Understanding of any Woman on
so short an Acquaintance. I added that tho' I had never
before the Honour of being in his Lordship's Company, his
Manner was such as had already engag'd my Confidence,
and would make me perfectly easy and free in communicating
myself to him.
I begg'd him, in the first Place, to give me Credit for a
sincere Desire of healing the Breach between the two Coun
tries ; that I would chearfully and heartily do every thing in
my small Power to accomplish it; but that I apprehended
from the King's Speech, and from the Measures talk'd of,
as well as those already determin'd on, no Intention or Dis
position of the kind existed in the present Ministry, and
therefore no Accommodation could be expected till we saw
a Change. That as to what his Lordship mentioned of the
personal Injuries done me, those done my Country were so
much greater, that I did not think the other, at this time,
worth mentioning ; that, besides it was a fix'd Rule with me,
not to mix my private Affairs with those of the publick;
that I could join with my personal Enemy in serving the pub
lic, or, when it was for its Interest, with the Publick in serving
that Enemy.* These being my Sentiments, his Lordship
v
348
might be assur'd that no private Considerations of the kind

should prevent my being as useful in the present Case as my
small Ability would permit.
He appearM satisfy'd and pleased with these Declarations,
and gave it me as his sincere Opinion, that some of the Min7
were extreamly well dispos'd to any reasonable Accommoda
tion, preserving only the Dignity of Governm' ; he wish'd me
to draw up in Writing some Propositions containing the
. Terms on which I conceived a good Understanding might
be obtained and established, and the Mode of Proceeding
to accomplish it; which Propositions, as soon as prepared,
we might meet to consider, either at his House, or at mine,
or where I pleas'd ; but, as his being seen at my House, or me
at his, might, he thought, occasion some Speculation, it was
concluded to be best to meet at his Sister's, who readily
offered her House for the purpose, and where there was a
good Pretence with her Family and Friends for my being
often seen, as it was known we play'd together at Chess. I
undertook accordingly to draw up something of the kind,
and so for that time we parted, agreeing to meet at the same
place again on the Wednesday following.
I din'd about this time by Invitation with Governor
'-' Pownall. There was no Company but the Family ; and after
Dinner we had a tite-it-tite. He had been in the Opposition ;
but was now about making his Peace, in order to come into
Parliament upon ministerial Interest, which I did not then
know. He told me what I had before been told by several of
Lord North's Friends, that the American Measures were not
the Measures of that Minister, nor approved by him; that
on the contrary, he was well dispos'd to promote a Recon
ciliation upon any Terms honourable to Government; that
1775]
349
I had been look'd upon as the great Fomenterof the Oppo

sition in America, and as great an Adversary to any Accom
modation ; that he, Gov1 P. had given a different Account of
me, and had told his Lordp that I was certainly much mis
understood: From the Gov farther Discourse I collected
that he wish'd to be employ'd as an Envoy or Commissioner
to America, to settle the Differences, and to have me with
him; but as I apprehended there was little Likelihood that
either of us should be so employ'd by Government, I did not
give much Attention to that Part of his Discourse.
I should have mention'd in its place (but one cannot recol
lect every thing in order) that declining at first to draw up
the Propositions desired by Lord Howe, I alledg'd its being
unnecessary, since the Congress in their Petition to the King,
just then receiv'd and presented thro' Lord Dartmouth, had
stated their Grievances, and pointed out very explicitly what
would restore the ancient Harmony; and I read a Part of
the Petition to show their good Dispositions, which, being
very pathetically express'd, seem'd to affect both the Brother
and Sister. But still I was desired to give my Ideas of the
Steps to be taken, in case some of the Propositions in the
Petition should not be thought admissible. And this, as I
said before, I undertook to do.
I had promised Lord Chatham to communicate to him the
first important News I should receive from America. I
therefore sent him the Proceedings of the Congress as soon
as I receiv'd them. But a whole Week pass'd after I receiv'd
the Petition, beforeI could, as I wish'd to do, wait upon him
with it, in order to obtain his Sentiments on the whole; for
my time was taken up in Meetings with the other Agents to
consult about presenting the Petition, in waiting three dif
350
ferent Days with them on Lord Dartmouth, in consulting

upon and writing Letters to the Speakers of Assemblies, and
other
At last
Business,
on Monday
w** did
thenot
26th,
allow
I got
meout,
a Day
and to
wasgothere
to Hayes.
about
One o'Clock. He receiv'd me with an affectionate kind of
Respect, that from so great a Man was extreamly engaging ;
but the Opinion he express'd of the Congress was still more
so. They had acted, he said, with so much Temper, Modera
tion and Wisdom, that he thought it the most honourable
Assembly of Statesmen since those of the ancient Greeks and
Romans, in the most virtuous Times. That there were not
in their whole Proceedings above one or two things he could
have wish'd otherwise ; perhaps but one, and that was, their
Assertion, that the keeping up a standing Army in the Colo
nies in time of Peace without Consent of their Legislatures
was against Law ; he doubted that was not well founded, and
that the Law alluded to did not extend to the Colonies:
The rest he admired and honoured. He thought the Petition
decent, manly, and properly express'd. He enquired much
and particularly concerning the State of America, the Proba
bility of their Perseverance, the Difficultys they must meet
with in Adhering for any long time to their Resolutions, the
Resources they might have to supply the Deficiency of Com
merce ; to all which I gave him Answers with which he seemed
well satisfy'd. He express'd a great Regard and warm Affec
tion for that Country, with hearty Wishes for their Prosperity ;
and that Government here might soon come to see its Mis
takes, and rectify them ; and intimated that possibly he might,
if his Health permitted, prepare something for its Considera
tion, when the Parliament should meet after the Holidays, on
which he should wish to have previously my Sentiments.
1775]
351
I mentioned to him the very hazardous State I conceiv'd

we were in, by the Continuance of the Army in Boston ; that
whatever Disposition there might be in the Inhabitants to
give no just Cause of Offence to the Troops, or in the General
to preserve Order among them, an unpremeditated unfore
seen Quarrel might happen between perhaps a drunken
Porter and a Soldier, that might bring on a Riot, Tumult, and
Bloodshed, and in its Consequences produce a Breach im
possible to be healed: that the Army could not possibly
answer any good purpose there; and might be infinitely
mischievous: that no Accommodation could properly be
propos'd and entred into by the Americans while the Bayonet
was at their Breasts : that to have any Agreement binding all
Force should be withdrawn. His Lordship seem'd to think
these Sentiments had something in them that was reasonable.
From Hayes I went to Halsted, Mr. Sargent's [place,] to
dine, intending thence a Visit to Lord Stanhope at Chevening ; but, hearing there that his Lordship and the Family were
in town, I staid at Halsted all Night, and the next Morning
went to Chislehurst to call upon Lord Camden, it being in
my way to town. I met his Lordship and Family in two Car
riages just without his Gate going on a Visit of Congratula
tion to Lord Chatham and his Lady, on the late Marriage of
their Daughter to Lord Mahon, Son of Lord Stanhope.
They were to be back at Dinner. So I agreed to go in, stay
Dinner, and spend the Evening there, and not return to Town
till next Morning. We had that Afternoon and Evening a
great deal of Conversation on American Affairs, concerning
which he was very inquisitive, and I gave him the best Infor
mation in my Power. I was charm'd with his generous and
noble Sentiments ; and had the great Pleasure of hearing his
352
full Approbation of the Proceedings of the Congress, the

Petition, &c. &c., of which, at his Request, I afterwards sent
him a Copy. He seem'd anxious that the Americans should
continue to act with the same Temper, Coolness, and Wisdom,
with which they had hitherto proceeded in most of their
publick Assemblies, in which case he did not doubt they would
succeed in establishing their Rights, and obtain a solid and
durable Agreement with the Mother Country ; of the Neces
sity and great Importance of which Agreement, he seemed
to have the strongest Impressions.
I return'd to town the next Morning, in time to meet, at the
Hour appointed, Lord Howe. I apologiz'd for my not being
ready with the Paper I had promis'd, by my having been kept
longer than I intended in the Country. We had however a
good deal of Conversation on the Subject, and his Lp told me
he could now assure me of a Certainty that there was a sincere
Disposition in Lord North and Lord Dartmouth to accommo
date the Differences with America, and to listen favourably
to any Propositions that might have a probable tendency to
answer that salutary Purpose. He then ask'd me what I
thought of sending some Person or Persons over, commission'd
to enquire into the Grievances of America upon the Spot, con
verse with the leading People, and endeavour with them to
agree upon some Means of composing our Differences? I
said that a Person of Rank and Dignity, who had a Character
of Candour, Integrity and Wisdom, might possibly, if em
ployed in that Service be of great Use.
He seem'd to be of the same Opinion, and that whoever
was employ'd should go with a hearty Desire of promoting a
sincere Reconciliation, on the Foundation of mutual Interests
and mutual Good-Will; that he should endeavour not only
1775]
353
to remove their Prejudices against Government, but equally

the Prejudices of Gov' against them, and bring on a perfect
good Understanding, &c. Mrs. Howe said, "I wish Brother
you were to be sent thither on such a Service; I should
like that much better than General Howe's going to command
the Army there." " I think, Madam," says I, "they ought to
provide for General Howe some more honourable Employ
ment." Lord Howe here took out of his Pocket a Paper,
and offering it to me said, smiling, "If it is not an unfair
Question, may I ask whether you know any thing of this
Paper?" Upon looking at it, I saw it was a Copy in D.
Barclay's Hand, of the "Hints" before recited: and said,
that I had seen it ; adding a little after, that, since I perceived
his Lordship was acquainted with a Transaction my Con
cern in which I had understood was to have been kept a
Secret, I should make no Difficulty in owning to him, that I
had been consulted on the Subject, and had drawn up that
Paper. He said he was rather sorry to find that the Senti
ments express'd in it were mine, as it gave him less hopes of
promoting by my Assistance, the wished-for Reconciliation,
since he had reason to think there was no likelyhood of the
Admission of those Propositions. He hop'd however that I
would reconsider the Subject, and form some Plan that would
be acceptable here. He expatiated on the infinite Service
it would be to the nation, and the great Merit in being instru
mental in so good a Work ; that he should not think of influ
encing me by any selfish Motive, but certainly I might with
reason expect any Reward in the Power of Government to
bestow.
This to me was what the French call Spitting in the Soup.
However, I promis'd to draw some Sketch of a Plan, at his
VOL. VI 2 A
354
Request, tho' I much doubted, I said, whether it would be

thought preferable to that he had in his Hand. But he was
willing to hope that it would; and, as he consider^ my
Situation, that I had Friends here and Constituents in America
to keep well witb, that I might possibly propose something
improper to be seen in my Handwriting; therefore it would
be best to send it to Mrs. Howe, who would copy it, send the
Copy to him to be communicated to the Ministry, and return
me the original. This I agreed to, tho' I did not apprehend
the Inconvenience he mention'd. In general I lik'd much
his Manner, and found myself dispos'd to place great Con
fidence in him on Occasion ; but in this particular the Secrecy
he proposed seem'd not of much Importance.
In a Day or two, I sent the following Paper, inclos'd in a
Cover, directed to the honourable Mrs. Howe.
"It is suppos'd to be the Wish on both sides, not merely
to put a Stop to the Mischief at present threatning the gen
eral Welfare, but to cement a cordial Union, and remove,
not only every real Grievance, but every Cause of Jealousy
and Suspicion.
"With this View, the first thing necessary is, to know what
is, by the different Parties in the Dispute, thought essentially
necessary for the obtaining such an Union.
"The American Congress, in their Petition to the King,
have been explicit, declaring, that by a Repeal of the op
pressive Acts therein complain'd of, 'the Harmony between
Great Britain and the Colonies, so necessary to the Happiness
of both, and so ardently desired by them, will, with the usual
Intercourse, be immediately restor'd.'
"If it has been thought reasonable here, to expect that,
1775]
355
previous to an Alteration of Measures, the Colonies should

make some Declaration respecting their future Conduct,
they have also done that, by adding, ' That, when the Causes
of their Apprehensions are removed, their future Conduct will
prove them not unworthy of the Regard they have been ac
customed in their happier Days to enjoy.1
"For their Sincerity in these Declarations, they solemnly
call to Witness the Searcher of all Hearts.
"If Britain can have any Reliance on these Declarations,
(and perhaps none to be extorted by Force can be more
rely'd on than these which are thus freely made,) she may,
without Hazard to herself, try the Expedient propos'd,
since, if it fails, she has it in her power at any time to resume
her present Measures.
"It is then proposed; That Britain should show some
Confidence in these Declarations, by repealing all the Laws
or Parts of Laws, that are requested to be repeal'd in the
Petition of the Congress to the King ;
"And that at the same time Orders should be given to
withdraw the Fleet from Boston, and remove all the Troops
to Quebec, or the Floridas, that the Colonies may be left at
perfect Liberty in their future Stipulations.
"That this may, for the Honour of Britain, appear not the
Effect of any Apprehension from the Measures entred into
and recommended to the People by the Congress, but from
Good-Will, and a Change of Disposition towards the Colonies,
with a sincere Desire of Reconciliation, let some of their
other Grievances, which in their Petition they have left to
the Magnanimity and Justice of the King and Parliament,
be at the same time removed, such as those relating to the
Payment of Governors' and Judges' Salaries, and the In
356
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [177s
structions for Dissolving Assemblies, &c., with the Declara

tions concerning the Statute of Hen. Vlll.
"And to give the Colonies an immediate Opportunity of
demonstrating the Reality of their Professions, let their
propos'd ensuing Congress be authoriz'd by Government,
(as was that held at Albany in 1754,) and a Person of Weight
and Dignity of Character be appointed to preside at it on
Behalf of the Crown.
"And then let Requisition be made to the Congress, of
such Points as Government wishes to obtain, for its future
Security, for Aids, for the Advantage of general Commerce,
for Reparation to the India Company, &c. &c.
"A generous Confidence thus plac'd in the Colonies, will
give Ground to the Friends of Government there, in their
Endeavours to procure from America every reasonable Con
cession, or Engagement, and every substantial Aid, that can
fairly be desired."
On the Saturday Evening, I saw Mrs. Howe, who inform'd
me she had transcrib'd and sent the Paper to Lord Howe in
the Country, and she return'd me the Original. On the
following Tuesday, Jan. 3, I receiv'd a Note from her, (en
closing a Letter she had receiv'd from Lord Howe the last
Night,) w0* follows in these Words.
"Mrs. Howe's Compliments to Dr. Franklin, she en
closes him a Letter she received last night, and returns him
many thanks for his very obliging present,1 which has already
given her great entertainment. If the Doctor has any spare
time for Chess, she will be exceedingly glad to see him any
morning this week,
1 Hisand
Philosophical
as often Writings.
as will
beF.agreeable to him,
1775]
357
and rejoices in having so good an excuse for asking the favour

of his Company.
" Tuesday."
["TO THE HONOURABLE MRS. HOWE, GRAFTON STREET]
" Porter's Lodge, Jan* 2d, 1775.
"I have received your packet ; and it is with much concern
that I collect, from sentiments of such authority as those of
our worthy friend, that the desired accommodation threatens
to be attended with much greater difficulty than I had
flattered myself in the progress of our intercourse, there would
be reason to apprehend.
"I shall forward the propositions as intended, not desirous
of trespassing further on our friend's indulgence; but re
taining sentiments of regard, which his candid and obliging
attention to my troublesome inquiries will render ever per
manent in the memory of your affectionate, &c.
"Howe.
"I ought to make excuses likewise to you."
His Lordship had, in his last Conversation with me, ac
knowledged a Communication between him and the Ministry,
to whom he wish'd to make my Sentiments known. In this
Letter from the Country he owns the Receipt of them, and
mentions his Intention of forwarding them, that is, as I
understood it, to the Ministers ; but expresses his Apprehen
sions that such Propositions were not likely to produce any
good Effect. Some time after, perhaps a Week, I received
a Note from Mrs. Howe desiring to see me. I waited upon
her immediately, when she show'd me a Letter from her
Brother, of which having no Copy, I can only give from the
358
best of my Recollection the Purport of it, which I think was

this, that he desired to know from their Friend, meaning me,
thro' her means, whether it might not be expected, that if
that Friend would engage for their Payment of the Tea as
a Preliminary, relying on a promised Redress of their Griev
ances on future Petitions from their Assembly, they would
approve of his making such Engagement; and whether
the Proposition in the former Paper, (the "Hints,") relating
to Aids, was still in Contemplation of the Author. As Mrs.
Howe proposed sending to her Brother that Evening, I
wrote immediately the following Answer, which she tran
scrib'd and forwarded.
"The Proposition in the former Paper relating to Aids, is
still in Contemplation of the Author, and, as he thinks, is
included in the last Article of the present Paper.
"The People of America conceiving that Parliament has
no Right to tax them, and that therefore all that has been
extorted from them by the Operation of the Duty Acts, with
the Assistance of an armed Force, preceding the Destruction
of the Tea, is so much Injury, which ought in order of time
to be first repair'd, before a Demand on the Tea Account
can be justly made of them ; are not, he thinks, likely to ap
prove of the Measure proposed, and pay in the first place
the Value demanded, especially as 20 times as much Injury
has since been done them by blocking up their Port, and their
Castle, also seiz'd before by the Crown has not been restor'd,
nor any Satisfaction offered them for the same."
At the Meeting of Parliament after the Holidays, which
was on the [19th] of Jany, [1775,] Lord Howe return'd to
Town, when we had another Meeting, at which he lamented
1775]
3S9
that my Propositions were not such as probably could be

accepted; intimated that it was thought I had Powers or
Instructions from the Congress to make Concessions on
Occasion, that would be more satisfactory. I disclaim'd
the having any of any kind, but what related to the present
ing of their Petition. We talk'd over all the Particulars in
my Paper, which I supported with Reasons; and finally
said that if what I had proposed would not do, I should be
glad to hear what would do; I wish'd to see some Proposi
tions from the Ministers themselves. His Lordp was not,
he said, as yet fully acquainted with their Sentiments, but
should learn more in a few Days. It was however some weeks
before I heard any thing further from him.
In the mean while, Mr. Barclay and I were frequently
together on the Affair of preparing the Merchants' Petition,
which took up so much of his time that he could not con
veniently see Lord Hyde, so he had no Information to give
me concerning the "Hints," and I wonder'd I heard nothing
of them from Dr. Fothergill. At length however, but I
cannot recollect about what time, the Dr called on me, and
told me he had communicated them, and with them had
verbally given my Arguments in support of them, to Lord
Dartmouth, who, after consideration, had told him, some of
them appear'd reasonable, but others were inadmissible or
impracticable. That having occasion to see frequently the
Speaker,1 he had also communicated them to him, as he
found him very anxious for a Reconciliation. That the
Speaker had said it would be very humiliating to Britain to
be oblig'd to submit to such Terms : But the Doctor told him
she had been unjust,
1 Sirand
Fletcher
ought
Norton.
to bear
Ed.the Consequences,
360
and alter her Conduct; that the Pill might be bitter, but it
would be salutary, and must be swallow'd. That these
were the Sentiments of impartial Men, after thorough Con
sideration and full Information of all Circumstances, and
that sooner or later these or similar Measures must be follow'd, or the Empire would be divided and ruined. The
Doctor on the whole hop'd some Good would be effected by
our Endeavours.
On the 19th of Jan7, 1 receiv'd a Card from Lord Stanhope,
acquainting me, that Lord Chatham, having a Motion to
make on the Morrow in the House of Lords, concerning
America, greatly desired that I might be in the House, into
which Lord S. would endeavour to procure me Admittance.
At this time it was a Rule of the House, that no Peer could
introduce more than one Friend. The next Morning his
Lordship let me know by another Card, that if I attended
at two o'Clock in the Lobby, Lord Chatham would be there
about that time, and would himself introduce me. I attended,
and met him there accordingly. On my mentioning to him
what Lord Stanhope had written to me, he said, "Certainly;
and I shall do it with the more Pleasure, as I am sure your
being present at this Day's Debate will be of more Service
to America than mine;" and so taking me by the Arm was
leading me along the Passage to the Door that enters near
the Throne, when one of the Door-keepers followed, and ac
quainted him, that by the Order, none were to be carried
in at that Door but the eldest Sons or Brothers of Peers ; on
which he limped back with me to the Door near the Bar,
where were standing a Number of Gentlemen, waiting for
the Peers who were to introduce them, and some Peers wait
ing for Friends they expected to introduce; among whom
1 775]
3I
he delivered me to the Door-keepers, saying aloud, "This is

Dr. Franklin, whom I would have admitted into the House ; "
when they readily open'd the Door for me accordingly.
As it had not been publickly known, that there was any
Communication between his Lordship and me, this I found
occasioned some Speculation. His Appearance in the House
I observed caus'd a kind of Bustle among the Officers, who
were hurried in sending Messengers for Members, I suppose
those in Connection with the Ministry, something of Im
portance being expected when that great Man appears, it
being but seldom that his infirmities permit his Attendance.
I had great Satisfaction in hearing his Motion and the Debate
upon
as youit,may
which
find
I shall
a better
not attempt
in the Papers
to giveofhere
thean
time.
Account
It was
of,
his Motion for withdrawing the Troops from Boston, as the
first Step towards an Accommodation.
The Day following, I received a Note from Lord Stanhope
expressing, that, "at the Desire of Lord Chatham, was sent
me inclosed the Motion he made in the House of Lords,
that I might be possessed of it in the most authentic Manner,
by the Communication of the individual Paper, which was
read to the House by the Mover himself." I sent Copies of
this Motion to America, and was the more pleased with it,
as I conceiv'd it had partly taken its Rise from a Hint I had
given his Lp in a former Conversation. The Motion was in
these Words, viz.
lord Chatham's motion, jan. 20, 1775.

"That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty,
most humbly to advise and beseech his Majesty, that, in
\s
362
order to open the Way towards a happy Settlement of the

dangerous Troubles in America, by beginning to allay
Ferments and soften Animosities there; and above all, for
preventing in the mean time any sudden and fatal Catastrophe
at Boston, now suffering under the daily Irritation of an
Army before their Eyes, posted in their Town, it may gra
ciously please his Majesty, that immediate Orders may be
dispatched to General Gage for removing his Majesty's
Forces from the Town of Boston, as soon as the Rigour of
the Season and other Circumstances indispensable to the
Safety and Accommodation of the said Troops, may render
the same practicable."
I was quite charm'd with Lord Chatham's Speech in Sup
port of his Motion. He impress'd me with the highest Idea
of him, as a great and most able Statesman.1 Lord Camden,
another wonderfully good Speaker and clear close Reasoner,
join'd him in the same Argument, as did several other Lords,
who spoke excellently well ; but all avail'd no more than the
whistling of the winds. The Motion was rejected. Sixteen
Scotch Peers, and twenty-four Bishops, with all the Lords
in possession or Expectation of Places when they vote together
unanimously, as they generally do for Ministerial Measures,
make a dead Majority that renders all Debating ridiculous
in itself, since it can answer no End. Full of the^high Es
teem I had imbib'd for Lord Chatham, I wrote back to Lord
Stanhope the following Note, viz.
1 It was reported at the time, that his Lordship had concluded his speech
with the following remarkable words ; " If the ministers thus persevere in
the
misadvising
affectionsand
of his
misleading
subjects the
fromKing,
his crown,
I will but
not Isay,
willthat
affirm,
theythat
can they
alienate
will |
make the crown not -worth his wearing. I will not say, that the King U
betrayed, but I will pronounce that the kingdom is undone" W. T. F.
1775]
363
"Dr. Franklin presents his best Respects to Lord Stan

hope, with many Thanks to his Lordship and Lord Chatham
for the Communication of so authentic a copy of the motion.
Dr. F. is fill'd with admiration of that truly great Man.
He has seen, in the course of Life, sometimes Eloquence
without Wisdom, and often Wisdom without Eloquence;
in the present Instance he sees both united ; and both, as he
thinks, in the highest Degree possible.1
"Craven Street, Jan. 23^, 1775."
As in the Course of the Debate some Lords in the Ad
ministration had observed, that it was common and easy to
censure their Measures, but those who did so propos'd noth
ing better, Lord Chatham mention'd, that he should not be
one of those idle Censurers; that he had thought long and
closely upon the Subject, and purposed soon to lay before
their Lordships the Result of his Meditation, in a Plan for
healing our Differences, and restoring Peace to the Empire,
to which his present Motion was preparatory: I much desir'd to know what his Plan was, and intended waiting on
him to see if he would communicate it to me; but he went
the next Morning to Hayes, and I was so much taken up
with Daily Business and Company, that I could not easily
get out to him. A few Days after, however, Lord Mahon
call'd on me, and told me Lord Chatham was very desirous
of seeing me; when I promis'd to be with him the Friday
following several Engagements preventing my going sooner.
On Friday the 27th, I took a Post-Chaise about 9 o'Clock,
and got to Hayes about 1 1 ; but my Attention being engag'd
in Reading a new Pamphlet, the Post boy drove me a Mile
1 The original letter is at Chevening. Ed.
364
or two beyond the Gate. His Lordship, being out on an

Airing in his Chariot, had met me before I reach'd Hayes,
unobserv'd by me, turn'd and follow'd me, and not finding
me there, concluded, as he had seen me reading, that I had
pass'd by mistake, and sent a Servant after me. He express'd great Pleasure at my Coming, and acquainted me
in a long Conversation with the Outlines of his Plan, parts
of which he read to me. He said he had communicated it
only to Lord Camden, whose Advice he much rely'd on,
particularly in the Law Part ; and, that he would as soon as
he could get it transcrib'd, put it into my Hands for my
Opinion and Advice, but should show it to no other Person
before he presented it to the House; and he requested me
to make no mention of it, otherwise Parts might be misunder
stood and blown upon beforehand, and others perhaps
adopted and produc'd by Ministers as their own. I promis'd the closest Secrecy, and kept my Word, not even men
tioning to any one that I had seen him. I din'd with him,
hisOn
Family
the Sunday
only present,
following,
and return'd
being the
to town
29th,inhis
theLordship
evening.
came to Town, and call'd upon me in Craven Street. He
brought with him his Plan transcrib'd, in the form of an Act
of Parliament, which he put into my Hands, requesting me
to consider it carefully, and communicate to him such Re
marks upon it as should occur to me. His Reason for de
siring to give me that Trouble was, as he was pleas'd to say,
that he knew no Man so thoroughly acquainted with the
Subject, or so capable of giving Advice upon it; that he
thought the Errors of Ministers in American Affairs had
been often owing to their not obtaining the best Information :
that therefore tho' he had considered the Business thoroughly
1 775]
36s
in all its Parts, he was not so confident of his own Judgment,

but that he came to set it right by mine, as Men set their
Watches by a Regulator. He had not determined when he
should produce it in the House of Lords; but in the Course
of our Conversation, considering the precarious Situation
of his Health, and that if presenting it was delay'd, some
Intelligence might arrive which would make it seem less
seasonable, or in all parts not so proper; or the Ministry
might engage in different Measures, and then say, "If you
had produc'd your Plan sooner, we might have attended to
it;" he concluded to offer it the Wednesday following; and
therefore wish'd to see me upon it the preceding Tuesday,
when he would again call upon me, unless I could conven
iently come to Hayes. I chose the latter, in respect to his
Lordship, and because there was less likelihood of interrup
tions; and I promis'd to be with him early, that we might
have more time. He staid with me near two Hours, his
Equipage waiting at the Door, and being there while People
were coming from Church, it was much taken notice of,
and talk'd of, as at that time was every little Circumstance
that men thought might possibly any way affect American
Affairs. Such a Visit from so great a Man, on so important
a Business, flattered not a little my Vanity ; and the Honour
of
Day
it gave
12 month
me the
thatmore
the Ministry
Pleasure, had
as ittaken
happen'd
so much
on the
pains
very
to *
disgrace me before the Privy Council.1
I apply'd myself immediately to the reading and consider
ing the Plan of which when it was afterwards publish'd, I
sent you a Copy, and therefore need not insert it here. I
put down upon Paper, as I went along, some short Memoran1 In the affair of Hutchinson's Letters. Ed.
366
dums for my future Discourse with him upon it, which

follow, that you may, if you please, compare them with the
Plan ; and, if you do so, you will see their Drift and Purpose
which otherwise would take me much Writing to explain.
"Tuesday, Jan. 31, 75.
"Notes for Discourse with Ld C. on his Plan
"Voluntary Grants and forced Taxes not to be expected
of the same People at the same time.
"Permanent Revenue will be objected to. Would not a
Temporary Agreement be best, suppose for 100 Years ?
"Does the whole of the Rights claim'd in the Petition of
Rights relate to England only?
"The American Naturalization Act gives all the Rights
of natural-born Subjects to Foreigners residing there 7
Years. Can it be supposed, that the Natives there have
them not?
"If the King should raise Armies in America, would
Britain like their being brought hither as the King might
bring them when he pleased.
"An Act of Parliament requires the Colonies to furnish
sundry Articles of Provision and Accommodation to Troops
quarter'd among them ; this may be made very burthensome
to Colonies that are out of favour.
"If a permanent Revenue, why not the same Privileges in
Trade with Scotland ?
"Should not the Lands conquer'd by Britain and the
Colonies in Conjunction be given them, (reserving a Quit
rent,) from whence they might form Funds to enable them to
pay?
1775]
3*7
"Instructions about Agents to be withdrawn.

" Grants to be for three Years, at the End of which a new
Congress ; and so from 3 to 3 Years.
"Congress to have the general Defence of the Frontiers,
making and regulating new Settlements.
"Protection mutual.
"We go into all your Wars.
"Our Settlements cost you nothing.
"Take the Plan of Union.
"'Defence, Extension, and Prosperity of.' The late
Canada Act prevents their Extension, and may check their
Prosperity.
"Laws should be secure as well as Charters.
" Perhaps if the legislative Power of Parl' is own'd in the
Colonies, they may make a Law to forbid the Meeting of
any Congress, &c."
I was at Hayes early on Tuesday, agreeable to my Promise,
when we enter'd into Consideration of the Plan; but, tho'
I stay'd near 4 Hours, his Lp in the manner of I think all
eloquent Persons, was so full and diffuse in Supporting
every particular I question'd, that there was not time to go
thro' half my Memorandums. He is not easily interrupted ;
and I had such Pleasure in hearing him, that I found little
Inclination to interrupt him. Therefore, considering that
neither of us had much Expectation, that the Plan would be
adopted entirely as it stood ; that, in the Course of its Con
sideration, if it should be receiv'd, proper Alterations might
be introduc'd ; that, before it could be settled America should
have Opportunity to make her Objections and Propositions
of Amendment ; that, to have it receiv'd at all here, it must
368
seem to comply a little with some of the prevailing Prejudices

of the Legislature ; that, if it was not so perfect as might be
wish'd, it would at least serve as a Basis for Treaty, and in
the mean time prevent Mischiefs; and that, as his Lord*
had determined to offer it the next Day, there was not time
to make Changes and another fair Copy ; I therefore ceas'd
my Querying; and tho' afterwards many People were
pleas'd to do me the Honour of Supposing I had a consider
able Share in Composing it, I assure you, that the Addition
of a single Word only was made at my Instance, viz. "Con
stitutions" after " Charters" ; for my filling up at his Request,
a Blank with the Titles of Acts proper to be repeal'd, which
I took from the Proceedings of the Congress, was no more
than might have been done by any Copying Clerk.
On Wednesday, Lord Stanhope, at Lord Chatham's
Request, call'd upon me, and carry'd me down to the House
of Lords, which was soon very full. Lord Chatham, in a
most excellent Speech, introduc'd, explain'd, and supported
his Plan. When he sat down, Lord Dartmouth rose, and
very properly said, it contain'd Matter of such Weight and
Magnitude, as to require much Consideration, and he there
fore hoped the noble Earl did not expect their Lordships to
decide upon it by an immediate Vote, but would be willing
it should lie upon the Table for Consideration. Lord
Chatham answered readily, that he expected nothing more.
But Lord Sandwich rose, and in a petulant, vehement
Speech, opposed its being receiv'd at all, and gave his Opinion,
that it ought to be immediately rejected, with the Contempt
it deserv'd. That he could never believe it to be the Pro
duction of any British Peer. That it appear'd to him rather
the Work of some American ; and turning his Face towards
1775]
369
me, who was leaning on the Bar, said, he fancied he had in

his Eye the Person who drew it up, one of the bitterest and
most mischievous Enemies this Country had ever known.
This drew the Eyes of many Lords upon me ; but as I had
no Inducement to take it to myself, I kept my Countenance
as immoveable as if my Features had been made of Wood.
Then several other Lords of the Administration gave their
Sentiments also for rejecting it, of which Opinion also was
strongly the wise Lord Hillsborough. But the Dukes of
Richm* and Manchester, Lord Shelburne, Lord Camden,
Lord Temple, Lord Lyttleton, and others, were for receiv
ing it, some thro' Approbation, and others for the Character
and Dignity of the House. One Lord mentioning with
Applause, the candid Proposal of one of the Ministers, Lord
Dartmouth, his Lord" rose again, and said, that having
since heard the Opinions of so many Lords against receiving
it to lie upon the Table for Consideration, he had alter'd
his Mind, could not accept the Praise offer'd him for a Can
dour of which he was now asham'd, and should therefore
give his Voice for rejecting the Plan immediately.
I am the more particular in this, as it is a Trait of that
Nobleman's Character, who from his Office is suppos'd to
have so great a Share in American Affairs, but who has in
reality no Will or Judgment of his own, being with Disposi
tions for the best Measures, easily prevail'd with to join in
the worst.
Lord Chatham, in his Reply to Lord Sandwich, took
notice of his illiberal Insinuation, that the Plan was not the
Person's who propos'd it; declar'd that it was intirely his
own; a Declaration he thought himself the more oblig'd
to make, as many of their Lords appear'd to have so mean
vol. vi a B
370
an Opinion of it ; for if it was so weak or so bad a Thing, it

was proper in him to take care that no other Person should
unjustly share in the Censure it deserved. That it had
been heretofore reckon'd his Vice, not to be apt to take
Advice; but he made no Scruple to declare, that if he were
the first Minister of this Country and had the Care of Set
tling this momentous Business, he should not be asham'd of
publickly calling to his Assistance a Person so perfectly ac
quainted with the whole of American Affairs as the Gentle
man alluded to, and so injuriously reflected on ; one, he was
pleas'd to say, whom all Europe held in high Estimation for
his Knowledge and Wisdom, and rank'd with our Boyles
and Newtons; who was an Honour, not to the English
Nation only, but to Human Nature. I found it harder to
stand this extravagant Compliment than the preceding
equally extravagant Abuse ; but kept as well as I could an
unconcern'd Countenance, as not conceiving it to relate to
me.
y
To hear so many of these Hereditary Legislators declaim
ing so vehemently against, not the Adopting merely, but
even the Consideration of a Proposal so important in its
Nature, offered by a Person of so weighty a Character, one
of the first Statesmen of the Age, who had taken up this
Country when in the lowest Despondency, and conducted it
to Victory and Glory, thro' a War with two of the mightiest
Kingdoms in Europe ; to hear them censuring his Plan, not
only for their own Misunderstandings of what was in it, but
for their Imaginations of what was not in it, which they
would not give themselves an Opportunity of rectifying by
a second Reading; to perceive the total Ignorance of the
Subject in some, the Prejudice and Passion of others, and the
1775]
371
wilful Perversion of Plain Truth in several of the Ministers ;

and upon the whole to see it so ignominiously rejected by
so great a Majority, and so hastily too, in Breach of all
Decency, and prudent Regard to the Character and Dignity
of their Body, as a third Part of the National Legislature,
gave me an exceeding mean Opinion of their Abilities, and
made their Claim of Sovereignty over three Millions of
virtuous, sensible People in America seem the greatest of
Absurdities, since they appear'd to have scarce Discretion
enough to govern a Herd of Swine. Hereditary Legislators!
thought I. There would be more Propriety, because less
Hazard of Mischief, in having (as in some University of
Germany) Hereditary Professors of Mathematicksl But this
was a hasty Reflection : For the elected House of Commons
is no better, nor ever will be while the Electors receive Money
for their Votes, and pay Money wherewith Ministers may
bribe their Representatives when chosen.
After this Proceeding I expected to hear no more of any
Negociation for settling our Difference amicably. Yet in a
Day or two I had a Note from Mr. Barclay, requesting
a Meeting at Dr. Fothergill's, the 4th of February, in the
Evening. I attended accordingly, and was surprized by being
told that a very good Disposition appear'd in Administra
tion; that the "Hints" had been considered, and several
of them thought reasonable, and that others might be ad
mitted with small Amendments. The good Doctor, with his
usual Philanthropy, expatiated on the Miseries of War;
that even a bad Peace was preferable to the most successful
War ; that America was growing in Strength ; and whatever
she might be oblig'd to submit to at present, she would in a
few Years be in a Condition to make her own Terms.
372
Mr. B. hinted how much it was in my Power to promote

an Agreement ; how much it would be to my Honour to effect
it; and that I might expect not only Restoration of my old
Place, but almost any other I could wish for, &c. I need
not tell you, who know me so well, how improper and dis
gusting this Language was to me. The Doctor's was more
suitable. Him I answer'd, that we did not wish for War,
and desir'd nothing but what was reasonable and necessary
for our Security and Well-being. To Mr. Barclay I replyM
that the Ministry, I was sure, would rather give me a Place
in a Cart to Tyburn, than any other Place whatever. And
to both, that I sincerely wish'd to be serviceable; that I
needed no other Inducement than to be shown how I might
be so ; but saw they imagined more to be in my Power than
really was. I was then told again, that Conferences had been
held upon the "Hints"; and the Paper being produced
was read ; that I might hear the Observations that had been
made upon them separately, which were as follows.
x. The first Article was approved.
2. The Second agreed to, so far as related to the Repeal
of the Tea Act. But Repayment of the Duties that had been
collected was refused.
3. The third not approved, as it implied a Deficiency of
Power in the Parliament that made those Acts.
4. The fourth approved.
5. The fifth agreed to, but with a Reserve, that no Change
prejudicial to Britain was to be expected.
6. The sixth agreed to, so far as related to the Appropria
tion of the Duties : but the Appointment of the Officers and
their Salaries to remain as at present.
1775]
373
to.7. The seventh, relating to Aids in Time of Peace, agreed

8. The eighth, relating to the Troops, was inadmissible.
9. The ninth could be agreed to, with this Difference,
that no Proportion should be observ'd with regard to preced
ing Taxes, but each Colony should give at pleasure.
10. The tenth agreed to, as to the Restitution of Castle
William; but the Restriction on the Crown in building
Fortresses refused.
11. The eleventh refus'd absolutely, except as to the
Boston Port Bill, which would be repeal'd ; and the Quebec
Act might be so far amended, as to reduce that Province
to its ancient Limits. The other Massachusetts Acts, being
real Amendments of their Constitution, must for that reason
be continu'd, as well as to be a standing Example of the
Power of Parliament.
12. The twelfth agreed to, that the Judges should be ap
pointed during good Behaviour, on the Assemblies providing
permanent Salaries, such as the Crown should approve of.
13. The thirteenth agreed to, provided the Assemblies
make Provision as in the preceding Article.
15. The fifteenth agreed to.
16. The sixteenth agreed to, supposing the Duties paid
to the Colony Treasuries.
17. The seventeenth inadmissible.
We had not at this Time a great deal of Conversation upon
these Points ; for I short'ned it by observing, that while the
Parliament claim'd and exercis'd a Power of altering our
Constitutions at pleasure, there could be no Agreement ; for
we were render'd unsafe in every Privilege we had a Right
374
to, and were secure in nothing. And it being hinted hownecessary an Agreement was for America, since it was so
easy for Britain to burn all our Seaport Towns, I grew
warm, said that the chief Part of my little Property consisted
of Houses in those Towns; that they might make Bonfires
of them whenever they pleased; that the Fear of losing
them would never alter my Resolution to resist to the last
that Claim of Parliament; and that it behov'd this Country
to take Care what Mischief it did us ; for that sooner or later
it would certainly be obliged to make good all Damages
with Interest ! The Doctor smil'd, as I thought, with some
Approbation of my Discourse, passionate as it was, and said,
he In
would
the certainly
Discourserepeat
concerning
it to-morrow
the "Hints,"
to Lord Mr.
Dartmouth.
Barclay
happened to mention that going to Lord Hyde's, he found
Lord Howe with him ; and that Lord Hyde had said to him,
"You may speak any thing before Lord Howe, that you have
to say to me, for he is a Friend in whom I confide;" upon
which he accordingly had spoken with the same Freedom
as usual. By this I collected how Lord Howe came by the
paper of "Hints," which he had shown me. And it being
mentioned as a Measure thought of, to send over a Com
missioner with Powers to enquire into Grievances, and give
Redress on certain Conditions, but that it was difficult to find
a proper Person; I said "Why not Lord Hyde? He is a
man of Prudence and Temper, a Person of Dignity, and, I
should think, very suitable for such an Employment; or, if
he would not go, there is the other Person you just mentioned,
Lord Howe, who would, in my Opinion, do excellently well."
This passed as mere Conversation, and we parted.
Lord Chatham's rejected Plan being printed, for the
1 775]
375
Publick Judgment, I received 6 Copies from Lord Mahon,

his Son-in-law, which I sent to different Persons in America.
A Week and more pass'd in which I heard nothing further
of any Negociation, and my time was much taken up among
the Members of Parliament, when Mr. Barclay sent me a
Note to say, that he was indispos'd, but desirous of seeing
me, and should be glad if I would call on him. I waited upon
him the next Morning, when he told me, that he had seen
Lord Hyde, and had some farther Discourse with him on
the Articles; that he thought himself now fully possess'd
of what would do in this Business; that he therefore wish'd
another Meeting with me and Dr. Fothergill, when he would
endeavour to bring prepared a Draft conformable chiefly
to what had been proposed and conceded on both sides,
with some Propositions of his own. I readily agreed to
the Meeting, which was to be on Thursday Evening, the
i6th Feb7.
We met accordingly, when Mr. Barclay produced the
following Paper, viz.
"A Plan, which, its believed, would produce a permanent

Union between Great Britain and her Colonies.
"i*. The tea destroyed to be paid for: And in order
that no time may be lost, to begin the desireable Work of
Conciliation, it is proposed, that the Agent or Agents, in a
petition to the King, should engage that the Tea destroyed
shall be paid for; and, in consequence of that engagement,
a Commissioner to have authority by a Clause in an Act of
Parliament, to open the Port (by a suspension of the Boston
Port Act) when that Engagement shall be complied with.
376
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [177s
"2d. The Tea-Duty Act to be repealed, as well for the

Advantage of Great Britain as the Colonies.
"3d. Castle William to be restored to the Province of the
Massachusetts Bay, as formerly, before it was deliver'd up
by Gov1 Hutchinson.
"4th. As it is believed, that the Commencement of con
ciliatory measures will in a considerable degree, quiet the
Minds of the Subjects in America, it is proposed that the
Inhabitants of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay should
petition the King, and state their objections to the said Act.1
And it is to be understood, that the said Act shall be repealed.
In the Interim, the Commissioner to have power to suspend
the Act in order to enable the Inhabitants to petition.
"5th. The several Provinces, who may think themselves
aggrieved by the Quebec Bill, to petition in their legislative
Capacities : And its to be understood, that so far of the Act,
as extends the limits of Quebec beyond its ancient Bounds,
is to be repealed.
"6th. The act of Henry 8th to be formally disclaimed by
Parliament.
" 71*. In Time of Peace, the Americans to raise within
their respective Provinces, by Acts of their own Legislatures,
a certain sum or sums, such as may be thought necessary for
a peace establishment, to pay Governors, Judges, &c. Vide
Laws of Jamaica.
"8th. In time of War, on requisition made by the King,
with Consent of Parliament, every Colony shall raise such
sums of Money as their Legislatures may think suitable to
their Abilities and the public Exigency, to be laid out in
raising and 1paying
SupposedMen
to mean
fortheland
Boston
orPort
seaAct.
service,
F. furnishing
I77S]
377
Provisions, Transports, or such other purposes as the King

shall require and direct.
"9*. The Acts of Navigation to be reexamined, in order
to see whether some Alterations might not be made therein,
as much for the Advantage of Great Britain as the Ease of
the Colonies.
" io"1. A naval Officer to be appointed by the Crown to
reside in each Colony, to see those Acts observed.
"N. B. In some Colonies they are not appointed by the
Crown.
1 " 12th. All Duties arising on the Acts for regulating Trade
with the Colonies to be for the public Use of the respective
Colonies, and paid into their Treasuries, and an Officer of
the Crown to see it done.
"13th. The Admiralty Courts to be reduced to the same
Powers as they have in England.
" 14th. All Judges in the King's Colony Governments
to be appointed during good Behaviour, and to be paid by
the Province, agreeable to Article 7.
"N. B. If the King chuses to add to their Salaries, the
same to be sent from England.
"15th. The Governors to be supported in the same
Manner."
Our Conversation turn'd chiefly upon the first Article.
It was said that the Ministry only wanted some Opening to
be given them, some Ground on which to found the com
mencement of conciliating Measures, that a Petition con
taining such an Engagement as mention'd in this Article
would answer that purpose. That Preparations were making
1 The eleventh clause was stricken out. Ed.
378
to send over more Troops and Ships; that such a Petition

might prevent their going, especially if a Commissioner were
propos'd. I was therefore urg'd to engage the Colony
Agents to join with me in such a Petition. My Answer was,
that no Agent had any thing to do with the Tea Business,
but those for Massachusetts Bay, who were Mr. Bollap for
the Council, myself for the Assembly, and Mr. Lee appointed
to succeed me when I should leave England; that the latter
therefore could hardly yet be considered as an Agent; and
that (the former was a cautious, exact Man.ând not easily
persuaded to take Steps of such Importance without In
structions or Authority; that therefore if such a Step were
to be taken, it would lie chiefly upon me to take it; that
indeed, if there were, as they suppos'd, a clear Probability
of Good to be done by it, I should make no Scruple of hazard
ing myself in it ; but I thought the empowering a Commis
sioner to suspend the Boston Port Act was a Method too
dilatory, and a mere Suspension would not be satisfactory.
That if such an Engagement were entred into, all the Massa
chusetts Acts should be immediately repealed.
They laid hold of the Readiness I had express'd to peti
tion on a Probability of doing good, applauded it, and urg'd
me to draw up a Petition immediately. I said it was a
Matter of Importance, and with their Leave I would take
home the Paper, consider the Propositions as they stood,
and give them my Opinion to-morrow Evening. This was
agreed to, and for that time we parted.
Weighing now the present dangerous Situation of Affairs
in America, and the daily Hazard of widening the Breach
there irreparably, I embrac'd the Idea propos'd in the Paper
of sending over a Commissioner, as it might be a Means of
I77SJ
379
suspending military Operations, and bring on a Treaty^

whereby Mischief would be prevented, and an Agreement
by degrees be form'd and established; I also concluded to
do what had been desired of me as to the Engagement, and
purpose
essay'd a simply,
Draft oftoa be
Memorial
sign'd only
to Lord
by myself.
Dartmouth
Asfor
to that
the 1
sending of a Commissioner, a Measure which I was desired
likewise to propose, and express my Sentiments of its Utility,
I apprehended my Colleagues in the Agency might be justly
displeas'd if I took a Step of such Importance without con
sulting them, and therefore I sketch'd a joint Petition to that
purpose, for them to sign with me if they pleas'd; but,
apprehending that would meet with Difficulty, I drew a
Letter to Lord Dartmouth, containing the same Proposition,
with the Reasons for it, to be sent as from me only. I made
also upon Paper some Remarks on the Propositions; with
some Hints on a separate Paper, of farther Remarks to be
made in Conversation, when we should meet in the Evening
of the 17th. Copies of these Papers (except the first, which
I do not find with me on Shipboard,) are here plac'd as
follows, viz.
c'to the king's most excellent majesty,
"The Petition and Memorial of W. B[ollan,] B. F[ranklin,]
and A[rthur] Lee,
"Most humbly sheweth;
"That your Petitioners, being Agents for several Colonies,
and deeply affected with the Apprehension of impending
Calamities, that now threaten your Majesty's Subjects in
America, beg leave to approach your Throne, and to suggest
380
with all humility their Opinion, formed on much attentive

Consideration, that if it should please your Majesty to per
mit and authorize a Meeting of Delegates from the different
Provinces, and appoint some Person or Persons of Dignity and
Wisdom from hence to preside in that Meeting, or to confer
with the said Delegates, acquaint themselves fully with the
true Grievances of the Colonies, and settle the Means of
composing all Dissensions, such Means to be afterwards
ratify'd by your Majesty, if found just and suitable; your
Petitioners are persuaded, from their thorough Knowledge
of that Country and People, that such a Measure might be
attended with the most salutary Effects, prevent much Mis
chief, and restore the Harmony which so long subsisted, and
is so necessary to the Prosperity and Happiness of all your
Majesty's Subjects in every Part of your extensive Dominions.
Which that Heaven may preserve entire to your Majesty and
your Descendants, is the sincere Prayer of your Majesty's
most dutiful Subjects and Servants."
["to the eight honourable lord dartmouth.]
" Being
"My deeply
Lord, apprehensive of the impending Calamities,
that threaten the Nation and its Colonies thro' the present
unhappy Dissensions, I have attentively considered by what
possible means those Calamities may be prevented. The
great Importance of a Business which concerns us all, will I
hope in some Degree excuse me to your Lp, if I presume unask'd to offer my humble Opinion, that should his Majesty
think fit to authorize Delegates from the several Provinces
to meet at such convenient time and Place, as in his Wisdom
shall seem meet, then and there to confer with a Commissioner
1775]
or Commissioners to be appointed and empowered by his

Majesty, on the Means of establishing a firm and lasting
Union between Britain and the American Provinces, such a
Measure might be effectual for that purpose. I cannot there
fore but wish it may be adopted, as no one can more ardently
and sincerely desire the general Prosperity of the British
Dominions, than, my Lord, your Lordship's most obed', etc.
B. Franklin.
["remarks on the propositions.]

["Art. i.] In consequence of that Engagement, all the
Boston and Massachusetts Acts to be suspended, and on
compliance with that Engagement, to be totally repeal'd.
"By this Amendment article 4th will become unnecessary.
"Art. 4 and 5. The numerous Petitions heretofore sent
home by the Colony Assemblies, and either refused to be
received, or received and neglected, or answered harshly
and the Petitioners rebuk'd for making them, have I conceive
totally discourag'd that Method of Application ; and, if even
their Friends were now to propose to them the recurring
again to Petitioning, such Friends would be thought to
trifle with them. Besides, all they desire is now before
Government in the Petition of the Congress, and the whole
or Parts may be granted or refused at Pleasure. The Sense
of the Colonies cannot be better obtained by Petitions from
different Colonies, than it is by that general Petition.
"Art. 7. Read, such as they may think necessary.
"Art. ix. As it stands, of little Importance. The first
Proposition was that they should be repealed as unjust.
But they may remain, for they will probably not be executed.
382
"Even with the Amendment propos'd above to Article 1,

I cannot think it stands as it should do. If the Object be
merely the preventing present Bloodshed, and the other
Mischiefs to fall on that Country in War, it may possibly
answer that End; but if a thorough, hearty Reconciliation
is wish'd for, all Cause of Heart-burning should be remov'd,
and strict Justice be done on both Sides. Thus the Tea
should not only be paid for on the Side of Boston, but the
Damage done to Boston by the Port Act should be repairM,
because it was done contrary to the Custom of all Nations,
Savage as well as civiliz'd, of first demanding Satisfaction.
"Art. 14. The Judges should receive nothing from the
King.
"As to the other two Acts, the Massachusetts must suffer
all the Hazards and Mischiefs of War, rather than admit
the Alteration of their Charters and Laws by Parliament.
'They, who can give up essential Liberty to obtain a little
temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety.'
"B. Franklin."
"Hints.
"I doubt the Regulating Duties will not be accepted,
without enacting them, and having the Power of appoint
ing the Collectors, in the Colonies.
"If we mean a hearty Reconciliation, we must deal can
didly, and use no Tricks.
" The Assemblies are many of them in a State of Dissolu
tion. It will require Time to make new Elections; then to
meet and chuse Delegates, supposing all could meet. But
the Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay cannot act under the
new Constitution, nor meet the new Council for that pur
1 775]
33
pose, without acknowledging the Power of Parliament to

alter their Charter, which they never will do. The language
of the Proposal is, Try on your Fetters first, and then, if you
don't like 'em, petition and we will consider.
"Establishing Salaries for Judges may be a general Law.
For Governors not so, the Constitutions of Colonies differing.
It is possible Troops may be sent to particular Provinces, to
burthen them when they are out of favour.
"Canada. We cannot endure despotism over any of
our Fellow Subjects. We must all be free, or none."
That afternoon I received the following Note from Mrs.
Howe, enclosing another from Lord Howe, viz.
" Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. Franklin ; she has just received the
enclosed note from Lord Howe, and hopes it will be convenient to him to
come to her, either to-morrow or Sunday any hour most convenient to
him, which she begs he will be so good to name.
Grafton Strut, Friday Feb. 17.
[Enclosed in the foregoing^
["TO THE HONOURABLE MRS. HOWE.]
I wish you to procure me an opportunity to see Dr. Franklin at your
House
" Grafton
to-morrow
Street,orFriday,
on Sunday
fourmorning
o'clock."for
1 an essential purpose.
I had not heard from his Lordship for some time, and
readily answer'd, that I would do myself the Honour of
waiting upon him at her House to-morrow at 1 1 o'Clock.
Mr. Barclay, Dr. Fothergill and myself, met according to
Appointment at the Doctor's House. I delivered to them the
"Remarks" I had made on the Paper, and we talk'd them
over. I read also the Sketches I had made of the Petitions
and Memorials ; but they being of Opinion, that the Repeal
1 Endorsed by F. " recM Friday 5 o'clock, Feb. 17. 1775." Ed.
384
of none of the Massachusetts Acts could be obtain'd by my

Engaging to pay for the Tea, the Boston Port Act excepted,
and I insisting on a Repeal of all, otherwise declining to
make the Offer, that Measure was deferr'd for the present,
and I pocketed my Drafts. They concluded however to
report my Sentiments, and see if any farther Concession
"could be obtained. They observ'd too that I had sign'd
my "Remarks"; on which I said, that understanding by
other means as well as from them, that the Ministers had been
acquainted with my being consulted in this Business, I saw
no occasion for farther Mystery; and since in conveying
and receiving thro' second Hands their Sentiments and mine
occasioned Delay, and might be attended with Misappre
hension, something being lost, or changed by Mistake, in
the Conveyance, I did not see why we should not meet and
discuss the Points together at once ; that, if this was thought
proper, I should be willing and ready to attend them to the
Ministerial Persons they confer'd with. They seem'd to
approve the Proposal, and said they would mention it.
The next Morning I met Lord Howe, according to Ap
pointment. He seem'd very chearful, having as I imagine,
heard from Lord Hyde what that Lord might have had from
Mr. Barclay the ev* of the 16th, viz. that I had consented
to petition, and engage Payment for the Tea ; from whence
it was hoped, the ministerial Terms of Accommodation
might take place. He let me know that he was thought of
to be sent Commissioner for settling the Differences in
America ; adding, with an Excess of Politeness, that sensible
of his own Unacquaintedness with the Business, and of my
Knowledge and Abilities, he could not think of undertaking
it without me; but, with me, he should do it most readily;
1775]
385
for he should found his Expectations of Success on my

Assistance. He therefore had desired this Meeting, to
know my Mind upon a Proposition of my going with him
in some Shape or other, as a Friend, an Assistant, or Secre
tary: That he was very sensible if he should be so happy
as to effect any thing valuable, it must be wholly owing to
the Advice and Assistance I should afford him ; that he should
therefore make no Scruple of giving me upon all Occasions
the full Honour of it ; that he had declar'd his Opinion of
my good Dispositions towards Peace, and what he now
wish'd was to be authoriz'd by me to say, that I consented
to accompany him, and would cooperate with him in the
great Work of Reconciliation. That the Influence I had
over the Minds of People in America was known to be very
extensive; and that I could, if any man could, prevail with
them to comply with reasonable Propositions.
I reply'd, that I was oblig'd to his Locdship for the fa
vourable Opinion he had of me, and for the Honour he did
me in proposing to make Use of my Assistance; that I
wish'd to know what Propositions were intended for America ;
that, if they were reasonable ones in themselves, possibly
I might be able to make them appear such to my Country
men; but, if they were otherwise, I doubted whether that
could be done by any Man, and certainly I should not under
take it. ^His Lordship then said, that he should not expect
my Assistance without a proper Consideration. That the
Business was of great Importance; and if he undertook it,
he should insist on being enabled to make generous and
ample Appointments for those he took with him, particularly
for me ; as well as a firm Promise of subsequent Rewards.
"And," says he, "that the Ministry may have an Opporvol. vi a c
386
tunity of showing their good Disposition towards yourself,

will you give me leave, Mr. Franklin, to procure for you
previously some Mark of it, suppose the Payment here of the
Arrears of your Salary, as Agent for New England, which I
understand they have stop' for some time past?" "My
Lord," says I, "I shall deem it a great Honour to be in any
shape join'd with your Lordship in so good a Work; but
if you hope Service from any Influence I may be suppos'd
to have, drop all Thoughts of procuring me any previous
Favour from Ministers; my accepting them, would destroy
the very Influence you propose to make use of ; they would be
considered as so many Bribes to betray the Interest of my
Country : Only let me see the Propositions, and if I approve
of them, I shall not hesitate a Moment, but will hold myself
ready to accompany your Lordship at an hour's Warning."
He then said, he wish'd I would discourse with Lord Hyde
upon the Business, and ask'd if I had any Objection to meet
his Lordship. I answered, none, not the least. That I
had a great respect for Lord Hyde, and would wait upon
him whenever he should please to permit it. He said he
would speak to Lord Hyde, and send me Word.
On the Monday following, I receiv'd a Letter from Lord
Howe. To understand it better, it is necessary to reflect, that
in the Interim, there was Opportunity for Mr. Barclay to
communicate to that Nobleman the "Remarks" I had made
on the Plan, the Sight of which had probably changed the
Purpose of making any Use of me on the Occasion. The
letter follows.
" Grafton Street, Feby 20th, 1775. (P. R. O.)
"Not having had a convenient opportunity to talk with Lord Hyde until
this morning, on the subject I mentioned when I had, my worthy friend, the
1775]
387
pleasure to see you last, I now give you the earliest information of his Lord
ship's sentiments upon my proposition.
" He declares he has no personal objections, and that he is always desirous
of the conversation of men of knowledge, consequently, in that respect, would
have a pleasure in yours. But he apprehends, that on the present American
contest your principles and his, or rather those of Parliament, are as yet so
wide from each other, that a meeting merely to discuss them might give you
unnecessary trouble. Should you think otherwise, or should any propitious
circumstances approximate such distant sentiments, he would be happy to be
used as a channel to convey what might tend to harmony from a Person of
credit to those in Power. And I will venture to advance, from my knowledge
of his Lordship's opinion of men and things, that nothing of that nature would
suffer in the passage.
"I am, with a sincere regard, your most obed1 serv1,
"Howe.
"To Dr. Franklin."
As I had no desire of obtruding myself upon Lord Hyde,
tho' a little piqu'd at his declining to see me, I thought it best
to show a decent Indifference, which I endeavoured in the
following Answer.
" Craven Street, Feb. 20th, 1775.
"Having nothing to offer on the American Business in
addition to what Lord Hyde is already acquainted with
from the Papers that have passed, it seems most respectfull
not to give his Lordship the Trouble of a Visit ; since a mere
Discussion of the Sentiments contained in those Papers is
not, in his opinion, likely to produce any good Effect. I am
thankful, however, to his Lordship for the Permission of
waiting on him, which I shall use if any thing occurs, that
may give a Chance of Utility in such an Interview.
"With sincere Esteem and Respect, I have the honour
to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obed' hum serv',
"B. Franklin.
"To Lord Howe."
388
On the Morning of the same Day, Feb. 20, it was currently

and industriously reported all over the Town, that Lord
North would that day, make a pacific Motion in the House
for healing all Differences between Britain and America.
The House was accordingly very full, and the Members full
of Expectation. The Bedford Party inimical to America,
and who had urg'd severe Measures, were alarm 'd, and
began to exclaim against the Minister for his Timidity, and
the Fluctuation of his Politicks; they even began to count
Voices, to see if they could not, by negativing his Motion,
at once unhorse him, and throw him out of Administration.
His Friends were therefore alarm'd for him ; and there was
much Caballing and Whispering. At length a Motion, as
one had been promis'd, was made, but whether that origi
nally intended is with me very doubtful. I suspect, from
its imperfect Composition, from its Inadequateness to answer
the purpose previously profess'd, and from some other Cir
cumstances, that when first drawn it contain'd more of Mr.
Barclay's Plan, but was curtail'd by Advice, just before it
was delivered. My old Proposition of giving up the Regu
lating Duties to the Colonies was in part to be found in it,
and many who knew nothing of that Transaction said it
was the best Part of the Motion. It was as follows.
LORD NORTH'S MOTION, FEB. 20, 1 775.
"That it is the Opinion of this Committee, that when the
Governor, Council, and Assembly, or General Court of his
Majesty's Provinces or Colonies shall propose to make Pro
vision according to their respective Conditions, Circum
stances and Situations, for contributing their Proportion to
the common Defence, such Proportion to be raised under
1775]
389
the Authority of the General Court or General Assembly

of such Province or Colony, and disposable by Parliament;
and shall engage to make Provision also for the Support of
the Civil Government and the Administration of Justice in
such Province or Colony, it will be proper, if such Proposal
shall be approved by his Majesty in Parliament, and for so
long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear,
in respect of such Province or Colony, to levy any Duties,
Tax or Assessment, or to impose any further Duty, Tax or
Assessment, except only such Duties as it may be expedient
to impose for the Regulation of Commerce ; the nett Prod
uce of the Duties last mentioned to be carried to the Ac
count of such Province, Colony or Plantation, respectively."
After a good deal of wild Debate, in which this Motion
was supported upon various and inconsistent Principles by
the ministerial People, and even met with an Opposition
from some of them, which show'd a want of Concert, prob
ably from the suddenness of the Alterations above supposed,
they all agreed at length, as usual, in Voting it by a large
Majority.
Hearing nothing during all the following Week from Messrs.
Barclay and Fothergill, (except that Lord Hyde, when ac
quainted with my Willingness to engage for the Payment of
the Tea, had said it gave him new Life,) nor any thing from
Lord Howe, I mention'd his Silence occasionally to his
Sister, adding that I suppos'd it owing to his finding what he
had propos'd to me was not likely to take place; and I
wish'd her to desire him, if that was the Case, to let me know
it by a Line, that I might be at Liberty to take other Measures.
She did so as soon as he return'd from the Country, where he
390
had been for a day or two; and I receiv'd from her the
following note.
" Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. Franklin ; Lord Howe not quite under
standing the message received from her, will be very glad to have the pleasure
of seeing him, either between twelve and one this morning, (the only hour he
is at liberty this day,) at her House, or at any hour to-morrow most conven
ient to him.
"Grafton Strut, Tuesday."
I met his Lordship at the Hour appointed. He said, that
he had not seen me lately, as he expected daily to have some
thing more material to say to me than had yet occurrM;
and hop'd that I would have call'd on Lord Hyde, as I had
intimated I should do when I apprehended it might be use
ful, which he was sorry to find I had not done. That there
was something in my verbal Message by Mrs. Howe, which
perhaps she had apprehended imperfectly; it was the Hint
of my Purpose to take other Measures. I answer'd that
having since I had last seen his Lordship, heard of the Death
of my Wife at Philadelphia, in whose Hands I had left the
Care of my Affairs there, it was become necessary for me to
return thither as soon as conveniently might be; that what
his Lordship had propos'd of my accompanying him to
America might, if likely to take place, postpone my Voyage
to suit his Conveniency; otherwise I should proceed by the
first Ship. That I did suppose by not hearing from him,
and by Lord North's Motion, all Thoughts of that kind were
laid aside, which was what I only desir'd to know from him.
He said, my last Paper of "Remarks" by Mr. Barclay,
wherein I had made the Indemnification of Boston, for the
Injury of Stopping its Port, a Condition of my engaging to
pay for the Tea; a Condition impossible to be comply'd
with, had discourag'd farther Proceeding on that Idea.
1 775]
391
Having a Copy of that Paper in my Pocket, I show'd his

Lordship that I had propos'd no such Condition of my En
gagement, nor any other than the Repeal of all the Massa
chusetts Acts. That what follow'd relating to the Indemni
fication
would bewas
just,only
but expressing
by no means
myinsisting
private upon
Opinion,
it. He
thatsaid
it
the Arrangements were not yet determin'd on; that as I
now explain'd myself, it appeared I had been much mis
apprehended ; and he wish'd of all things I would see Lord
Hyde, and ask'd if I would chuse to meet him there (at Mrs.
Howe's), or that he should call upon me. I said that I
would by no means give Lord Hyde that Trouble. That
since he (Lord Howe) seem'd to think it might be of use,
and wished it done soon, I would wait upon Lord Hyde.
I knew him to be an early Riser, and would be with him at
8 the next Morning; which Lord Howe undertook to ac
quaint him with. But I added, that from what Circumstances
I could collect of the Disposition of Ministry, I apprehended
my Visit would answer no material Purpose. He was of
a different Opinion; to which I submitted.
The next Morning, (March 1,) I accordingly was early
with Lord Hyde, who receiv'd me with his usual Politeness.
We talk'd over a great part of the Dispute between the
Countries. I found him ready with all the NewsPaper
and Pamphlet Topics, of the Expence of Settling our Colo
nies, the Protection afforded them, the heavy Debt under
which Britain laboured, the Equity of our Contributing to
its Alleviation ; that many People in England were no more
represented than we were, yet all were tax'd and govern'd
by Parliament, &c. &c. I answer'd all, but with little
Effect ; for though his Lordship seemed civilly to hear what
392
I said, I had reason to believe he attended very little to the

purport of it, his Mind being employ'd the while in thinking
on what he himself purpos'd to say next.
He had hop'd, he said, that Lord North's Motion would
have been satisfactory ; and ask'd what could be objected to
it. I reply'd, the terms of it were that we should grant
Money till Parliament agreed we had given enough, without
our knowing beforehand what was expected from us, or
what would be deem'd enough, without having the least
share in judging of the Propriety of the Measures for which it
was to be granted, or of our own Abilities to grant ; that these
Grants were also to be made under a Threat of exercising
a claimed Right of Taxing us at Pleasure, and compelling
such Taxes by an armed Force, if we did not give till it
should be thought we had given enough; that the Proposi
tion was similar to no mode of obtaining Aids that ever
existed, except that of a Highwayman, who presents his
Pistol and Hat at a Coach Window, demanding no specific
Sum, but if you will give all your Money or what he is pleas'd
to think sufficient, he will civilly omit putting his own Hands
into your Pockets; if not, there is his Pistol. That the
Mode of raising Contributions in an Enemy's Country was
fairer than this, since there an explicit Sum was demanded,
and the People who were raising it knew what they were
about, and when they should have done; and that in short
no free People could ever think of beginning to grant upon
such Terms. That, besides, a new Dispute had now been
rais'd by the Parliament's pretending to a Power of altering
our Charters and establish'd Laws, which was of still more
importance to us than their Claim of Taxation, as it set us
all adrift, and left us without a privilege we could depend
1775]
393
upon, but at their Pleasure; this was a situation we could

not possibly be in ; and as Lord North's Proposition had no
Relation to this Matter, if the other had been such as we
could have agreed to, we should still be far from a Recon
ciliation.
His Lordship thought I misunderstood the Proposition;
on which I took it out and read it. He then wav'd that
Point, and said he should be glad to know from me, what
would produce a Reconciliation. I said that his Lordship
I imagin'd, had seen several Proposals of mine for that pur
pose. He said he had ; but some of my Articles were such as
could never be agreed to. That it was apprehended I had
several Instructions and Powers to offer more acceptable
Terms, but was extreamly reserv'd, and perhaps from a
Desire he did not blame, of doing better for my Constituents ;
but my Expectations might deceive me; and he did think I
might be assur'd I should never obtain better Terms than
what were now offer'd by Lord North. That Administ. had
a sincere desire of restoring Harmony with America, and it
was thought, if I would cooperate with them, the Business
would be easy. That he hoped I was above retaining Re
sentment against them, for what nobody now approv'd,
and for which Satisfaction might be made me : That I was
as he understood in high Esteem among the Americans;
that if I would bring about a Reconciliation on Terms suit
able to the Dignity of Government, I might be as highly and
generally esteemed here, and be honoured and rewarded
perhaps, beyond my Expectation.
I reply'd, that I thought I had given a convincing Proof
of my sincere Desire of promoting Peace, when, on being
informed that all wanted for the Honour of Government,
394
[177$
was to obtain Payment for the Tea, I offer'd, without any

Instruction to warrant my so doing, or Assurance that I
should be reimburs'd, or my Conduct approved, to engage
for that Payment, if the Massachusetts Acts were to be repeal'd ; an Engagement in which I must have risqu'd my
whole Fortune, which I thought few besides me would have
done. That in truth private Resentments had no Weight
with me in publick Business: That I was not the reserved
Man imagin'd, having really no secret Instructions to act
upon. That I was certainly willing to do every thing that
could reasonably be expected of me. But if any supposed
I could prevail with my Countrymen to take black for white,
and Wrong for Right, it was not knowing either them or me ;
they were not capable of being so impos'd on, nor was I
capable of attempting it.
He then ask'd my Opinion of sending over a Commissioner
for the purpose mentioned in a preceding Part of this Account,
and my Answer was to the same effect. By the Way, I appre
hend, that to give me an Opportunity of Discoursing with
Lord Hyde on that Point, was a principal Motive with Lord
Howe for urging me to make this Visit. His Lordship did
not express his own Sentiments upon it. And thus ended
this Conversation.
Three or four Days after, I receiv'd the following note
from Mrs. Howe.
" Mrs. Howe's compliments to Dr. Franklin ; Lord Howe begs to have the
pleasure of meeting him once more before he goes, at her house; he is at
present out of town, but returns on Monday, and any day or hour after that,
that the Doctor will name, he will be very glad to attend him.
"Grafton Street, Saturday" [March 4.]
I answer'd that I would do myself the honour of waiting
on Lord Howe, at her House, the Tuesday following, at 11
1775]
395
o'Clock. We met accordingly. He began by saying, that

I had been a better Prophet than himself, in foreseeing that
my Interview with Lord Hyde would be of no great Use;
and then said, that he hoped I would excuse the Trouble
he had given me, as his Intentions had been good both to
wards me and the Publick. He was sorry, that at present
there was no Appearance of Things going into the Train he
had wished, but that possibly they might yet take a more
favourable Turn; and as he understood I was going soon
to America, if he should chance to be sent thither on
that important Business, he hop'd he might still expect my
Assistance. I assur'd him of my Readiness at all times of
cooperating with him in so good a Work ; and so, taking my
Leave, and receiving his good Wishes, ended the Negociation
with Lord Howe. And I heard no more of that with Messrs.
Fothergill and Barclay. I could only gather from some
Hints in their Conversation, that neither of them were well
pleas'd with the Conduct of the Ministers respecting these
Transactions. And a few Days before I left London, I
met them by their Desire at the Doctor's House, when they
desired me to assure their Friends from them, that it was
now their fix'd Opinion, that nothing could secure the Privi
leges of America, but a firm, sober Adherence to the Terms
of the Association made at the Congress, and that the Sal
vation of English Liberty depended now on the Persever
ance and Virtue of America.
During the whole my Time was otherwise much taken up,
by Friends calling continually to enquire News from America ;
Members of both Houses of Parliament to inform me what
passed in the Houses, and discourse with me on the Debates,
and on Motions made, or to be made ; Merchants of London
396
[1775
and of the Manufacturing and Port Towns, on their Petitions ;

the Quakers, upon theirs, &c. &c. ; so that I had no time to
take Notes of almost any thing. This Account is therefore
chiefly from Recollection, in which doubtless much must have
been omitted, from deficiency of Memory; but what there
is, I believe to be pretty exact ; except that discoursing with
so many different Persons about the same time, on the same
Subject, I may possibly have put down some things as said
by or to one Person, which pass'd in Conversation with
another.
A little before I left London, being at the House of Lords,
to hear a debate in which Lord Camden was to speak, and
who indeed spoke admirably on American Affairs, I was much
disgusted, from the Ministerial Side, by many base Reflec
tions on American Courage, Religion, Understanding, &c.,
in which we were treated with the utmost Contempt, as the
lowest of Mankind, and almost of a different Species from
the English of Britain; but particularly the American
Honesty was abused by some of the Lords, who asserted
that we were all Knaves, and wanted only by this Dispute
to avoid paying our Debts; that, if we had any Sense of
Equity or Justice, we should offer Payment of the Tea, &c.
I went home somewhat irritated and heated; and, partly
to retort upon this Nation, on the Article of Equity, drew
up a Memorial to present to Lord Dartmouth, before my
Departure; but, consulting my Friend Mr. [Thomas] Walpole upon it, who is a Member of the House of Commons, he
lookt at it and at me several Times alternately, as if he appre
hended me a little out of my Senses. As I was in the Hurry
of Packing up, I requested him to take the Trouble of show
ing it to his Neighbour, Lord Camden, and ask his advice
1775]
397
upon it, which he kindly undertook to do; and return'd it

me with a Note, which here follows the Memorial.
"To the R' Hon. the E. of Dartmouth, [one of his Majesty's
principal Secretaries of State ;] (A. P. S.)
"A Memorial from Benjamin Franklin, Agent to the Prov
ince of Massachusetts Bay.
"Whereas an injury done can only give the Party injured
a right to full reparation ; or in case that be refused, a right
to return an Equal injury; and whereas the Blockade of
Boston, now continued 9 months, hath every week of its
Continuance done damage to that Town, equal to what was
suffered there by the India Company; it follows that such
exceeding damage is an injury done by this gov' for which
reparation ought to be made ; and whereas Reparation of In
juries ought always (agreable to the Custom of all nations,
savage as well as civilized,) to be first required, before sat
isfaction is taken by a return of Damage to the Aggressors ;
which was not done by Great Britain in the instance above
mentioned ; I the underwritten do therefore, as their Agent,
in the behalf of my Country, and the said Town of Boston,
Protest against the Continuance of the said Blockade; and
I do hereby solemnly demand satisfaction for the accumu
lated injury done them, beyond the value of the India Com
pany's Tea destroyed.
"And whereas the conquest of the Gulph of St. Lawrence,
the Coasts of Labrador and Nova Scotia, and the Fisheries
possessed by the French there and on the Banks of New
foundland, so far as they were more extended than at Pres
ent, was made by the joint Forces of Britain and the Colonies,
the latter having nearly an Equal number of men in that
398
[1775
service with the former ; it follows, that the Colonies have an

equitable and just right to participate in the advantage of
those Fisheries; I do, therefore, in the behalf of the Colony
of the Massachusetts Bay, Protest against the Act now under
consideration in Parliament, for depriving that Province,
with others, of that Fishery, (on pretence of their refusing to
purchase British Commodities,) as an act highly unjust and
injurious; and I give notice, that Satisfaction will probably
one day be demanded for all the injury that may be done and
suffered by the execution of such Act ; and that the injustice
of the Proceeding is likely to give such umbrage to all the
Colonies, that in no future War, wherein other Conquests
may be meditated, either a man or a shilling will probably
be obtained from any of them to aid such Conquests, till full
satisfaction be made as aforesaid.
"Given in London, March 1775."
"B. Franklin.
" I "Dear
return you
Sir, the memorial,
"to dr.
whichfranklin.
it is thought might be attended with
dangerous consequences to your person, and contribute to exasperate the

Nation.
" I heartily wish you a prosperous voyage, a long health, and am, with the
sincerest regard, your most faithful and obed' Servant,
"Thomas Walpole.
"Lincoln's Inn Fields, 16 March, 1775."
Mr. Walpole call'd at my house the next day, and, hearing

I was gone to the House of Lords, came there to me, and
repeated more fully what was in his Note; adding, that it
was thought my having no Instructions directing me to
deliver such a Protest, would make it appear still more un
justifiable, and be deem'd a National Affront. I had no
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
1775]
399
desire to make Matters worse, and being grown cooler took

the Advice so kindly given me.
The Evening before I left London, I received a Note from
Dr. Fothergill, with some Letters to his Friends in Phila
delphia. In that Note he desires me to get those Friends
"and two or three more together, and inform them, that,
whatever specious Pretences are offered, they are all hollow ;
and that to get a larger Field on which to fatten a Herd of
worthless Parasites, is all that is regarded. Perhaps it may
be proper to acquaint them with D. B.'s and our united
Endeavours, and the Effects. They will stun at least, if
not convince, the most worthy, that nothing very favourable
is intended, if more unfavourable Articles cannot be ob
tained." The Doctor, in the Course of his daily Visits
among the Great, in the Practice of his Profession, had full
Opportunity of being acquainted with their Sentiments, the
Conversation everywhere at this time turning upon the Sub
ject of America.
772.
TO WILLIAM FRANKLIN
(b. m.)
May 7, 1775.
I don't understand it as any favour to me or to you, the
being continued in an office by which, with all your prudence,
you cannot avoid running behindhand, if you live suitably to
your Station. While you are in it I know you will execute
it with fidelity to your master, but I think independence
more honourable than any service, and that in the state of
American Affairs which, from the present arbitrary meas
ures is likely soon to take place, you will find yourself in no
comfortable Situation, and perhaps wish you had soon dis
engaged yourself.
B. Franklin.
400
THE WRfTlNGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
773.
[1775
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY1
Philadelphia, May 16. 1775
(l. c.)
Dear Friend,
You will have heard, before this reaches you, of a march
stolen by the regulars into the country by night, and of their
expedition back again. They retreated twenty miles in [six]
hours.' The governor had called the Assembly to propose
Lord North's pacific plan, but, before the time of their
meeting, began cutting of throats. You know it was said
he carried the sword in one hand, and the olive branch in
the other; and it seems he chose to give them a taste of the
sword first.
He is doubling his fortifications at Boston, and hopes to
secure his troops till succour arrives. The place indeed is
naturally so defensible, that I think them in no danger. All
America is exasperated by his conduct, and more firmly united
than ever. The breach between the two countries is grown
wider, and in danger of becoming irreparable.
I had a passage of six weeks, the weather constantly so
moderate that a London wherry might have accompanied
us all the way. I got home in the evening, and the next
morning was unanimously chosen by the Assembly of Penn
sylvania, a delegate to the Congress now sitting.
which
I shallover,
communicate
I made a valuable
to you when
philosophical
I can get
discovery,
a little
In coming
time.*
affectionately,
At present, am extremely hurried.
B. F[ranklin.]
Yours most
1 One page of print, with Ms. notes by W. T. F. in L. C. Ed.
* Alluding to the affair at Lexington and Concord. S.
' Alluding to his experiments with a thermometer in crossing the Gulf
Stream. S.
1775]
774.
FROM N. W. JONES TO B. FRANKLIN
FROM NOBLE
B. FRANKLIN
WIMBERLEY
1
JONES (p.
TOc.) '
Savanah, May 16, 1775

D' Sir
The frequent accounts of your Intentions of leaving England, also un
willing to intrude on time taken up with Matters of Consiquence prevented
my Writing as often as I otherwise should have done however constrained by
a real Esteem for a Gentleman so great a friend of Mankind in general &of
America in particular will I trust plead my Excuse for thus troubling you
concern'd at the loss this Province sustain'd thro I am pretty confident thro'
the 111 conduct of our Assembly's Nominating another Person I am positive
your feelings for America must be great The present Sittuation is truely
Alarming, but late Accounts from Bost there has been some Lives lost both
on the side of the Soldiers & Americans but as you will have a more perfect
Account before this can reach you I forbear mention'g our accf. tis said the
Americans had the best of it but bad is the best in Wars between Fathers,
Sons Bretheren etc as both lose let which will conquer, therefore the Vile
advisers of such a Plan as has been adopted have the more to Answer for God
only know where such Matters may end especially in which our Lives Liber
ties & all that is dear to us depends, tho' our Province has not appeared
outwardly forward in the Matter thro' Influence of some Tools of Administra
tion, yet am of oppinion a large Majority do heartily Join in sentiment with
the other Colonies perhaps 9, out of ten or more, God send that our Sovereign
may those base men that advise such Measures that may prove destructive to
his whole Dominion and consider his Subjects in America with the same
Affection as those nearer to him and that they naturally must be entitled to
the like Rights and Priveledges in one part of his kindom as in the other,
And then am in my own mind Confident all disputes would subside I conclude
with best Respects that you may Enjoy Life & Health to see these troubles
all at an happy End And am
D' Sir
Your most sinctre and
Obedt. Hble. Serv'.
N. W. Jonks
M' Banks the Gentleman I trust you will receive this by has been in this
Province some years (and probably with some other business) goes to see his
Father & other relations in England of Charracter as I chose to send it by a
Private Hand at this time he has promised if he can conveniently to deliver it
himself
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. W. J. DeRenne. Ed.
vol, VI 2D
402
THE WRITINGS OF BENIAMIN FRANKLIN [1775
775.
TO THOMAS BRADFORD1
(a. p. s.)
Pbilad. May 16. 75

I have
Dearjust
Sotnow been requested to apply to you in behalf
of a Stranger who is suppos'd to have spoken some dis
respectful Words of you, and who is apprehensive of the
Resentment of your Company, as he is told they are exceed
ingly exasperated against him. He declares that the Words
ascribed to him, are much misrepresented, and that if he
had an Opportunity of giving you a true Account of them,
you would be satisfy'd they were merely jocular without the
least Intention of offending you or any one of your Corps.
I do not presume to have any Influence with you, intitling
me to mediate in any Affair that concerns you. I only beg
leave to mention, that as he is a Clergyman of the Church
of England, and some pains has been lately taken in Eng
land to represent the Colonies as inimical to that Church,
I hope you & the Company will on Enquiry find that the
Offence is not so great as to require such Marks of Resent
ment as may be misconstrued there, and deemed the Effects
of a Spirit of Intolerance and Enmity to the Clergy ; because
at this Juncture it might create us some powerful Enemies,
encrease their Number, and diminish that of our Friends.
Be so good as to excuse my giving you this Trouble, and
believe me to be with sincere Esteem, Sir,
Your most obed' Serv'
B. F.
1T. Bradford (1745-1838), printer, partner with his father (Col. William
Bradford) in the publication of the Pennsylvania Journal. He was captain
of a military company in Philadelphia. Ed.
TO REV. NATHANIEL SEIDEL
776.
403
TO MRS. JANE MECOM1
Dear Sister,
Philadelphia, May 26, 1775-
I have just now heard by Mr. Adams, that you are come
out of Boston,* and are at Warwic, in Rhode Island. I sup
pose it must be at good Mr. and Mrs. Greene's, to whom
present my affectionate respects. I write this line just to
let you know, that I am returned well from England, and
that I found my family well ; but have not found the repose
I wished for, being the next morning after my arrival dele
gated to the Congress by our Assembly.
I wish to hear from you, and to know how you have left
your affairs in Boston ; and whether it would be inconvenient
for you to come hither, or you wish rather that I should come
to see you, if the business I am engaged in will permit. Let
me know if you want any assistance, and what is become of
cousin Williams and his family, and other friends. Jonathan
was at Paris when I left England, but to return in a week
or two. I am ever, my dear sister, your veryB.loving
Franklin.
brother,
777.
TO REV. NATHANIEL SEIDEL'

Philadelphia, June 2, 1775
Reverend and Dear Sir : I am much obliged to your

kind Congratulations on my Return ; and I rejoice to hear
2 Boston was then in a state of siege. Ed.
* Nathaniel Seidel (1718-1782), a bishop of the Moravian Church at Beth
lehem, Pennsylvania. The original of this letter and a copy of Bishop Seidel's
letter to which it replies are preserved in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem.
Ed.
404
that the Brethren are well and prosper. I am persuaded

that the Congress will give no Encouragement to any to
molest your People on Account of their Religious Principles ;
and tho much is not in my Power, I shall on every Occasion
exert myself to discountenance and prevent such infamous
Practices. I remember that you put yourselves into a good
Posture of Defence at the Beginning of the last war when I
was at Bethlehem; and I then understood from my much
respected Friend Bp. Spangenberg, that there were among
the Brethren many who did not hold it unlawful to arm in
defensive War. If there be still any such among your young
Men perhaps it would not be amiss to permit them to leam
the Military Dicipline among their Neighbors, as this might
conciliate those who at present express some Resentment;
and having Arms in Readiness for all who may be able and
willing to use them, will be a general Means of Protection
against Enemies of all kinds.
But a Declaration of your Society, that tho they can not
in conscience compel their young Men to learn the Use of
Arms, yet they do not restrain such as are disposed, will
operate in the Minds of People very greatly in your Favour.
Excuse my Presumption in offering Advice, which indeed
may be of little Value, but proceeds from a Heart fill'd with
Affection and Respect for a Society I have long highly
esteemed, and among whom I have many valuable Friends.
I am with great Regard,
& Veneration
Rev'd Sir
Your most obediant
humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
1775]
TO w- T- FRANKLIN
778.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN
405
(a. p. s.)
Philad*, June 13, 1775.

My dear Billy,
I wonder'd it was so long before I heard from you. The
Packet it seems was brought down to Philadelphia, and
carry'd back to Burlington before it came hither. I am
glad to learn by your Letters that you are happy in your
new Situation, and that tho' you ride out sometimes, you
do not neglect your Studies. You are now in that time of
Life which is the properest to store your Mind with such
Knowledge as is hereafter to be ornamental and useful to
you. I confide that you have too much Sense to let the
Season slip. The Ancients painted Opportunity as an old
Man with Wings to his Feet & Shoulders, a great Lock
of Hair on the forepart of his Head, but bald behind ; whence
comes our old Saying, Take Time by the Forelock; as much
as to say, when it is past, there is no means of pulling it
back again ; as there is no Lock behind to take hold of for
that purpose.
I am sorry your Things have suffered so much Damage
in their Way to you; and I fear if I send the Glass you
write for, it may likewise be hurt in the Carriage, as I have
no Convenience at present of packing it safely, and the
Boatmen and Waggoners are very careless People. If you
want to use a Glass, your Father has a better, which he will
lend you. But a Perspective Glass is not so good as the
Eye for Prospects, because it takes in too small a Field. It
is only useful to discern better some particular Objects. So,
as I expect you here after the Vacation, to go to the College,
406
I think it best to keep the Glass for you till you come, when
you will find it in your Desk and Book Case with your little
Beginning of a Library; and I hope about the same time
your Books and Things from London will be arrived.
I have received a long Letter from Mrs. Stevenson. It
is a kind of Journal for a Month after our Departure, written
on different Days, & of different Dates, acquainting me
who has call'd, and what is done, with all the small News.
In four or five Places, she sends her Love to her dear Boy,
hopes he was not very sick at Sea, &c., &c. Mrs. Hewson
and the Children were well. She was afraid, she says, to
see some of your Friends, not knowing how to excuse your
not taking leave of them.
Your Shirts will go by to-morrow's Stage. They are in a
little Trunk, and I hope will get safe to hand.
Mr & Mrs Bache send their Love to you. The young
Gentlemen are well and pleas'd with your remembring them.
Will has got a little Gun, marches with it, and whistles at
the same time by way of Fife.
I am ever,
Your affectionate Grandfather
B Franklin
779.
TO JOHN SARGENT1
(a. p. s.)
Philad*. June 27. 1775

Dear Sis,
I have written to Messrs. Browns and Collinson to pay
the Ballance of my Acct. to you ; and I beg you to take the
Trouble of receiving & keeping it for me, or my Children.
1 John Sargent, M.P., for Seaford. Ed.
1775]
T0 WILLIAM STRAHAN
407
It may possibly soon be all I shall have left : as my Ameri

can Property consists chiefly of Houses in our Seaport Towns,
which your Ministry have begun to burn, and I suppose are
wicked enough to bum them all. It now requires great
Wisdom on your Side the Water to prevent a total Separa
tion; I hope it will be found among you. We shall give
you one Opportunity more of recovering our Affections and
retaining the Connection; and that I fear will be the last.
My Love to Mrs. Sargent and your Sons. My best Wishes
attend you all; being ever, with sincere Esteem, and the
most grateful Sense of your long continu'd Friendship, Dear
Sir,
Your affectionate hum* Servt
B. Franklin.
780.
TO WILLIAM STRAHAN1
Mr. Strahan,
(l. c.)
Philad* July 5, 1775
You are a Member of Parliament, and one of that Ma

jority which has doomed my Country to Destruction. You
have begun to burn our Towns, and murder our People.
Look upon your Hands! They are stained with the Blood
of your Relations ! You and I were long Friends : You
are now my Enemy, and I am
Yours,
B. Franklin
1 This letter was written bat was never sent. Ed.
408
781.
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
(i_a)
Philadelphia, July 7, 1775.

Dear Friend,
The Congress met at a time when all minds were so ex
asperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on
the country people, that propositions of attempting an ac
commodation were not much relished ; and it has been with
difficulty that we have carried another humble petition to
the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one oppor
tunity more, of recovering the friendship of the colonies;
which, however, I think she has not sense enough to embrace,
and so I conclude she has lost them for ever.
She has begun to burn our seaport towns; secure, I sup
pose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage in
kind. She may doubtless destroy them all; but, if she
wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable
means? She must certainly be distracted; for no trades
man out of Bedlam ever thought of encreasing the number
of his customers, by knocking them on the head; or of
enabling them to pay their debts, by burning their houses.
If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should sub
mit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving us
such miserable specimens of her government, that we shall
ever detest and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, mur
der, famine, fire, and pestilence.
You will have heard, before this reaches you, of the treacher
ous conduct [of General Gage] to the remaining people in
Boston, in detaining their goods, after stipulating to let them
go out with their effects, on pretence that merchants' goods
1775]
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
409
were not effects ; the defeat of a great body of his troops by

the country people at Lexington; some other small advan
tages gained in skirmishes with their troops; and the action
at Bunker's Hill, in which they were twice repulsed, and the
third time gained a dear victory. Enough has happened,
one would think, to convince your ministers, that the Ameri
cans will fight, and that this is a harder nut to crack than
they imagined.
We have not yet applied to any foreign power for assist
ance, nor offered our commerce for their friendship. Per
haps we never may; yet it is natural to think of it, if we
are pressed. We have now an army on our establishment,
which still holds yours besieged. My time was never more
fully employed. In the morning at six, I am at the Com
mittee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly to put the
province in a state of defence; which committee holds till
near nine, when I am at the Congress, and that sits till after
four in the afternoon. Both these bodies proceed with the
greatest unanimity, and their meetings are well attended.
It will scarce be credited in Britain, that men can be as
diligent with us from zeal for the public good, as with you
for thousands per annum. Such is the difference between
uncorrupted new states, and corrupted old ones.
Great frugality and great industry are now become fashion
able here. Gentlemen, who used to entertain with two or
three courses, pride themselves now in treating with simple
beef and pudding. By these means, and the stoppage of
our consumptive trade with Britain, we shall be better able
to pay our voluntary taxes for the support of our troops.
Our savings in the article of trade amount to near five
millions sterling per annum.
4io
I shall communicate your letter to Mr. Winthrop; but

the camp is at Cambridge, and he has as little leisure for
philosophy as myself. Believe me ever with sincere esteem,
my dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
782.
TO MRS. MARY HEWSON
My dear Friend,
(d.s.w.)
Philad*, July 8 1775.
I thank you for your kind Letter of April nth. It grieves

me, that the present Situation of publick Affairs makes it not
eligible for you to come hither with your Family, because
I am sure you would otherwise like this Country, and might
provide better here for your Children, at the same time that
I should be made more happy by your Neighbourhood and
Company. I flatter myself, that this may yet happen, and
that our public Disputes may be ended by the time your
private Business is settled to your mind, and then we may
be all happy together.
The Debt you mention of mine to Bolton remains unpaid
through his own Neglect. I was charg'd by Matthews 10
for the Tea-Kitchen, but Bolton told me I ought not to pay
so much; that he would see what it should be when he got
home, and send me word, which he never did. I dunn'd
him for it by Letters, as often as Matthews sent to me, but
receiv'd no answer.
I take it kindly of my Godson, that he should remember
me ; my Love to him. I am glad to hear the dear Children
are all well through the Measles. I have much delight in
my Grandsons. Mr. and Mrs. Bache join in Love to you
and yours. Ben,1 when I delivered him your Blessing,
1 Benjamin Franklin Bache, grandson of Dr. Franklin. Ed.
1755]
TO MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON
4"
inquired the Age of Elizabeth, and thought her yet too young
for him ; but, as he made no other Objection, and that will
lessen every day, I have only to wish being alive to dance
with your Mother at the Wedding. Temple was much
oblig'd by your kind Remembrance of him. He is now very
happy with his Father at Amboy, near New York, but re
turns to me in September, to prosecute his Studies in our
College.
I am much pleased with the Contribution Letter, and
thank you for your Share in it. I am still well and hearty,
and never went thro' more Business than I do at present.
God knows when I shall be permitted to enjoy the Repose
I wish. Adieu, my very dear Friend. Continue your
pleasing Correspondence, and believe me ever yours most
affectionately,
B. Franklin.
783.
MRS. MARGARET STEVENSON
(a. p. s.)
Philad* July 17. 1775.

My dear dear Friend
All Trade and Business, Building, Improving, &c., being
at a Stand here, and nothing thought of but Arms, I find no
Convenience at present of putting out your Money in this
Country, and therefore have concluded not to draw it over,
but return it into your Hands; and, accordingly inclose an
Order for it on Mess John and Robert Barclay, Cheapside,
with whom I left it. I send you also inclos'd an Order on
Browns and Collinson for 260 more, supposing by the
Sketch Mr. Williams made of our Accts. that I may owe you
about that Sum : When they are finally settled we shall see
4H
where the Balance lies, and easily rectify it. In the mean
time you will be in Possession of a compleat ioooj which
as a Friend I would not advise you to trust in your Stocks;
for Britain having begun a War with us, which I apprehend
is not likely soon to be ended, and may possibly draw on one
with some European Power, there is great Probability of
those Stocks falling headlong, as you remember the India
did. You had better therefore, I think, put your Money
out on a good Mortgage of Land.
I received what you sent me per Major Trent and since
your kind Letter of April 24. I rejoice to hear you are well
and happy. I am well, and as happy as I can be under the
Fatigue of more Business than is suitable to my Age and
Inclination. But it follows me everywhere, and I submit.
I am delighted with my little Family. Temple is with his
Father. He has written to you, & to his other Friends.
My Respects to Mr. & Mrs. Elphinstone when you see
them. I shall write to them when I can, for I think we are
much indebted to them for the Improvement of that fine
Boy. My Love to dear Polly & Dolly. I shall write to
them by next Opportunity. I pray God to bless & preserve
you, being ever, my dear Friend,
B. F.
784. VINDICATION AND OFFER FROM

GRESS TO PARLIAMENT.
CON
Immediately after Dr. Franklin's return to America, he was chosen one of

the delegates in Congress from Pennsylvania, and was present at the opening
of the Congress in May, 1775. Mr. Vaughan says of the following paper ;
" It was drawn up in a Committee of Congress, June 25th, 1775, but does not
1775]
FROM CONGRESS TO PARLIAMENT
413
appear on their Minutes; a severe act of Parliament, which arrived about that
time, having determined them not to give the sum proposed. It was first
printed in the Public Advertiser for July 18th, 1777." At the time mentioned
above, that is, June 25th, 1775, Dr. Franklin was on a Committee for report
ing to Congress a declaration to be published by General Washington, on his
arrival in camp at Cambridge. The discussion of that subject in the Commit
tee may have suggested these remarks. S.
Forasmuch as the enemies of America in the Parliament
of Great Britain, to render us odious to the nation, and give
an ill impression of us in the minds of other European powers,
have represented us as unjust and ungrateful in the highest
degree; asserting, on every occasion, that the colonies were
settled at the expense of Britain; that they were, at the
expense of the same, protected in their infancy; that they
now ungratefully and unjustly refuse to contribute to their
own protection, and the common defence of the nation;
that they aim at independence; that they intend an aboli
tion of the Navigation Acts; and that they are fraudulent
in their commercial dealings, and purpose to cheat their
creditors in Britain, by avoiding the payment of their just
debts ;
And, as by frequent repetition these groundless assertions
and malicious calumnies may, if not contradicted and refuted,
obtain further credit, and be injurious throughout Europe to
the reputation and interest of the confederate colonies, it
seems proper and necessary to examine them in our own just
vindication.
With regard to the first, that the colonies were settled at the
expense of Britain, it is a known fact, that none of the twelve
united colonies were settled, or even discovered, at the ex
pense of England. Henry the Seventh, indeed, granted a
commission to Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, and his sons, to
4M
sail into the western seas for the discovery of new countries;
but it was to be "suis eorum propriis sumptibus et expensis,"
at their own costs and charges. They discovered, but soon
slighted and neglected these northern territories ; which were,
after more than a hundred years' dereliction, purchased of
the natives, and settled at the charge and by the labour of pri
vate men and bodies of men, our ancestors, who came over
hither for that purpose. But our adversaries have never been
able to produce any record, that ever the Parliament or gov
ernment of England was at the smallest expense on these
accounts; on the contrary, there exists on the journals of
Parliament a solemn declaration in 1642, (only twenty-two
years after the first settlement of the Massachusetts, when,
if such expense had ever been incurred, some of the members
must have known and remembered it,) "That these colonies
had been planted and established -without any expense to the
state." 1
New York is the only colony in the founding of which Eng
land can pretend to have been at any expense ; and that was
only the charge of a small armament to take it from the
Dutch, who planted it. But to retain this colony at the
peace, another at that time full as valuable, planted by pri
vate countrymen of ours, was given up by the crown to the
Dutch in exchange, viz. Surinam, now a wealthy sugar colony
in Guiana, and which, but for that cession, might still have
remained in our possession. Of late, indeed, Britain has
1 "Ventris, March loth, 1642. Whereas, the plantations in New England
have, by the blessing of the Almighty, had good and prosperous success, teithcut any public charge to this slate, and are now likely to prove very happy for
the propagation of the Gospel in those parts, and very beneficial and com
modious to this kingdom and nation; the Commons now assembled in Parlia
ment, &c. &c. &c."
1775]
415
been at some expense in planting two colonies, Georgia and

Nova Scotia ; but those are not in our confederacy ; 1 and
the expense she has been at in their name has chiefly been in
grants of sums unnecessarily large, by way of salaries to offi
cers sent from England, and in jobs to friends, whereby de
pendants might be provided for; those excessive grants not
being requisite to the welfare and good government of the
colonies, which good government (as experience in many
instances of other colonies has taught us) may be much more
frugally,
With regard
and full
to the
as effectually,
second assertion,
provided
thatfor
these
andcolonies
supported.
were
protected in their infant state by England, it is a notorious fact,
that, in none of the many wars with the Indian natives, sus
tained by our infant settlements for a century after our first
arrival, were ever any troops or forces of any kind sent from
England to assist us ; nor were any forts built at her expense,
to secure our seaports from foreign invaders; nor any ships
of war sent to protect our trade, till many years after our first
settlement, when our commerce became an object of revenue,
or of advantage to British merchants ; and then it was thought
necessary to have a frigate in some of our ports, during peace,
to give weight to the authority of custom-house officers, who
were to restrain that commerce for the benefit of England.
Our own arms, with our poverty, and the care of a kind
Providence, were all this time our only protection ; while we
were neglected by the English government; which either
thought us not worth its care, or, having no good will to
1 Georgia joined the other colonies soon afterwards. On the 20th of July,
1775, a letter was read in Congress from the convention of Georgia, giving
notice that delegates had been appointed in that colony to attend the Conti
nental Congress. S.
416
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN- [1775
some of us, on account of our different sentiments in religion

and politics, was indifferent what became of us.
On the other hand, the colonies have not been wanting to
do what they could in every war for annoying the enemies of
Britain. They formerly assisted her in the conquest of Nova
Scotia. In the war before l&s,t they took Louisburg, and put
it into her hands. She made her peace with that strong for
tress, by restoring it to France, greatly to their detriment- In
the last war, it is true, Britain sent a fleet and army, who
acted with an equal army of ours, in the reduction of Canada ;
and perhaps thereby did more for us, than we in the preced
ing wars had done for her. Let it be remembered, however,
that she rejected the plan we formed in the Congress at
Albany, in 1754, for our own defence, by a union of the colo
nies ; a union she was jealous of, and therefore chose to send
her own forces; otherwise her aid to protect us was not
wanted. And from our first settlement to that time, her
military operations in our favour were small, compared with
the advantages she drew from her exclusive commerce with
us. We are, however, willing to give full weight to this obli
gation ; and, as we are daily growing stronger, and our assist
ance to her becomes of more importance, we should with
pleasure embrace the first opportunity of showing our grati
tude by returning the favour in kind.
But, when Britain values herself as affording us protection,
we desire it may be considered, that we have followed
her in all her wars, and joined with her at our own expense
against all she thought fit to quarrel with. This she has re
quired of us ; and would never permit us to keep peace with
any power she declared her enemy; though by separate
treaties we might well have done it. Under such circum
1775]
417
stances, when at her instance we made nations our enemies,

whom we might otherwise have retained our friends, we sub
mit it to the common sense of mankind, whether her protec
tion of us in these wars was not our just due, and to be claimed
of right, instead of being received as a favour? And whether,
when all the parts of an empire exert themselves to the ut
most in their common defence and in annoying the common
enemy, it is not as well the parts that protect the whole, as
the whole that protects the parts ? The protection then has
been proportionably mutual. And, whenever the time shall
come, that our abilities may as far exceed hers, as hers have
exceeded ours, we hope we shall be reasonable enough to rest
satisfied with her proportionable exertions, and not think we
do too much for a part of the empire, when that part does as
much as it can for the whole.
The charge against us, that we refuse to contribute to our
own protection, appears from the above to be groundless;
but we farther declare it to be absolutely false ; for it is well
known, that we ever held it as our duty to grant aids to the
crown, upon requisition, towards carrying on its wars ; which
duty we have cheerfully complied with, to the utmost of our
abilities; insomuch that frequent and grateful acknowledg
ments thereof, by King and Parliament, appear on the rec
ords.1 But, as Britain has enjoyed a most gainful monopoly
of our commerce ; the same, with our maintaining the dignity
of the King's representative in each colony, and all our own
1 Supposed to allude to certain passages in the journals of the House of
Commons on the 4th of April, 1748; 38th of January, 1756; 3d of February,
1756; 16th and 19th of May, 1757; 1st of June, 1758; 26th and 30th of
April, 1759; 26th and 31st of March, and 28th of April, 1760; 9th and 20th
of January, 1 761; 22d and 26th of January, 1762; and 14th and 17th of
March, 1763. V.
vol. vi 2 E
4i 8
separate establishments of government, civil and military;

has ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for such aids
as might otherwise be expected from us in time of peace.
And we hereby declare, that on a reconciliation with Britain,
we shall not only continue to grant aids in time of war, as
aforesaid; but, whenever she shall think fit to abolish her
monopoly, and give us the same privileges of trade as Scot
land received at the union, and allow us a free commerce
with all the rest of the world ; we shall willingly agree (and
we doubt not it will be ratified by our constituents) to give
and pay into the sinking fund [one hundred thousand pounds)
sterling per annum for the term of one hundred years ; which
duly, faithfully, and inviolably applied to that purpose, is
demonstrably more than sufficient to extinguish all her pres
ent national debt ; since it will in that time amount, at legal
British interest, to more than [two hundred and thirty mil
lions of pounds.] 1
But if Britain does not think fit to accept this proposition,
we, in order to remove her groundless jealousies, that we aim
at independence, and an abolition of the Navigation Act,
(which hath in truth never been our intention,) and to avoid
all future disputes about the right of making that and other
acts for regulating our commerce, do hereby declare our
selves ready and willing to enter into a covenant with Britain,
that she shall fully possess, enjoy, and exercise that right, for
an hundred years to come ; the same being band fide used for
the common benefit; and, in case of such agreement, that
every Assembly be advised by us to confirm it solemnly by
laws of their own, which, once made, cannot be repealed
without the assent of the crown.
1 See Dr. Price's "Appeal on the National Debt." V.
1775]
*19
The last charge, that we are dishonest traders, and aim at

defrauding our creditors in Britain, is sufficiently and authen
tically refuted by the solemn declarations of the British mer
chants to Parliament, (both at the time of the Stamp Act and
in the last session,) who bore ample testimony to the general
good faith and fair dealing of the Americans, and declared
their confidence in our integrity ; for which we refer to their
petitions on the journals of the House of Commons. And
we presume we may safely call on the body of the British
tradesmen, who have had experience of both, to say, whether
they have not received much more punctual payment from
us, than they generally have from the members of their own
two Houses of Parliament.
On the whole of the above it appears, that the charge of
ingratitude towards the mother country, brought with so
much confidence against the colonies, is totally without foun
dation; and that there is much more reason for retorting
that charge on Britain, who, not only never contributes any
aid, nor affords by an exclusive commerce, any advantages
to Saxony, her mother country; but no longer since than in
the last war, without the least provocation, subsidized the
King of Prussia while he ravaged that mother country, and
carried fire and sword into its capital, the fine city of Dresden !
An example we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate.'
1 The following preamble to a proposed resolution of Congress (not passed)
was drawn up by Dr. Franklin, about the time that the above Vindication
was written. S.
" Whereas the British nation, through great corruption of manners and
extreme dissipation and profusion, both private and public, have found all
honest resources insufficient to supply their excessive luxury and prodigality,
and thereby have been driven to the practice of every injustice, which avarice
could dictate or rapacity execute; And whereas, not satisfied with the im
mense plunder of the East, obtained by sacrificing millions of the human
420
CONFEDERATION
785. AND
ARTICLES
OF PERPETUAL UNION,
ENTRED IN BY THE DELEGATES OF THE SEVERAL

COLONIES OF NEW HAMPSHIRE, ETC., IN GENERAL
CONGRESS.1
(J- c.)
ART.
MetI.at Philadelphia May 10. 1775.
The Name of this Confederacy shall henceforth be The

United Colonies of North America.
species, they have lately turned their eyes to the West, and, grudging us the
peaceable enjoyment of the fruits of our hard labour and virtuous industry,
have for years past been endeavouring to extort the same from us, under colour
of laws regulating trade, and have thereby actually succeeded in draining us
of large sums, to our great loss and detriment; And whereas, impatient to
seize the whole, they have at length proceeded to open robbery, declaring by
a solemn act of Parliament, that all our estates are theirs, and all our property
found upon the sea divisible among such of their armed plunderers as shall
take the same; and have even dared in the same act to declare, that all the
spellings, thefts, burnings of houses and towns, and murders of innocent peo
ple, perpetrated by their wicked and inhuman corsairs on our coasts, previous
to any war declared against us, were just actions, and shall be so deemed,
contrary to several of the commandments of God (which by this act they pre
sume to repeal), and to all the principles of right, and all the ideas of justice,
entertained heretofore by every other nation, savage as well as civilized;
thereby manifesting themselves to be hostes humani generis ; And whereas it
is not possible for the people of America to subsist under such continual
ravages without making some reprisals; Therefore, Resolved, &c."
1 A contemporary copy exists among the papers of the Continental Con
gress (vol. 47, folios 1-7), L. C It is endorsed by Franklin: "Sketch of
Articles of Confederation," and, in a different hand, " Read before Congress
July 31, 1775." Ed.
1775]
ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION
421
AST. II.
The said United Colonies hereby severally enter into a firm
League of Friendship with each other, binding [on] them
selves and their Posterity, for [their common] Defence against
their Enemies, for the Security of their Liberties and Proper
ties, the Safety of their Persons and Families, and their mu
tual and general Welfare.
art. in.
That each Colony shall enjoy and retain as much as it may
think fit of its own present Laws, Customs, Rights, Privileges,
and peculiar jurisdictions within its own Limits; and may
amend its own Constitution, as shall seem best to its own
Assembly or Convention.
art. rv.
That for the more convenient Management of general In
terests, Delegates shall be annually elected in each Colony,
to meet in General Congress at such Time and Place as shall
be agreed on in the next preceding Congress. Only, where
particular Circumstances do not make a Duration necessary,
it is understood to be a Rule, that each succeeding Congress
be held in a different Colony, till the whole Number be gone
through ; and so in perpetual Rotation ; and that accordingly
the next [Congress] after the present shall be held at Annapo
lis, in Maryland.
Art. V.
That the Power and Duty of the Congress shall extend to
the Determining on War and Peace; the entring into Alli
ances, [sending and receiving ambassadors] (the reconcilia
422
tion with Great Britain) ; the settling all Disputes and Dif
ferences between Colony and Colony, [about Limits or any
other cause,] if such should arise; and the Planting of new
Colonies ; when proper. The Congress shall also make such
general [ordinances] as, tho' necessary to the General Wel
fare, particular Assemblies cannot be competent to, viz.
[those that may relate to our general] Commerce, or general
Currency; the establishment of Posts ; [and] the Regulation
of [our common] Forces. The Congress shall also have the
appointment of all General Officers, civil and military, ap
pertaining to the general Confederacy, such as General
Treasurer, Secretary, &c.
arT. VI.
All Charges of Wars, and all other general Expences [to
be] incurr'd for the common Welfare, shall be defray'd out
of a common Treasury, which is to be supply'd by each
Colony in proportion to its Number of Male Polls between 16
and 60 Years of Age ; the Taxes for paying that Proportion
[are] to be laid and levied by [the] Laws of each Colony.
art. vn.
The Number of Delegates to be elected and sent to the
Congress by each Colony shall be regulated, from time to
time, by the Number of [such] Polls return'd ; so as that one
Delegate be allowed for every 5000 Polls. And the Dele
gates are to bring with them to every Congress an authenti
cated return of the number of Polls in their respective Provinces, r[which
, . is]
. . to ,be triennially
taken
,
for
, the
, _
Purposes
1
annually
above mentioned.
1775]
423
ART. vin.
At every Meeting of the Congress, one half of the Mem
bers return'd, exclusive of Proxies, be necessary to make a
Quorum; and each Delegate at the Congress shall have a
Vote in all Cases, and, if necessarily absent, shall be allow'd
to appoint [any other Delegate from the same Colony to be
his] Proxy, who may vote for him.
Art. IX.
An executive Council shall be appointed by the Congress
[out of their own Body,] consisting of 12 Persons; of whom,
in the first appointment, [one third, viz.] (four,) shall be for
one Year, (four) for two Years, and (four) for three Years;
and as the said terms expire, the Vacancies shall be filled by
appointments for three Years; whereby one Third of the
Members will be changed annually. And each Person who
has served the said Term [of three Years] as Counsellor,
shall have a Respite of three Years, before he can be elected
again. This Council, [of whom two thirds shall be a Quo
rum] in the Recess of Congress, is to execute what shall have
been enjoin'd thereby; [to] manage the general [Continental]
Business and Interests; to receive applications from foreign
Countries ; [to] prepare Matters for the Consideration of the
Congress; to fill up, [pro tempore,] [continental] offices, that
fall vacant ; and to draw on the General Treasurer for such
Monies as may be necessary for general Services, and appro
priated by the Congress to such Services.
ART. X.
No Colony shall engage in an offensive War with any Na
tion of Indians without the Consent of the Congress, or great
424
[1775
Council above mentioned, who are first to consider the Jus

tice and Necessity of such War.
AST. XL
A perpetual Alliance, offensive and defensive, is to be
entred into as soon as may be with the Six Nations; their
Limits to be ascertain'd and secur'd to them ; their Land not
to be encroach'd on, nor any private [or Colony] Purchases
made of them hereafter to be held good ; nor any [Contract
for Lands] to be made, but between the Great Council [of
the Indians] at Onondaga and the General Congress. The
Boundaries and Lands of all the other Indians shall also be
[ascertain'd and] secur'd to them [in the same manner,] and
Persons appointed to reside among them in proper Districts;
who shall take care to prevent Injustice in the Trade with
them; [and be enabled at our general Expence,] by occa
sional small supplies, to relieve their personal Wants and
Distresses. And all Purchases from them shall be by the
Congress, for the General Advantage and Benefit of the
United Colonies.
art. xn.
As all new Institutions may have Imperfections, which only
Time and Experience can discover, it is agreed, that the
General Congress, from time [to time,] shall propose such
amendments of the Constitution as may be found necessary ;
which, being approv'd by a Majority of the Colony Assem
blies, shall be equally binding with the rest of the Articles of
this Confederation.
art. xin.
Any and every Colony from Great Britain [upon the con
tinent of North America,] not at present engag'd in our Asso
17753
425
ciation, may, upon application [and joining the said Asso

ciation,] be receiv'd into the Confederation, viz. [Ireland,]
the West India Islands, Quebec, St. John's, Nova Scotia,
Bermudas, and the East and West Floridas; and shall
[thereupon] be entitled to all the advantages of our Union,
mutual Assistance, and Commerce.
These Articles shall be propos'd to the several Provincial
Conventions or Assemblies, to be by them consider'd; and
if approved, they are advis'd to impower their Delegates to
agree to and ratify the same in the ensuing Congress. After
which the Union thereby established is to continue firm, till
the Terms of Reconciliation proposed in the Petition of the
last Congress to the King are agreed to ; till the Acts since
made, restraining the American Commerce [and Fisheries,]
are repeal'd ; till Reparation is made for the Injury done to
Boston, by shutting up its Port, for the Burning of Charlestown, and for the Expence of this unjust War; and till all
the British Troops are withdrawn from America. On the
Arrival of these Events, the Colonies return to their former
Connection and Friendship with Britain: But on Failure
thereof, this Confederation is to be perpetual.
READ BEFORE CONGRESS JULY 21, 1 775.
Whereas.1 It hath pleased God to bless these countries
with a most plentiful harvest, whereby much corn
1 The Resolutions which follow were printed by Mr. Bigelow ("The Com
plete Works of Benjamin Franklin," Vol. V, p. 554) from the original Ms. in
D. S. W. They had been earlier printed in the Archives of New Jersey, Vol.
X, p. 691. The use of brackets, etc., in the following text is thus explained
by Mr. Worthington C Ford. "As I find some differences between the
articles as printed in the New Jersey Archives, I have taken the original on
the enclosed sheets, giving the parts erased, and also distinguishing the
carets or interlinear words thus [ ]. The 'free-trade' resolutions were
426
and other provisions can be spared to foreign nations who

may want the same, 'Resolved, That [after the expiration of
Six Months] from (and after) 1 the [20th of July Instant,]
(being one full year after) 1 [being] the Day appointed by a~
late Act of the Parliament of Great Britain, for restraining
the Trade of the Confederate Colonies, all Custom-Houses
[therein] (if the Act be not first rescinded) shall be shut up,
and all officers of the same discharged from the Execution
of their several Functions, and all the Ports of the said Colo
nies are hereby declared to be thenceforth open to the Ships
of every State in Europe that will admit of our Commerce and
protect it; who may [torn of}] and expose to sale free of all
Duties their respective Produce and Manufactures, and every
kind of Merchandize, excepting Teas, and the Merchandize
of Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West India Islands^
Resolved, That we will to the utmost of our Power, main
tain and support this Freedom of Commerce for [two] years
certain after its Commencement, any reconciliation between
us and Britain notwithstanding; and as much longer be
yond that term, as the late Acts of Parliament for restoring
the Restraining the Commerce and fisheries, and altering
the Laws and Charters of any of the Colonies, shall continue
unrepealed.
Endorsed No 2. (Articles of Confederation) A proposal
for opening the ports of N. A. bro' in by committee read July
21, 1775 on motion postponed for future consideration.
brought in on the same day as the articles, are written on the same paper,
and all in B. F.'s Ms. I am quite sure they originally formed a part of the
articles (although not numbered and placed in a different volume in the rec
ords of the Continental Congress). They were even endorsed 'Articles of Con
federation,' though a pen was afterwards run through the endorsement." Ed.
1 The words in italics show the erasures in the original Ms. B.
TO PETER V. B. LIVINGSTON
177S]
786.
TO PETER V. B. LIVINGSTON1
Perth Amboy, August 29, 1775.

Committee of Safety acquainted you by a letter, dated
The
Sir,
the 26th instant, that we had ordered a ton of gunpowder to
be sent to you, agreeably to your request. It left Philadel
phia early on Sunday morning, and yesterday I overtook the
waggon on the road at Trenton, and left it proceeding on the
journey. But, being informed this morning at Brunswick, that
four waggon loads of powder had passed through that place on
Friday evening for your city, and supposing it to be the pow
der, which you mentioned as having been expected, but not
arrived, which occasioned your sending to us, and, as we
have still too little at Philadelphia, I thought it best to stop
that powder, and send it back again, and wrote accordingly
to the waggoner by a person just setting out for Trenton. I
write this, therefore, that you may not expect it at New York
in consequence of our letter. With great respect and esteem,
I am, &c.
B. Franklin
787.
TO ROBERT MORRIS *
(p. c.)
Understanding
Dear Sir, Since I came hitherBrunswick,
that 4 Waggon
Aug1 29, Loads
1775
of Gunpowder for New York, which had been landed at the

1 Chairman of the Committee of Safety in New York. Dr. Franklin was
chairman of a similar committee in Philadelphia. When this letter was
written, he was on a visit to his son, the governor of New Jersey, who then
resided at Perth Amboy. S. This letter was first published by Sparks. Ed.
2 From the private collection of Mr. Simon Gratz. Ed.
428
[1775
Neversinks, pass'd thro' here last Friday, I have dispatch'd

an Order to our Waggoner, whom I pass'd yesterday at
Trenton, to return back with the Ton we spar'd, since it will
not be wanted at New York, and may be wanted with us. I
hope our Committee will approve of this. If not I ought to
pay the Expence.
With great Esteem, I am Sir,
Your most obed' Serv'
B. Franklin
788.
TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS 1
(p. c)
Philad* Sept 12. 1775

Dear Jonathan
I this Day receiv'd yours per Capt. Falconer and am
vastly oblig'd by your Industry in Packing and Dispatching
my Things. Their Arrival makes me very happy ; tho' they
are not yet come on Shore. I have not before written to you
imagining you would hardly be found there: but now I find
by Mr. Alex Letter (to whom my best Respects) that he
advises you to stay for the Chance of something turning up
to your Advantage.
I have lately heard from your Father. He has made a
temporary exchange of Houses and Furniture with a Mr.
Putnam of Worcester, who now resides at your House in
Boston, and your Family at his House in Worcester where
they were all well about two Weeks since. My Sister is at
Warwick with Mrs. Greene. She left her House lock'd up
with the Furniture in it but knows not whether she shall ever
see it again. I like your Conduct with respect to the Jersey
Petition.
1 From
The
the first
original
Copy
in thehad
possession
indeed
of Mr.
been
Louis
presented
A. Biddle. before
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
by Mr. Lee but that you could not know. If you determine
to stay in England I shall do what I can to throw Business in
your Way. But whether America is ever again to have any
Connection with Britain either Commercial or Political is at
present uncertain. All depends upon that Nation's coming
to its Senses. Here we are preparing and determining to
run all Risques rather than comply with her mad Demands.
Mr. Ferguson who will deliver this is a Gentleman of ami
able Character in this Country, who visits England on some
Business of his own. If you can do him any Service you will
oblige me by it. I recommend him warmly to your Civili
ties, and likewise Mr. Stockton who goes over with him in
tending to study Law in the Temple.
I desire to be affectionately and respectfully remembered
to Mrs. Hewson, Miss Dolly Blunt, Mrs. Falconer, Mrs.
Barwell, and all our other Female Friends. I am hurried,
and can now only add that I am ever
Your affectionate Friend and Uncle
B. Franklin.
789.
TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY
(l. c.)
Philadelphia, Octob. 3, 1775.

I am
Dear
to set
Sir,out to-morrow for the camp, and, having but
just heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say
that I am well, and hearty.1 Tell our dear good friend, [Dr.
1 On the 30th of September, Congress appointed Dr. Franklin, Mr. Lynch,
and Mr. Harrison, as a committee to confer with General Washington, con
cerning the best mode of supporting and regulating the Continental army.
The committee proceeded to the camp at Cambridge, and the conference was
held on the 18th of October. S.
430
[1775
Price,] who sometimes has his doubts and despondencies

about our firmness, that America is determined and unani
mous; a very few Tories and placemen excepted, who will
jf probably soon export themselves. Britain, at the expense
of three millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees
this campaign, which is twenty thousand pounds a head ; and
at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which
she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During
the same time sixty thousand children have been bom in
America. From these data his mathematical head will easily
calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all, and
\ conquer our whole territory. My sincere respects to
,
and to the club of honest whigs at
Adieu. I am ever
yours most affectionately,
B. Franklin.
790.
TO A FRIEND IN ENGLAND'
(l. c.)
I wish
DearasSir,
ardently as you can doPhiladelphia,
for peace,Oct.
and3, 1775.
should
rejoice exceedingly in cooperating with you to that end. But

every ship from Britain brings some intelligence of new
measures that tend more and more to exasperate; and it
seems to me, that until you have found by dear experience the
1 The London Coffee House. Ed.
3 This letter was first printed in Mr. Vaughan's edition, but without the
name of the person to whom it was written ; and it has never since been made
public. Probably it was David Hartley. S. It is here printed from the
printed copy in L. C. Ed.
1 775]
TO A FRIEND IN ENGLAND
43>
reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing

fair and reasonable.
you
as yet your
resolved
forces
only
andonstay
defensive
at home,
measures.
we should
If ^
Wewould
have recall
meditate nothing to injure you. A little time so given for
cooling on both sides would have excellent effects. But you
will goad and provoke us. You despise us too much;
and you are insensible of the Italian adage, that there is no
little enemy. I am persuaded that the body of the British
people are our friends ; but they are changeable, and by your
lying Gazettes may soon be made our enemies. Our respect
for them will proportionably diminish, and I see clearly we
are on the high road to mutual Enmity hatred and detestation.
A
pities
separation
so fair aofplan
course
as we
willhave
be inevitable.
hitherto been'Tis
engaged
a million
in, for
of ^
increasing strength and empire with public felicity, should be
destroyed by themangling handsof a few blundering ministers.
It will not be destroyed; God will protect and prosper it,
you will only exclude yourselves from any share in it. We
hear, that more ships and troops are coming out. We know,
that you may do us a great deal of mischief, and are
determined to bear it patiently as long as we can. But, if
you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you
know neither the people nor the country. The Congress are
still sitting, and will wait the result of their last petition.
Yours, &c.
B. Franklin.
PIX! I *P'\TRIOT
432
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN [l"S
791. TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS

DEAit Sm,
rL-
Philadelphia, December 9, '"S
I received your several Favours, of May 18th, June 30,

and July 8, by Messrs. Valliant and Pochard, whom, if I
could serve upon your recommendation, it would give me
great pleasure. Their total want of English is at present an
obstruction to their getting any employment among us; but
I hope they will soon obtain some knowledge of iL This is
a good country for artificers or farmers; but gentlemen of
mere science in ks belles ldwes cannot so easily subsist here,
there being little demand for their assistance among an indus
trious people, who, as yet, have not much leisure for studies
of that kind.
I .am much obliged by the kind present you have made us
of your edition of Vattel. It came to us in good season, when
the circumstances of a rising state make it necessary fre
quently to consult the law of nations. Accordingly, that copy
which I kept, (after depositing one in our own public library
here, and sending the other to the College of Massachusetts
Bay, as you directed,) has been continually in the hands of
the members of our Congress, now sitting, who are much
pleased with your notes and preface, and have entertained
a high and just esteem for their author. Your manuscript,
"Idle n,r le GOtl'tlernement el la RoyauU" is also well relished,
and may, in time, have its effect. I thank you, likewise,
for the other smaller pieces, which accompanied Vattel. "Le
courl Exposl de ce 'l"i esl passl mtre la Cour Brilaffiqlle d
1 Thia letter appeared iD Pwt F#lit1, July 31, 18o2.-Eo.
Digitized by
Google
1775]
TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS
433
les Colonies" b"c. being a very concise and clear statement

of facts, will be reprinted here for the use of our new friends
in Canada. The translations of the proceedings of our Con
gress are very acceptable. I send you herewith what of them
has been further published here, together with a few news
papers, containing accounts of some of the successes Provi
dence has favoured us with. We are threatened from England
with a very powerful force, to come next year against us. We
are making all the provision in our power here to prevent that
force, and we hope we shall be able to defend ourselves.
But as the events of war are always uncertain, possibly, after
another campaign, we may find it necessary to ask the aid of
some foreign power.
It gives us great pleasure to learn from you, that toute
rEurope nous souhaite le plus heureux succis pour le maintien
de nos liberUs. But we wish to know, whether any one of
them, from principles of humanity, is disposed magnanimously
to step in for the relief of an oppressed people ; or whether,
if, as it seems likely to happen, we should be obliged to break
off all connexion with Britain, and declare ourselves an in
dependent people, there is any state or power in Europe,
who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the
benefit of our commerce, which amounted, before the war,
to near seven millions sterling per annum, and must contin
ually increase, as our people increase most rapidly. Con
fiding, my dear friend, in your good will to us and our cause,
and in your sagacity and abilities for business, the committee
of Congress, appointed for the purpose of establishing and
conducting a correspondence with our friends in Europe,
of which committee I have the honour to be a member, have
directed me to request of you, that, as you are situated at the
VOL. VI 2 F
434
[1775
Hague, where ambassadors from all the courts reside, you

would make use of the opportunity that situation affords you,
of discovering, if possible, the disposition of the several courts
with respect to such assistance or alliance, if we should apply
for the one, or propose the other. As it may possibly be
necessary, in particular instances, that you should, for this
purpose, confer directly with some great ministers, and show
them this letter as your credential, we only recommend it to
your discretion, that you proceed therein with such caution,
as to keep the same from the knowledge of the English am
bassador, and prevent any public appearance, at present,
of your being employed in any such business ; as thereby we
imagine many inconveniences may be avoided, and your
means of rendering us service increased.
That you may be better able to answer some questions,
which will probably be put to you, concerning our present
situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is very
firmly united, the party for the measures of the British min
istry being very small, and much dispersed ; that we have had
on foot, the last campaign, an army of near twenty-five thou
sand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block
up the King's army in Boston, but to spare considerable
detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met
with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will
inform you, and have now reason to expect that whole prov
ince may be soon in our possession ; that we purpose greatly
to increase our force for the ensuing year, and thereby we
hope, with the assistance of a well disciplined militia, to be
able to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent;
that we have already a small squadron of armed vessels
to protect our coasting trade, which have had some success
TO CHARLES W. F. DUMAS
43S
in taking several of the enemy's cruisers, and some of their

transport vessels and store ships. This little naval force
we are about to augment, and expect it may be more con
siderable in the next summer.
We have hitherto applied to no foreign power. We are
using the utmost industry in endeavouring to make saltpetre,
Our artificers are also everywhere busy in fabricating small
arms, casting cannon, &c. ; yet both arms and ammunition
are much wanted. Any merchants, who would venture to
send ships laden with those articles, might make great profit ;
such is the demand in every colony, and such generous prices
are and will be given ; of which, and of the manner of con
ducting such a voyage, the bearer, Mr. Story, can more fully
inform you ; and whoever brings in those articles is allowed
to carry off the value in provisions, to our West Indies, where
they will fetch a very high price, the general exportation from
North America being stopped. This you will see more par
ticularly in a printed resolution of the Congress.
We are in great want of good engineers, and wish you could
engage and send us two able ones, in time for the next cam
paign, one acquainted with field service, sieges, &c., and the
other with fortifying seaports. They will, if well recom
mended, be made very welcome, and have honourable appoint
ments, besides the expenses of their voyage hither, in which
Mr. Story can also advise them. As what we now request
of you, besides taking up your time, may put you to some
expense, we send you for the present, enclosed, a bill for one
hundred pounds sterling, to defray such expenses, and desire
you to be assured that your services will be considered, and
honourably rewarded, by the Congress.
We desire, also, that you would take the trouble of receiv
436
THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN' FRANKLIN [1775
ing from Arthur Lee, agent for the Congress in England, such
letters as may be sent by him to your care, and of forwarding
them to us with your despatches. When you have occasion
to write to him to inform him of any thing, which it may be
of importance that our friends there should be acquainted
with, please to send your letters to him, under cover, directed
to Mr. Alderman Lee, merchant, on Tower Hill, London;
and do not send it by post, but by some trusty shipper, or
other prudent person, who will deliver it with his own hand.
And when you send to us, if you have not a direct safe oppor
tunity, we recommend sending by way of St. Eustatia, to the
care of Messrs. Robert and Cornelius Stevens, merchants
there, who will forward your despatches to me. With sincere
and great esteem and respect, I am, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
792.
TO HIS MOST SERENE HIGHNESS, DON

GABRIEL, OF BOURBON
(l. c.)
Philadelphia, Dec/ 12, 1775

Illustrious Prince,
I have just received, thro' the Hands of the Embassador of
Spain, the much esteemed present your most Serene Highness
hath so kindly sent me, of your excellent version of Salust.1
I am extreamly sensible of this Honour done me, and beg
you would accept my thankful Acknowledgments. I wish
1 The famous Latin and Spanish edition of Sallust, printed in 1772, by
Ibarra, at the Royal Press in Madrid. This edition, which is an imperial
quarto, is considered by bibliographers as a masterpiece of typography.
Dibden remarks, that it " is very rare, as the Prince, Don Gabriel, reserved all
the copies for presents." S.
i 775]
TO DON GABRIEL, OF BOURBON
437
I could send from hence any American literary Production

worthy of your Perusal ; but as yet the Muses have scarcely
visited these remote Regions. Perhaps, however, the late
Proceedings of our American Congress, just published, may
be a subject of some Curiosity at your Court. I therefore
take the Liberty of sending your Highness a Copy, with some
other Papers, which contain Accounts of the successes where
with
Politicians
Providence
may contemplate
has lately favoured
the first Efforts
us. Therein
of a rising
yourState,
wise i
which seems likely soon to act a Part of some Importance on
the Stage of Human Affairs, and furnish materials for a
future Salust. I am very old, and can scarcely hope to see
the event of this great Contest ; but, looking forward, I think
I see a powerful Dominion growing up here, whose Interest
it will be, to form a close and firm Alliance with Spain, (their
Territories bordering,) and who, being united, will be able,
not only to preserve their own people in Peace, but to repel
the force of all the other Powers in Europe. It seems, there
fore, prudent on both sides to cultivate a good Understanding,
that may hereafter be so useful to both; towards which a
fair Foundation is already laid in our minds, by the well
founded Popular Opinion entertained here of Spanish Integ
rity and Honour. I hope my Presumption in hinting this
will be pardoned. If in any thing on this side the globe I
can render either service or pleasure to your Royal Highness,
your Commands will make me happy. With the utmost
Esteem and Veneration, I have the Honour to be your Serene
Highness's most obedient and most humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
438
793.
TO CHARLES LEE1
Philadelphia, February 11, 1776.

Dear Sir,
The bearer, M. Arundel, is directed by the Congress to
repair to General Schuyler, in order to be employed by him
in the artillery service. He proposes to wait on you in his
way, and has requested me to introduce him by a line to you.
He has been an officer in the French service, as you will see
by his commissions ; and, professing a good will to our cause,
I hope he may be useful in instructing our gunners and matrosses. Perhaps he may advise in opening the nailed cannon.
I received the inclosed, the other day, from an officer, Mr.
Newland, who served in the two last wars, and was known by
General Gates, who spoke well of him to me when I was at
Cambridge. He is desirous now of entering into your ser
vice. I have advised him to wait upon you at New York.
They still talk big in England and threaten hard; but
their language is somewhat civiler, at least not quite so dis
respectful to us. By degrees they come to their senses, but
too late, I fancy, for their interest.
We have got a large quantity of saltpetre, one hundred
and twenty tons, and thirty more expected. Powder-mills
are now wanting. I believe we must set to work and make it
by hand. But I still wish, with you, that pikes could be in
troduced, and I would add bows and arrows. These were
good weapons, not wisely laid aside;
1 Sparks was the first editor to include this letter. General Charles Lee
(1731-1782) was at this time in command in New York, and was en
gaged in constructing works of defence. Ed.
1776]
TO CHARLES LEE
439
ist. Because a man may shoot as truly with a bow as

.with a common musket.
2dly. He can discharge four arrows in the time of charg
ing and discharging one bullet.
3dly. His object is not taken from his view by the smoke
of his own side.
4thly. A flight of arrows, seen coming upon them, terrifies
and disturbs the enemies' attention to their business.
5thly. An arrow striking in any part of a man puts him
hors du combat till it is extracted.
6thly. Bows and arrows are more easily provided every
where than muskets and ammunition.
Polydore Virgil, speaking of one of our battles against the
French in Edward the Third's reign, mentions the great con
fusion the enemy was thrown into, sagittarum nube, from the
English; and concludes, Est res profecto dictu mirabilis, ut
tantus ac potens exercitus a solis fere Anglicis sagittariis victus
fuerit; adeo Anglus est sagittipotens, et id genus armorum
valet. If so much execution was done by arrows when men
wore some defensive armour, how much more might be done
now that it is out of use.
I am glad you are come to New York, but I also wish
you could be in Canada. There is a kind of suspense in
men's minds here at present, waiting to see what terms will
be offered from England. I expect none that we can accept ;
and, when that is generally seen, we shall be more unanimous
and more decisive. Then your proposed solemn league and
covenant will go better down, and perhaps most of your other
strong measures will be adopted. I am always glad to hear
from you, but I do not deserve your favours, being so bad a
correspondent. My eyes will now hardly serve me to write
440
[1776
by night, and these short days have been all taken up by such
a variety of business, that I seldom can sit down ten minutes
without interruption. God give you success. I am, with
the greatest esteem, &c.
B. Franklin.
794.
TO CHARLES LEE1
Philadelphia, Feb. 19, 1776.

Dear Sir,
I rejoice that you are going to Canada. I hope the gout
will not have the courage to follow you into that severe climate.
I believe you will have the number of men you wish for. I
am told there will be two thousand more, but there are always
deficiencies.
The bearer, Mr. Paine, has requested a line of introduction
to you, which I give the more willingly, as I know his senti
ments are not very different from yours. He is the reputed,
and, I think, the real author of Common Sense, a pamphlet
that has made great impression here. I do not enlarge,
both because he waits, and because I hope for the pleasure of
conferring with you face to face in Canada. I will only add,
that we are assured here on the part of France, that the
troops sent to the West Indies have no inimical views to us
or our cause. It is thought they intend a war without a pre
vious declaration. God prosper all your undertakings, and
return you with health, honour and happiness. Yours most
affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1 Sparks was the first editor to publish this letter. Ed.
1776] FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN
441
795. FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN 1

(a. p. s.)
Dear Sir,
Lond, Feb. 24, 1776
It is so long since I have had the pleasure of hearing from you, that I fear
the administration has but too effectually stopt the channel of Communication
between this Country and its Colonies. I have allways dreaded this event as
fatal & final to the prospect of national reconciliation. When in any conten
tion the parties are not only studiously kept asunder, but mischief-making
go-betweens
animosities and
exert
resentments
every art, between
and practise
them,every
it is but
fraud,
tootoobvious
inflametojealousies,
fear that s,
your own prophetic words sh'd be accomplished, that instead of that cordial
affection, that once and so long existed, & that harmony so suitable to the
happiness, safety, strength and wellfare of both countries, an implacable
malice and mutual hatred such as we see subsisting between the Spaniards
and Portuguese, the Genoese and Corsicans, sh'd fatally take root between the
parent state and its Colonies.
/
These fears are not abated by the Consideration of the incessant injuries
w** have been, and w** continue to be heapt upon our unhappy fellow sub
jects in America. These injuries are indeed brought upon them by the
administration, who usurp the personality and authority, which they pretend
to derive from the people, but from the distance between us and our Ameri
can brethren, and the false evidence transmitted from one to the other by a
treacherous Administration, I greatly fear that national resentments will
become indiscriminate. It is inseparable from human nature, that the mind,
under any grievous suffering, especially injury, will be distracted and broken
from its nearest and most affectionate connexions, wc* may happen to be but
accidentally and collaterally involved. The affection of States to each other
consists of the combination of personal affections, parentage and intercourse.
When blood is shed, and the parent weeps for his son, the widow for her hus
band, brother for brother, an inextinguishable resentment arises, the appeal
1 The original of this letter is in the handwriting of David Hartley, but
signed " G. B," a signature which Mr. Hartley affixed to many of his letters
to Dr. Franklin, written during the Revolution. Mr. Hartley was a member
of Parliament, and opposed to the ministerial measures in regard to America.
He made several attempts, at the beginning of the troubles, to effect a recon
ciliation between the two countries; and was not less active afterwards in
endeavouring to procure a peace. He was likewise unwearied in his benevo
lent exertions for the relief of the American prisoners in England during the
war. S.
442
[1776
for blood ; Those unfortunates, who have lost their relations and friends,
become furious ; and in those who have them yet to lose, horrors and fears
take place of and drive out affection, the bonds of attachment are let loose,
and all the tumultuous passions are set afloat.
I know that you are as sensible of these consequences as any one can be.
You have foreseen them afar off. You have predicted them ; you have done
every thing in your power to soften animosities, and to put off the evil day.
I hope still that you will not despair. Your age, experience, character,
humanity and example of moderation in disregarding those injuries and
insults, w"* have been offered to yourself, give you the best title to plead with
your countrymen, to suspend their resentments, to discriminate those who
have not injured them, and to remember the ties of affection between them
selves and their fellow-subjects in England. I see the influence of your Coun
sels in the Congress. I see the distinction clearly made between the ministry
and the people of England ; but I fear that, at the same time, the seeds of
jealousy are struggling to break out.
The address from the Congress to the Assembly of Jamaica, speaks of the
people of England as dissipated and corrupt. The people of England are Car
otherwise. They are just and generous; and, if it were put to the sense of
the people of England, you would not be left in any doubt whether it was
want of will or want of power, to do you justice : You know the blot of our
constitution, by w\ to our disgrace, and to your misfortune, a corrupt min
istry, sheltered by Parliamentary influence, are out of our immediate Controll :
A day of account may come, when the justice of the nation may prevail, and
if it comes not too late, it may prove a day of reconciliation and cordial re
union between us and America. The trial is with you, to suspend your resent
ments from becoming indiscriminate, and a great trial it is [requiring] the
assistance and guidance of good men like yourself to abate popular fury, but
unexampled as the forbearance of America has hitherto been, believe me
when the fury which among nations is inseparable from accumulated injury is
rising, you must exert all your discretion to take at least the chance of keep
ing it till the fiery trial may abate. I cannot tell you what efforts the ministry
have in their malicious purpose to try. I am amazed at their desperate and
headstrong hardiness to proceed in an undertaking, which gives them so little
prospect of success, and such certainty of the severest responsibility to the
Country when they rouse themselves to the enquiry.
The only machinery of the administration w* is to be feared, is, least the
course of their injustice and tyranny in America, sh'd throw your Countrymen
into fury beyond the bounds of forbearance, by cruelties exciting an implac
able hatred, and upon that hatred so raised by themselves, to attack the [?]
of the people of England thereby to keep off enquiry from themselves. They
are masters of all communication, & consequently of the representation of [?]
to their own purposes. They will send false accounts to you of the disposi
tion of the people here towards you, and if they can drive you by any means
TO PHILIP SCHUYLER
443
to acts of irreconciliation they will endeavour to raise that implacable disposi

tion on this side of the water, upon the false suggestion of w" they are now
endeavouring to urge you on. We who are friends to both countries wish to
prevent such fatal jealousies and misunderstandings.
Many of your best friends in England regret the Congress has not made
some specific and definite proposition, upon w'" the sense of the people of
England might have been consulted. A people at large cannot enter into
historical details, especially when facts are so studiously confounded and mis
represented, but still they C judge of a simple proposition if any such had
been made. I think it w4 have been the most likely method to have capti
vated the good will of the nation. While the propositions of the Congress
are generall and indefinite, the Ministry treat them as general words mean
ing little or nothing in fact. But I think, the further prosecution of hostile
measures c'd not be supported by the ministry, if they were to refuse any defi
nite and equitable offer of accommodation made on the part of America. If
it be possible, let the two countries be once more reunited in affection. It is
not simply peace that wc ought to strive for, but reconciliation w* is more
than peace. We may have peace with foreign states, but it must be recon
ciliation alone that can reunite us as one people. However forlorn the pros
pect may be, let not the common friends slacken their endeavours. Constancy
is our only hope. All is lost if we despair. I am dear Sir with the greatest
regard and esteem, very affectionately yours,
796. TO PHILIP SCHUYLER1
G. B.
SIK
Philadelphia, March II, 1776.
The Congress have appointed three Commissioners to go

to Canada, of which number I have the honour to be one.* We
1 First published by Sparks. General Schuyler had at this time the com
mand of the northern department and of the army operating in Canada. Ed.
3 The other commissioners were Samuel Chase and Charles Carroll. They
were appointed on the 15th of February. To these were joined the Reverend
John Carroll, a Catholic clergyman, afterwards Archbishop of Baltimore. He
was not officially one of the Commissioners, but was requested to accompany
them, it being supposed, that, from his religious sentiments, character, and
knowledge of the French language, his presence and councils might be useful
in promoting the objects of the mission with the Canadians. An American
army was at that time in Canada, under the command of General Wooster,
who was shortly after succeeded by General Thomas. S.
444
purpose setting out some day this week. I take the liberty
of mentioning this, as, possibly, a little previous notice may
enable you more easily to make any preparation you shall
judge necessary to facilitate and expedite our journey, which,
I am sure, you will be kindly disposed to do for us. A friend
with us will make our company four, besides our servants.
We shall either go in carriages directly to Albany, or by
water, if the river is open, from New York. Hoping soon for
the pleasure of seeing you, I now only add, that I am, with
the sincerest respect and esteem, Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
P. S. The bearer, M. La Jeunesse, has been considered
by the Congress as a friend to the American cause, and he is
recommended to your protection on his return to Canada.
797.
TO LORD STIRLING1
My dear Lord,
Bmnswic, March 27, 1776.
I received your obliging letter some days since at Phila

delphia; but, our departure from thence being uncertain, I
could not till now acquaint your Lordship when we expected
to be at New York. We move but slowly, and I think we
shall scarce reach Newark before to-morrow, so that we can
not have the pleasure of seeing you before Friday. Being
myself, from long absence, as much a stranger in New York
1 William Alexander (1776-1783), called " Lord Stirling" (he claimed to
be the sixth earl of Stirling), became a brigadier-general in the American
army, and was stationed at New York, where, for a short time, he had the
chief command after the departure of General Lee. The letter was first
printed by Sparks. Ed.
TO JOSIAH QUMCY
445
as the other gentlemen, we join in requesting you would be so

good as to cause lodgings to be provided for us, and a sloop
engaged to carry us to Albany. There are five of us, and we
propose staying in New York two nights at least. With
great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honour to be,
&c.
B. Franklin.
708.
TO JOSIAH QUINCY1
Saratoga, April 15, 1776.

Dear Sir,
I am here on my way to Canada, detained by the present
state of the Lakes, in which the unthawed ice obstructs navi
gation. I begin to apprehend that I have undertaken a
fatigue, that, at my time of life, may prove too much for me;
so I sit down to write to a few friends by way of farewell.
I congratulate you on the departure of your late trouble
some neighbours. I hope your country will now for some
time have rest, and that care will be taken so to fortify Bos
ton, as that no force shall be able again to get footing there.
Your very kind letter of November 13th, enclosing Lord
Chatham's and Lord Camden's speeches, I duly received. I
think no one can be more sensible than I am of the favours
of corresponding friends, but I find it impossible to answer
as I ought. At present I think you will deem me inexcusable,
and therefore I will not attempt an apology. But if you
should ever happen to be at the same time oppressed with
years and business, you may then extenuate a little for your
old friend.
1 Sparks was the first editor to publish this letter. Ed.
446
[1776
The notes of the speeches taken by your son, whose loss I

shall ever deplore with you, are exceedingly valuable, as
being by much the best account preserved of that day's
debate.1
You ask, "When is the Continental Congress by general
consent to be formed into a supreme legislature; alliances,
defensive and offensive, formed; our ports opened; and a
formidable naval force established at the public charge?"
I can only answer at present, that nothing seems wanting but
that "general consent." The novelty of the thing deters
some, the doubt of success, others, the vain hope of recon
ciliation, many. But our enemies take continually every
proper measure to remove these obstacles, and their endeav
ours are attended with success, since every day furnishes us
with new causes of increasing enmity, and new reasons for
wishing an eternal separation; so that there is a rapid in
crease of the formerly small party, who were for an indepen
dent government.
Your epigram on Lord Chatham's remark has amply
repaid me for the song. Accept my thanks for it, and for the
charming extract of a lady's letter, contained in your favour
of January 2 2d. I thought, when I sat down, to have
written by this opportunity to Dr. Cooper, Mr. Bowdoin, and
Dr. Winthrop, but I am interrupted. Be so good as to pre
sent my affectionate respects to them, and to your family.
Adieu, my dear friend, and believe me ever yours most
affectionately,
B. Franklin.
1 Notes of Speeches made by Lord Chatham, Lord Camden, and others, in
the British House of Lords, January 20th, 1775. See" Life of Josiah Quincy,
Junior," pp. 318, 335. S.
1776]
TO PHILIP SCHUYLER
799.
447
TO PHILIP SCHUYLER1
New York, May 27, 1776.

Dear General,
We arrived here safe yesterday evening, in your postchaise driven by Lewis. I was unwilling to give so much
trouble, and would have borrowed your sulky, and driven
myself ; but good Mrs. Schuyler insisted on a full compliance
with your pleasure, as signified in your letter, and I was
obliged to submit, which I was afterwards very glad of, part of
the road being very stony and much gullied, where I should,
probably, have overset and broken my own bones, all the
skill and dexterity of Lewis being no more than sufficient.
Through the influence of your kind recommendation to the
innkeepers on the road, we found a great readiness to supply
us with a change of horses. Accept our thankful acknowl
edgements ; they are all we can at present make.
We congratulate you on the very valuable prize made at
Boston. They threaten us with a mighty force from England
and Germany. I trust that, before the end of the campaign,
its inefficacy will be apparent to all the world, our enemies
become sick of their projects, and the freedom of America be
established on the surest foundation, its own ability to defend
it. May God bless, and preserve you, for all our sakes as
well as for that of your dear family. Mr. Carroll joins me in
every hearty wish for prosperity and felicity to you and yours.
With the highest esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, &c.
B. Franklin.
1 First printed by Sparks. Philip John Schuyler (1733-1804) organized
in 1 776 an army for the invasion of Canada. Ed.
448
800.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN CANADA 1 (l. l.)

Dear Friends,
[1776
New York, May 27, 1776.
We arrived here safe yesterday Evening, having left Mrs.

Walker with her Husband at Albany, from whence we came
down by Land. We pass'd him on Lake Champlain; but
he returning overtook us at Saratoga, where they both took
such Liberties, in taunting at our Conduct in Canada, that
it came almost to a Quarrel. We continu'd our Care of her,
however, and landed her safe in Albany with her three
Wagon Loads of baggage, brought thither without putting
her to any Expence, and parted civilly, though coldly. I
think they both have an excellent Talent at making themselves
Enemies, and, I believe, live where they will, they will never
be long without them.
We met yesterday two Officers from Philadelphia, with a
Letter from the Congress to the Commissioners, and a Sum
of hard Money. I opened the letter, and seal'd it again,
directing them to carry it forward to you. I congratulate
you on the great Prize carry'd into Boston. Seventy-five
Tons of Gunpowder are an excellent Supply, and the 1000
Carbines with Bayonets, another fine Article. The German
Auxiliaries are certainly coming. It is our Business to pre
vent their Returning. The Congress have advised the
erecting new governments, which has occasion'd some Dis
sension in Philadelphia, but I hope it will soon be composed.1
1 Dr. Franklin's ill state of health compelled him to leave Canada before
the other commissioners, and he returned in company with the Rev. Mr.
Carroll. Ed.
1 It was resolved in Congress, "That it be recommended to the respective
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON
449
I shall be glad to hear of your Welfare. As to myself, I

find I grow daily more feeble, and think I could hardly have
got along so far, but for Mr. Carroll's friendly Assistance
and tender Care of me. Some Symptoms of the gout now
appear, which makes me think my Indisposition has been a
smother'd Fit of that Disorder, which my Constitution
wanted Strength to form completely. I have had several
Fits of it formerly.
God bless you and prosper your Councels, and bring you
safe again to your Friends and Families. With the greatest
Esteem and Respect, I am, &c.
B. Franklin.
801.
Dear Sir
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON
(l. l.)
Philadelphia, June 21. 76
I am much obliged by your kind Care of my unfortunate

Letter, which at last came safe to Hand. I see in it a De
tail of the Mighty Force we are threatened with ; which how
ever I think is not certain will ever arrive; and I see more
certainly the Ruin of Britain if she persists in such expensive
distant Expeditions, which will probably prove more disas
trous to her than anciently her Wars in the Holy Land.
I return Gen. Sulivan's Letter enclos'd : Am glad to find
him in such Spirits. and that the Canadians are returning
to their regard for us. I am just recovering from a severe
Assemblies and Conventions of the United Colonies, where no government
sufficient for the exigencies of their affairs has been hitherto established, to
adopt such form of government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives
of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents
in particular, and America in general." Journals, May 10M.
vol. vi 2 G
450
Fit of the Gout, which has kept me from Congress & Com
pany almost ever since you left us, so that I know little of
what has pass'd there, except that a Declaration of Inde
pendence is preparing. With the greatest Esteem and
Respect, I am,
Dr Sir,
Your most obedt.
& most hum* Serv'.
B F.
802.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON1
The
Sir,
bearer, Mr. Joseph Belton, some
Philadelphia,
time since
July petitioned
22, 1776.
the Congress for encouragement to destroy the enemy's ships

of war by some contrivances of his invention. They came
to no resolution on his petition ; and, as they appear to have
no great opinion of such proposals, it is not easy, in the mul
tiplicity of business before them, to get them to bestow any
part of their attention on his request. He is now desirous
of trying his hand on the ships that are gone up the North
River; and, as he proposes to work entirely at his own ex
pense, and only desires your countenance and permission, I
could not refuse his desire of a line of introduction to you, the
trouble of which I beg you to excuse. As he appears to be a
very ingenious man, I hope his project may be attended
with success. With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have
the honour to be, &c.
B. Frankxin.
TO HORATIO GATES
803.
451
TO HORATIO GATES'
Philadelphia, August 28, 1776.

Dear Sis,
The Congress being advised, that there was a probability
that the Hessians might be induced to quit the British service
by offers of land, came to two resolves for this purpose, which,
being translated into German and printed, are sent to Staten
Island to be distributed, if practicable, among those people.
Some of them have tobacco marks on the back, that so
tobacco being put up in them in small quantities, as the tobac
conists use, and suffered to fall into the hands of these people,
they might divide the papers as plunder, before their officers
could come to the knowledge of the contents, and prevent their
being read by the men. That was the first resolve. A second
has since been made for the officers themselves. I am de
sired to send some of both sorts to you, that, if you find it
practicable, you may convey them among the Germans that
shall come against you.
The Congress continue firmly united, and we begin to
distress the enemy's trade very much ; many valuable prizes
being continually brought in. Arms and ammunition are
also continually arriving, the French having resolved to per
mit the exportation to us, as they heartily wish us success;
so that in another year we shall be well provided.
As you may not have seen Dr. Price's excellent pamphlet,
for writing which the city of London presented him a free1 First printed by Sparks. Horatio Gates (1728-1806) was appointed in
1776 to the command of that post of the Northern army which had been pre
viously commanded by General Sullivan. Ed.
452
dom in a gold box of fifty pounds' value, I send you one of

them.1
My last advices from England say, that the ministry have
done their utmost in fitting out this armament ; and that, if
it fails, they cannot find means next year to go on with the
war. While I am writing comes an account, that the armies
were engaged on Long Island, the event unknown, which
throws us into anxious suspense. God grant success. I
am, &c.
B. Franklin.
804.
SKETCH
PROPOSITIONS OFFOR A PEACE.1
(l. c)
There shall be a perpetual peace between Great Britain

and the United States of America, on the following conditions.
Great Britain shall renounce and disclaim all pretence of
right or authority to govern in any of the United States of
America.
To prevent those occasions of misunderstanding, which are
apt to arise where the territories of different powers border on
each other, through the bad conduct of frontier inhabitants
on both sides, Britain shall cede to the United States the
1 " Observations on Civil Liberty and the Justice and Policy of the War
with America," 1776. Ed.
* On the 26th of September, 1776, Dr. Franklin was appointed one of the
Commissioners from Congress to the Court of France. Before his departure
he sketched a brief outline of the terms upon which he supposed a peace
might be made with Great Britain, in case an opportunity for a negotiation
should offer. His propositions were submitted to the secret committee of
Congress, but no occasion presented itself for using them. S.
1776] SKETCH OF PROPOSITIONS FOR A PEACE
453
provinces or colonies of Quebec, St. John's, Nova Scotia,

Bermuda, East and West Florida, and the Bahama Islands,
with all their adjoining and intermediate territories now
claimed by her.
In return for this cession, the United States shall pay to
Great Britain the sum of
sterling, in annual
payments ; that is to say,
per annum, for and during
the term of
years.
And shall, moreover, grant a free trade to all British sub
jects throughout the United States and the ceded colonies,
and shall guaranty to Great Britain the possession of her
islands in the West Indies.
MOTIVES FOR PROPOSING A PEACE AT THIS TIME.

1. The having such propositions in charge will, by the law
of nations, be some protection to the commissioners or am
bassadors, if they should be taken.
2. As the news of our declared independence will tend to
unite in Britain all parties against us, so our offering peace,
with commerce and payments of money, will tend to divide
them again. For peace is as necessary to them as to us;
our commerce is wanted by their merchants and manufac
turers, who will therefore incline to the accommodation, even
though the monopoly is not continued, since it can be easily
made to appear their share of our growing trade will soon be
greater than the whole has been heretofore. Then, for the
landed interest, who wish an alleviation of taxes, it is demon
strable by figures, that, if we should agree to pay, suppose
ten millions in one hundred years, viz. one hundred thousand
pounds per annum for that term, it would, being faithfully
454
employed as a sinking fund, more than pay off all their pres
ent national debt. It is, besides, a prevailing opinion in
England, that they must in the nature of things sooner or
later lose the colonies, and many think they had better be
without the government of them; so that the proposi
tion will, on that account, have more supporters and fewer
opposers.
3. As the having such propositions to make, or any powers
to treat of peace, will furnish a pretence for B. F.'s going to
England, where he has many friends and acquaintance,
particularly among the best writers and ablest speakers in
both Houses of Parliament, he thinks he shall be able when
there, if the terms are not accepted, to work up such a divi
sion of sentiments in the nation, as greatly to weaken its
exertions against the United States, and lessen its credit in
foreign countries.
4. The knowledge of there being powers given to the
commissioners to treat with England, may have some effect in
facilitating and expediting the proposed treaty with France.
5. It is worth our while to offer such a sum for the coun
tries to be ceded, since the vacant lands will in time sell for a
great part of what we shall give, if not more ; and, if we are to
obtain them by conquest, after perhaps a long war, they will
probably cost us more than that sum. It is absolutely neces
sary for us to have them for our own security ; and, though
the sum may seem large to the present generation, in less than
half the term it will be to the whole United States a mere
trifle.
TO PHILIP MAZZEI
805.
Dear Sis,
455
TO PHILIP MAZZEI1
Philadelphia.
[Date uncertain.]
It was with great pleasure, that I learned from Mr. Jeffer

son that you were settled in America; and, from the letter
you favoured me with, that you liked the country, and have
reason to expect success in your laudable and meritorious en
deavours to introduce new products. I heartily wish you all
the success you can desire in that, and every other laudable
undertaking, that may conduce to your comfortable establish
ment in your present situation. I know not how it has hap
pened, that you have not received an answer from the secre
tary of our Society. I suppose they must have written, and
that it has miscarried. If you have not yet sent the books,
which the Academy of Turin have done us the honour to
present us with, we must, I fear, wait for more quiet times
before we can have the pleasure of receiving them, the com
munication being now very difficult.
All America is obliged to the Grand Duke for his benevo
lence to it, and for the protection he afforded you, and his
encouragement of your undertaking. We have experienced,
that silk may be produced to great advantage. While in
London, I had some trunks full sent to me from hence, three
years
1 Thissuccessively
letter is reprinted
; andfrom
it sold
the Port
by auction
Folio (Vol.
for IV,
nineteen
p. 94). shillIt is
there dated "Philadelphia, December 3d, 1775." The mention of the Dec
laration of Independence in the letter proves this date to be wrong. It was
probably written a short time before Dr. Franklin's departure for France.
Philip Mazzei (1730-1816) came to Virginia to introduce the cultivation of
the grape and the olive. He is best known as a correspondent of Thomas
Jefferson. Ed.
456
ings and sixpence the small pound, which was not much below
the silk of Italy.
The Congress have not yet extended their views much
towards foreign powers. They are nevertheless obliged by
your kind offers of your service, which perhaps in a year or
two more may become very useful to them. I am myself
much pleased, that you have sent a translation of our Declara
tion of Independence to the Grand Duke ; because, having
high esteem for the character of that prince, and of the whole
imperial family, from the accounts given me of them by my
friend, Dr. Ingenhousz, and yourself, I should be happy to
find, that we stood well in the opinion of that court.
Mr. Tromond of Milan, with whom I had the pleasure of
being acquainted in London, spoke to me of a plant much
used in Italy, and which he thought might be useful in Amer
ica. He promised, at my request, to find me some of the
seeds, which he has accordingly done. I have unfortunately
forgotten the use, and know nothing of the culture. In both
these particulars I must beg information and advice from
you. It is called ravizzoni. I send specimens of the seed
enclosed. I received from the same Mr. Tromond four
copies of a translation of some of my pieces into the fine
language of your native country. I beg your acceptance of
one of them, and of my best wishes for your health and pros
perity. With great esteem, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. Franklin.
1776]
CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD HOWE
457
806. CORRESPONDENCE AND INTERVIEW

WITH LORD HOWE
Near the beginning of the year 1776, Lord Howe was appointed to com
mand the British fleet in North America, and on the 3d of May was declared
joint commissioner with his brother, General William Howe, for the purpose
of endeavouring to effect a reconciliation with the colonies, conformable to
the terms of an act of Parliament. In the first part of July, Lord Howe
arrived at Staten Island, where he found his brother with the British armyHe had previously prepared a Declaration, announcing the object of his mis
sion, which he designed for distribution in the colonies, accompanied with
circular letters to the royal governors. Copies of these papers were forwarded
to Congress, by whose order they were immediately published. Lord Howe
likewise wrote a private letter to Dr. Franklin, then a member of Congress,
which he answered.
Meantime, as Congress took no steps to meet the advances of the British
commissioners, in their proposals for a reconciliation, they commenced mili
tary operations, and the battle of Long Island was fought. General Sullivan
was taken prisoner in this action, and conducted on board Lord Howe's ship.
At his request, General Sullivan went to Philadelphia on parole, having in
charge certain verbal communications to Congress, tending to open the way
to some method of effecting the objects of the commissioners. After
maturely considering the subject, Congress resolved to send a committee of
their members to hold a conference with Lord Howe. The persons selected
for this mission were Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge.
In regard to the previous correspondence mentioned above, the following
memorandum was afterwards written by Or. Franklin.
"These letters were published in London, to show the insolence of the
insurgents, in refusing the offer of pardon upon submission, made to them by
the British plenipotentiaries. They undoubtedly deserve the attention of the
public for another reason, the proof they afford that the commerce of America
is deemed by the ministry themselves of such vast importance as to justify
the horrid and expensive war they are now waging to maintain the monopoly
of it ; that being the principal cause stated by Lord Howe ; though their
pensioned writers and speakers in Parliament have affected to treat that com
merce as a trifle. And they demonstrate further, of how much importance it
is to the rest of Europe, that the continuance of that monopoly should be
obstructed, and the general freedom of trade, now offered by the Americans,
prevented ; since by no other means the enormous growing power of Britain
both by sea and land, so formidable to their neighbours, and which must follow
her success, can possibly be prevented." S.
458

LORD HOWE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN1
(B. II.)
Eagle, June 20th, 1776.

I cannot, my worthy Friend, permit the Letters and Parcels, which I have
tent in the state I received them, to be landed, without adding a word upon
the subject of the injurious Extremities in which our unhappy disputes have
engaged us.
You will learn the Nature of my Mission, from the official Dispatches,
which I have recommended to be forwarded by the same Conveyance. Re
taining all the Earnestness I ever express'd to see our Differences accommo
dated, I shall conceive, if I meet with the Disposition in the Colonies I was
once taught to expect, the most flattering Hopes of proving serviceable in the
Objects of the King's paternal Solicitude, by promoting the Establishment of
lasting Peace and union with the Colonies. But, if the deep-rooted Prejudices
of America, and the Necessity for preventing her Trade from passing into
foreign Channels, must keep us still a divided People, I shall, from every
private as well as public Motive, most heartily lament, that this is not the
Moment wherein those great Objects of my Ambition are to be attained; and
that 1 am to be longer deprived of an Opportunity to assure you personally
of the Regard with which I am your sincere and faithful humble Servant,
Howe.
P.S. I was disappointed of the Opportunity I expected for sending this
Letter at the Time it was dated, and have ever since been prevented by Calms
and contrary Winds from getting here, to inform General Howe of the Com
mission with which I have the Satisfaction to be charged, and of his being
joined in it.
Off Sandy Hook, \2th ofJuly.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO LORD
HOWE'
I receiv'd
My Lord,
safe the Letters your
Philadelphia,
LordshipJuly
so 30th,
kindly
1776.for
warded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks.

The official dispatches, to which you refer me, contain
1 A copy also exists in the Auckland MSS. at Cambridge. Ed.
* Several copies of this letter exist. It is dated July 20th in the trans, in
L. C. (which Sparks and Bigelow followed). I have printed from the Auck
land MSS. Ed.
1776]
CORRESPONDENCE WITH LORD //OWE
459
nothing more than what we had seen in the Act of Parlia

ment, viz. Offers of Pardon upon Submission, which I was
sorry to find, as it must give your Lordship Pain to be sent
upon so fruitless a Business.
Directing Pardons to be offered to the Colonies, who are
the very Parties injured, expresses indeed that Opinion of
our Ignorance, Baseness, and Insensibility, which your
uninform'd and proud Nation has long been pleased to enter
tain of us ; but it can have no other effect than that of in
creasing our Resentments. It is impossible we should think
of Submission to a Government, that has with the most wanton
Barbarity and Cruelty burnt our defenceless Towns in the
midst of Winter, excited the Savages to massacre our Peacefull
Farmers, and our Slaves to murder their Masters, and is even
now bringing foreign Mercenaries to deluge our Settlements
with Blood. These atrocious Injuries have extinguished
every remaining Spark of Affection for that Parent Country
we once held so dear; but, were it possible for us to forget
and forgive them, it is not possible for you (I mean the
British Nation) to forgive the People you have so heavily
injured. You can never confide again in those as Fellow
Subjects, and permit them to enjoy equal Freedom, to whom
you know you have given such just Cause of lasting Enmity.
And this must impel you, were we again under your Govern
ment, to endeavour the breaking our Spirit by the severest
Tyranny, and obstructing, by every Means in your Power,
our growing Strength and Prosperity.
But your Lordship mentions "the King's paternal solici
tude for promoting the Establishment of lasting Peace and
Union with the Colonies." If by Peace is here meant a
Peace to be entered into between Britain and America, as
460
distinct States now at War, and his Majesty has given your
Lordship Powers to treat with us of such a Peace, I may
venture to say, though without Authority, that I think a
Treaty for that purpose not yet quite impracticable, before we
1 ' enter into foreign Alliances. But I am persuaded you have
no such Powers. Your nation, though, by punishing those
American Governors, who have fomented the Discord,
rebuilding our burnt Towns, and repairing as far as possible
the mischiefs done us, might yet recover a great Share of our
Regard, and the greatest Part of our growing Commerce,
with all the Advantage of that additional Strength to be
derived from a Friendship with us ; but I know too well her
abounding Pride and deficient Wisdom, to believe she will
ever take such salutary Measures. Her Fondness for Con
quest, as a warlike Nation, her lust of Dominion, as an am
bitious one, and her wish for a gainful Monopoly, as a
commercial One, (none of them legitimate Causes of war,)
will all join to hide from her Eyes every view of her true
Interests, and continually goad her on in those ruinous dis
tant Expeditions, so destructive both of Lives and Treasure,
that must prove as pernicious to her in the End, as the
Crusades formerly were to most of the Nations in Europe.
I have not the Vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating by
thus predicting the Effects of this War ; for I know it will in
England have the Fate of all rny former Predictions, not to be
believed till the Event shall verify it.
^
Long did I endeavour, with unfeigned and unwearied
Zeal, to preserve from breaking that fine and noble China
Vase, the British Empire ; for I knew, that, being once broken,
the separate Parts could not retain even their Shares of the
Strength and Value that existed in the Whole, and that a per
1776]
CORRESPONDENCE WTTH LORD HOWE
461
fect Reunion of those Parts could scarce ever be hoped for.

Your Lordship may possibly remember the tears of Joy
that wet my Cheek, when, at your good Sister's in London,
you once gave me Expectations that a Reconciliation might
soon take Place. I had the Misfortune to find those Expec
tations disappointed, and to be treated as the Cause of the
Mischief I was laboring to prevent. My Consolation under
that groundless and malevolent Treatment was, that I re
tained the Friendship of many wise and good Men in that
country, and, among the rest, some Share in the Regard of
Lord Howe.
The well-founded Esteem, and, permit me to say, Affection,
which I shall always have for your Lordship, makes it Pain
ful to me to see you engaged in conducting a War, the great
Ground of which, as expressed in your Letter, is "the neces
sity of preventing the American trade from passing into
foreign Channels." To me it seems, that neither the Ob
taining or Retaining of any trade, how valuable soever, is
an Object for which men may justly spill each other's Blood ;
that the true and sure Means of extending and securing Com
merce is the goodness and Cheapness of Commodities; and
that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the Expence
of compelling it, and of holding it, by Fleets and Armies.
I consider this War against us, therefore, as both unjust
and unwise; and I am persuaded, that cool, dispassionate
Posterity will condemn to Infamy those who advised it;
and that even Success will not save from some Degree of
Dishonor those, who voluntarily engaged to Conduct it. I
know your great motive in coming hither was the hope of
being Instrumental in a Reconciliation ; and I believe, when
you find thai to be impossible on any Terms given you to
462
[1776
propose, you will relinquish so odious a Command, and re

turn to a more honourable private Station.
With the greatest and most sincere Respect, I have the
Honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient
humble Servant,
B. Franklin.
LORD HOWE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
(L. C.)
Eagle, off Staten Island, Aug* the 16th, 1776.
I am sorry, my worthy friend, that it is only on the assurances you give me
of my having still preserved a place in your esteem, that I can now found a
pretension to trouble you with a reply to your favour of the 21st past.
I can have no difficulty to acknowledge, that the powers I am invested
with were never calculated to negotiate a reunion with America, under any
other description than as subject to the crown of Great Britain. But I do
esteem those powers competent, not only to confer and negotiate with any
gentlemen of influence in the colonies upon the terms, but also to effect a
lasting peace and reunion between the two countries, were the temper of the
colonies such as professed in the last petition of the Congress to the King.
America would have judged in the discussion how far the means were ade
quate to the end, both for engaging her confidence and proving our integrity.
Nor did I think it necessary to say more in my public declaration; not con
ceiving it could be understood to refer to peace on any other conditions bnt
those of mutual interest to both countries, which could alone render it perBut, as I perceive, from the tenour of your letter, how little I am to reckon
upon the advantage of your assistance, for restoring that permanent union
which has long been the object of my endeavours, and which, I flattered my
self when I left England, would be in the compass of my power; I will only
add, that, as the dishonour, to which you deem me exposed by my military
situation in this country, has effected no change in your sentiments of per
sonal regard towards me, so shall no difference in political points alter my
desire of proving how much I am your sincere and obedient humble servant,
Howe.
TO LORD HOWE1
My LORD
Philadelphia, September 8, 1776.
I received your favour of the 16th past. I did not immedi

ately answer it, because I found that my corresponding with
1776]
463
your Lordship was disliked by some members of Congress.

I hope now soon to have an opportunity of discussing with
you, vivd voce, the matters mentioned in it; as I am, with
Mr. Adams and Mr. E. Rutledge, appointed to wait on your
Lordship, in consequence of a desire you expressed in some
conversation with General Sullivan, and of a resolution of
Congress made thereupon, which that gentleman has prob
ably before this time communicated to you.
We propose to set out on our journey to-morrow morning,
and to be at Amboy on Wednesday about nine o'clock,
where we should be glad to meet a line from your Lordship,
appointing the time and place of meeting. If it would be
agreeable to your Lordship, we apprehend, that, either at
the house on Staten Island opposite to Amboy, or at the
governor's house in Amboy, we might be accommodated
with a room for the purpose. With the greatest esteem and
respect, I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c.
B. Franklin.
"In Congress, 71?* id, 1776. Congress being informed that General Sulli
van, who was taken prisoner on Long Island, was come to Philadelphia with
a message from Lord Howe,
" Ordered, that he be admitted, and heard before Congress.
" General Sullivan being admitted, delivered the verbal message he had in
charge from Lord Howe, which he was desired to reduce to writing, and
withdrew.
" fT yt General Sullivan having reduced to writing the verbal message
from Lord Howe, the same was laid before Congress and read as follows."
The following is the purport of the message sent from Lord Howe to Con
gress by General Sullivan.
" 'That, though he could not at present treat with Congress, as such, yet
he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom
he would consider for the present only as private gentlemen, and meet them
himself as such, at such place as they should appoint.
" ' That he, in conjunction with General Howe, had full powers to com
promise the disputes between Great Britain and America on terms advan
464
tageous to both, the obtaining of which delayed him near two months in
England, and prevented his arrival at this place before the declaration of
independence took place.
" ' That he wished a compact might be settled at this time, when no decisive
blow was struck, and neither party could say they were compelled to enter
into such agreement.
" ' That, in case Congress were disposed to treat, many things, which they
had not as yet asked, might and ought to be granted to them ; and that, if,
upon the conference, they found any probable ground for an accommodation,
the authority of Congress must be afterwards acknowledged, otherwise the
compact could not be complete.'
" j*? 5M. Resolved, that General Sullivan be requested to inform Lord
Howe, that this Congress, being the representatives of the free and independ
ent States of America, cannot, with propriety, send any of its members to
confer with bis Lordship in their private characters, but that, ever desirous of
establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their
body to know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized
by Congress for that purpose on behalf of America, and what that authority
is, and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the
same.
" Ordered, that a copy of the foregoing resolution be delivered to General
Sullivan, and that he be directed immediately to repair to Lord Howe.
" 7bf' 6M. Resolved, that the committee ' to be sent to know whether
Lord Howe has any authority to treat with persons authorized by Congress
for that purpose, on behalf of America, and what that authority is, and to hear
such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting the same,' consist
of three.
" The members chosen Mr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and Mr. Rutledge."
LORD HOWE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN
Eagle, off Red low's Island, September loth, 1776.
Lord Howe presents his compliments to Dr. Franklin, and according to
the tenour of his favour of the 8th, will attend to have the pleasure of meeting
him and Messrs. Adams and Rutledge to-morrow morning, at the house on
Staten Island opposite to Amboy, as early as the few conveniences for travel
ling by land on Staten Island will admit. Lord Howe, upon his arrival at the
place appointed, will send a boat (if he can procure it in time), with a flag of
truce, over to Amboy; and requests the Doctor and the other gentlemen will
postpone their intended favour of passing over to meet him, until they are
informed as above of his arrival to attend them there.
In case the weather should prove unfavourable for Lord Howe to pass in
his boat to Staten Island to-morrow, as from the present appearance there is
1776]
465
some reason to suspect, he will take the next earliest opportunity that offers
for that purpose. In this intention he may be further retarded, having been
an invalid lately; but will certainly give the most timely notice of that in
ability. He, however, flatters himself he shall not have occasion to make
further excuses on that account.1
" In Congress, fT 1 3/4. The committee appointed to confer with Lord
Howe, having returned, made a verbal report.
"Ordered, that they make a report in writing, as soon as conveniently
they can.
" fT 17M. The committee appointed to confer with Lord Howe, agreable
to the order of Congress, brought in a report in writing, which was read as
follows.
" * In obedience to the orders of Congress, we have had a meeting with
Lord Howe. It was on Wednesday last, upon Staten Island, opposite to
Amboy, where his Lordship received and entertained us with the utmost
politeness.
" ' His Lordship opened the conversation by acquainting us, that, though
he could not treat with us as a committee of Congress, yet, as his powers en
abled him to confer and consult with any private gentlemen of influence in
the colonies, on the means of restoring peace between the two countries, he
was glad of this opportunity of conferring with us on that subject, if we
thought ourselves at liberty to enter into a conference with him in that char
acter.
" ' We observed to his Lordship, that, as our business was to hear, he
might consider us in what light he pleased, and communicate to us any
proposition he might be authorized to make for the purpose mentioned; but
that we could consider ourselves in no other character, than that in which we
were placed by order of Congress.
" 1 His Lordship then entered into a discourse of considerable length,
which contained no explicit proposition of peace except one, namely, that the
colonies should return to their allegiance and obedience to the government of
Great Britain. The rest consisted principally of assurances, that there was
an exceeding good disposition in the King and his ministers to make that
government easy to us, with intimations, that, in case of our submission, they
would cause the offensive acts of Parliament to be revised, and the instruc1 The committee being arrived at Amboy, opposite to the Island, and in
possession of the Americans, the admiral sent over his barge to receive and
bring them to him, and to leave one of his principal officers as a hostage for
their safe return. The committee of Congress had not desired a hostage, and
they therefore took the officer back with them. The admiral met them at
their landing, and conducted them through his guards to a convenient room
for conference. W. T. F.
VOL. VI 2H
466
tions to governors to be reconsidered ; that so, if any just causes of complaint

were found in the acts, or any errors in government were perceived to have
crept into the instructions, they might be amended or withdrawn.
" ' We gave it as our opinion to his Lordship, that a return to the domina
tion of Great Britain was not now to be expected. We mentioned the
repeated humble petitions of the colonies to the King and Parliament, which
had been treated with contempt, and answered only by additional injuries ;
the unexampled patience we had shown under their tyrannical government;
and that it was not till the last act of Parliament, which denounced war
against us, and put us out of the King's protection, that we declared our inde
pendence ; that this declaration had been called for by the people of the
colonies in general ; that every colony had approved of it, when made ; and
all now considered themselves as independent States, and were settling or
had settled their governments accordingly ; so that it was not in the power of
Congress to agree for them, that they should return to their former depend
ent state ; that there was no doubt of their inclination to peace, and their
willingness to enter into a treaty with Britain, that might be advantageous to
both countries ; that, though his Lordship had at present no power to treat
with them as independent States, he might, if there was the same good dispo
sition in Britain, much sooner obtain fresh powers from thence, than powers
could be obtained by Congress from the several colonies to consent to a
submission.
" ' His Lordship then saying, that he was sorry to find that no accommo
dation was likely to take place, put an end to the conference.
" ' Upon the whole, it did not appear to your committee, that his Lord
ship's commission contained any other authority of importance than what is
expressed in the act of Parliament, namely, that of granting pardons, with
such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of
declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the King's peace, upon submis
sion ; for, as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his
Lordship mentioned to us, and of conferring and consulting with any persons
the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such
conversation to the ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject them
selves, might, after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations
in the former instructions to governors, or propose in Parliament any amend
ment of the acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the
effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be
relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of dependence.'
"Ordered, that the foregoing report, and also the message from Lord
Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, and the resolution of Congress in
consequence thereof, be published by the committee who brought in the fore
going report."
John Hancock, Pres.
Attest, Chas. Thomson, Sec'.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN
1776]
807.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN1
467
(a. P. s.)
Philad" Sept 19. 1776

Dear Billy,
I received yours of the 16th, in which you propose going
to your Father, if I have no Objection. I have considered
the matter, and cannot approve of your taking such a Journey
at this time, especially alone, for many Reasons which I
have not time to write. I am persuaded, that if your mother
should write a sealed Letter to her Husband, and enclose it
under cover to Gov1. Trumbull of Connecticut, acquainting
him that it contains nothing but what relates to her private
Family Concerns, and requesting him to forward or deliver
it, (opening it first if he should think fit) he would cause it
to be deliver'd safe without opening. I hope you do not
feel any Reluctance in returning to your Studies. This is
the Time of Life in which you are to lay the Foundations of
your future Improvements, and of your Importance among
Men. If this Season is neglected, it will be like cutting off
the Spring from the Year.
Your Aunt had the Carelessness to send the Bundle con
taining your Waistcoat, undirected, by Prichard. He forgot
where he was to leave it, & with his usual Stupidity carried
it to your House & brought it away again without asking
a Question about it till he came home. He has also brought
away the Razor Case you lent to Mr Adams. We shall
send both when there is another Opportunity; for one has
since been miss'd, that of Mr. Bache, who intended calling
to see Mrs Franklin. There seems to be a kind of Fatality
1 Son of William Franklin, Governor of New Jersey. Ed.
468
attending the Conveyance of your Things between Amboy

& Philadelphia. Benny had written as I told you, but his
Letter it seems was not sent. It was thought to be too full
of Pothooks & Hangers, and so unintelligible by the divid
ing Words in the Middle and joining Ends of some to Begin
nings of others, that if it had fallen into the Hands of some
Committee it might have given them too much Trouble to
decypher it, on a Suspicion of its containing Treason, es
pecially as directed to a Tory House. He is now diligent in
learning to write better, that he may arrive at the Honour
of Corresponding with his Aunt after you leave her. Mr.
& Mrs. Green went from hence on Monday, on their Return.
I wish they may be in time to cross the North River safely
at some of the upper Ferries. My Love to your good
Mama, & Respects to her Friends in the Family. Your
Aunts join in best Wishes, with
B. Franklin.
They desire I would express more particularly their Love
to Mrs Franklin.
808.
TO W. T. FRANKLIN
(a. p. s.)
Philad* Sept. 22. 1776

Dear Grandson,
You are mistaken in imagining that I am apprehensive
of your carrying dangerous Intelligence to your Father; for
while he remains where he is, he could make no use of it
were you to know & acquaint him with all that passes.
You would have been more in the right if you could have
TO THOMAS MORRIS
1776]
469
suspected me of a little tender Concern for your Welfare,

on Acct of the Length of the Journey, your Youth and In
experience, the Number of Sick returning on that Road with
the Infectious Camp Distemper, which makes the Beds
unsafe, together with the Loss of Time in your Studies, of
which I fear you begin to grow tired. To send you on such
a Journey merely to avoid the being obliged to Gov1 Trum
bull for so small a Favour as the forwarding a Letter, seems
to me inconsistent with your Mothers usual Prudence. I
rather think the Project takes its rise from your own Inclina
tion to a Ramble, & Disinclination for Returning to College,
join'd with a Desire I do not blame of seeing a Father you
have so much Reason to love, They send to me from
the Office for my Letter, so I cannot add more than to ac
quaint you, I shall by next post if desired send several Frank'd
Covers directed to Gov1 Trumbull, for Mrs F. to use as she
has occasion. I write to him in the first now sent, to in
troduce her Request. She may desire her Husband to send
his Letters to her under Cover to me. It will make but 2
Days odds. The Family is well & join in Love to her &
you,
B. Franklin
809.
TO THOMAS MORRIS 1
(pae etj)
Auray in Brittany, December 4, 1776

I arrived here on board the Reprisal, Capt. Wickes, now
at anchor in Quiberon Bay, where she is waiting for wind to
1 Translated from the French.
Morris. Ed.
Thomas Morris was a brother of Robert
470
get up to Nantes. I have many letters and large packages

for you, and as I count upon leaving Nantes by post, I hope
to have the pleasure of delivering them to you. I only send
one of them now, not being sure that the others will not be
opened at the post. Besides, they will cost you very dear.
If our friends at Nantes think proper, I will send your pack
ages, and those for Mr. Deane, by express, so that you will
have them almost as soon as if sent by post.
When I left, our armies were very near each other, about
18 miles from New York. There has been no general action,
though one was expected every day. In various skirmishes
our forces had beaten the enemy of equal or superior force,
and our army is full of courage. There are daily arrivals
in our ports of captures made from the enemy. We made
two on our passage over of twenty days.
[B. F.]
810.
TO SILAS DEANE
(pae eu)
Auray in Brittany, December 4, 1776.

I have just arrived on board the Reprisal, Captain Wickes,
a small vessel of war belonging to Congress. We are in
Quiberon Bay, awaiting a favourable wind to go on to Nantes.
We left the Cape the 29th of October, and have been about
30 days from land to land. I remained on board three days
after we dropped anchor, hoping to be able to go up to Nantes
in our ship, but the wind continuing unfavourable, I came
here to go on by land to Nantes.
Congress in September named you, Mr. Jefferson, and
myself to negotiate a treaty of commerce and friendship
1776]
TO SILAS DEANE
47<
with the court of France. Mr. Jefferson, then in Virginia,

declined. Thereupon Mr. Arthur Lee, at present in London,
was named in his place. Our vessel has brought indigo for
the account of Congress, to the value of about 3,000 ster
ling, subject to our order, to meet our expenses. Congress
has appropriated, in addition, 7,000 for the same object,
which the committee will transmit as soon as possible.
I find myself here as near to Paris as I shall be at Nantes,
but I am obliged to go there to provide myself with money
for my journey, and to get my baggage, which was left on
the ship. I shall endeavor to join you as soon as possible.
I propose to retain my incognito until I ascertain whether
the court will receive ministers from the United States. I
have several letters for you from the committee, which I do
not send forward because I know they contain matter of
consequence, and I am not certain of their safety in that way.
Besides, as I intend to take the post at Nantes, I imagine it
will make but three or four days difference. We fell in with
two brigantines at sea, one Irish and the other English
which we captured and brought into Nantes. I do not
know that the Captain can get permission to sell them here,
as that would be in contradiction of the treaties between the
two crowns. They are worth about 4,000. We have had
a tedious passage, and I am weak but hope that the good air
which I breathe on land will soon reestablish me, that I may
travel with speed to join you in Paris, and there find you in
good health.
P. S. If you could find some means to notify Mr.
Lee of his nomination, it would be well to do so. Perhaps
the best way would be through the Department of Foreign
472
affairs and the French Ambassador.

would not be safe.
I beg you to procure lodgings for me.
811.
The regular post
TO BARBEU DUBOURG
(pae eu)
Auray in Brittany, December 4, 1776.

My dear good friend will be much surprised to receive a
letter from me dated in France, when neither of us had been
expecting such a thing. I left Philadelphia the 26th of
October, on a vessel of war, belonging to Congress, and in
thirty days dropped anchor in Quiberon Bay. On our
voyage we captured two British vessels and brought them
with us. Our ship is destined for Nantes, but the wind
being unfavourable to entering the Loire, we waited some
days in Quiberon Bay, until becoming impatient to put my
feet on land, I availed myself of a boat to get here, whence I
shall go by land to Nantes, where I shall probably rest for
a few days. Learning that the post leaves here this evening,
I seize the opportunity to salute you, as well as my dear
Madame Dubourg and Mesdlles. Prehesson and Basseport,
whom I hope soon to have the pleasure of finding in good
health.
I suppose that Messrs. Deane and Morris have the honour
of being known to you, and as I do not know their address,
I take the liberty of addressing each of them a word under
your cover, and beg you to transmit it to them. I shall see
to the reimbursement of your expenses.
I see that you have had bad news of our affairs in America,
1776]
TO JOHN HANCOCK
473
but they are not true. The British, with the assistance of
their ships, have gained a footing in two islands, but they
have not extended their foothold on the continent, where we
hold them at a respectful distance. Our armies were one or
two miles apart when I left, and both entrenched. In differ
ent skirmishes which had occurred lately between parties
of five hundred and a thousand men on each side, we have
always had the advantage, and have driven them from the
field with loss, our fire being more destructive than theirs.
On the sea we have seriously molested their commerce, tak
ing large numbers of their ships in the West Indies, which are
daily brought to our ports. But I do not care to dwell upon
these subjects until I shall have the pleasure of seeing you.
[B. Franklin.]
812.
TO JOHN HANCOCK1
Nantes, December 8, 1776.

Sib,
In thirty days after we left the Capes of Delaware, we
came to an anchor in Quiberon Bay. I remained on board
four days, expecting a change of wind proper to carry the
ship into the river Loire; but the wind seemed fixed in an
opposite quarter. I landed at Auray, and with some diffi
culty got hither, the road not being well supplied with means
of conveyance. Two days before we saw land, we met a
brigantine from Bordeaux belonging to Cork, and another
from Rochefort belonging to Hull, both of which were taken.
The first had on board staves, tar, turpentine, and claret;
the other cognac
1 At thatbrandy
time President
and offlaxseed.
Congress. Ed.
There is some
474
[1776
difficulty in determining what to do with them ; as they are

scarce worth sending to America, and the mind of the French
court, with regard to prizes brought into their ports, is not
yet known. It is certainly contrary to their treaties with
Britain to permit the sale of them, and we have no regular
means of trying and condemning them. There are, however,
many here, who would purchase prizes; we having already
had several offers from persons who are willing to take upon
themselves all consequences as to the illegality. Captain
Wickes, as soon as he can get his refreshment, intends to
cruise in the Channel.
Our friends in France have been a good deal dejected with
the Gazette accounts of advantages obtained against us by
the British troops. I have helped them here to recover their
spirits a little, by assuring them, that we still face the enemy,
and were under no apprehension of their armies being able
to complete their junction. I understand that Mr. Lee has
lately been at Paris, that Mr. Deane is still there, and that
an underhand supply is obtained from the government of
two hundred brass fieldpieces, thirty thousand firelocks,
and some other military stores, which are now shipping for
America, and will be convoyed by a ship of war. The court
of England (M. Penet tells me, from whom I have the above
intelligence,) had the folly to demand Mr. Deane to be de
livered up, but were refused.
Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself
weakened by it ; but I now recover strength daily, and in a
few days shall be able to undertake the journey to Paris. I
have not yet taken any public character, thinking it prudent
first to know whether the court is ready and willing to re
ceive ministers publicly from the Congress; that we may
1776]
TO JOHN HANCOCK
475
neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject ourselves

to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have
despatched an express to Mr. Deane, with the letters that I
had for him from the Committee, and a copy of our commis
sion, that he may immediately make the proper inquiries,
and give me information. In the mean time I find it generally
supposed here, that I am sent to negotiate ; and that opinion
appears to give great pleasure, if I can judge by the extreme
civilities I meet with from numbers of the principal people
who have done me the honour to visit me.
I have desired Mr. Deane, by some speedy and safe means,
to give Mr. Lee notice of his appointment. I find several
vessels here laden with military stores for America, just
ready to sail. On the whole, there is the greatest prospect
that we shall be well provided for another campaign, and
much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has sailed
with seven thousand land forces foot, and some horse. Their
destination is unknown, but supposed against the Portu
guese in Brazil. Both France and England are preparing
strong fleets, and it is said, that all the powers of Europe
are preparing for war, apprehending that a general one
cannot be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris, I shall
be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present
my duty to Congress, and assure them of my most faithful
endeavours in their service. With the sincerest esteem and
respect, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. Franklin.
476
[1776
813.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET COR

RESPONDENCE
(d. s. w.)
Nantes, December 8. 1776.

After
Gentlemen,
a short but rough passage of thirty days, we an
chored in Quiberon Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the
Loire. Captain Wickes did every thing in his power to make
the voyage comfortable to me ; and I was much pleased with
what I saw of his conduct as an officer, when on supposed
occasions we made preparation for engagement, the good
order and readiness, with which it was done, being far be
yond my expectations, and I believe equal to any thing of
the kind in the best ships of the King's fleet. He seems to
have also a very good set of officers under him. I hope they
will all in good time be promoted. He met and took two
prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, laden with staves,
pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull, with a
cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made
some propositions of ransom, which, perhaps, may be ac
cepted, as there is yet no means of condemning them here,
and they are scarce worth sending to America. The ship is
yet in Quiberon Bay, with her prizes. I came hither from
thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely wel
come here, where America has many friends. As soon as I
have recovered strength enough for the journey, which I
hope will be in a very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My
letter to the President will inform you of some other particu
lars. With great esteem, I have the honour to be, &c.
B. Franklin.
1776]
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
477
P. S. December 10th. I have just learned that eighty

pieces of cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and every
thing fit for immediate service, were embarked in a frigate
from Havre, which is sailed ; the rest were to go in another
frigate of thirty-six guns.
814.
TO COMTE DE VERGENNES
(pae eu)
Paris, December 23, 1776.

Sot : I beg leave to acquaint your Excellency that we
are appointed and fully empowered by the Congress of the
United States of America to propose and negotiate a treaty
of amity and commerce between France and the United States.
The just and generous treatment their trading ships have
received by a free admission into the ports of this kingdom,
with other considerations of respect, has induced the Congress
to make this offer first to France. We request an audience
of your Excellency, wherein we may have an opportunity
of presenting our credentials, and we flatter ourselves that
the propositions we are authorized to make are such as will
not be found unacceptable.
With the greatest regard, we have the honour to be,
Your Excellency's most obedient
and most humble servants,
B. Franklin,
Silas Deane,
Arthur Lee.

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THE WRITINGS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN

COLLECTED AND EDITED

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

American Philosophical Society.

Franklin's Mss. exist in several forms. He made a rough draft of

London, Jan. 5, 1773.