Sonderdrucke aus der Albert-Ludwigs-Universitt Freiburg

OSKAR VON HINBER

The Foundation of the Bhikkhunsamgha
A contribution to the Earliest History of Buddhism

Originalbeitrag erschienen in:

Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for
the Academic Year 2007, 11 (2008), S. [3]-29

The Foundation of the Bhikkhunisanigha

A Contribution to the Earliest History of Buddhism

Oskar von HINBER

The revival of the ordination of nuns in the Theravada tradition is a long-standing issue
of much, sometimes heated discussion culminating in a conference on this topic held in
Hamburg'. This was an opportunity to reread the Vinaya of this school in order to trace
possible obstacles to, or to find opportunities for the renewal of the bhikkhunt ordination.
The best way to begin such an investigation seems to be a look back in history, to turn
once again to the foundation of order of nuns as related in the Cullavagga of the
Theravdda-Vinaya.
This well known story is related in the Vinayapitaka in the tenth and last chapter of the
Cullavagga that is at the end of the Khandhaka portion followed by two chapters on the
first two councils at Rajagaha and VeslT, which may be considered as some sort of
appendix treating events after the death of the Buddha.
It is equally well known that the structure of the Khandhaka, that is Mandvagga and
Cullavagga, is determined by the life story of the Buddha 2 : At the beginning of the text
the enlightenment is described. Then follows in natural order the first sermon and the
description of the foundation of the bhikkhusarngha, the order of monks, together with all
the rules necessary to run the ever-growing Buddhist community.
Already from this structure of the text it is evident and it has never been doubted that
the order of nuns is secondary to the order of monks: It was established obviously
considerably later as the relevant report indicates, which is inserted at the very end of the
Khandhaka, and thus placed between events very late in the life of the Buddha and those
occurring after his death, the first two councils.
This secondary character of the bhikkhunrsarngha is confirmed by the rules for nuns,
which are either shared with those for monks already existing or in many cases simply

First International Congress on Buddhist Women's Role in the Sangha, 18' to 21' July 2007. On
the question of the re-introduction of the bhikkhunT-ordination cf. S. Sasaki: A Problem in the Reestablishment of the Bhikkhuni" Sangha in Modern Theravada Buddhism. The Eastern Buddhist NS 36.
2004, p. 184-191.
2
On the structure of the Khandhaka cf. 0.v.Hinber: A Handbook of I'dli Literature. Indian Philology
and South Asian Studies 2. Berlin 1996, 31.
ARIRIAB Vol. XI (March 2008): 3-29
2008 IRIAB, Soka University, JAPAN

supplement them, either being stricter than those for monks or taking into account
specific needs of women, e.g., nuns with small children.
Keeping this in mind, it is useful to briefly recapitulate first the well-known
circumstances of the foundation of the order of monks, before, in a second step, looking
at the nuns again.
After the Buddha overcame his reluctance to teach, he went to the deer park near
Benares, approached his former pupils and delivered the first sermon to them. Once these
five ascetics were convinced and converted to Buddhism, the "Urgemeinde", the first
sarrtgha, had come into existence'.
According to the tradition, the order started to grow very soon. The next convert and
sixth monk was the very rich and very tender Yasa immediately joined by his four
friends again five persons immediately followed by their fifty friends. After the
conversion of the thirty Bhaddavaggiya friends the avalanche of converts grew
dramatically by the three Kassapas, who as jatila ascetics worshipped a fiery Naga, with
their altogether one thousand followers. In the same way as the first five monks, the five
hundred followers of Uruvela-Kassapa and the others converted to Buddhism, and when
they did so, the pupils followed their respective three teachers. The last major conversion
related here is that of Sariputta and Moggallana, the future chief disciples of the Buddha.
They were among a group of 250 ascetics attached to their teacher Sarijaya. When
Sariputta and Moggallana made up their minds to leave Sarijaya and to follow the
Buddha, they communicated their wish to their fellow disciples who immediately agreed.
Only then they informed their teacher who did not. On the contrary, Sarijaya explicitly
forbade the conversion and tried to keep Sariputta and Moggallana as followers loyal to
himself by offering even joint leadership of his group of ascetics to both renegades'.
However, Sariputta, Moggallana and the rest are unimpressed, disobey and simply walk
away. Safijaya left behind alone immediately died: hot blood gushes from his mouth s .
Considering these conversions, it is quite obvious that the vast majority of the earliest
followers of the Buddha were groups of former afriliatitthiyas, ascetics, who used to be
attached to various sects'. This was not unusual. For, it was quite common to study with
different teachers before making a final choice as the career of the Bodhisatva himself
demonstrates.

The number five is important, of course: five was chosen as the envisaged quorum for a minimum
sanigha, which can act in legal matters. With the exception of the very first disciple, AtifidtaKoridarifia, the first converts were, in spite of the names given at Vin I 12, 18-13, 7, most likely
forgotten. Vappa, Bhaddiya and Mahndma hardly ever occur, only Assaji is mentioned very
occasionally. Afiridta-Kondafifia is conseqently the first monk enumerated as the first of all rattafirius in
the etadagga-vagga, A I 23, 17.
4
Similarly, the Bodhisatva is offered joint leadership by Aldra Klma, M 1165, 4-9 to prevent him
from leaving ldra's gana, cf. M 1166, 26-29.
5
Devadatta died in the same way (Vin II 200, 34f.), after he lost his followers, whom he had alienated
from the Buddha, but who later returned to the Buddha after an intervention of Sdriputta and
Moggallana, Vin II 198, 10.
6
And so was perhaps the last convert before the Nirvdria, the paribbjaka Subhadda, DN II 150,
21-153, 14.
.

When turning now towards the Buddhist nuns after these preliminaries, it is again useful
look briefly at well-known facts. When the Buddha is approached by his foster mother,
Mandpajpati Gotami and this is quite different from the Buddha approaching the first
future monks himself asking three times for the permission also for women to go forth
as nuns, she is rebuked by the Buddha in a rather stem, almost rude way':
"Enough, Gotami, you must not have that intention ..."
alary Gotami ma te rucci ..., Vin II 253, 8.
Later, Mandpajdpati Gotami: returns, pitifully covered with dust and crying. When
Ananda sees her "standing outside", as the text says, he asks the reason of her worries,
and intervenes on her behalf with the Buddha himself, only to be rebuked in exactly the
same way as Mandpajdpati Gotami was before him. However, Ananda does not give in,
but resorts to arguing and asks whether or not woman folk could reach arahatship. When
the answer is affirmative, he succeeds in winning his case, but the Buddha is by no means
pleased: As long as no woman enters the order, the teaching will disappear only after a
millennium, if, on the other hand, women are admitted to the order, the duration of the
teaching will be reduced by one half to only five hundred years the Buddha complains.
The consequences will be as disastrous as devastating diseases infecting a rice field or a
sugar plantation. Therefore, the Buddha continues, a dam is necessary to at least contain
this future disaster, and that dam are the eight severe rules (garudhamma, Vin II 255,
5-27) valid only for nuns, mostly concerning the total subordination to the order of
monks. Lastly, when the order of nuns is finally created, and this is point of major
importance, the Buddha does not ordain any nun personally but delegates that from the
very beginning:
"I prescribe (or: allow), monks, that the monks should ordain nuns"
anujanami bhikkhave bhikkahi bhikkhuniyo upasampdeturn, Vin II 257, 7.
Once the order of nuns is created and once the monks are instructed to ordain nuns, a set
of rules is needed, that is a second Patimokkha for nuns. Therefore the existing rules for
monks are supplemented by taking into account the general line envisaged by the
Buddha when he prescribed the eight garudhammas. Consequently, these new rules for
nuns are stricter than those for monks. The result is a new, now much longer Ptimokkha
for nuns, which contains those rules common to monks and nuns' and rules applying to
nuns only.

That this is really very strong language is confirmed by the fact that Devadatta is twice rebuked by
using the same wording when asking for the leadership of the sarngha (Vin II 188, 32) and when trying
to split the sarngha (Vin II 198, 10). The same wording is used for a third time by the Buddha in his
stern warning to Moggalldna preventing him from turning the earth upside down and from thus
destroying many living beings (Vin 111 7, 16).
8
These rules are not usually repeated in the printed texts, but defined in the Samantapdsdikd: 8
ptirajtka rules, Sp 906, 9-15; 17 samghdisesa rules, Sp 915, 23-28; 30 nissaggiya rules; 92 Pacittiya
rules for monks plus 96 rules for nuns only minus 22 rules valid for monks only results in a
Ptimokkha for nuns containing 166 Pacittiya rules, (Sp 947, 18-29, where navuti, Sp 947, 19 Ee must
be corrected to chanavuti). The number of the pttdesanrya rules, and the number and content of the
sekkhtya rules are identical. There are no antyata rules for nuns.

Together with this new enlarged Ptimokkha for nuns, also new problems of
interpretation of the text arise. One of the most controversial rules is the LXVt h Pdcittiya
for nuns, and it seems, that the correct interpretation of no other rule of the Ptimokkha
has caught so much attention and created so much controversy lately as this rule did,
although the discussion started from the wrong end. This discussion was the starting
point of the following deliberations, which in the end led to a new evaluation of the
material describing the foundation of the bhikkhunrsarngha wih surprising results.
The LXV'Pacittiya for nuns is translated as follows by K. R. Norman':
"If any bhikkhunT should ordain [sponsor (for ordination), KRN] a married girl
less than twelve years of age, there is an offence entailing expiation".
I. B. Horner, on the other hand, in her Book of the Discipline has i :
"Whatever nun should ordain a girl married for less than twelve years, there is
an offence of expiation"
y pana bhikkhunr Cmadveidasavassam gihigatarn vuttheipeyya, peicittiyarn, Vin IV
322, 6**f.
The last to discuss this rule and comment on the controversy "twelve years old" versus
"married for twelve years" was P. Kieffer-Plz in her very long, comprehensive and well
researched article which pays particular attention also to the commentarial literature and
appeared under the title "Ehe- oder Lebensjahre? Die Altersangabe fr eine
"verheiratete" Frau (gihigatei) in den Regeln der Rechtstexte der Theravddin (Years of
marriage or years of age? The age of a "married" woman as indicated in the rules of the
legal texts of the Theravddin) 11 ".
P. Kieffer-Plz formulates her result very clearly: "Thus it is according to my opinion
demonstrated that gihigateis could be ordainedalready at the age of twelve" (Damit ist m.
E. ... erwiesen, da gihigatas bereits mit zwlf Lebensjahren ordieniert werden konnten",
15. p. 231). This, of course, results in a glaring contradiction within the TheravddaVinaya: For, as it is well known, the lowest ordination age of a nun is that of twenty
years, and every future nun is asked before ordination:
"Did you complete twenty years?"
paripunnavi sativass si Vin II 271, 29.
-

Of course this obvious contradiction has been perceived by P. Kieffer-Plz herself

without, however, finding a really convincing solution to the problem thus created. She
suggests tentatively that the rule exempting the "married women", called gihigateis, from
the usual ordination age of twenty and ordain them at the age of twelve already, was
formulated later than the questions about the obstacles to ordination. Furthermore, the
Samantapdsdik says nothing on this contradiction when explaining the relevant

The translations from the Pdtimokkha follow: W. Pruitt [Ed.] and K. R. Norman [Trs1.]: The
Ptimoldcha. Oxford 2001, unless indicated otherwise.
10
The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya-Pitaka). Vol. III (Suttavibhariga). Oxford 1942, p. 369.
11
ZDMG 155. 2005, p. 199-238.

Pacittiya rule'. Therefore, still according to P. Kieffer-Piilz, the exemption of the

gihigateis or "married" women was most likely regulated in Kammavdcds, the formulas to
be spoken at the occasion of an ordination, which are, however, for the better part lost to
us, because their tradition stopped once the order of nuns ceased to exist'. Consequently,
the possible content of the texts relevant in this particular case is unknown. Thus P.
Kieffer-Piilz is forced to accept two assumptions to support her suggested explanation
that the "twelve years" in the LXV ffi Pdcittiya for nuns refers the age of the future nun:
The Pdcittiya rule was formulated later than the respective paragraph in the Cullavagga
without harmonizing both, and that there were some regulations in Kammavdcds, which
are lost today, removing the contradiction. Both assumptions necessarily remain mere
guesses, because neither can be substantiated. Moreover, this offends the golden rule that,
if two assumptions are needed to remove one difficulty, chances are extremely high that
the suggested explanation is wrong: On the contrary, one assumption should solve at least
two problems'.
The first assumption that the rule in the Ptimokkha for nuns is "later" than the
description of the ordination process in the Cullavagga may nevertheless be true, because
that is taken over from the respective section concerning monks. Still, this assumption
presupposes that pieces of texts were patched together fairly carelessly, and at once
recalls the warning expressed by I. B. Homer in her introduction to the third volume of
"The Book of the Discipline", when she discusses the very LXV ffi Pdcittiya for nuns at
length: "And I think it was neither absurd nor careless enough to throw us back on the old
argument of its composition being patchwork because it seems to entail contradictory
statements, an easy line to take when we are baffled, but unfair to the work of the early
compilers. This I am convinced was more often subtle, delicate and reasonable than we
sometimes give credit for" (p. LII f.)
Indeed, if we simply try to look at the text of the Vinaya here in the same way as I. B.
Homer did, there is no inconsistency at all.
The controversy is simple: What does "less than twelve years" (Cinadvddassavassary)
refer to? The age of the women or the time they are married. P. Kieffer-Ptilz states that
the expression is ambivalent ("nicht zu entscheiden", p. 203). Is it really?
Already I. B. Homer noticed correctly in her discussion of the LXVt h Pdcittiya for nuns,
and it is hard to overlook this, that it is possible to adduce further rules from the

12

On the evidence from the Samantapsdik see below and appendix.

p. 232 f. A few kammaveicds for nuns are embedded in the Khandhaka or the Vibhafiga of the
Vinaya. The history of the order of nuns is traced by P. Skilling: A Note on the History of the
Bhikkhuni-samgha (I): Nuns at the Time of the Buddha; (II): The Order of Nuns after the Parinirvr m.
World Fellowship of Buddhists Review XXXI, nos. 2/3. 1994, p. 47-55; XXX/XXXI. 1993/1994, no. 4
/ no.1, p. 29-49 and: Nonnen, Laienanhngerinnen, Spenderinnen, Gttinnen: Weibliche Rollen im
frhen indischen Buddhismus, in: U. Roesler [Ed.]: Aspekte des Weiblichen in der indischen Kultur.
Indica et Tibetica 39. Swisttal-Odendorf 2000, p. 47-102.
14
This rule was formulated by Karl Hoffmann (1915-1996) in oral instruction.
15
Here, the English style of I. B. Horner seems to be influenced by the formulas in Buddhist suttantas:
subtle, delicate reasonable (2+3+4).

13

Patimokkha for nuns such as the LXXIVth Pdcittiya, if the exact meaning of the "twelve
years" it to be ascertained:
"If any bhikkhuni should ordain when she is less than twelve years of standing,
there is an offence entailing expiation"
y pana bhikkhunT anadveidasavass vuttheipeyya, peicittiyary, Vin IV 329, 24** f
Of course nobody ever doubted that the twelve years refer to the status as nun. This
corresponds to a rule for monks as prescribed in the chapter on ordination:
"I prescribe, monks, that a monk may participate in an ordination, when he is ten
years or more than ten years of standing"
anujeinmi bhikkhave dasavassena v atirekadasavassena v upasampdetun ti,
Vin I 59, 23 f.
Here, the monk who may participate in an ordination of others is ordained for ten years
or more. For further instances are:
"I allow, monks, to accept a boy of less than fifteen years of age as someone who
scares away crows"
anujneimi bhikkhave anapannarasavassary dc7rakary keikucklepakary pabbajetun
ti, Vin I 79, 19.
The boy of course holds not only the status of a boy since less than fifteen years, but is
also less than fifteen years old: Even babies are called draka "boy'''. In the same way
age and status coincide when "individuals" are mentioned as in the rule:
"No individual must be ordained knowingly if he is less than twenty years of
age"
na bhikkhave jeinaly anavrsativasso puggalo upasampddetabbo, Vin I 78, 30, cf. I
93, 23.
This rule corresponds to the prohibition expressed in LXV ffi Pdcittiya for monks, which is
formulated in a rather unusual way:
"If any monk should knowingly ordain an individual under twenty years of age that
individual is not ordained and those monks are censurable; this is in this case the
expiation"
yo pana bhikkhu jeinary anavrsativassarn puggalary upasampeideyya, so ca puggalo
anupasampanno te ca bhikkha gelrayhei, idary tasmiry pdcittiyarn, Vin IV 130,
15 ** f.
And lastly the LXXIst Pdcittiya for nuns may be quoted here:
"If any nun should ordain a maiden under twenty years of age, there is an offence
entailing expiation"
y ci pana bhikkhuni anavrsativassary kumribhatary vuttheipeyya pdcittiyam, Vin
IV 327, 17** f
-

16

Already a newly born child is called ddraka at Vin II 278,29.

Given these examples', and more examples from other non-Vinaya contexts pointing
in the same direction could be adduced without much effort it is not easy to conceive
how and why any unprejudiced reader of the Vinaya should understand the LXV ffi
Pacittiya for nuns other than "a woman, who holds the status as a gihigatei ("married
woman") since twelve years," in exact parallel to "a nun of twelve years" as clearly seen
by I. B. Homer, who uses almost the same argument. Understood in this way, that is
"gihigat for twelve years", there is nowhere any contradiction, and no sikkhamn and
seimarjeff ever was in a predicament and obliged to lie when asked immediately before
ordination: "Are you twenty years old?"
Even if this suggestion is correct and removes all contradictions in the Theravddatradition, it does not solve the problems surrounding this rule at all. Before trying to
interpret the fact that the woman to be ordained "holds the status of a gihigatd" for twelve
years, it is necessary to find out, what is meant by gihigatei, whether it is really meant that
she is "married".
So far, all discussions concentrated on an almost non-existing problem, the figure
"twelve", instead of looking at the problematic meaning of the really difficult word
gihigat first, which has no parallel outside I'dli, it seems, and almost exclusively occurs
in this very context the only exception being the sentence:
"Our rules are current among the householders'', and the householders know us"
sant' amheikam sikkhdpaddni gihigateini, gihr pi no jdnanti, Vin II 288, 16f.
This statement is made by Mandkassapa on the occasion of the first council during a
discussion, whether it is advisable or not to modify the so-called "minor rules" of the
Vinaya. And this sentence is used to justify a resolution of enormous consequence by and
for the samgha that is the refusal to change any rule lest the order should incur criticism
from the laity.
The obvious meaning supported by grammatical structure of the word and by the context
"current among householders" raises serious doubts about the translation of gihigat as
"married" in the Ptimoldcha.
Why then is gihigat translated as "married"? The reason can be found by a simple look
at the history of research. E. Waldschmidt, who was apparently the first scholar to

17

Cf. also sattavasstko si seibdho, Vin I 270, 34. Examples for clearly specified dates are:
vfsavassasatiket jttyei, S I 97, 4; drako homi feitiy atthavassiko, Cp IX 12; jtty sattavassiko, Ja V 62,
4; pabbajeiya atthavasstko, Sp 208, 30; upasampadeiya paficavassiko hutvei dye meitikci ugganhitvei, Ja I
106, 17, cf. P. Kieffer-Piilz, p. 199 note 3, where "Tha 46,4" is Th 429.
18
On the difference grhtn- "householder" / grhapatt- "treasurer, rich man" cf. J. Nattier: A Few Good
Men. The Bodhisattva Path according to the Inquiry of Ugra (Ugrapariprechd). 2003. Honolulu 2005, p.
22-24.
-

translate this word, understood gihigatc7 to mean "married" in the Pacittiyas for nuns 19 and
translated "verheiratet" accordingly, obviously following part of the Chinese translations.
I. B. Homer's translation "a girl married for less than twelve years 20 " obviously follows
Waldschmidt, as does P. Kieffer-Piilz, but evidently with some wise reservations as her
cautious quotes enclosing "verheiratet" indicate; the last translator, K. R. Norman, uses
"married girl less than twelve years of age".
Because the word gihigatti occurs in a rule of the Ptimokkha, it is explained in the
Vinayavibhanga, the immediate and canonical old commentary on the Ptimokkha,
which thus provides an indication how this word was understood traditionally':
gihigat is called purisantaragat
gihigatii ntima purisantaragatc7 vuccati, Vin IV 322, 10 etc.
At first this explanation does not seem to be overly helpful, because purisantaragat
appears to be as unclear as gihigatc7. However, purisantaragatei occurs once more in a
different context repeated a couple of times in Tipitaka in various texts of the four
Nikyas and consequently well known to all early Buddhists. This is a lengthy paragraph
on practices of non-Buddhist ascetics, which has been investigated very carefully and
explained in great detail by W. B. Boll& in his article "Anmerkungen zum buddhistischen
Hretikerbild 23 (Remarks on the Buddhist image of heretics)". Different practices are
enumerated, among others:

19

Bruchstcke des Bhiksurii-Pratimoksa der Sarvastivadins mit einer Darstellung der berlieferung des
Bhiksuni-Pratimoksa in den verschiedenen Schulen. Leipzig 1926, p. 138. Nothing is said on this rule
in H. Kern: Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien. Leipzig 1884, Band II, p. 130-144 nor in
his Manual of Indian Buddhism. Straburg 1896, p. 79. M. E. Lulius van Goor: De buddhistische non.
Geschetst naar de gegevens der Pali-literatuur. Leiden 1915, p. 23: "de vroegste leeftijd, waarop een
meisje zich aan de orde verbinden mocht, war twaalf jaar".
20
BD III 1942, p. 369.
21
Cf. Etienne Lamotte: Histoire du bouddhisme indien. Louvain 1958, p. 62 (English version 1988, p.
62) "douze ans de vie conjugale"; Chatsumarn Kabilsingh: The Bhikkhuni Patimokkha of the Six
Schools. Bangkok 1991, p. 25 "a married woman, who is less than 12 years" leaves the reference open,
but quotes I. B. Homer's translation. This difficult rule is passsed over in silence in C. Kabilsingh: A
Comparative Study of Bhikkhuni Ptimokkha. Delhi 1984, p. 99 f. Mhan Wijayaratna: Les moniales
bouddhistes. Naissance et developpement du monachisme feminin. Paris 1991, p. 55 "une personne
mariee et qui n'a pas encore atteint Page de douze ans."
22
Although a comparative study of different Vinaya-traditions is not helpful in this context, it may be
worth while pointing out that the rather old Bhiksunivinaya of the Mahasainghikalokottaravadins
explains grhicarit substituting the obviously no longer understood gihigatei as: grhicarita ti
vikopitabrahmacary , BhiVin 214, p. 245, 17 "non-virgin", cf. kumtiribhatei avikopitabrahmacary,
BhiVin 210, p. 239, 19 and t. Nolot: R6gles de discipline des nonnes bouddhistes. Paris 1991, p. 266
with the commentary p. 392f., which also refers to the Malasarvstivada evidence, on which see also:
M. Schmidt: Bhiksuni-Karmavacana. Studien zur Indologie und Buddhismuskunde. Festgabe ... fr ...
H. Bechert [Indica et Tibetica 22]. Bonn 1993, p. 238-288, particularly p. 253,9: The
Mlasarvstivddins replace the (to them) puzzling gihigatei by grhasitel. The text is translated by Diana
Paul: Women in Buddhism. Images of the Feminine in the Mahayana Tradition. Berkeley 1979, p.
82-87 = 2 1985, p. 80-105. Cf. further: M. Schmidt: Zur Schulzugehrigkeit einer nepalesischen
Handschrift der BhiksunT-Karmavacana. Sanskrit-Wrterbuch der buddhistischen Texte aus den
Turfanfunden Beiheft 5. Gttingen 1994, p. 155-164.
-

23

ZDMG 121. 1971, p. 70-92.

10

"He (that is this particular kind of heretical non-Buddhist ascetic) does not accept
(food) from two persons eating, not from a pregnant woman, not from a nursing
woman, not from a purisantaragat ..."

patiganheiti ... na dvinnarn bhurijamtineinarn na gabbhiniyei na pdyamndya na

purisantaragattiya na sarikittisu ..., D I 166, 7f. = A II 206, 12f. etc.
W. B. Boll& concludes that purisantaragat in this enumeration should mean most likely
"von einer, die zu einem anderen Mann (sc. als ihrem Gatten) ... gegangen ist (p. 79;
from [a woman] who visited another man)" that is an "unfaithful wife".
However, in the light of later texts, the meaning "unfaithful wife" as assumed by Boll&
seems to be too narrow. For, when the word purisantaragatd also occurs, e.g., in the
definition of the word itthi "woman" quoted by W B. Boll&, this throws some light on
the traditional understanding of this term:
"Woman means purisantaragatd, the other is a virgin"
itthrti purisantaragat itard kumrikei, Sv 78, 16 = Ps II 209, 28.
Thus, obviously, purisantaragat "gone to another man" designates a non-virgin, a
woman that has had intercourse with a man'. Moreover, this meaning is confirmed in
still later Jtaka prose, where the fact that a woman is a virgin is emphasized by the
following words:
"A woman who did not go to another man"
purisantararn agatarn ekain meitugdmarn, Ja I 290, 5.
A more practical reason contradicting the assumed meaning "unfaithful" is that a
wandering ascetic could not be expected to know whether or not a woman offering alms
was a faithful wife or not. Therefore, Boll&'s suggestion might need some adjustment 25 .
This post-canonical evidence from the commentarial literature allows to infer how the
word purisantaragatc7 was understood traditionally, namely "a woman who no longer is a
maiden or a virgin", which, of course, includes married women, even unfaithful wives,
whom W. B. Boll& has in mind, but the semantic field of the word comprises also
widows, who were found strangely missing by I. B. Homer in her comments', and
courtesans. As seen by traditional interpreters, the semantic field of the word gihigatc7 is

24

25

W. Knobl, Kyoto, suggested that purisantaragata could perhaps mean "menstruating woman", if purisa
is derived from skt. purfsa, not from purusa.
The explanation found in the commentary on the practices of ascetics, on the other hand, creates
problems of its own, which need not to be discussed here: purisantaragatya ratiantareiyo hotiti na
ganhti, Sv 355, 12 = Ps II 44, 17 (on M I 77,31; purisasamTpagatetya, Ps-pt Be 1962 II 35, 3) = Mp II
384, 27 (on A I 295, 15) qu. Nidd-a I 430, 28 (on Nidd I 416, 18). According to Boll& (p. 79) this
explanation of the Atthakathd should be wrong, when he takes purisantaragatei to mean "unfaithful
woman." However, a definition in Sp shows that the word did not have a negative connotation:
kuladhitei neima purtsantaragatei kuladhTta ro. kulakumeiriyo niima anivitthei vuccanti, Sp 532, 21 (on Vin
III 120, 12), cf. also the commentary on the different women (cf. note 29 below), particularly at Sp 555,
14; 556, 6. Most likely, therefore, these particular ascetics at best accepted alms from small girls just to
be on the safe side.
I. B. Horner, BD III, p. LI, draws the attention to the fact that rules concerning widows seem to be
missing, which is true only as long as the translation "married" is kept.
-

26

11

consequently different from and much wider than that of the usual words applied in Pali
for "married"pariggahit or, used more frequently, Cmrtei 27 .
If purisantaragata , as the commentary to the Ptimold(ha indicates, is a synonym of
gihigatei , both are taken by the Theravdda tradition to mean "a woman, who is no longer a
virgin", married or not. On the other hand, it is not at all impossible that in spite of the
old commentary the correct original meaning of gihigat is quite different, not "married"
but "a woman known to the householders" for twelve years, if the usage of the word
gihigata as found in and deduced from the report on the first council is considered. This
will be discussed below.
-

If, however, the word gihigatc7 is understood following the tradition reflected in the
Vinayavibhaliga as "a woman who no longer is a virgin" but not necessarily as "married",
there are of course also consequences for the interpretation of the crucial figure twelve in
the rule that no gihigat of "less than twelve years" should be ordained as nun.
Arguing first within the framework of the Theravdda-tradition one could try to follow I.
B. Homer's reasoning, refer the figure twelve to the duration of a marriage and accept the
idea that, if the ordination age was twenty years of age, the marriage age can thus be
calculated as the age of eight, an early age actually current in ancient India (BD III, p. L),
among others. This presupposes that eight was the earliest conceivable date for a
marriage at the time and in the region, when and where this rule was interpreted by the
Theravdda tradition to refer to a married woman. Consequently, twelve years might have
been considered as the maximum period necessary to bridge the longest possible span of
time between marriage and ordination in order to assure the age of twenty at the time of
ordination, if a girl is married early in life. Even the much broader meaning of gihigatei
would not necessarily undermine this reasoning, which was a nice defence of a legal
system without contradiction, although one has to accept that the rule is neither overly
sensible nor very practical, because the ordination age seems to be covered by the rule
referring to a kumaribhfitei or sc7matterr in any case.
Now, in the second place, considering the much wider meaning of the word gihigatc7 and
following the usage of the language in the sikkhapadas, this period is to be taken most
likely as the duration of the status of a women married, widowed, living with a child but
without husband' or as a courtesan'. If so, married status is not ruled out, but only one
option among others and the problem remains: why just twelve years?
Here, only a guess is possible, but no really convincing solution can be found. Perhaps
this is as much a random figure as others such as the ordination age of a Jaina monk or
nun at seven, in contrast to a Buddhist monk only at the age of twenty after being

27

Cf. e.g. seimiko neima yena pariggahitei hoti, Vin IV 335, 5; y pi 'ssa bhariyel saddhei saddhei kulc7 iinrtei,
M II 185, 18; gharastinhei addhii addhei kuld einit, A IV 91, 16; aharn ... gahapatissa daharass' eva
dahard (mild, A II 61, 31; purisassa dinn ... smiko afiiiarn pajlipatim einesi, Vin IV 79, 2-20
"betrothed ... married"; breihmantinarri puttapatileibhattheiya civhaviveihavasena kulei einit
briihmaniyo, Ps III 408, 25.
28
As in the story of Satyakama Jab Ma, Chandogya-Upanisad IV 4.
29
Different kinds of women are defined at Vin 111 139, 21-140, 8.
-

12

admitted to the order at the earliest aged fifteen as a novice, or only in the position of
"crow-scarer" even earlier at any age (Vin I 78f.), or the permission for a Buddhist monk
to participate in an ordination after ten, and a nun of twelve years of standing. A
Buddhist monk is a thera after ten years, but a Jaina monk after twenty (Vavandra X 14).
A Jaina monk is uvajjheiya three, but a nun thirty years after ordination or an tiyariyauvajjhaya after five and sixty years respectively (Vavandra VII 15 f.). More examples
could be found and more open questions asked without much hope to find any
convincing answer. Already Herman Oldenberg in his "Religion of the Veda" asked
similar questions concerning the age at the Upanayana ceremony without being able to
find an answer other than "random figures'.
If we follow the lead of Oldenberg and chose to accept the twelve years as a random
figure of the duration of the state of a gihigatei, there is no conflict with the normal
ordination age of twenty, and even a possible marriage at eight may have influenced this
choice after all as argued by I. B. Homer, but no source allows to verify that. It is also
conceivable that the figure twelve is a simple and mechanical analogy to the same
number of years postulated for a nun before she is competent to ordinate nuns, and,
consequently, also totally independent of age.
Lastly, still following the traditional Theravdda understanding of the word gihigatil and
taking the twelve years as the age of the novice', the age from birth seems to be ruled
out for two reasons. Assuming an age of twelve years would, besides contradicting both,
the linguistic usage lined out earlier and the respective question put to the novice before
ordination, results in an ordination of nuns considerably earlier than that of monks. This
again would not concur with the spirit of the rules, but almost invert the usually rather
severe restrictions for Buddhist nuns visible everywhere when compared to those for
monks. The resulting privilege of an earlier ordination for nuns than monks makes the
assumption of an age from birth still more unlikely.
So far, the result can be summed up in the following way: Moving strictly on the early
level of the development of the Vinaya, the level of the rules of the Ptimokkha
(sikkhdpadas) as understood on the second level of the canonical commentary
(padabheijaniya), an interpretation within the traditional framework is at least
conceivable without any contradiction neither in reference to the linguistic usage nor to
the legal system, if an interpretation as indicated is accepted.
However, this fairly clear situation prevailing at the time when the text of the Ptimoldcha
was compiled and explained in the old canonical commentary is blurred considerably,

30

H. Oldenberg: Die Religion des Veda. Stuttgart '1923, p. 464 "Das Upanayana ... im achten, elften,
zwlften Jahre von der Empfngnis an ... resp. zum 16., 22., 24. Jahre verschieben: knstlich
zurechtgemachte Zahlen ..."
31
Different uses of the figure "12" in ancient India are discussed by J. W. Spellman: The Symbolic
Significance of the Number Twelve in Ancient India. Journal of Asian Studies XXII. 1962, p. 79-88, cf.
L. Sternbach: Additional note on the significance of the number twelve in ancient India. The Poona
Orientalist 17. 1962, p. 29-35.

13

when the stories introducing all rules of the Ptimokkha and later commentaries are also
taken into consideration.
Without entering too much into the details, which are thoroughly discussed by P. KiefferPiilz already, it can be said that the stories introducing the rules relevant for the age of
nuns at the time of ordination the LXV Pcittiya treated here at some length, and the
LXXIst Pacittiya, which states that the minimum age of ordination for a virgin is twenty
that these stories are borrowed from different parts of the Vinaya, the Mandvagga, where
the same text gives the reason, why monks should not be ordained earlier than at the age
of twenty, and then again from the introduction to the LXVt h Pdcittiya for monks'. This,
of course, could point indeed to an interpretation of the twelve years as the age in the
case of the gihigata, but only at the time when the introductory story was composed,
which is considerably later than the rules (sikkhc7padas) themselves and also later than
the old canonical commentary. However, a word of caution is necessary. These stories are
very often inserted rather mechanically and they do not always conform to content and
intention of the respective rule (sikkhc7padas 33 ). On the contrary, sometimes even gross
misunderstandings of the rules of the Ptimold(ha are by no means rare, although these
misunderstandings do not normally concern legal matters.
In this respect it is important to note that the introductory story allows the training of a
gihigat of only twelve years (paripulytadyCidasavasseiya, Vin IV 323,2), but of a virgin
(kumaribhcad) already of eighteen years (atthdrasayasstiya, Vin IV 328,3). For, the
Lxxird Pdcittiya prescribes:
"If any bhikkhunr should ordain a maiden who is fully twenty years of age [but]
who has not trained for two years in the six rules, there is an offence entailing
expiation"
y pana bhikkhuni- pariputujayrsatiyassam kumiiribhatam 35 dye yasstini chasu
dhammesu asikkhitasikkharn yutthapeyya pticittiyarn, Vin IV 328, 9**ff
The difference in the introductory stories the years of the gihigatei are adopted
unchanged from the rule, but two years are subtracted in case of a maiden seems to
make sense only, if there is a different interpretation of the figures given in both cases.
And this could only be that the author(s) of these introductory stories considered the
figure twelve as referring to the status and the figure twenty to the age of a kumeiribhfitc7.
If she is a sikkhamnd and trained a particular procedure typical only for nuns at
32

Vin I 78, 21-26 * IV 130, 4-10 * 321, 22-29.

0. V. Hinber: Das Patimolckhasutta Seine Gestalt und seine Entstehungsgeschichte. (Studien zur
Literatur des Theravada-Buddhismus II). Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur, Mainz.
Abhandlungen der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Jg 1999, Nr. 6, p. 8, 48.
34
D. Schlingloff: Zur Interpretation des Pratimoksastra. ZDMG 113. 1964, p. 536-551.
35
On the meaning of bhfita cf. L. Schmithausen, ZDMG 137. 1987, p. 151 on andhabhata "emphazises
the meaning of the first member of the compound" and D. Seyfort Ruegg, ASt/EAs 49. 1995, p. 821
"like", cf. L. Renou: Grammaire sanscrite. Paris 1968, 91, p. 113 and G. Schopen: The phrase sa
prthivTpradea caityabhato bhavet. 1975, in: Figments and Fragments of Mahayana Buddhism in
India. Honolulu 2005, p. 149 = 27. It seems that the Theravada tradition had a cvt-construction in
mind when kumeiribhatei is taken as stimatjerT at Vin IV 327, 21 "having become a chaste women", i. e.
a stimarterr (?).
33

14

eighteen, she reaches the earliest possible ordination age after two years as a sikkhamn
at twenty On the other hand, if age is not considered, there is no reason to deduct two
years of training in the case of the gihigatei however understood.
Leaving the third level of the extant Vinaya-tradition, the introductory stories, and
proceeding to the fifth level, the Samantapdsdik, a new situation emerges, which points
to a changed understanding of these Pacittiyas for nuns. Unfortunately the Vinaya
handbook, the Parivra, which can be considered as the fourth level of interpretation and
which could have preserved some information on the interpretation during the long
centuries separating the canonical Vinaya from its commentary, is silent on these
questions'. Consequently, nothing can be said on the development of the discussion and
interpretation of these rules during an enormous gap of perhaps almost a millennium.
P. Kieffer-Piilz (p. 206 f.) discussed the relevant paragraph in the Samantapdsdik (Sp
942,1-16) again with considerable progress in understanding some details. Unfortunately,
the Samantapdsdik concentrates on the correct address of a "novice under training",
without paying too much attention to the figures twelve or twenty. When the figure
twelve of the gihigat is mentioned briefly, the concise comment in the Samantapdsdik
does not indicate any reference of the figures. Therefore, this is not discussed here and
referred to the appendix.
Leaving the eastern and the western traditional understanding of the LXV 1 Pdcittiya for
nuns aside and starting a new attempt to uncover what might have been the original
meaning and purpose of this rule, it is useful to look first at the context in the
Ptimokkha, that is at the rules surrounding the one concerning non-virgins (gihigatei =
purisantaragat) of twelve years. This rule is the fifth in the GabbhinIvagga (LXIs t to
LXX th Pdcittiya) "paragraph on pregnant women". Together with the next chapter, the
Kumribhiltavagga, (LXXIst to LXXXIIIr d Pkittiya) "paragraph on maidens", this part of
the Ptimokkha unites all those rules concerning the ordination of nuns in a well thoughtout arrangement.
The GabbhinTvagga begins with two rules forbidding the acceptance for ordination first
of a pregnant woman (gabbhinim, Vin 317, 21**) and then of a nursing woman (payantim,
Vin 318, 14**). The fifth rule of this chapter concerning the gihigat follows separated by
two rules concerning the "novice under training" (sikkhamn), a special status of future
nuns created in accordance with the "severe rules" for nuns (VI' Garudhamma: Vin II
255, 19). The interrupted sequence of women, who may or may not be ordained, that is
"pregnant woman, nursing woman, non-virgin" (gabbhinr, peiyantt, gihigate =
purisantaragatd) certainly does not look overly exiting. Therefore it never caught any
attention. However, this sequence can be compared to the paragraph on the practices of
non-Buddhist ascetics mentioned earlier, where an identical sequence using the very

36
37

Nothing helpful is said at Vin V 67, 14 and 87, 19* (Sp 1308, 18).
In contrast to the LXV ffi Pacittiya for monks, which is not valid for nuns (cf. Sp 947, 24), it is not stated
in the Vinaya that the ordination is invalid, but cf. s (sc. gihigatei) pana anupasampann, Sp 941, 2 =
Kkh (2) 352, 3 on the LX\rh Pcittiya for nuns.

15

same terms is found. This allows to find a possible source for the explanation of gihigatei
as purisantaragatei as given in the canonical commentary on the rules of the Ptimokkha,
which could be derived ultimately from this suttanta text. For, a commentator, who was
not sure about the meaning of gihigatti could easily take the parallel sequence gabbhinT,
payantf, purisantaragatei as a model from the suttanta text, transfer purisantaragat rather
mechanically to the Vinaya-commentary, and thus make a more or less probable guess
not really knowing what the word gihigatti meant exactly. Moreover, it is important to
keep in mind that this paragraph on non-Buddhist ascetics was certainly well known to
all monks, because it occurs in the Digha-, Majjhima- and Ariguttaranikya and was,
consequently, part of the respective bheinaka traditions. Therefore, the assumed
procedure does not seem unlikely.
On the other hand, the different and earlier (?) author of the report on the first council
knew and used the very rare word gihigata in quite a different and most likely in the
correct original meaning: "current, known among householders." Consequently, the rule
might have meant something totally different originally, if the meaning "a woman known
to the householders for twelve years" is assumed for gihigatei. The original rule most
likely neither referred to "non-virgins" nor "married" women these ideas were
introduced only by the commentator and modern interpreters , but was perhaps an
attempt to bar alien wandering female ascetics and to ensure that only those women
could join the order, who were known to the lay community for a certain period to
guarantee their good reputation.
If this is correct, it solves the problems of the rule and explains why a misunderstood
rule never fit into the legal system and, necessarily, created problems for later interpreters
from ancient times to the present day'. The question, why such a rule, which neither has
any conceivable place in the legal system nor serves any practical purpose, was included
into the Ptimolckha, can be answered only by looking beyond Buddhism.
While discussing the avoidance of nursing etc. women by certain groups of ascetics, W
B. Bo116e mentions that a pregnant (guvvint) and a nursing (dc7ragarn pejjamtinr) woman
also figure in corresponding Jaina rules". Thus we enter common ground of Buddhist
and Jain concepts and vocabulary'.
Starting to look for technical terms common to both religions, besides gihigatei soon a
second unusual expression can be perceived, which is also used in the rules referring to
the ordination of nuns. For when a nun is ordained this is expressed in the Patimolckha
for nuns by vuttheipeti and not as in the case of monks, or monks and nuns in the
respective chapters of the Cullavagga, but by using the well-known technical term

There are misunderstood rules such as the Lxxxmth Pdcittiya for monks, cf. D. Schlingloff, as note
34 above, p. 541f., 547f.
39
As above note 23, P. 79: Vavandra X 1 etc.

40
Cf. K. R. Norman: Early Buddhism and Jainism A Comparison. 1999. Collected Papers VIII.
Lancaster 2007, p. 1-29, esp. p. 5ff.; N. Balbir: A new instance of common terminology in Jaina and
Buddhist Texts, in: Facets on Indian Culture. Gustav Roth Felicitation Volume. Patna 1998, pp.
424-444 with bibliography, further: CPD s.vv. kammapuggala, kyadanda.
38

16

upasampeideti. The technical word vuttheipeti occurs in a series of rules and is explained
in the the Vinayavibhafiga, as:
"vutthdpeyya means would ordain"
vuttheipeyyei ti upasampeideyya, Vin IV 317, 25 etc.
This explanation, which takes the terms vuttheipeti and upasampdeti as synonyms is
supported once the LXXXt h Pdcittiya for nuns:
"If any bhikkhunT should ordain a trainee not permitted by the mother and father
nor by the husband, there is an offence entailing expiation"
y pana bhikkhunr mtpithi v seimikena v ananufifieitarn sikkhameinam

vutthdpeyya peicittiyarn, Vin IV 335, 1* f.

If there is permission neither by the parents nor by the husband, this is a reason to stop
an ordination (antareiyika dhamma). Therefore, every future nun is asked before
beginning of the respective procedure as described in the Cullavagga of the Vinaya:
"Do you have the permission of your parents (or) your husband?"
anufifieitei si mttipitahi smikena, Vin II 271, 29 f.
Here, exclusively upasampdeti is used and vuttheipeti found in the Ptimoldcha for nuns
disappears in the Cullavagga.
In spite of the traditional explanation, the exact meaning and etymology of vutthdpeti and
its derivatives pose some intricate problems. After a very careful investigation of this
verb and its derivatives in a different context, K. R. Norman' concludes that vuttheipeti
as used in the Pdcittiya rules of the Ptimoldcha for nuns is to be derived ultimately from
Sanskrit upa sthd showing a development typical for the old Eastern language of early
Buddhism when upa develops into upasthei > (v)uttha with the usual shortening of
the long a before a double consonant'. If this obvious equation is accepted, and there
does not seem much reason for doubt, then vuttheipeti < upattheipeti is not only an
"eastern" intruder into NIL where upattheipeti means something quite different, "to
support", it is also the same technical term used by the Jainas for ordination and,
consequently, again part of the common vocabulary current in eastern India at the time of
the foundation of Buddhism and Jainism and accepted in different ways by both
religions'. This may be the very reason for the difficulties experienced by all translators
as discussed by K. R. Norman when dealing with the usage of vughdpeti in the Pdcittiyas
for nuns. This word belonged to a special vocabulary brought into Buddhism by the first
nuns, and was, obviously, kept as a never very clearly defined technical term in Buddhism
-

41

42

43

K. R. Norman: Vuttheipeti, vuttheina, and related matter. IT 27. 2001, p. 121-137 = Collected Papers
VIII. Lancaster 2067, p. 199- 2 15. Both words are even used in parallel expressions in Pali: na
bhikkhave ekena dye stimarterd upattheipetabbd, Vin I 79, 26 and yei pana bhikkhunT ekavassani dye (sc.
sikkhameine) vuttheipeyya, Vin IV 337, 6**.
K. R. Norman, p. 135f. = 213. This was also perceived by the Mahasamghikalokottaravadins, who
correctly sanskritized vutthdpeti as upasthdpayatt.
It is interesting to note that the Jainas use uvasampaliittavve, Vavahara IV 24 "must support" where
the Buddhists would have said upatthdpetabbo.

17

considered traditionally to have the same meaning by and large as the typical Buddhist
and well defined term upasampadd.
This is, however, not the only term referring to the ordination of Buddhist nuns, and nuns
only, as it is important to emphasise, shared by Buddhism and Jainism.
Every monk and every nun needs a personal teacher for instruction before and during the
ordination. In case of a monk, this person is called upajjhdya (Vin I 95,20), but for nuns a
different term, pavattini meaning "woman promoter", is used as in the LXIX ffi Pacittiya
for nuns':
-

"If any bhikkhuni should for two years not wait upon the woman promoter
["instructor", KR1\1], who had her ordained' s, there is an offence entailing
expiation"
-

A pana bhikkhuni vuttheipitarn pavattinirn dye vassdni niinubandheyya pdcittiyarn,

Vin IV 326, 1** f.
-

The word pavattin[ is explained in the canonical commentary as:

"vutthdpitam means upasampditam. Woman promoter (pavattini) means teacher
[upajjhd(yd)]."
vutthdpitan ti upasampeiditarn. pavattinT ndma upajjhd(yd) vuccati, Vin IV 326, 4.
Again Buddhists share term pavattin f with the Jainas, who also have pavatti as the male
counterpart, which can replace the dyariya uvajjhdya "teacher 46 ". Consequently, pavattinf
is used in the same way in both religions, but restricted to nuns in Buddhism.
-

Moreover, Buddhism and Jainism agree in postulating some training before ordination,
for which both religions use the same word sikkhdpeti. However, a period of training
precedes ordination for monks and nuns in Jainism as the description of the ordination
process shows, where the sequence sikkhdvittde, uvatthd vittae comprises the second and
third stage in ordination:
-

"Shaving, training, ordaining, eating together, living together"

44

A monk is asked koneimo te upalihdyo, Vin I 95, 15 but a nun kneimei te pavattini , Vin II 272, 38.
However, at the beginning of the ordination for nuns ... anussitabbd: pathamarn upajjham
gthetabbbei, Vin II 272, 9 is transferred here from the monks ... anussitabbo: pathamarn upajjharn
geihetabbo, Vin I 94, 6, which again shows at the same time the equivalence of pavattinT and upajjheiy(41
upajjheiyint and the sometimes slightly awkward accomodation of the rules for nuns in the
Khandhaka. The Millasarvstivddin use upadhydyik, M. Schmidt, as note 19 above, p. 251 (11b4)
etc.
45
The translation of vutthdpitarn as active follows Aya upasampeidit tarn upajjhdyinirn, Kkh (Ee 2003)
353, 4, cf. K. R. Norman, IT 27. 2001, p. 132f. = Collected Papers VIII, p. 210 on this problematic
translation. Although it might be tempting to deviate from the commentary to assume the nontechnical meaning "to appoint" here ("the appointed woman promotor") and to compare Reijagahako
negamo ... kumeirim ganikarn vutthdpesi, Vin I 269, 1, the rule anujndmi ... bhikkhurn bhandeigeirikam
sammanniturn, Vin I 284, 32 forbidding na ... bharylgeiriko vutthdpetabbo, Vin I 285, 4 shows, that it
would most likely be inappropriate to appoint a pavattinf otherwise than by *pavattintrn sammannttum
resulting in *sammatarn pavattintrn.
46
According to W. Schubring: Die Lehre der Jaina nach den alten Quellen dargestellt. Berlin 1935, p.
162, cf. Vavandra IV 1 and V 1.
-

18

mundvittde, sikkhiivittete, uvatthvitttie, sambhurnjittatte sarnveisittatte,

Sthanailga-s III 474f. 47
This recalls the status of a sikkhamiind before the ordination (vughtipana) in the rules of
Buddhist nuns, but only as prescribed in the Ptimokkha executing the instruction as
given in the Garudhammas. The remark in the Samantapdsdik that even a sa marterT of
sixty years must get it", shows that novices could be seimarjerrs for many years before
their ordination. As a seimarjerT a future nun had to keep ten vows, while a sikkhameind
had to keep only six out of these very ten vows during the two years immediately
preceding ordination'. Obviously, this does not make much sense. Therefore, it seems
that here a tradition alien to Buddhism is perpetuated again without really fitting into the
system', but in contrast to the gihigatei-rule, if understood to refer to the actual age, it
does not create any problem either.
-

It is important to note that this tradition and this terminology used only for nuns and
pointing to a source beyond Buddhism have been taken over unchanged in the
Ptimokkha in contrast to the Khandhaka, where there was at least an effort to partly
harmonize the texts by following the model of the terminology used in the rules for
monks. Thus the term vutthapana was replaced by upasampadii in the Khandhaka in an
attempt to integrate the nuns somehow, if only superficially into Buddhism.
All these are surprisingly clear signals that the vocabulary of the ordination of nuns must
have come from outside Buddhism. If this line of thought is further pursued, some
peculiar features of the foundation of the order of nuns come to mine, which have been
recalled already. After being rebuked in an unfriendly, if not stern way by the Buddha,
Gotami does not give up, but returns. However, she returns in the garb of an ascetic or a
nun now', and she does not return alone:
47
48

Agamasuttpi ed. Diparatnasgara. Ahmadabad 2000, Vol. III, p. 169 f. = MIla 214.
imei cha sikkheiyo sarthivasseiya 'pi pabbajiteiya cleitabbd yeva. na etc7su asikkhit upasampdetabbd, Sp
940, 22f.

49

Cf. Vin IV 343, 8-10 and 319, 24-29.

50
This may be true also for the LXI" and LXIInd Pacittiyas concerning pregnant and nursing women. It
has been noticed frequently that, if there was a period as sikkhameind or seimanerT, their ordination was
ruled out in any case. It is worth while noticing that a sikkhameind is missing in a sequence of different
stages of the career of a Buddhist woman culminating in arahatship described in a non-Vinaya text:
saranagatc7, paiicasikkhdpadikei, smanerT (Ee w. r. samanerd), puthuijanabhikkhunT, soteipann etc.,

Vibli-a 383, 12-15.

51

Earlier research on the story on the foundation of the bhikkhuntsaingha is summed up in U. Hsken:
Die Legende von der Einrichtung des buddhistischen Nonnenordens im Vinaya-Pitaka der Theravddin,
in: Studien zur Indologie und Buddhismuskunde. Festgabe H. Bechert, wie oben Anm. 22, p. 151-170
= The legend of the establishment of the Buddhist order of nuns in the Theravdda-Pitaka. JPTS XXVI.
2000, p. 43-69, cf. also: Nonnen in der frhen buddhistischen Ordensgemeinschaft, in: Roesler:
Aspekte des Weiblichen, wie oben Anm. 13, p. 25-46 and on publications on the order of nuns U.
Hsken, WZKS 46. 2002, p. 48 note 10. On Tocharian texts on Buddhist nuns: G.-J. Pinault: Un
t6moignage tokharien sur les premires nonnes bouddhistes. BEI 9. 1991, p. 161-194; on Uigur texts: J.
P. Laut: Die Grndung des buddhistischen Nonnenordens in der alttrkischen berlieferung, in: I.
Baldauf et alii [Ed.]: Trkische Sprachen und Literaturen. Materialien der ersten deutschen
Turkologen-Konferenz Bamberg 3.-6. Juli 1987. Verffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica 29.
Wiesbaden 1991, p. 257-273.
52
When the Bodhisatva left his home against the will of his parents (!) (akmakdnarn mteipitunnam, M
1163, 29), he acted likewise: kesamasswn ohdretv ktisdyni vatthc7ni acchdetv, M 1163, 30.

19

"Having cut the hair and donned yellow robes together with numerous Skya
women"
kese cheddpetvei keistiyani vattheini acchdetvei sambahuldhi Skiyeinrhi saddhiry,
Vin II 253, 34.
In the end, the Buddha permits the monks to ordain nuns. Again, it is remarkable that the
Buddha does not do that himself, quite in contrast to the ordination of the first monks of
course performed by the Buddha himself. Moreover, Mandpajdpati Gotami does not
receive any formal ordination by monks as her companions do, but she is declared
ordained by her acceptance of the "eight severe rules" in front of Ananda (Vin II 255,
351), not in front of the Buddha. Thus the Buddha is nowhere and at no time
immediately involved in the ordination of any nun'.
Two further points seem to call for some attention. Gotami and all the SkiynTs m look
like a group of female ascetics with their leader, when they approach Ananda in the garb
of ascetics. In the same way the three Kassapas join the Buddhist community together
with their pupils and change their religious affiliation. This again confirms the common
practice already mentioned above that there was nothing unusual in poaching followers,
if the many rules concerning afirtatitthiyas "former heretics" in Buddhism (Vin I 69, 1-71,
30) and arpjautthiyas in Jainism, or the change of loyalties of the Vajjiputtiy monks to
Devadatta and back to the Buddha are recalled'.
If this is correct, the particular vocabulary in the rules for nuns can be explained easily as
remnants of the peculiar linguistic usage of these female ascetics in their own rules at the
time before they converted to Buddhism.
In this respect, the somewhat surprising LXXVIIt h Pdcittiya for nuns finds an
explanation, which ensures that a sikkhameind is ordained after having given a robe to her
teacher:
"If any bhikkhuni, having said to a trainee, 'If you, noble lady, will give me a robe,
then I will ordain you', yet if she is not afterwards prevented, should neither ordain
her nor make an effort to get her ordained, there is an offence entailing expiation"

53

Only in the Therigdthd visits of individual nuns to the Buddha are mentioned, e.g., TM 108, 135 or
399 and the veneration of his feet, e.g., ThI 154 or 229, and it is said once that the Buddha ordained a
nun: ehi Bhadde, Thi 109, a verse built on the model of eht Bhadda, Th 478; for the Theragands cf.,
e.g.: ehi bhikkhu, Th 625, 870. On the date of Th/Thi cf. K. R. Norman: Elders' Verses I. Lancaster
2 2007 16, p. XXXIV "from the middle of the 5th to the middle of the 3rd cntury B.C.E.",
correspondingly Elders' Verses II. Lancaster 2 2007, 28, p. XXXI, cf. also L. Alsdorf: Les etudes jaina.
Etat present et taches futures. Paris 1965 (English: Bombay 2005), p. 58ff. = 82ff.; 66 = 94.
54
Thus the commentary on the Afiguttaranikaya: palicasataskiyeiniyo pabbajja vesam geihtipetvei, Mp IV
133,11 (on A IV 274, 31 f.), cf. I. B. Horner: Women under primitive Buddhism. Laywomen and
almswomen. London 1930, p. 103 "MandpajdpatI and her followers ... cut off their hair ... and put on
the saffron-coloured robes." Most likely this is meant, but the wording of the text is slightly ambiguous
leaving it open whether all women or only Gotarra cut her hair and donned an ascetic's garment.
55
The fact that jati/as were among the very first converts may account for the exemption of aggilai
jatilaket, Vin I 71,25 from the parivsa prescribed for former afifiatitthiyas.
.

20

y pana bhikkhunT sikkhameinam sace me tvam ayye ciVaram dassasi evhan tam
vutthdpesseimiti vatv s pacchei anantaryikinT n'eva vutthdpeyya na
vuttheipaniiya ussukkam kareyya pdcittiyam, Vin IV 332, 17** 20**.
-

At a first glance this looks almost like the permission to bribe a nun, and was understood
as such with considerable bewilderment 56 . However, seen in a late Vedic context, this is
most likely nothing else but the gift to a teacher, which was normally not solicited and
made after the end of the time as a student during the samdvartana ceremony Making a
gift in advance instead at the time when approaching the teacher was frowned upon in the
dharmas'stra and consequently not altogether unknown 57 . Among the usual gifts is of
course a garment as stated, e.g., in the Agvalayanagrhyasiltra:
athaitny upakalpayrta sameivartamno martirn kunclale vastrayugalam ..., AGS
III 8.1, cf. Manu II 246.
The group of female ascetics joining Buddhism most likely knew a practice similar to the
Vedic custom to offer a gift to the teacher, and preserved it. There is no corresponding
rule in the Ptimokkha for monks.
In contrast to the Kassapas and their followers, these nuns are not ordained by the
Buddha himself, but by monks. Furthermore, the samgha of nuns is created by accepting
the whole group of ascetics accompanying Mahpajpati GotamT. This group never
accompanies the Buddha, as the former jatilas do immediately after ordination:
"Where there is Gayeistsa, there he walked with a huge community of monks all of
them without exception former Jatilas"
yena Gaydsrsam tena ceirikam pakkmi mahat bhikkhusamghena saddhim ...
sabbeh' eva purtinajatilehi, Vin I 34, 12 f.
And, still more remarkable, the Buddha is never mentioned as talking to any individual
nun in the four Nikyas of the Suttapitaka", while he converses of course frequently with
individual monks, groups of monks, laymen or with laywomen such as Viskh and even
with Mahpajapati GotamT when she as an updsika offers him an extraordinary robe long
before she becomes a nue.
-

56

"Bemerkenswert ist, dass nicht die Annahme eines Geschenks als zu untersagende Bestechlichkeit
behandelt wird ...:" U. Hsken: Die Vorschriften fr die buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im VinayaPitaka der Theravddin. Berlin 1997, p. 272.
57
Hartmut Scharfe: Education in Ancient India. [Handbuch der Orientalistik. Zweite Abteilung. Indien.
Sechzehnter Band]. Leiden 2002, p. 293.
58
The only exception seems to be a short and somewhat trivial text in the Sarnyuttanikaya, where the
Buddha talks to the bhikkhunTsanigha (S V 360,19-30). [I owe this reference to Dr. T. P. Steffens
(Andlayo)]. The same situation as in the Theravdda Tipitaka concerning nuns is reflected in the
Buddhist Sanskrit tetxs used by the Sanskrit-Wrterbuch der buddhistischen Texte aus den
Turfanfunden, 19. Lfg. 2006 s.vv. bhiksu I bhiksunt. For relevant evidence cf. also: Shobha Rani Dash:
Construction of a Database of bhiksunTs in Buddhist Texts and a Study of Their Biographies. Journal
of Pali and Buddhist Studies 20. 2006, pp. 75-84 (in Japanese).
59
In Majjhimanikya no. 142. Dakkhindvibhafigasuttanta (M 111 253-257), cf. Mahapayipati
sabbeilarika rarn alarikaritva ... bhagavato santikarn gantvei, Ps V 67, 1 if. on M III 253, 8; for parallels
cf. Lamotte: Histoire, as in note 21, p. 779/703. In the Pli text, the bhikkhunTsaingha is mentioned a bit
absentmindedly, because Gotami is still a lay woman: M III 255,33. L. Schmithausen draws my
attention to the remarkable fact that some Chinese versions correctly preserve a most likely older
version of the text without any reference to the nuns. It is not inpossible, however, that an attentive
-

21

When the Buddha dies, no nun is present, only monks and gods 60 . This is of considerable
importance, because it is extremely difficult to imagine that it could have been possible to
distort the report on the nirveina and introduce or delete persons witnessing this event
which was, if any, very present in the collective memory of the early community and
when the text were composed.
Thus while the Buddha only talks about nuns or receives reports on nuns occasionally,
and mentions individual nuns such as the nun Nand who died during an epidemic at
Ndika (D II 91, 27) or as the nuns Khem and Uppalavarind as examples for women (A I
88 etc.) or enumerates thirteen prominent nuns in the etadagga text at the beginning of
the Afiguttaranikya (A I 25, 17-27), he never talks to individual nuns in any text of the
four Nikyas, while Mara on the other hand converses with ten different nuns in the
Bhikkhunisamyutta, S I 128-135 and so does, in contrast to the Buddha, the monk
Ananda occasionally.
Once Ananda asks Mahlcassappa to join him, when he his going to visit the nuns, and
the latter does so reluctantly 61 . After Mandkassapa preached in the nunnery, the nun
Thullatiss shows her discontent and anger against Mahakassapa by saying "How could
the noble Mandkassapa think that he should teach the dhamma while the noble Ananda is
present? This is like a vendor of needles who thinks that he should sell a needle in the
presence of a needle maker62 ." When Ananda tries to defend this somewhat rude nun by
saying:
"excuse (her). Women are stupid"
khamatha bhante Kassapa beilo mdtugdmo, S II 216,11,

later redactor removed the bhikkhunTsamgha from the text. This suttanta is now also available in a

Kharosthi manuscript from Bajaur, where the bhtlqunTsamgha was almost certainly mentioned, as the
60

length of a lacuna in the manuscripts indicates. For this information I am obliged to I. Strauch, Berlin.
This is true for all versions (including also Buddhacarita XXVII 52) recalling the nirvana, cf. A.
Bareau: Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha dans les Satrapitaka et les Vinayapitaka anciens: II.
Les derniers mois, le parinirvna et les fun6railles. Tome II Paris 1971, p. 161, 166. The only woman
present is the mother of the Buddha, who descends from the Tusita heaven (only in the
Dharmaguptaka version). This particular version mirrored in reliefs from Gandhara, where Mahmy
is depicted occasionally according to D. Srinivasan: From Roman chpeata imago to Gandhdran image
medaillon and the embellishment of the parinirvema legend, in: Architetti, capomastri, artigiani.
L'organizzazione dei cantieri e della produzione artistica nell'Asia ellenistica. Studi offerti a
Domenico Faccenna. Serie Orientale Roma C. Rome 2006, pp. 247-269. Quite different is the
Mandparinirvriamahastitra, the so-called Mandydnamahaparinirvnastra, which completely re-writes
the traditonal ancient texts. Here, nuns are present: [Subhadrarn] bhikisunTm adau krtva satkotyo
bhiksurJEatasahasrni sarbviis t bhiksuryo 'rhantyatt, 1.2, while Ananda is not: ydvatas' ca bhiksavo
bhik,sunyo vei ... te sarbve niravas'esam tatra 'vajagmuh sthapayitv maheikeis'yapapramukharn
bhikrusamgha[m] sthavininandapramukharn caiti, 2.6 "with the exception of ..."(!), cf. H. Habata:
Die zentralasiatischen Sanskrit-Fragmente des Mandparinirvna-Mahstitra. Kritische Ausgabe des
Sanskrittextes und seiner tibetischen bertragung im Vergleich mit den chinesischen bersetzungen.
Indica et Tibetica 51. Marburg 2007.
Kassapa-sainyutta: S II 214-222.
seyyatheipi neima sacivartijako sacikeirassa santtke sawn vikketabbam matifieva, S II 216, 1.
.

61
62

22

Mandkassapa gives Ananda a rather stern warning not to side with the nuns against him,
who was individually introduced by the Buddha to the sarngha, while Amanda
was not 63 .
Hearing all this a disgusted Thullatiss leaves the order of nuns for good (S II 217, 21).
The story continues still in the nunnery and relates how Ananda lost all his thirty
followers (saddhivihdrins, S II 217, 29), because he acted foolishly like a young man, as
Mandkassapa points out. Now, another nun intervenes. Thullananda, well known from the
Vinaya as a wrong doer in the introductory stories of the Bhikkhunivibhafiga 64 , remarks:
"How could the noble Mahkassapa, who was a heretic formerly (afifiatitthiyapubbo, S II
219, 13) disgrace the noble Ananda by calling him a young man (kumraka, S II 218,23)"
(S II 219,12-14). Again, Mandkassapa refers to his very eminent position by recalling the
famous story of the exchange of robes with the Buddha at the time when Mandkassapa
joined the order", a story which proves that Tullanandd is correct in her reproach. And
again the nun Thullanand, too, leaves the order of nuns.
This does not throw a very favourable light on Ananda and shows at the same time that
he was quite evidently not on good let alone on friendly terms with Mandkassapa, the
leader of the order after the Buddha's death. And, interestingly, the commentary actually
mentions that these stories happened after the nirviina 66 .
If Ananda is warned by Mandkassapa not to become too friendly with the nuns lest he
might be further (!) investigated by the order of monks in this case , Amanda has to ward
off the advances of a an anonymous nun who pretends to be sick to see him (A II
144-146).
Twice Ananda reports about meetings with nuns. In the first instance he tells the Buddha
that he visited a nunnery and talked to many nuns (S V 154 f.). More interesting is a last
reference to Ananda and a nun, because this nun is called Jatild Ghiy. or Jatilaghiy
(A IV 427, 27), who asks Ananda about the fruits of samddhi. This is not a Buddhist nun
as her designation "having sided with the jati/as" or less likely her name the jatilei Gad
shows". Therefore she is another member of the group of female ascetics or nonBuddhist nuns, who are mentioned in passing in the Vinayavibhafiga on the IIn d
Sarnhdisesa for nuns:
63

It is remarkable that Kassapa uses Vedic terminology, when he recalls his introduction to the sarngha:
bhikkhusarnghe upanTto, S II 216, 25 and not upasarnpanno "ordained". Ananda, on the other hand,
joins the saingha together with_a group of five other Skyas including Devadatta and followed by the
barber Upli. After ordination Ananda reaches only the sotapattiphala, Vin II 182, 26-183, 23.
64
However, she also was very learned, cf. P. Skilling, Nonnen, as note 13 above, p. 61 note 43. Was
Thullananda singled out as a wrong-doer and bad example for other nuns because of the story of her
confrontation with Mandkassapa?
65
M. Deeg: Das Ende des Dharma und die Ankunft des Maitreya mit einem Exkurs zur KgyapaLegende. ZfR 7. 1999, p. 145-169; J. Silk: Dressed for success. The monk Kgyapa and strategies of
legitimation in earlier Mandydna Buddhist scriptures. JAs 291. 2003, p. 173-219; D. Klimburg-Salter:
Mandkagyapa and the art of Bamiyn, South Asian Archaeology 2001. Paris 2005, p. 535-549.
66
satthari pana parintbbute, Spk 11 175, 17.
67
ma ... uttarirn upaparikkhi, S II 216, 12.
68
The text tradition is not clear. Ce 1916 prints jatila geihiyet in two words; see also the note 15 at A IV
427. - The commentary invents a jattlanagara, Mp IV 199, 14 where this nun lives in an obvious
attempt to cover up this perhaps slightly embarrassing meeting.
-

23

"She is allowable as being a member of the heretical ascetics or of a group of

other nuns"
kappati titthiyesu vei pabbajitei hoti aiiiitisu va bhikkhunTsu pabbajit, Vin IV 227,
2.
The "other nuns" clearly refers to non-Buddhist nuns in this context.
Besides Ananda, only two further monks are mentioned as talking to nuns. Like Ananda,
the monk Moliyaphagguna becomes too friendly with nuns and is blamed for that'.
Lastly, in the Nandakovddasuttanta (M III 270-277), the Buddha is first asked by
MandpajdpatI GotamT to instruct the nuns personally. He, however, does not even talk to
her, but, as if MandpajapatT Gotami would not exist, asks Ananda whose turn it is to teach
the nuns and Ananda points to the reluctant monk Nandaka. The monk Nandaka preaches
to the nuns at the Rdjakdrme only after being urged by the Buddha to do so, who later,
however, praises his effort.
Exceptional and unique in the four Nikyas of the Suttapitaka is the instruction given to
her former husband the upsaka Viskha by the nun Dhammadinn, who is highly
praised for her wisdom by the Buddha after Viskha reports to him 71 . Similarly, the nun
Khem talks to King Pasenadi at Toranavatthu n who, after listening to Khemd visits the
Buddha, asks the same questions again and is very pleased to hear exactly the same
answers from the Buddha himself (S IV 374-380).
Weighing this evidence found in the texts, that is the very rare presence of individual
nuns in the suttanta texts and the astonishing absence of any suttanta mentioning the
Buddha talking to any individual nun directly and personally, it is hard to avoid the
conclusion that during the lifetime of the Buddha the Buddhists had an order of monks
only and that this is exactly the situation as reflected in the suttantas.
The absence of nuns in older Buddhist texts is all the more conspicuous when looking
again beyond Buddhism and comparing the very different attitude to nuns reflected in
vetmbara Jaina texts. For, here in vetmbara Jainism, the nuns are firmly rooted in the
community, according to the tradition even since the time of Pargva, the assumed
predecessor of Mandvira'. And Mandvira himself personally communicated with the
chief nun Candane. Consequently, in contrast to Buddhism, there is neither any trace of
reluctance to accept nuns nor are there separate sets of rules for monks and nuns in
vetmbara Jainism. A wording such as no kappar nigganthna va nigganthtna v ...,

69

Kakaccapamasuttanta, M I 122-129, particularly M I 123, 11-124, 6.

The commentary on S V 360 (Spk III 283, 1-285, 23) explains the name of this monastery. The
Rajakdrama at Svatthi, mentioned here and only once again here in the Nandakovadasuttanta may
have been a nunnery (M III 271, 4ff.), the only one (?) referred to by name in the four Nikyas.
71
allavedallasuttanta, M I 299-305. On parallel versions cf. P. Skilling: Nonnen, as note 13 above, p.
60 note 41.
72
This place name is mentioned only in this suttanta.
73
The role of women in Jainism is described with detailed reference to the relevant sources by N.
Balbir: Women and Jainism in India, in: Arvind Sharma [Ed.]: Women in Indian Religions. Delhi
2002, p. 70-107, particularly p. 82f.
74
Schubring as note 46 above, p. 30 20.
70

24

Kappasutta 1,1 etc. or se bhikkha va bhikkhunt va ..., Ayrafiga II 1,1 etc., which never
occurs in Buddhism, shows that the same rules are equally valid for both, monks and
nuns' s . Moreover, the order of nuns is almost of the same standing as the order of monks
in vetmbara Jainism. As tradition has it and as the figures of today confirm, nuns
outnumbered monks in Jainism from the very beginning'. Thus the nuns constitute a
most important part of the Jaina community, while they were, as it seems, never really
welcome to and somewhat badly integrated in the Buddhist community.
This remarkable difference between Jainism and Buddhism could be explained, if the
Buddhists, who constituted themselves originally as an order of monks only, had to give
in to some sort of social pressure from outside very soon, and were forced at an early
date to establish an order of nuns, if only for the reason not to be disadvantaged against
other religious movements such as Jainism and perhaps also the Ajivikas 77 . This may
well be the message only slightly covered by the story of the Buddha's reluctance to
accept nuns: The unsuccessful attempt of one faction of the early Buddhists to ward off
what was unwanted'', but had to be conceded in the given social and religious
environment at the time.
Still the controversial acceptance of nuns remained well-known enough among the
Buddhist community to be mirrored in our texts. Ananda stands for the pro-bhikkhunf'
faction, and Mahkassapa for his opponents. Ananda is not only criticised in the texts
cited above from the suttantas, but, of course, first of all during the first council presided
over by Mahkassapa as the most prominent monk after the Buddha's death. The account
of the first council enumerates five bad mistakes committed by Ananda introduced by the
formula:
"This, reverend Ananda, was a bad deed that you ..."
idam pi te avuso Ananda dukkatary ...
In detail: 1. Ananda did not enquire about the minor rules briefly mentioned earlier (Vin
II 288, 38), 2. Ananda sewed a raincoat for the Buddha after stepping on it (Vin II 289,
6), 3. Ananda allowed women to be the first to honour the Buddha's body after his
nirvana which thus was defiled by their tears (Vin II 289, 10), 4. Ananda did not ask the
Buddha to prolong his live, when the latter offered to do so before he decided to enter

75

There are, of course, individual rules valid only for monks or nuns. On the position of nuns cf. J.
Jain: Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the Jain Canon and Commentaries. Delhi 2 1984, p. 203-206.
76
P. S. Jaini: The Jaina Path of Purification. Delhi 1979, p. 246 note 8: In 1977 there were only 1200
Ntetmbara monks against 3400 nuns. According to the tradition this situation prevailed already
during Mandvira's times, p. 37; P. Dundas: The Jains. London 1992, p. 49. More recent figures are
listed by N. Balbir, as note 68, p. 88f.: There were, e.g., 1474 monks against 5420 nuns of the
vetmbara Martipajaks.
77
A. L. Basham: The Ajivikas. A vanished religion. London 1951, p. 161.
78
A fairly strong aversion against women is expressed in one of the Buddha's last instructions to his
community in the Mahparinibbdnasuttanta, DN II 141, 12-17. It is, however, appropriate to also
remember the words by A. Foucher: La vie du Bouddha d'apr6s les textes et les monuments de Uncle.
Paris 1949, p. 267: "Surtout, qu'elles Des femmes] se l'avouent ou non, elles se sentent interieurement
flattees de l'hommage indirectement rendu au charme de leur beaute par la defiance qu'on leur marque,
voire mEme par les injures dont on pretend les accabler. Craindre de les aimer, c'est avouer qu'elles
sont aimables, et l-contre un Bouddha mEme ne peut rien".

25

nirvana (Vin II 289, 16), and lastly 5. nanda favoured the acceptance of nuns (Vin II
289, 25). Ananda denies any wrongdoing but accepts the reproaches "in faith of the
opinion of the venerable elder monks."
All this points do a deeply rooted dissent, perhaps as bad as the earlier conflict with
Devadatta79 . However, contrary to the time of the Devadatta crisis, when the Buddha was
still alive and could easily overrule Devadatta, after the nirvana no such absolute
authority was there to settle and to terminate the dispute between the Ananda and the
Mahkassapa factions in one way or the other.
This is the result if an attempt is made to convert the information contained in these
ancient texts of the Suttapitaka and in the slightly later formulated Vinayapitaka, which
was well understood by contemporaries, into the historical account, which can be
understood in our times. Historical events such as the foundation of both communities,
monks and nuns, could be transmitted to later generations only by the means of
expression available at the time. Even if based on historical memory, however strong or
faint, the events had to be adjusted to the then current literary form of a suttanta or a
Vinaya text, allowing only for certain well-known protagonists to act.
In the same way as the ideas about the formation of texts and the compilation of the
canon could be clad only into the garb of a council, the foundation of a new Buddhist
community of ascetics, the order of nuns, had to be connected to the Buddha in one way
or the other in particular, if the story had to be included into the Vinaya. For, the Buddha
was and is the only law-giver and, consequently, only the Buddha could make the rules
for the nuns.
This was achieved in a really ingenious way by introducing Mandpajdpati Gotami and
Ananda to win over the Buddha, who, after having permitted the acceptance of nuns,
withdraws and is above all quarrel and controversy. The prominent monks, on the other
hand, Ananda as the favourite of the Buddha, who was particularly near to him at the
time of the nirvana, and Mandkassapa as the most venerable monk immediately after the
nirvana and heir to the Buddha, may be considered as the heads of two conflicting
currents within the saingha of monks". The "Ananda faction", if one wishes to call it this
way using modern terminology, was strong enough to prevail against their opponents and
push through the acceptance of nuns, but not strong enough to prevent the poewerful
"Mandkassapa faction" from expressing their misgivings in the texts by emphasizing
both, the relcutance of the Buddha to accept nuns and the subsequent drastic reduction of
the duration of the Buddha's teaching: It would have been perfectly easy to cancel all
attacks on Ananda. This, however, was, luckily, not done. For the rift in the community
was so deep and still very much present in the memory of those, who created the texts as

79

B. Mukherjee: Die berlieferung von Devadatta, dem Widersacher des Buddha, in den kanonischen
Schriften. Mnchen 1966 [Mnchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, Beiheft a M. Deeg: The
Safigha of Devadatta: Fiction and History of a Heresy in the Buddhist Tradition. Journal of the
International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies 2. 1999, p. 183-218 = 230-195.
80
It is perhaps possible to consider the Mandparinibbriasuttanta as a text near to the "Ananda faction",
while the report on the first council may have been composed by adherents to Mandkassapa.

26

we read them, that it was impossible to cover it up by perfectly simple means of

redaction.
It is well known of course that both, Ananda and Mahkassapa, the opponents in the
controversy on the acceptance of nuns, survived the Buddha. Some of the suttanta texts,
in which both monks figure, are even taken by the tradition to describe events after the
death of the Buddha, and most likely rightly so.
Therefore, taking all the evidence preserved in the texts together and taking into account
the means of expression available to those who formulated the texts as they are
transmitted, it is not easy to avoid the conclusion that the introduction of the order of
nuns was indeed an event at the end of the period of early Buddhism, not too long after
the death of the Buddha'', thus allowing to introduce nuns, if not in the suttantas, but at
least in the Theriga- thd. Moreover, the controversy on the admission of nuns might have
been speaking in modern historical terms between two factions, whether or not to
accept a group of female ascetics and their leader, who when they finally were allowed to
join Buddhism succeeded in preserving part of their original rules and their language still
dimly visible in the terminology of the Bikkhuniptimokkha here and there.

Appendix
In the Samantapdsdik, does not discuss gihigatci in the comentary on the LXVt h nor on
the LXVI Pkittia for nuns (Sp 941, 1-6), but comes back to it in the commentary on the
Kumribhtavagga (Sp 942, 1-16). The reasoning, which is not entirely clear, proceeds in
seven steps:
1. Four Pacittiyas for nuns concerning the ordination age (LXV 11 to LXVIrh and LXXIst
to LXXIIIr d Pacittiya for nuns) considered as parallel or similar (sadisa).
2. The "novices under training in the six rules" (sikkhameinds) mentioned in the LXIIIr d
and LXIV th Pdcittiyas for nuns are considered as older than twenty years and are called
consequently "great novices under training" (mahtisikkhamnd, Sp 940, 27, so read; Kkh
(2) 355, 22). The figure twenty is borrowed form the respective rule for nuns (Vin II 271,
29).
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There is neither reason nor reference given for the frequent statement "according to Buddhist
scriptures, the bhilcstmT samgha was founded, along with the bluksu saingha (order of male mendicants
or monks), by Gautama Buddha early in his career as a religious teacher" by Nancy J. Barnes: Women
in Buddhism, in: A. Sharma [Ed.]: Today's Woman in World Religions. Albany 1994, p. 137-169,
particularly p. 139 with note 2 "According to tradition the nuns' order was founded about five years
after the Buddha's enlightenment." And again in N. J. Barnes: Women and Buddhism in India, in A.
Sharma: Women, as note 73, p. 38-69, particularly p. 42 etc.
The "five years" are ultimately based, it seems, on E. J. Thomas: The Life of the Buddha as Legend
and History '1949, reprinted London 1969, p. 87, note 1, and derived from Mp II 124, 23 erroneously
combined with Vin II 253, 20. For Vin II 253, 20 does not say that the Buddha spent the rainy season,
to which all dates in Mp 11 124, 23 refer, in VesalT, but he just staid there once on his way.

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3. These novices under training may be addressed only as sikkhamsdnei, but neither as
gihigatei nor kumaribhatei in the ordination ceremony.
4. This is the problematic point: Here the Samantapasadik clearly discusses the earliest
possible date for ordination, which should not occur earlier than at the age of twenty
according to the Cullavagga. This is done in giving a sequence of figures in the case of a
gihigatd.
sikkhlisammuti at ten years

upasampadd at twelve

and so on until
sikkhsammuti at eighteen upasampadd at twenty'''.
5. Once the figure eighteen is reached, a gihigat becomes equal to a kumribhatd =
smanerT but not vice versa, because a gihigatc7 becomes a smanerT, but a seimanerf
cannot revert to the status of a gihigat as long as she is attached to the samgha.
6. Once the figure twenty is reached gihigat and kumaribhatei merge in the
mahsikkhameinti and must be called no longer neither gihigat nor kumaribhatti.
7. By the consent to accept a "novice under training" (sikkhameind), three categories are
created: a) gihigatd, b) maiden (kumaribhfit), c) great "novice under training"
(mahsikkhamne). All three categories of novices may be addressed correctly and
simply as sikkhamnd after the gihigat merged with the kumiiribhatei and the
kumeiribhat with the maheisikkhamnd.
Thus considered at an abstract level, the intention of the Samantapdsklik seems to be to
harmonize the different rules (sikkhdpadas) and guarantee the correct form of address
during the ordination ceremony, which is of utmost importance. It is remarkable that no
contradiction the the age of twenty at ordination is mentioned.
In doing so the Samantapdsdik clearly deviates once from the Vinayavibhariga, as
noticed by K. Kieffer-Piilz: The introductory story to the LXVIt h Pdcittiya for nuns states
in the kammavdcei spoken when the sikkhsammuti is requested: aharn ...
paripunnadviidassavassei gihigat, Vin IV 323, 7. Obviously, the author(s) of this text took
the sikkhc7pada to mean that for a gihigatc7 the time of a sikkhamnd should begin at
twelve, not at ten as in the Samantapdsdik. This is certainly neither a mistake in the
tradition ("berlieferungsfehler"), nor is there any silent "correction" ("stillschweigend
... korrigiert", P. Kieffer-Piilz, p. 205 f.) in the Samantapdsdika, but, as the examples
adduced by P. Kieffer-Piilz herself (p. 206 note 20) demonstrate, a difference in
interpretation. This may have been the reason for the series of figures given in the
Samantapsdik which per analogiam follows aharn ... atthrasavass kumeiribhat,
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This has been seen correctly by P. Kieffer-Ptilz (p. 208), whose interpretation is suppported also by
sesiisu pi ayan nayo, Vin-vn 2380 "and for the other (gihigateis) the same method (is valid)" with
sammutiyei dinnasamvaccharato geimint dutiye samvacchare upasampdetabba , Vin-vn-pt Be 1977 II
111,9 f. The examples adduced by P. Kieffer-Piilz on p. 209 f., on the other hand, use totally different
ways of counting and do not help. The series of articles by E. Washburn-Hopkins: Remarks on forms of
numbers, the method of using them, and the numerical categories found in the Mahabhrata. JAOS
23.1902, p. 109-155; 23.1902, p. 350-357; 24. 1903, p. 7-56, 24. 1903, p. 390-393 does not contain any
pertinent material.
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Vin IV 328, 8 and introduces the pair ten and twelve years replacing twelve and fourteen
in the introductory story. Then the series of pairs continues until eighteen and twenty are
reached, which thus converges with the rule for the kumeiribhfitti. Thus there is a perfect
harmony in counting without a hint to the reference of the figures.
Unfortunately, all these ingenious efforts of harmonization leave us without any reference
for the figures. Three possible references could be envisaged: Following P. Kieffer-Piilz
all figures could refer to the age of the different sikkhamantis, which results in a very
obvious contradiction with the minimum age of twenty years for ordination.
Alternatively, the figures might refer to the status of the future nuns before their
ordination, as they probably do in the Vinaya. This, however, results in calculations,
which are incongruent with the assumption of the Samantapdsdik, because women
married for eighteen years would not necessarily be equal to a maiden (kumaribhata )
aged eighteen, or to novice (sa maner0 of eighteen years standing. For, the
Vinayavibhafiga (padabheijaniya) interprets "maiden" (kumeiribhatei) as "novice"
(seimanert, Vin IV 327, 21; kumribhatei ti vuttei samanert, Kkh (2) 355,6) and this was
what later authors knew and had to take into account. Obviously, no suggestion is
satisfactory Consequently, either the text is still not fully understood or this is a very
theoretical play of numbers with no relevance at all to any practice, if no woman younger
than eighteen / twenty was ordained and no exceptions were admitted any more. Most
likely the real meaning of the text was soon obscure and, consequently, this rule was
perhaps never applied in practice. Non liquet.
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