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A GRAMMAR OF ASSINIBOINE:
A SIOUAN LANGUAGE OF THE NORTHERN PLAINS

Linda A. Cumberland

Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School

in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree
Doctor of Philosophy
in the Department of Anthropology,
Indiana University
September 2005

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

UMI Number: 3195576

Copyright 2005 by
Cumberland, Linda A.
All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 3195576

Copyright 2006 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company.
All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against
unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

300 North Zeeb Road
P.O. Box 1346
Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346

ii

Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

________________________________________
Douglas R. Parks, Ph.D.

________________________________________
Robert Botne, Ph.D.

Doctoral Committee
________________________________________
Raymond J. DeMallie, Ph.D.

________________________________________
Paul D. Kroeber, Ph.D.

May 2, 2005

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________________________________________
David S. Rood, Ph.D.

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iii

c 2005
Linda A. Cumberland
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

iv
Acknowledgments

This seed for this project was planted in north Georgia through
conversations with Chipa Wolf (Cherokee-French) that led me to ask two questions:
what is being done to address the problem of Native American language
endangerment, and can I contribute anything to the endeavor? Starting, as I did,
with no background in either anthropology or linguistics, I wonder now at my
stunning naivete and at the equally stunning confidence placed in me by Raymond
J. DeMallie and Douglas R. Parks, who introduced me to the Assiniboine language,
awarded me the fellowship that made it possible for me to come to Indiana
University, and who have directed every step of my progress toward answering
both questions. My first and enduring gratitude is to them. Along the way, a great
many other people have offered encouragement and support in generous measure.
My committee, chaired by Doug Parks, and including Ray DeMallie, Paul
Kroeber, and Robert Botne of Indiana University and David Rood of the University
of Colorado, each contributed to my understanding in specific ways, offering
invaluable insights on m ultiple drafts of this work. I thank them all. I am especially
indebted to Paul Kroeber, whose many, many meetings with me went above and
beyond the call of duty.
Other faculty members at Indiana University have also shaped my
development. Philip LeSourd offered hours of stimulating and supportive
discussion in and out of class. Anya Peterson Royce, Richard Bauman, and Henry
Glassie taught me much about the inextricable bond between language and

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v
culture. The linguistics department treated me as one of their own. For their
teaching and counsel, I am grateful to Bob Botne, Stuart Davis, Ken DeJong,
Daniel Dinnsen, and Paul Newman. The American Indian Studies Research
Institute at Indiana University, under the direction of Ray DeMallie and Doug
Parks, provided a stimulating learning and working environment. Doug Parks
shared with me his extensive Assiniboine dictionary, which was entered in a
software application created at the Institute. This software application, the Indiana
Dictionary Database (IDD), became a fundamental tool supporting my research. I
am grateful to Wallace Edd Hooper for training me on the software, for making
modifications to accommodate my special requirements, and for his technical
support in all phases of the project. I am grateful also to the scholars who
participate in the online Siouan list and the annual Siouan-Caddoan conference for
their m any useful responses to my presentations and questions. Among these, I
wish especially to thank David Rood, Robert Rankin, John Koontz, Randy Graczyk,
John Boyle, Catherine Rudin, and Shannon West. Patricia A. Shaw and Brenda
Farnell have provided very helpful comments when we have met at various
conferences over the years. At the First Nations University of Canada, University of
Regina, I am grateful for the help, both intellectual and practical, of Brent
Galloway, David R. Miller, Jan Van Eijk, and Leona Kroeskamp.
The encouragement and support of family and friends have sustained me
throughout this undertaking. I thank my father, John Cumberland, for his wisdom,
generosity, and prayers, and I am grateful to my late m other, Helen Marie
Cum berland, for her ferocious emphasis on education. Because of my decision to

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vi
return to school while they were still in college and in the years afterwards
my children, Laura and Rob Simpson, sacrificed much of the material support that
children may expect from a parent but they selflessly said, Go for it, Mom, and
showered me with love throughout the process. Their brother, my late son, Andrew,
has surely interceded for me in heaven. My brother Johns enduring interest in
linguistics has led to many conversations that shaped my thinking. To the women
in my family who returned to school in mid-life, I owe particular thanks for
showing me that it could be done: my aunt, Ocea Goldupp; my sister-in-law, Susan
Cumberland; and most especially, my sister, Dr. Sharon L. Cumberland, who
contributed substantially to my support during the write-up phase, and who has
been mentor, task master, and comic relief, as needed. In the graduate community,
I have been blessed with extraordinary friends, including Katherine Metzo, Angela
Bratton, Angel Castaneda, and finally, my friend without measure, Katherine
Petrie, who, over countless cups of coffee, and despite a specialty in Mongolian
studies, has maintained a lively interest in my research and offered much technical
support. It is she who put my pencil drawings of the figures in chapter 8 into
professional-quality graphics.
This project has been generously funded. I am very grateful to the following
for their support: the fellowship fund of American Indian Studies Research
Institute at Indiana University, the Skomp Fund of the Anthropology department at
Indiana University, the Canadian Embassy Graduate Student Fellowship Program,
the Canada-US Fulbright Program, the Wenner-Gren Foundation (grant no. 6723),
and the Yale Endangered Language Fund. The study is approved by the Indiana

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vii
University Human Subjects Committee as study no. 00-3790.
I extend my most profound thanks to the Assiniboine people, who accepted
me into their communities and into their homes, sharing their lives and language
with me; to Josephine Mechance, Selena Ditmar, and Tom Shawl at Fort Belknap,
to Peter McArthur, Armand McArthur, Wayne McArthur, and Peter Bigstone at
Pheasant Rump, and to Sara McArthur and Victor Sammy at White Bear. The
entire community at Carry The Kettle in Saskatchewan were most welcoming and
offered extraordinary assistance during my extended visits among them. James
(Joe) OWatch, who was chief at Carry The Kettle when this project was initiated,
provided many crucial introductions and facilitated Band Council approval for my
research. Angeline and Sarah Eashappie, Wilma Kennedy, and the late Velma
OWatch were tireless in answering m y many questions with care and humor.
Finally, I must express not only my thanks, but my deep affection, for my primary
consultant, Bertha OWatch, for her wisdom and example, and for honoring me by
adopting me as a daughter, and the late Kaye Thompson, who brought me to Carry
The Kettle but could not stay with me to the end. Her last words to me were, Get
the language. This is dedicated to you, Kaye. I hope I have not disappointed you.

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viii
Abstract

A GRAMMAR OF ASSINIBOINE:
A SIOUAN LANGUAGE OF THE NORTHERN PLAINS

Assiniboine, sometimes referred to as Nakoda, is an American Indian language of the

Siouan language family presently spoken by fewer than one hundred people in Montana
(United States) and Saskatchewan (Canada). It is a member of a dialect continuum
identified by Parks and DeMallie (Anthropological Linguistics 1992) as SiouxAssiniboine-Stoney. The canonical sentence structure is subject-object-verb, also
characterized by postpositions, head marking, and internally headed relative clauses.
Morphological processes are primarily agglutinating. The phoneme inventory consists of
twenty-seven consonants, including plain, aspirated, and ejective stops, and eight vowels,
five oral and three nasal. The language is structure-preserving; consonant allophony is
restricted to the phoneme inventory. Assiniboine has no nominal case system, no definite
or indefinite articles, and no verbal tense marking. Clauses are marked as potential by
means of a verbal enclitic and unmarked clauses are realized, effectively creating a
future/non-future distinction. The verbal system is split-intransitive (active/stative); the
object pronominal affixes of active-transitive verbs coincide with the subject pronominal
affixes of the stative verbs. Participant information is encoded on the verb so that nominal
antecedents may be omitted from the clause, but the question of whether Assiniboine is a
pronominal argument language remains open. Deverbal nominalization is highly
productive, as are verb compounding and noun incorporation. Verbal prefixation and

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ix
suffixation both occur, but verbal prefixation is more systematic. Suffixation occurs in all
major word classes. Assiniboine has an elaborate system of post-verbal particles that
express aspect and modality; in verb compounding, verbal enclitics attach to the matrix
verb and objects of the complement remain on the complement. There is a complex
system of motion verbs, analyzed here as consisting of four triadic modules that encode
notions of deictic center, base, direction, and belonging. A chapter on kinship includes a
description of respect speech and a comprehensive list of kin terms. Appendices include
three texts, orthographic equivalencies, and a cross-dialect comparison of instrumental
prefixes. The grammar is written in what has recently been characterized as basic
linguistic theory. This is the first comprehensive description of the phonology,
morphology, and syntax of the Assiniboine language.

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_____________________________________________

_____________________________________________

_____________________________________________

_____________________________________________

x
Table of Contents
List of Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xx
List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
List of Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi
Abbreviations

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxii

Chapter 1 - Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter 2 - Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Phoneme inventory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 Intervocalic voicing . . . . . . . . . .
2.3 Stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4 Vowel length . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Phoneme descriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Obstruents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.1 Stops and affricates . . .
3.1.2 Fricatives . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Sonorants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1 Nasals . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.2 Glottal stop . . . . . . . . .
3.2.3 Glides . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3. Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.1 Oral vowels . . . . . . . . .
3.3.2 Nasal vowels . . . . . . . .
4. Syllable structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 Syllable canon . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 Syllabification of CVC roots . . .
5. Phonotactics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1 kc, pc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.1 kc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.2 pc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2 sc, c . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3 kw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.4 tk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.5 sw . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.6 km, kn and mn . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Phonetic effects in monosyllabic clusters
7. Sound symbolism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8. Metathesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9. Ablaut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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xi
10. Vocalic nasalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11. Vowel hiatus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11.1 Glide or glottal epenthesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11.2 Vowel coalescence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11.3 Vowel deletion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12. Morphophonemic processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.1 Boundaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.2 Dakota Accent Rule (DAR) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.3 Compound Accent Rule (CAR) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.4 Lexical stress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.5 Rhythmic Stress Patterning (RSP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.5.1 Word level RSP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.5.2 RSP and modality particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.5.3 Phrase level RSP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13. Other morphophonological processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.1 Degemination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.2 Triconsonantal simplification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.3 Fricative devoicing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.4 Coda nasalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5 Velar palatalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.1 Velar palatalization and active/stative verb stems . . . .
13.5.1.1 Instrumental prefix ka by a blow; by external
pressure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.1.2 ki mutual contact, effect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.1.3 Kinship suffix -ku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.1.4 Suffix -ka rather, kind of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.1.5 Enclitic ken NEG . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.2 Adverbs and velar palatalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
13.5.3 Coronal dissimilation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14. Phrase-level phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14.1 Vowel devoicing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14.2 Vowel syncope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14.3 Phrase level stress patterning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
14.4 Intervocalic voicing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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45
49
49
51
52
53
54
57
57
58
59
60
64
65
67
67
69
70
70
71
72

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74
74
74
75
75
76
76
77
77
79
80
80

Chapter 3 - Nouns and Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Inherent nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Nominal roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.1 CV roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.2 Truncated roots . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.3 CVC roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.4 Multisyllabic roots with final -e
3. Noun derivation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Prefixation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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82
82
82
85
86
86
90
95
96
97

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

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xii

4.
5.

6.

7.

3.1.1 Locative prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3.1.2 Indefinite wa- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Nominalizing enclitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1 -sA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.2 -pi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.3 -na . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.4 Combination of locatives and enclitic . . .
3.2.5 Combination of enclitics . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3 Suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.1 Specificity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.1.1 -c specific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.1.2 - specific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.2 -tu at a particular point (time or place)
3.3.3 Suffix -ka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.4 Compound nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pluralization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Noun modification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1 Possession . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.1 Possessive pronominal prefixes . . . . . . .
5.1.2 Possession of objects in nature . . . . . . .
5.1.3 Body parts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.4 Possession by means of stative verbs . . .
5.1.5 Possession by means of context only . . .
5.1.6 Reflexive possession (suus) . . . . . . . . . .
5.2 Noun modification other than possession . . . . . .
Independent pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1 Independent personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1.1 The paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1.2 The iy paradigm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2 Demonstrative pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.3 Indefinite pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Naming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.1 ka horse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.2 Proper Names in na . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Chapter 4 - Kinship . . . . . . . . .
1. Kinship system . . . . . . . . . .
2. Morphology of kinship terms
2.1 mi- my . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 ni- your . . . . . . . . .
2.3 -(t)ku . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4 -na . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.5 -i . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.6 -ya . . . . . . . . . . . . .

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

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. 97
. 99
102
103
103
105
105
106
107
108
108
110
111
113
114
118
122
122
122
124
125
127
128
128
129
129
129
129
130
132
133
134
134
135

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137
137
141
141
141
141
142
142
143

xiii
2.7 Unexplained morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144
3. Respect/avoidance speech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Chapter 5 - Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Morphology of adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Basic adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 Demonstrative adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.3 Interrogative adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4 Logical connectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Derived adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Prefixation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.1 Adverbial - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.2 Locative prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Suffixation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1 Suffix descriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.1 -ceh ago; in the past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.2 -eyas throughout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.1.3 -h: at a particular time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.4 - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.5 -ka rather, somewhat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.6 -ken in the m anner of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.7 -kiya ~ -kiy, -ky: in that direction, towards
3.2.1.8 -ketu be thus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.9 -ki in a general location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.10 -kiya in a general direction . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.11 -m, -n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.12 -na . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.13 -patah moving from . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.14 Adversative - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.15 -ste in the manner of; like unto . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.16 -tah from that point on; after that . . . . . . .
3.2.1.17 -tu: at a particular point (time or place) . . . .
3.2.1.18 -ya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.19 -yaken . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.1.20 Ablaut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2.2 Suffix combinations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3 Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.4 Noun-adverb compounds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. Semantic distinctions in words for now and when . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 nkh vs. wan now . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 tn vs. hta when . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Adverbial phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Clause modifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

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153
153
154
154
156
157
158
158
158
159
160
161
161
162
163
163
163
165
166
167
168
168
168
169
172
173
173
174
174
175
176
176
177
177
178
178
179
179
180
181
182

xiv
Chapter 6 - Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Canonical structure of verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Verb roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 M onosyllabic roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 M ultisyllabic roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3 CVC roots . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. Inflection . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 Pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 Animacy and number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Active verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1 Regular active verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2 Y-stem active verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3 Nasal active verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Stative verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1 Irregular verb Itwa be ones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2 Itwa to be for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.3 Generic verbs ca, ca, nca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. Impersonal verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8. Number agreement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.1 Animate participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.1.1 Animate subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.1.2 Animate objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.1.3 Ambiguity in animate plural forms . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.2 Inanimate participants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.2.1 Inanimate subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.2.2 Inanimate objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.3 Placement of pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.3.1 Pattern 1: prefixed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.3.2 Pattern 2: infixed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.3.3 Pattern 3: mixed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.4 M ultiple inflection of subject pronominals . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
8.5 Order of subject and object pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . .
9. Prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.1 Locative prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.2 Instrumental prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.2.1 Instrumental prefix yu- and adverbs . . . . . . . . . . .
9.2.2 Instrumental prefixes compared to those in Lakota
9.3 Other prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.3.1 wa- things, indefinite objects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9.3.2 Vertitive ki back, as to an original state or place .
9.3.3 ki two, in two, in half, through the middle . . . . .
9.3.4 ci together . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10. Suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.1 cuna to keep doing (frequentive) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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xv
10.2 - intensifying . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.3 -ty intensifying . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.4 -ka, -keca attenuating, be kind of,
10.5 -pas of that kind, like that kind .
10.6 Exhortative -s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.7 Adversative - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.8 Suffixes with no definite meaning
11. Reduplication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11.1 Morphology of reduplication . . . .
11.2 Semantic effects of reduplication .
12. Specialized semantic categories . . . . . . . .
12.1 Verbs of texture . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.1.1 Brittle . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.1.2 Soft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.1.3 Fine particles . . . . . . . .
12.1.4 Hard; firm . . . . . . . . . . .
12.1.5 Sm ooth . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.2 Positional verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . .
12.2.1 Animate Reference . . . . .
12.2.2 Inanimate Reference . . .
12.3 Existential verb yuk . . . . . . . . .

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rather, sort of
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Chapter 7 - The KI morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Structural properties of the KI morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Description of the KI morphemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Suus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Dative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3 Benefactive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.1 Benefactive and kA make . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.3.2 Benefactive and verbs of motion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.4 Reflexive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.5 Reciprocal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.5.1 Noun phrases as evidence of intransitivity in reciprocal
.........................................
3.5.2 Non-third person reciprocal constructions . . . . . . . . . .
3.5.3 Phonological obfuscation of KI morphemes . . . . . . . . . .
3.5.4 Faux KI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. The sem antics of KI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 Suus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 Dative and benefactive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Animacy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Lexicalized ki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. A paradigm of KI morphemes: the verb oykA + KI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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. . . 260
. . . 260
. . . 263
. . . 265
. . . 266
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. . . 270
verbs
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. . . 272
. . . 273
. . . 275
. . . 276
. . . 276
. . . 277
. . . 278
. . . 280
. . . 281

xvi
Chapter 8 - Motion Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. The COME-GO system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 COME-GO verbs in conversation . . . .
2.2 Short-term bases . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.3 COME-GO verbs in narrative . . . . . . .
2.4 Metonymy of progress and arrive .
2.5 Markedness of the departure verbs .
2.5.1 Punctual . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.5.2 Perfect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.6 Short distance and departure verbs
2.7 Special uses of iyyA . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Non-point-to-point travel (unanchored travel)
4. The BRING-TAKE system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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282
282
283
295
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300
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301
301
302
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305
306

Chapter 9 - Enclitics and Postverbal Particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Descriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Enclitics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.1 h Continuative/progressive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.2 :kA Durative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.3 pi Plural . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.4 na Diminutive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.5 ktA Potential . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.6 sA Habitual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.7 , ken Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 Modality particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.1 ce ~ ce ~ c() Habitual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.2 ca probably, it must be the case . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.3 cyaka Deontic modality, should, ought to . . . . . . .
2.2.4 cwna I wonder; I think so . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.5 epc I think, it seems, apparently . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.6 k Intensifier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.7 ko anyway, nonetheless . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.8 kos as if, pretending . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.9 otka ~ otyka ~ otka I think, it seems to me .
2.2.10 te ~ ste as if, like . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.11 stya to seem, appear to be . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.12 he Interrogative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.13 kya ~ ka ~ kyapi Hearsay, they say . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.14 m Gender neutral imperative, spoken to one or many
2.2.15 ok ~ k though; I mean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.16 po Plural male imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.17 wo Male imperative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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xvii
hn isnt it so?; right? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333
ht Quotative: it is said; so they tell it . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334
tuk Deontic modality; counterfactual . . . . . . . . . . . . . 334
Declarative markers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335
2.2.21.1 c ~ ce Gender neutral declarative marker . . . . 336
2.2.21.2 no Male declarative marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337
2.2.21.3 sten Female declarative marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
2.2.21.4 Glottal stop () Gender neutral declarative marker
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 338
2.2.21.5 Joking marker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339
2.3 Enclitics of uncertain position . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
2.3.1 cna~cuna Repetitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 340
2.3.2 kaca as if; bad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341
2.4 Modality particles of uncertain position . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342
2.4.1 kinca just about, almost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 342
2.4.2 ka ~ k Optative: I wish; if only . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
2.4.3 wc Prospective, intentive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
2.5 Degree of certainty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
2.2.18
2.2.19
2.2.20
2.2.21

Chapter 10 - Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Definite and indefinite marking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Demonstratives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 ank both . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 cnana a few; a little bit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.3 iyha and iyhana all . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.4 nwa, kwa all . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.5 npn both . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.6 tA many, a lot; much . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Partitives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1 ap some, som e of . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.2 cokn half . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.3 eth ~ eth some, som e of . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.4 tna some; how much, how many . . . . . . . . . .
5.5 tkuni ~ tkuna none (inanimate reference) . . .
5.6 tku any (negative reference) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.7 tuwni ~ tuwna no, not any (human reference)
5.8 w any; a single one . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.9 wni no, not one . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1 Cardinal num bers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2 Ordinal numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. Summary comparison of quantifiers and partitives . . . .

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

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345
345
345
347
352
352
353
353
355
355
356
356
358
358
359
359
360
361
362
362
363
363
363
366
366

xviii
8. Order of demonstratives relative to quantifiers and partitives . . . . . . . . . . . . 366
Chapter 11 - Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2. Simple Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1 Canonical word order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2 Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.3 Yes-no questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4 Wh-questions (t-questions) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3. Noun Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1 Possessive modifier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.2 Stative verbs as nominals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4. Verb constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.1 Passive-like constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2 Compound verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.1 Modality verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.1.1 Quasi-modality verb kn find to be; to sense
....................................
4.2.1.2 Quasi-modality verb to order to do; . . . . .
4.2.2 Auxiliary verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.1 do continuously . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.2 kya Causative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.3 kuw keep doing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.4 wka ~ wka Repetitive . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.5 yA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.3.2.5.1 Stative yA become . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.3.2.5.2 Active yA continue doing . . . . . . .
4.2.2.6 hkna sudden and sharp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.7 iyyA gradual . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.8 yk ~ yk ~ hk continuous . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.9 yey propel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.3 Adverbial verbal complements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5. Postpositional phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6. Conjunction, coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.1 Juxtaposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2 Coordinating conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.1 hk ~ hkna and . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.2 k also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.3 nak also, and more, in addition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.4 et or, either . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.5 keca and then . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
6.2.6 tuk but . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7. Subordinate clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.1 Complement clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

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369
369
372
372
377
377
378
384
388
388
389
389
391
392

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398
398
399
400
400
400
401
401
402
403
403
404
404
405
406
407
409
409
410
410
412
412
413
413
414
415
415

xix
7.2 Adverbial clauses . . . . . . . . . . .
7.3 Relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . .
7.4 Subordinating conjunction cn
8. Right dislocation of constituents . . . . . .
9. Ellipsis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10. Comparison . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
10.1 More than/less than . . . . . . . .
10.2 Alike/different . . . . . . . . . . . . .
11. Agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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416
417
418
420
421
422
422
424
424

Appendices
Appendix 1:
Appendix 2:
Appendix 3:
Appendix 4:
Appendix 5:
Appendix 6:
Appendix 7:

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426
432
438
444
448
451
452

Big Snake . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ktmi and Fox . . . . . . . . . .
Ella Delorias The Red Fox .
Instrumental Prefixes . . . . .
Orthographic Equivalencies
Idioms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Consultants . . . . . . . . . . . .

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References Cited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

xx
List of Tables
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
4.1
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
6.6
6.7
6.8
6.9
6.10
6.11
6.12
6.13
7.1
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
9.1
10.1
10.2
10.3
10.4
11.1
11.2

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Vowels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Onset clusters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Forms that induce ablaut to e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Boundaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Combinations of locative prefixes in nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Co-occurrence of nominalizing locatives and enclitics . . . . . . . .
Possessive pronominal affixes derived from Itwa . . . . . . . . . .
Possessive pronominal affixes derived from stative pronominals
Comparison of Assiniboine and Sioux possessive forms of
body part terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Kinship terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The active/stative pronominal system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Regular active verb subject pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Y-stem active verb subject pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Nasal active verb subject pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Nasal verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Stative pronominal affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Animate object affixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Pronominal affixation patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Locative prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Instrumental prefixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Verb suffixes of no definite meaning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Positional verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Subject pronominal affixes with KI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Verbal roots of the COME-GO system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Progress and arrival verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The COME-GO verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Semantic features of Assiniboine motion verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . .
The BRING-TAKE verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Order of postverbal elements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Demonstrative articles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Quantifiers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Partitives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cardinal numbers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Interrogative words . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Modality verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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. 15
. 17
. 34
. 40
. 52
. 99
106
123
123

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. . . . 126
149-152
. . . . 183
. . . . 192
. . . . 198
. . . . 200
. . . . 202
. . . . 203
. . . . 205
. . . . 211
218-219
. . . . 224
. . . . 227
. . . . 241
. . . . 249
. . . . 262
. . . . 284
. . . . 286
. . . . 287
. . . . 289
. . . . 307
. . . . 310
. . . . 347
. . . . 352
. . . . 357
. . . . 364
. . . . 381
. . . . 393

xxi
List of Figures
1.1
1.2
2.1
4.1
4.2
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4

Siouan Language Fam ily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Territory in the 19 th century with modern reservations and reserves . . . . . 3
Spectrograms illustrating intervocalic voicing of k . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Dakota type kinship system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Bifurcate merging and bifurcate collateral patterns of kin terminology . 137
Illustration of a journey in which a point (D) on the return portion of a
journey is more distant from the base (A) than the apogee (C) . . . . . . . . 290
Illustration of a journey in which a point (B) on the outbound portion of a
journey is more distant from the base (A) than the apogee (C) . . . . . . . . 291
Diagram of narrative in example (5), with arrival verbs used in reference to
each location . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293
COME-GO verbs in relation to separate bases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297

List of Rules
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Intervocalic voicing . . . . . . . .
Stem Formation . . . . . . . . . .
Weak nasal spread . . . . . . . .
Glottal insertion . . . . . . . . . .
Dakota Accent Rule (DAR) . . .
Compound Accent Rule (CAR)
Degemination . . . . . . . . . . . .
Triconsonantal simplification
Fricative devoicing . . . . . . . .
Coda nasalization . . . . . . . . .
Velar palatalization . . . . . . . .
Coronal dissimilation . . . . . .
Vowel devoicing . . . . . . . . . . .
Phrase level vowel syncope . .

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18
33
45
49
57
58
68
69
70
71
72
77
78
79

xxii
Abbreviations

1du
A 1s
A2
A3
app
AUG
AUX
BEN

C
CAR
CAUS
COMP
CONJ
CONT

CTK
DAR
DAT
DECL
DEM
DET
DIM
DO
DUB
DUR

FB
HAB

IDD
IMPER
INDEF
INSTR
INTNS
IO
LOC
NEG
NOM

NR
OM
PART
P1s
P2
P3p

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first person dual pronominal

first person singular agent pronominal
second person singular agent pronominal
third person singular agent pronominal
appendix
augmentative
auxiliary
benefactive
consonant
Compound Accent Rule
causative
complementizer
conjunction
continuative
Carry The Kettle Reserve, Saskatchewan
Dakota Accent Rule
dative
declarative particle
demonstrative
determiner
diminutive
direct object
dubitative
durative
Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana
habitual
Indiana Dictionary Database: Assiniboine
imperative
indefinite
instrumental
intensifier
indirect object
locative prefix
negative
nominalizer
Nakoda Reader (Parks and DeMallie 2002); e.g., NR T1.3 = Nakoda
Reader, text 1, line 3
Ocean Man Reserve, Saskatchewan
particle
first person singular patient pronominal
second person patient pronominal
third person plural animate patient pronominal

xxiii
PL
PSV
POSS
POST
POT
Q
QUANT
REDUP
REFL
REL
RSP

SB
SPC
ST
SUUS

T
V
VERT

WB
##
#
=

*
+
.
^

plural
passive
possessive
postposition
potential, hypothetical
question, interrogative
quantifier
reduplicated
reflexive
relative clause marker
Rhythmic Stress Patterning
Scabby Boy, a text narrated by a CTK speaker
specific
first part of a discontinuous root
suus, reflexive-possessive
text; e.g., T1.3 = text 1, line 3
vowel
vertitive, go back
White Bear Reserve, Saskatchewan
external word or phrase boundary
internal word boundary
enclitic boundary
lexical derivational boundary
morpheme boundary
syllable boundary
generic internal boundary
pronominal insertion point in discontinuous verb roots

A period (.) is used in glosses to connect words or abbreviations that gloss a single
Assiniboine morpheme (this is the same sym bol used to mark a syllable boundary
in an Assiniboine word; I rely on the different contexts for a distinction between the
two uses). A single asterisk (*) before a word or example indicates unacceptability.
When used before a single segment, a single asterisk also indicates a reconstructed
historical phoneme. Forms or examples of questionable acceptability are indicated
by a question mark (?) preceding the form. For the sake of economy, the words
someone and something in glosses are occasionally abbreviated as s.o. and s.t.
respectively.

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1
Chapter 1
Introduction

Assiniboine is a member of the Sioux-Assiniboine-Stoney dialect group of

the Siouan language family (Parks and DeMallie 1992). A diagram of the Siouan
language family is given in figure 1. Once spoken over a vast, contiguous area of
the northern plains of North America, Assiniboine today is only spoken fluently by
approximately one hundred speakers on five reserves in Saskatchewan, Canada,
(Carry The Kettle, Mosquito-Grizzly Bears Head, Ocean Man, Pheasant Rump, and
White Bear) and on two reservations in Montana (Fort Belknap and Fort Peck). (See
fig. 2.)
Research for this study was conducted primarily at Carry The Kettle Reserve
in summer 1999 and during a year of residence from August 2000-August 2001,
with subsequent visits in February 2002 and the summ ers of 2002-2004. Six
weeks of research were also conducted at Fort Belknap in summer 1998. During
my research I was privileged to work with over twenty first-language Assiniboine
speakers, many of whom have now passed away. At Carry The Kettle I worked
primarily with Bertha OWatch, but also extensively with Angeline Eashappie and
her sisters Sarah Eashappie and the late Velma OWatch; also with Wilma
Thomson Kennedy, the late Kay Thompson, the late Violet Ashdohonk, and Herb
Walker (Regina, Saskatchewan). At Fort Belknap I worked with Josephine
Mechance and Selena Ditmar. Many other speakers, fluent and partially fluent,

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Figure 1.1 Siouan language family

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Fig. 2. Territory in the 19th century, with modern reservations and reserves. (DeMallie and Miller 2001:573)

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4
have been wonderfully generous in helping me to learn about their heritage
language. A complete list of consultants for this study is provided in Appendix 6.
The body of literature on the Assiniboine language is fairly small. Deloria
(1936) provides brief gramm atical notes and vocabulary in com parison with
Dakota. Articles by Taylor (1981, 1983) compare Stoney and Assiniboine. Parks
and DeMallie (1992) provide a classification of Assiniboine as an independent
member of the Sioux-Assiniboine-Stoney dialect continuum. West (2003) provides a
syntactic analysis of subjects and objects in Assiniboine.
There are seventeen published texts, ranging in length from a single
paragraph to six pages: two texts appear in Lowie (1909); one in Boas and Deloria
(1941), re-edited and included in the present work as Appendix 3; seven in Lowie
(1960), which are unedited texts taken from Lowies fieldnotes and published
posthum ously, the two longest of which are repetitions of those in Lowie (1909);
three in Farnell (1997); and six in Schudel (1997). 1 Seven additional texts comprise
the Nakoda Reader (2000), in limited publication as part of the Hoteja (Nakoda)
Language Project, a joint project between Indiana University and Fort Belknap
College. A few unpublished texts also are presented in Drummond (1976), archived
at the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Quebec. Texts in Lowie, Boas and
Deloria, Farnell, and the Hoteja Project were recorded at Fort Belknap; texts in

The texts from S chudel (1997) are reflectively constructed; that is, the narrator,
Herb W alke r, ca refu lly w rote an d ed ited the texts before reading th em alou d as ora l
performances (Schudel, p.c.; Kay Thompson, p.c.). They are of interest in their own right
as rare exam ples of Assiniboine literacy, but are gram matically anom alous when
com pared to purely or al speech . (See M organ 2001 for a discuss ion of literacy effects
and the w riting of Ass iniboin e.)

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5
Schudel and Drummond were recorded at Carry The Kettle.
Word lists are found in several sources. David Rodnick (1937:410-412,
1938:34) compares the names of Assiniboine bands as listed in Alexander Henry
(1807), Maximilian (1833), Lewis and Clark (1804-6), and Lowie (1908, according to
Rodnick, but presumably refers to Lowie 1909). A further compilation of band
names is in volum e 13 of The Handbook of North American Indians (DeMallie
2001:593-94). Kinship terms are listed in Morgan (1871) and Denig (1961 and
2000); Denig also lists personal nam es and the nam es of som e Assiniboine m ens
societies. Mens society names are also listed in DeMallie 2001:580. A few
additional word and phrase lists recorded by Edward M. Griva, S.J., c.1895, are
archived at Gonzaga University, together with som e of his translations into
Assiniboine of religious texts. Products of the Hoteja (Nakoda) Language Project
referenced above also include a verb book with paradigms for two hundred and
forty-one verbs (Nakoda Language Project 1998), a student dictionary comprising
approximately four thousand terms (Parks 2002), and a series of twelve language
lessons (Parks, Ditmar, and Morgan 1999). The most extensive and reliable lexical
resource is Parks and DeMallie (1996), a database containing approximately eight
thousand entries, many of which include phrasal examples, recorded at Fort
Belknap and Carry The Kettle between 1985-1998. My personal copy of the
database has been expanded by approximately five hundred additional entries, and
by examples added to many of the previously existing entries. Also, unpublished
data collected for a survey of Sioux-Assiniboine-Stoney dialects conducted from
1977-1983, directed by Douglas Parks and archived at the American Indian

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6
Studies Research Institute (AISRI) at Indiana University, were made available to me
for this study.
At Fort Peck, Kenneth Ryan (1998) has produced a series of language
lessons and Jerome Fourstar (1978) has produced an unpublished dictionary that
draws heavily on English dictionary definitions for its glosses. Levin (1964), is
based on research at Fort Peck but includes a considerable amount of data that
are not typically Assiniboine. Robert Hollow (1970), writing in response to Levins
work, provides a more reliable account of the phonemes and certain
morphophonemic phenomena of Assiniboine.
Because it is presented as a grammar of Assiniboine, Levin (1964) requires
some discussion. Despite its title, it is only marginally usable as a reference for
Assiniboine. The descriptive portion is quite short (sixty-seven pages) and suffers
from an unfortunate combination of several factors. First, Levins exposure to
Assiniboine is narrow. He had three consultants, all from Fort Peck and possibly all
from a single family, who spoke what appears to be a creative synthesis of Lakota
and Assiniboine. One example is the consistent use of Lakota he that for
Assiniboine , as an independent form, and in all derived forms where occurs
in Assiniboine, e.g., hce (Assiniboine ca) and hcayata (Assiniboine ciyata),
yet Assiniboine n this occurs consistently, as expected, rather than Lakota l.
That is, where Assiniboine speakers have n/ and Lakota speakers have l/h,
Levins consultants have a hybrid n/h. Also, Levins speakers ablaut A-words to
e in phrase-final position, which is obligatory in Lakota but does not occur in

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7
Assiniboine. Som e Lakota words occur in Levins data, e.g., hayake clothes
(Assiniboine haypi), but many words in Levins data are not found in either
language, e.g., his questionable forms ?hin mother (cf. in), ?mihku my mother
(cf. Assiniboine in; Lakota inwaye), ?suciye hurt oneself (probably a reduction
of a reflexive form of ksyA to injure; Levin may simply not have heard the k). He
reports fully reduplicated forms such as yak-yak stay (cf. yk sit) and hiyhiya to go after (cf. hiy go after), whereas Assiniboine and Lakota have partial
reduplication, copying only the last full syllable of a root (e.g., hska > hska-ska
tall). (Neither of Levins examples is attested with reduplicated forms in the corpus
of the present study.)
Secondly, Levin lists only Deloria (presumably 1936) and Lowie (presum ably
1909) as sources on the Assiniboine language but does not cite them in the course
of his analysis. He does not mention Boas and Deloria (1941) or any work by
Buechel or Riggs, and it seems clear that he did not refer to those sources for his
analysis. In fact, it appears he undertook his analysis without recourse to any
existing sources on Sioux grammar, relying solely on his own data which, as noted
above, are not representative of Assiniboine (or even Sioux) as spoken anywhere
else.
The result is an anomalous description. For example, he analyzes consonant
voicing and aspiration as complicated phenomena that depend on whether a
following vowel is stressed or unstressed. He describes ejective stops as twophoneme sequences which, in fact, Boas and Deloria do, also but he writes

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8
them as geminates and is inconsistent in identifying ejective stops, e.g., makku he
gave me (cf. mak) vs. cic I gave you (cf. cic), and nax for na hear. Many
of his phonological rules are too powerful. For example, he explains y-stem verb
inflection (A 1s mn-, A 2 n-, A 3 y-) with a rule of phoneme loss (/y/ > 0
/ when /y/
follows /n/ 1964:13), which only succeeds in his small corpus because his
consultants atypically do not nasalize stops and affricates in codas. For the
majority of Assiniboine speakers, his rule would disallow words like azinya to
smudge and ctinya to sadden.
His representation of vowels is especially inconsistent. It cannot be known
now to what extent this is due to the unique speech patterns of his consultants or
to his own ability to distinguish sounds. Nasalization and aspiration are frequently
omitted, even in words where they are unambiguously present in both Assiniboine
and Lakota, e.g., cc child, which he writes as cic. Nasal vowels and oral vowels
appear in unexpected places, e.g., his mak I am sitting for Assiniboine and
Lakota mk. He devotes a section of his phonological analysis to nasal loss for
words he cites as mz metal and kta look at, neither of which have nasal
vowels in either Assiniboine or Lakota. The well-documented ambiguity of the high
and mid back vowels finds new expression in Levin: the unambiguous tukt where
is tokt in his data, and what in Assiniboine and Lakota is tketu is tketo for
him. There is no ready explanation for why, for Levin (or his consultants), cwtku
her daughter becomes cawtku, where the high back vowel is lowered, but h
yes becomes h, in which the low back vowel is raised, nor why nci over here

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9
should become nce and ecya be called should become icya. His syntactic
analysis suffers, among other things, from failing to distinguish between the
homophonous demonstrative articles, which function as subordinate clause
markers, and demonstrative pronouns, which do not.
Levins data and analysis differ strikingly from resources available to him at
the time, but he does not comment on this discrepancy. Although Levins
description is occasionally accurate, one needs a prior knowledge of Assiniboine to
sort the accurate portions from the inaccurate and atypical portions.
The present analysis draws primarily on my own fieldnotes. These include
several unpublished narratives, Scabby Boy, Seven Horses, Dragonfly Goes to
War, Buffaloes Underground, and The Big Stone. When examples in this study
are taken from those narratives, Scabby Boy is abbreviated SB and the others
are referenced by their full titles. In addition to elicited words, phrases, and
narratives, I organized several language circles, all-day gatherings of fluent
speakers, held in various hom es, during which the speakers were asked to avoid
using any English words. The hours of conversation were taped and portions of
them transcribed over the following months with the assistance of the participants.
Four language circles were held during my year of residence at Carry The Kettle,
2000-2001. The language circles (abbreviated in examples as LgC1, LgC2, etc.) are
an invaluable source of data that reflect extended, natural speech patterns, as well
as offering insights into past and present life on the reserve, and boarding school

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10
experiences.2
I also make extensive use of the Nakoda Reader and the Parks and DeMallie
(1996) lexical database, which I assisted in editing from 1998-2000 and later
expanded with my own data. The software, developed at AISRI, is the Indiana
Dictionary Database (IDD), a multimedia dictionary database software program
that structures data in one-to-many relationships, allowing searches by m ultiple
criteria, which greatly facilitated the present analysis.
While this is not a comparative work, resources on the much more
extensively documented Sioux (Lakota and Dakota), the languages most closely
related to Assiniboine, have served as a starting point and guide for many aspects
of my analysis. In particular, I have drawn on the work of Boas and Deloria (1941),
Taylor and Rood (1976), Shaw (1980), and Rood and Taylor (1996).
Data used in the study are not associated with specific speakers, as
stipulated in the Human Subjects consent form signed by all participants in the
study (although the narratives in the appendices are attributed to the narrator with
her verbal permission). There are numerous variations in individual word forms
used by speakers, even on the same reservation or reserve, and disputes can arise
among speakers over individual words or even the pronunciation of a single word.
Such issues are sensitive, and while the consultants for this gramm ar are still

As a condition of the Hu man Subjects agreem ent form, all nam es of

consu ltants an d any other m em bers of th e com mu nity referre d to ha ve been chan ged to
neutral nam es such as J ohn a nd Mary wh en cited in th is w ork . Th e assur an ce th is
provided to the participants permitted much more spontaneous exchange and
minim ized se lf-cens orsh ip.

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11
living, it is in their best interest not to expose them to internal criticisms. With no
consultants names associated with specific words, the linguist might be criticized
instead; better that than to create problems within the community. For my part, I
have carefully checked the data and noted regional and generational variations as
thoroughly as possible, and I believe all of the forms and glosses provided here are
accurate.
The goal of the grammar is to identify dominant patterns, and some
observed variants will go unmentioned. As Gleason (1961:43) has observed,
Arbitrariness is the price of uniformity. Nonetheless, forms or patterns that
appear to vary geographically rather than idiolectically are identified in parentheses
by the initials of the reserve on which a form was found. Usually, this will be a
distinction between Fort Belknap (FB) and Carry The Kettle (CTK), where most of
the data were collected. Generational differences also occur in some instances.
Speakers born around the turn of the twentieth century are identified as older
speakers and those born twenty to thirty years later are referred to as younger
speakers. It is a sad truth that those identified as younger speakers, now in their
seventies and eighties, are the last generation to have learned Assiniboine as their
first language.
The primary purpose of this work is to document the basic processes of
Assiniboine phonology, morphology and syntax in a manner that will be accessible
to linguists and educators in the future. As such, it does not attempt to exemplify
or debate a particular theory or theories. I employ some notational conventions of
generative phonology for their ability to capture generalizations in concise

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12
formalizations and because these conventions have proven their durability by
remaining comprehensible to linguists for more than half a century, regardless of
the theoretical preferences of individual linguists. In general, I follow what Dixon
(1997) and Dryer (in press) refer to as basic linguistic theory, a single descriptive
theoretical framework [that] has emerged as the dominant theory assumed in
descriptive grammars, summarized as traditional grammar modified in various
ways by other theoretical traditions over the years (Dryer: in press:5).
This study uses the American Usage IPA as tabulated in Pullam and
Ladusaw (1996:301-302) with four exceptions: the voiceless velar fricative x is
represented as and its voiced counterpart is represented as rather than

(;

nasalization on vowels is indicated by a nasal hook ( H ) rather than a tilde, and the
alveo-palatal affricate is simply c rather than . Although there is no universally
accepted orthography for the Dakotan languages, the use of , , and the nasal
hook are fairly widespread. There is no consensus in Siouan linguistic studies for
representing aspiration. Some, such as Boas and Deloria (1941) use a single openquotation ( ) to mark aspiration, while others, such as Taylor and Rood (1976) use
a full h, written on the line. I have eschewed both practices in favor of a raised h ()
to make a stronger visual distinction between aspiration and glottalization, which
is indicated by a single close-quotation ( ), and to signal the fact that aspirated
segments are unitary phonem es. This study further distinguishes glottalization (C)
from the independent glottal stop, for which is used. Motivation for this
distinction is discussed in the Phonology chapter.

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The grammar is conceptually organized along traditional lines. This
introductory chapter is followed by a description of phonology in chapter 2.
Chapters 3-9 describe morphology, and chapters 10-11 present major syntactic
processes. Three narrative texts are presented in the appendices, two of which I
recorded at Carry The Kettle, and one of which is my re-edited version of Delorias
Red Fox from Boas and Deloria (1941).
This project has been generously funded. I am very grateful to the following
for their support: the Skomp Fund of the Department of Anthropology at Indiana
University; the Canadian Embassy Graduate Student Fellowship Program; the
Canada-U.S. Fulbright Program; the Wenner-Gren Foundation (Grant # 6723); and
the Yale Endangered Language Fund. The study is approved by the Indiana
University Human Subjects Committee as study #00-3790.

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14
Chapter 2
Phonology

1. Introduction
This chapter presents the phonemes of Assiniboine as well as a description of
phonetic and phonological processes that occur. The orthography used here is
phonemic.1
As mentioned in the previous chapter, the sounds and patterns described
here reflect the speech of native speakers on Fort Belknap Reservation, Montana
(FB) and Carry The Kettle Reserve, Saskatchewan (CTK). The phonology of the two
communities varies somewhat both between the two regions and across the two
generations identified here as older (born around the beginning of the twentieth
century) and younger (generally born some twenty years later). A notable
difference in the speech of the younger generation is a shift currently in progress
from laminal to apical articulation of the dental stops, alveolar fricatives, and the
alveolar nasal stop.2 Judging from the uniformly laminal articulation audible in
recordings made in the 1970s (Valerie Drummond 1976, 1976a, at Carry The
Kettle) and 1980s (Hoteja Project 2000, at Fort Belknap), laminal articulation of

This work takes th e position that simple stops and the a ffricate are
underlyingly voiceless, despite the fact that they are predomina ntly voiced in surface
form s. Con sequen tly, the ph onem ic represen tation in th is work is well-suited to
linguistic description but less desirable as a practical orthography such as those that
are comm on in pedagogical m aterials in use at several tribal institutions.
2

For a discussion of laminal articulation, see Ladefoged and M addieson

(199 6:14).

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15
these segments was probably universal until very recently, and the somewhat
arbitrary choice taken here is to describe laminal articulation as primary, although
it is certain to disappear with the passing of the older generation.
2. Phoneme inventory
The inventory of Assiniboine phonemes comprises twenty-seven consonants and
eight vowels. These are given in tables 2.1 and 2.2.
Table 2.1. C onson ants
Labial Lamino- Laminodental
alveoloar
Obstr uents
stops

affricates

fricatives

Son orants

unaspirated
aspirated
glottalized
unaspirated
aspirated
glottalized
voiceless
glottalized
voiced
na sals
glides

p
p
p

Palatoalveolar

t
t
t

k
k
k

s
s
z
m
w

Velar

c
c
c

Laryngeal

n
y

The glottalized stops p t k are ejectives, and although the fricatives s

are phonetically clusters, i.e., [s, , k], they are treated as unitary segments;
they occur morpheme-initially, as in k carry on the back, do, act, behave,
and sa habitual enclitic, where the glottalization is not accounted for by the rule of
glottal insertion described in 11.1, below.
Contrasts among consonants are illustrated by the following minimal pairs.
(An upper case A indicates an ablauting, a; see section 9.)

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(1) Stops:
/p/, /p/

pah

hill

p ah hair

/p/, /p/

to swell

steam

/t/, /t/

face

forehead

/t/, /t/

moose

be dead

/k/, /k/, /k/

yonder

to mean

/c/, /c/

always

penis

/c /, /c/

c a kettle, pot

ca

be hardy

dig

skin

(2) Affricates:

(3) Sonorants:
Nasals:
/n/, /m/

nk

you (sg.) sit

mk I sit

snow

//, //

ke

make (ablauted)

ke

ravine

//, //

scab

behave, act

/s/, //

spA

be black

pA

be soiled

/s/, //

sA

HABITUAL

be a roaring sound

/z/, //

be yellow

be tawny

/s/, /z/

ss

be off-white (REDUP) zz

//, //

be red (REDUP)

Glides:
/w/, /y/, /h/

go

(4) Fricatives:

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be thin, as soup

-aa wash

17
Tab le 2.2 Vowe ls
Front
Or al:
high
m id
low

Central

Back
u

o
a

Na sal:
high
low

Vocalic contrasts are demonstrated in the following examples:

(5)

h
h
h
h
h
h
h
hut
ht

arrive there
hair, fur
horn, antler
skin
be standing (inan.)
voice
stem; leg
be lame
evidently

2.2 Intervocalic voicing

Analysts differ in their judgement regarding the unaspirated stops and affricate.
Some have treated them as underlyingly voiced, for example, Hollow (1970),
Schudel (1997), and West (2003). Others have analyzed them as underlyingly
voiceless, for example, Parks and DeMallie (1996), Farnell (1998), and DeMallie and
Miller (2001). This study represents the unaspirated stops and affricate as
voiceless, based on a spectrographic study of voicing patterns (Cumberland 2000)
that supports the claim that unaspirated stop and affricate phonemes are
underlyingly voiceless with voiced allophones.3 The voiced allophones surface as

In the spectrographic study, the speech of the younger and older generations
of sp eak ers show ed n o significan t generational difference in the voicing of indep enden tly

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the result of an intervocalic voicing rule, formalized as rule 1, with the voiceless
allophones occurring elsewhere, primarily in clusters. Because voicing of these
segments is derived, it will only be represented in this study where it is crucial to
the explanation of a particular phonological rule or exam ple.
RULE

Intervocalic Voicing Rule (IV VOICE):

C

> [+voiced] / V_V

[-cont]
[-voiced]
[-spread gl]
[-constr gl]

To illustrate this effect, spectrograms are given in figure 1 for ka that

yonder and tka [tog a] enemy. Both words were spoken in isolation by the same
speaker. The k of ka is voiceless, while the intervocalic k of tka is voiced. (The
final vowel of tka is devoiced.)

occurring unaspirated stops, with only slightly more voicing of stops in clusters by the
younger gen eration. Todays speakers seem to perceive these segm ents as voiced
everywhere, probably by analogy with English, a perception codified and reinforced by
the increa singly p opu lar F ort B elkn ap o rth ogr aph y (M org an 200 1, C um berlan d 20 04).

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[k a ]

[t

Fig. 2.1. Spectrograms illustrating intervocalic voicing of /k/

The rule applies across all boundaries, so that if a simplex stop or affricate
is preceded by a pause of any kind it will be voiceless. In the following example, the
initial underlying t of tku thing is voiced because there is no pause between it
and the preceding e of n this. (The word internal k is also voiced because it is
between vowels.)
(6)

/n tku iymahi/
[n dgu iy-ma-hi-]
this thing ST-P1s-be.big.enough-NEG
this thing isnt big enough for me (NR T3.17)
The following examples, a near minimal pair, were uttered by the same

speaker in a single text. In (7a) the /t/ is voiceless in the surface form because the
speaker has paused between words. In (7b) the /t/ surfaces as [d] because the
speaker does not pause.

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(7a)

Slight pause between words:

/h! tuwnuk/
[h! tuwnuk]
Aha! Theres no one (NR T3.12)

(7b)

No pause between words:

/a! tuwnike/
[a!duwnige]
Ah! Its nobody (NR T3.15)

In the following example, where there would typically be a pause after the vocative,
the speaker does not pause on this occasion and the word initial /t/ is voiced (as is
the word internal /t/):
(8)

/mis
tkiyata ya-
he/
[ mis
dkiyad
ya-
he]

younger.brother where.from A 2-come Q

Younger Brother, where have you come from? (NR T4.41)

The example in (9) illustrates affricate voicing by the same rule:

(9)

/ya-nw ece/
[ ya-nw ej]
A 2-swim only
you only swim (NR T4.35)

2.3 Stress
Assiniboine words bear a single primary stress but secondary stress may occur
multiple times in a single word, typically on alternate syllables, earning Assiniboine
a reputation for being, as Deloria describes it, sing-song-y (1936:4). At the
present stage of analysis, only primary stress (5) appears to be phonemic and is
marked in all examples. Because the rules governing secondary stress (`) remain to
be determ ined, it is marked only in those examples where I am reasonably

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21
confident that I heard it. There is an acknowledged risk in doing this. While some
stress rules are word based, there appears to be at least one phrase-level stress
rule, so a word uttered in isolation sometimes exhibits a different stress pattern
from the same word uttered in a phrase, and phrases themselves might have
different stress patterns when removed from the context of the full utterance.
Nonetheless, it is hoped that the inclusion of relatively certain instances of
secondary stress will provide a preliminary data resource for future research.4
Stress is described in section 12.4 below.
2.4 Vowel length
Vocalic length is not phonemic in Assiniboine but phonetically long vowels,
indicated throughout this work as geminates, do occur in four circumstances.

A vowel is obligatorily lengthened when it precedes the durative enclitic :ka

(where the colon indicates that the preceding vowel will be lengthened as a function
of the enclitic), occasionally creating a minimally contrasting pair, as in (10).
(10)

cyaaka

cry continuously (cya cry, :ka DUR)

cyaka

should, must, could

The lengthened vowel has falling pitch, whether in a stressed or unstressed

syllable; for example, in come > [ga] he kept coming, was coming for a long
time, the stressed vowel is lengthened, and in mni walk > [mniga] he kept
walking and walking, the unstressed vowel is lengthened. When the lengthened

Even th is conservative approach m ay produce m isleading representations.

Exam ples taken from texts are referenced a nd all texts referenced in this work are
transcriptions of sound recordings that are, or will shortly be, archived at the American
Indian Studies Research Institute at Indiana University.

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22
vowel is in an unstressed syllable, the long-vowel syllable is not as prominent as
the stressed syllable, yet there is still a perceptible falling intonation on the
unstressed long vowel.

There are three interjections that are typically articulated with phonetically

lengthened vowels, nam ely, h [h] yes; hello (fem.), oh > [oh] I see; oh,
really, and the female exclamation h [h]. The vowel can be lengthened
considerably, with intonational contours that, interestingly, can exhibit the stress
patterns of a multisyllabic word. In (7a), repeated here as (11), h is uttered sotto
voce by the narrator to suggest that the protagonist is thinking to herself. The
contour of the lengthened vowel reflects the iambic pattern that is found in most
words due to the Dakota Accent Rule (see 4.2.1).
(11)

/h! tuwnuk/
[h! tuwnuk]
Ah! Theres no one (NR T3.12)

These interjections contrast with the lexical items h stand, h fur, and oh boil,
respectively, but because the vowel length of the interjections is rhetorically
variable, it is not analyzed as phonemic.

Rhetorical vowel length is used freely for emphasis. It occurs most

commonly in adverbs, as in toba four times (Eng. colloq. four whole times!),
teh a looong way and iyuha aaall (every last one of them ; every last bit of it).
When rhetorical vowel length occurs in a verb, it is usually in the syllable with
primary stress, as in (12a), although the final vowel of the verb stem may lengthen
instead when followed by a postverbal particle, as in (12b); the vowels of co-

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occurring enclitics do not lengthen. As with interjections, vowel length can be
extensive, but unlike the interjections, intonation is level throughout.
(12a)

H! ey 0
/ -tecpi
n
oh! then P3-be.embarrassed this because.of
oh! then he was terribly embarrassed by this (NR: T6.8)

(12b)

0 -pamnskaa-cuna
/
A 3-flatten-DUR
he kept flattening it out (NR T4.18)

Vowel length occurs in what may be termed processing hesitation, as a

speaker considers what to say next or searches for a lexical form. This is frequently
heard on the conjunction hk (hk) and (but not on other conjunctions), and the
hesitation form n (n) um, uh. Intonation on the long vowel is not contoured,
and vocal pitch is lowered.
A possible fifth use of vowel length is for comparative purposes, as in the
following set provided by a Fort Belknap speaker:
(13)

sca
nna sca
nna sca

bad
very bad
the worst

Not all speakers agree that a long vowel formally creates a superlative,
although many speakers have been heard to use it in that way.
3. Phoneme descriptions
3.1 Obstruents
3.1.1 Stops and affricates
The stops and affricate occur with a three-way contrast: voiceless unaspirated p t

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24
k; voiceless aspirated p t k;5 and ejective p t k. p p p are bilabial stops, t t t
are lamino-dental stops, c c c are lamino-palatal6 affricates, and k k k are velar
stops.
p t c k have voiced allophones b d j g respectively by rule 1, above. The
velars k k k are slightly fronted when followed by a front vowel. The affricates c c
c pattern like stops with two exceptions: affricates may not form clusters with
fricatives, and clusters containing an affricate do not occur in word initial position
(see table 2.3).
3.1.2 Fricatives
Fricatives occur in three series: voiceless, glottalized, and voiced. s s z are laminoalveolar, are lamino-palatal, and are post-velar. In fast speech, may
be fronted when preceded by a front vowel. Apical articulation of the dental,
alveolar, and palatal segments occurs as a variant of the laminal segments,
especially among younger speakers, but no lexical contrasts result from the
variation.

The aspiration of the stops and a ffricate are not velarized in release as they are
in some S iouan languag es. In Osage, for examp le, the aspirated stops become p, t, k
[px, tx, kx in Quinteros orthography ] before back vowels (Quintero 2004:31) and for
man y Lako ta spea ker s, th e aspira ted stop s ar e velariz ed in release befo re all vow els
except i, and u (Taylor and Rood 19 76:3.6; Rood and T aylor 1996:442), for example,
tpa ball, t blu e, g reen .
6

As stated earlier, the younger (current) generation of speakers uses apical

articulation.

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3.2 Sonorants
3.2.1 Nasals
There are two nasal consonants, bilabial m and laminal alveolar n. For many
speakers in the past, up to and including the generation identified in this work as
the older generation, n was frequently post-occluded before oral vowels to produce
[n d]. This is found both at FB and at CTK. The pattern of occurrence is
unsystematic in the speech of the immediate past (older) generation of speakers
and does not seem to occur at all among the present (younger) generation.
However, it appears to be a longstanding phonetic effect, as indications of it are
found throughout the literature. Denig (2000[1864]:124, 125), for example, records
wamn eagle as Wah-min-de, i.e., [wam c n d].7 Drummond, working at CTK,
transcribes this effect simply as [nd], as in examples (14) and (15)
(Drummond1976:23-26 passim). She states that phonetic [d] occurs in free
variation following n (Drummond 1976:14). Although she does not explicitly say

This occurs in a list of specifically Assiniboine names, the full name given as
Wah -min-de To-pah The F our W ar Eagles, lest the reader wonder if Denig m ight have
been referring to the Dakota word wmd eagle. Denig was well familiar with the
Assiniboine language due to his twenty-one year residence at Fort Union in the
Assiniboine territory during the height of the fur trade, and to his having had two
Assiniboine wives (Denig c.1854 [2000]). It is interesting to note that he w rites tpa
four with voiceless stops. While there are m any voiced stops in his representation of
the lan guage , stop vo icing do es n ot appe ar to have been as un iversal a s it is in
contemporary speech. Although evidence of post-occluded n occurs in the text
collections of Drumm ond and Denig, and is audible in the DeMallie recordings made at
Fort Belknap in th e 1980s, there is no evidence of such a n effect in the writings of
Edward M . Griva, S. J., who was missionary at Fort Belknap on and off between 1907
and 1930 and w ho becam e fluent in the language. G riva, an Italian, seem s to have been
especially skilled at learning languages, having by his own account (n.d.) learned twelve
different Indian languages, so it is possible that he recogn ized the post-occlusion as a
phon etic effect and did not w rite it.

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26
so, her transcriptions further suggest that m was also post-occluded, at least by
her consultant, although no evidence of post-occluded m has been found outside of
Drummond. See, for example, her owakmba (owkma I write) in example (14).
The [b] she records can only be phonetic because tautosyllabic triconsonantal
clusters are disallowed in the language. Drummonds transcriptional conventions
and glosses are preserved in the following examples, but underlining is added:
(14)

wa oyapi nde en owakmba nde mak upi

book
DEM in I-write
REL me-give-they
They gave me this book I am writing in (Drummond 1976:23)

(15)

. . . owic handepi . . . [cf. on to look for, wc them]

them-search[-they]
they looked for them (Drummond 1976:26)
Examples (16)-(18) are from three different Fort Belknap speakers of the

older generation, illustrating that post-occlusion commonly occurs in the speech of

that generation.
(16)

0 -kn-
/
[knd]
A 3-arrive.back.here-NEG
he did not return (NR T2.4)

(17)

wanka makce n tkun cen

[wanga mkce n d dgun cn]
long.ago earth
this nothing thus
long ago when there was nothing on earth (NR T4.1)

(18)

nkh n
tken iyka ewcakiypi
[ngh n d
tken iyga ewcagiyab i]
now
this SPC how
mudhen they.call.them
these are the ones they call mudhen today (NR T5.28)

3.2.2 Glottal stop

Glottal stop () occurs phonetically as well as phonemically. Phonetic glottal

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27
insertion is discussed and formalized in section 11 of this chapter. Here it is noted
only that a phonetic rule inserts a glottal stop between adjacent vowels.
Glottal stop is phonemic in a number of lexicalized forms, such as ana
crow, copa bake, and eh reach a point. It creates a contrast between
use; wear and be, stay.8 This is most clearly illustrated by the first person
plural forms, given in (18).
(19)

k--pi

[kb i]

we use it, wear it

k--pi

[gb i]

we stay

The presence of the glottal stop in the first person plural form meaning we use it;
we wear it is not predicted by the glottal insertion rule and so is analyzed as being
part of the underlying representation. The k in kpi is then unexpected as well,
since it normally surfaces only before a vowel-initial stem . In fact, pi is an
attested, although rare, variant of kpi.
In the present work phonetically inserted glottal stops will only be shown
word internally. To avoid ambiguity between a glottal stop and the glottalization on
unitary ejective stops this study distinguishes orthographically between the
independent glottal stop, written as , and the glottalization on ejective stops,
marked by . For example, in kkmahetu saddle blanket (k- horse, a- LOC,
k pack on the back, mahtu inside), k consists of two separate segments, k

W hen utter ed in isolation , stay w ould be indistinguishable fr om use;

we ar by th e glo ttal in sertion rule . Th e tw o glottal s tops differ in tha t the first is phonetic
and the secon d is phonem ic.

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and the phonetically inserted , while the following k is a unitary ejective stop.9
Finally, occurs morphemically as a declarative marker. In this position,
incomplete closure causes to surface sometimes as or h, and sometimes as
schwa,10 so that while is non-syllabic, its schwa variant is a semi-vowel that
sounds syllabic but otherwise doesnt behave like a vowel. It is not devoiced when
phrase final as any other phrase final vowel would be, nor is it separated from a
preceding vowel by the insertion of (yet another) glottal stop, as would normally
occur by the rule of glottal insertion (discussed in section 11). The tendency is for
morphemic glottal stop to surface as after a low or mid vowel, as in (20), and as
[c ] after a high vowel, as in (21). Examples are:
(20)

Morphemic glottal stop realized as fricative:

(20a)

[0
/ -kn-ga ]
kat- -:ka

A 3-play-be-DUR DECL
he was playing around all that time (NR T3.6)

(20b)

[nedm min, min tga ]

netm
min, min tka
over.here lake, lake be.big DECL
over this way there was a lake, a big lake (App.1: Big Snake.2)

Shaw (1980) also makes this distinction, using ? on the line for the glottal
stop and raised ? to indicate glottalization of stops. It is now generally accepted that
the ejective stops of Dakotan languages a re unitary phon emes. See S haw 1980:64ff for a
discussion of the argum ents supporting this an alysis.
10

See La defo ged and M add ieson (1996 :74-5): . . .glottal stops ar e ap t to fa ll
short of co m plete c losur e, esp ecially in intervocalic position s. In place of a true stop, a
very compressed form of creaky voice or some less extreme form of stiff phonation may
be superimposed on the vocalic stream. Also, . . . glottal stops serve to demarcate the
boundaries of phrases or oth er prosodic units. A frequent role of this type (for example,
in G erm an) is to indicate th e beg inning of a w ord w hen no other consonant is pres ent.

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(20c)

[snoh-y duw
akde
ne ]
snok-0
/ -ya tuw
a-0
/ -0
/ -kite
n
ST-A 3-know someone ST-A 3-P3-watch REL DECL
she knew that someone was watching her (NR T3.13)

(21)

Morphemic glottal stop realized as neutral vowel:

(21a)

[kokb
agwi tbi
c]
kok-pi
akwi 0
/ -t-pi
young.man-PL eleven A 3-live-PL DECL
there lived eleven brothers (NR T3.1)

(21b)

[tuwni- c ]
tuwni-

nobody-NEG DECL
there was nobody (NR T3.14)

3.2.3 Glides
There are three glides: w is bilabial, y is lamino-palatal, and h is a laryngeal
fricative glide.
Each occurrence of h acquires place features from the vowel that follows it
(cf. Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996:325-6). For example, it is [+round] in the
sequence ho, [-round] in the sequence ha, and fronted and tensed in the sequence
hi. Phonologically, h behaves like sonorants in that it triggers coda nasalization (see
13.4) and like fricatives in that it may not form a cluster with another fricative,
both tauto- and heteromorphemically.
For historical reasons, y behaves differently in verb roots depending on
whether it is etymologically organic or epenthetic. Historically organic y contracts
with the agent prefixes (A 1s mn-, A 2 n-, A 3 y-) and verbs with historically epenthetic

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30
y inflect as regular active verbs (A 1s wa-y-, A 2 ya-y-, A 3 0
/ -y-).11 See chapter 6 for
further discussion.
3.3. Vowels
3.3.1 Oral vowels
The five oral vowels are i e a o u. i is a high front vowel. e is a mid front vowel that
has a lax phonetic variant [e] when preceded by an affricate, as in c [0c e] always or
cen [0ecen] so then, or by the velar fricative , as in amno [a0 emno] ridge.
a is a low back vowel, o is a mid back rounded vowel, and u is a high back rounded
vowel. a i u frequently become nasalized when preceded by a nasal consonant, as
in ma-k [m0ka] she meant me (ma P1s, k mean). Note that nasalization of
oral vowels is restricted to those that have nasal counterparts in the phoneme
inventory. This is discussed further in section 10, below.
3.3.2 Nasal vowels
There are three phonem ic nasal vowels: . The contrast between nasal and oral
vowels may be seen in the following examples:
(22)

tooth/teeth

fur

animal skin

be standing

come

stay

As in Sioux, is sometimes lowered to a nasalized o, but as Shaw (1980:16) notes

for Sioux, the conditions are unsystematic and the alternation is one of free

11

This analysis is based on un published research of Joh n Koon tz (Robert

Rank in p.c. 11 Decem ber 2003). The historical source of organic y is Proto-Mississippi
Valley-Siouan *r.

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variation. Buechel (1939, 1970) (Lakota) and Riggs (1890) (Dakota) write the
occasionally lowered as [o 0]. Buechel lists o 0 as an independent sound, or letter,
in his alphabet, although in his pronunciation guide he gives the same English
word, soon, for both u 0 and o 0. Riggs (1890:1) lists only the five oral vowels,
stating that they have each one uniform sound except when followed by the nasal
0, which somewhat modifies them. Both Buechel and Riggs cross reference a
number of words in with their words spelled with o 0. For instance, in his
dictionary entry for u 0 (his representation of ], Buechel states, Same as o 0, and
later in the sam e entry he states, u 0 seems to take the place of the article ki0, or
perhaps it is the same as ku 0 (ko 0) (1970:505). In fact, there are far fewer entries
under o 0 than under u 0 in both authors dictionaries and many of those have
redundant entries with forms in u 0. There are no minimal pairs either in Sioux or
Assiniboine that establish a distinction between the two sounds and they are now
accepted as allophones of a single phoneme.12
4. Syllable structure
Syllables incline to strong onsets and weak codas. Onsets allow up to two
consonants whereas codas are largely absent and, where they exist, may consist of
only one segment. As will be seen, codas are subject to several rules of lenition but
onsets are not. Onset clusters may not be divided by resyllabification while codas

12

A notable exception is the orthography employed for Assiniboine by the

Saskatchew an Indian C ultural Centre. They claim to h ave based their orthograph y on
Riggs orth ograph y and conseq uently list five na sal vow els in their N akoda alphab et.
(http://www .sicc.sk.ca: Dec em ber 2 004 .)

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are systematically resyllabified as onsets of subsequent vowel-initial syllables,
simultaneously eliminating the coda from one syllable and supplying an onset for
the other. Indeed, although underlying VC syllables exist, none surface as such;
phonetic glottal insertion and phonological processes of coalescence, syncope, and
epenthesis function to the effect that all surface syllables have onsets. With the
exception of the male greeting hau (the only example of a diphthong in the
language), each syllable m ay have only one vowel.
4.1 Syllable canon
Possible syllables are summ arized in (23). Exam ples of each type are given in (24).
These fall into two basic categories, vowel final and consonant final. 13
(C 20)V(C 10)

(23)

Possible syllables:

(24)

Examples of possible syllables:

Vowel-final:

Consonant-final:

mouth

VC

at, to

CV

tooth, teeth

CVC

hk

and

CCV

deep

CCVC tn

when

4.2 Syllabification of CVC roots

Underlying consonant-final roots are referred to as CVC roots, following Boas and
Deloria (1941) and Shaw (1980), even though they may variously have no onset or
onsets of one or two consonants.
CVC roots receive a final a by a rule of epenthesis described and identified

13

Motivation for the existence of C-final roots in UR is summarized by Shaw

(198 0:33) an d dis cus sed in greater d etail an d for m alize d in her ch apt er 3.1 (1980 :117ff).

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by Chambers (1974, cited in Shaw 1980:121) and Shaw (1980) as STEM FORMATION .
Shaws (1980:121) rule of stem formation is reproduced below, where an equal sign
(=) indicates an enclitic boundary and a pound sign (#) indicates an internal word
boundary. The rule is restricted to nouns and verbs, represented by subscript
N.V., to avoid application to words ending in suffixes like adversative or nonnominal and non-verbal forms that are underlyingly consonant final, such as the
negative enclitic ken, the conjunction hk, and the adverb tk certainly.
RULE

STEM FORMATION :

/ > a / C __ ]N.V.
0

9#A
The coda consonant of a CVC root is resyllabified as the onset of a separate
syllable with the stem-forming a. However, across internal word boundaries and
lexical derivation boundaries (as defined in 12.1), a is not inserted and the coda is
not resyllabified as the onset of the following syllable.
(25)

(26)

/sap/

/pet/

sapa

[s.ba]

black

sap-sapa

[sap.s.ba]

black (reduplicated)

pta

[pe.da]

fire

pet-mn

[pen.mn]

be the odor of smoke

5. Phonotactics
Any consonant may occur as a syllable onset, but codas are restricted to the set p,
t, c, k, , s, , m, n.14 No complex codas occur.

14

An exception is the phra se mark er -c, typically pronoun ced with an aspirated
releas e, [c]. This is a r educ tio n of an ear lier full form ce wh ich wa s last rec ord ed in
the 1 970s (Parks et a l. n.d), and is ubiquitou s in D eloria 1 936 .

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Onsets may consist of one or two segments. Geminate clusters do not occur,
nor do fricatives cluster together. The set of permissible onset clusters, together
with examples, is given in table 2.3.15
Table 2.3 Onset clusters

pt
otter

ps
rice

p
sneeze

napc
swallow

tk
heavy

kpmni
serve

kt
kill

ksyA
hurt

kik
curly

pakc
comb

kmkA
snare

kn
arrive

spyA
wet

stust
tired

sk
melt

sc
bashful

smna
fine

sn
cold

p
cooked

tut
salty

ktA
play

cka
lazy

m
deep

n
melt

p
soaked

tay tu
evening

cin
tattered

m
sleepy

n
have a
sore

mn
sm ell

M e m b e r

S e c on d

The clusters kc, pc, sc, c, kw, sw, and tk require some discussion regarding
their status as acceptable clusters.
5.1 kc, pc
These clusters, while allowed as onsets, do not occur word-initially.

15

No attem pt at determining a sonority hierarchy is undertak en here, but see

Patterson (1990:62-74) for a proposed sonority hierarchy for Lakota.

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35
5.1.1 kc Two dependent roots, /-kcA/ unravel, unwind and /-kc/ think do not
occur word-initially but occur with various instrumental and locative prefixes, for
exam ple, pakc to comb and wkc to think about.
5.1.2 pc
The example given in table 2.3 for the cluster pc, napc swallow has the first
person singular form na.w.pca I swallow and reduplicates as na.pc.pca to take
big bites, providing evidence that pc is an onset cluster.
5.2 sc, c
The only occurrences of fricative-affricate clusters are in the low frequency words
sc be bashful, or ck lazy, thought by several Assiniboine speakers to be
loanwords from Sioux. This opinion is supported by the coexistence of the word
tk be lazy, which, if the loanword hypothesis is correct, is an adaptation of the
Sioux word ck, where the alien c is adapted as the permissible t onset. There
are also Assiniboine synonyms for these probable loanwords that are preferred
(e.g., stca be bashful, knta be lazy). In contrast, in the higher frequency
term micep womans female cousin, cognate with Sioux scepi, the fricative
and affricate are separated by what appears to be a diachronically inserted vowel,
further suggesting that the fricative-affricate cluster is disfavored. Therefore,
although sc and c are included in the table because they are attested in
contemporary form s, they are only m arginally acceptable as onset clusters.

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5.3 kw
Hollow (1970:298)16 lists kw as an onset cluster, which he exemplifies with the
word hokw male expression of surprise, but the kw cluster here is more likely
heteromorphemic. The Sioux interjection w! (male expression of surprise) is not
attested as an interjection in Assiniboine, but the male affirmative particle hk! is
common, so that hokw is undoubtedly a compound, with k-w occurring
heteromorphemically. All other instances of kw occur across boundaries as well, as
in tokwy a Gros Ventre woman (tka enem y, wy woman) and kwcipi
Horse Dance (k- horse, com b. form , wacpi dance). Therefore, kw is not
included here as a possible tautosyllabic cluster in Assiniboine.
5.4 tk
Although somewhat rare, the cluster tk occurs in several roots, e.g., tk be heavy,
tk to be ignited, tkza be enough, otkya hang, and wtk be crazy
(reduplicated as wtktko, demonstrating the syllabic integrity of the tk cluster).
Therefore, although Hollow finds at Ft. Peck that /t/. . . do[es] not occur as the
first member of a cluster (1970:296), tk does occur as such at FB and CTK and is
included here as an acceptable onset cluster.
5.5 sw
Hollow gives an example of an sw cluster, exemplified by swpada (swpata) left

16

Hollow condu cted his research at Fort Peck, M ontana, w hich m ay account for
these differences. The Assiniboine spoken at Fort Peck exhibits significant phonological
and lexical differences from th at spoken at Fort B elknap and C arry The K ettle, the latter
two b eing m uch m ore sim ilar to each o ther. An alyses for th is study d o not con sider data
from Fort Peck.

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37
handed (170:298). This word is not attested at FB or CTK (cf. icatkm left
handed at CTK and FB), nor is the cluster sw found in any other attested forms
and therefore sw is not included here as a possible onset cluster.
5.6 km, kn and mn
In general, the clusters km and kn, cognate with Lakota gl [g c l] (in which a slight
break systematically occurs), are pronounced without interruption, for example,
[kmga] trap, not *[k c mga]. Occasional exceptions have been noted in texts, but
where this occurs the slight vocalic gesture is sufficient to trigger intervocalic
voicing, for example, wknakpi they were returning with game, normally heard
as [wknagb i], occurs in one instance as [wg c n dagbi](NR T3.24). Deloria records
both g.m and k.m in her Assiniboine data, stating that the dual representation
means I have heard both, and am unsure which is the correct form, as yet
(1936:1). In fact, k.m does not occur, at least not in contemporary speech.
Likewise, the cluster mn, cognate with Sioux bl [b c l], is pronounced without
interruption, for example, [mnna] fine, not *[m c nna]. However, the root meaning
water usually occurs as min when used independently but as mni- in compounds.
For example, by the Dakota Accent Rule (see 12.2), the word mnikpi well (k
dig, -pi NOM) could not have stress on the a if the first member of the compound
were min-, in which case the expected form would be *minkapi.
6. Phonetic effects in monosyllabic clusters
The stops k and t are often accompanied by slight aspiration or voicing when they
are the first member of a tautosyllabic cluster. These effects are irregular,

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38
occurring in slightly fewer than fifty percent of the tokens analyzed instrumentally
(Cum berland 2000), and are found among all speakers. As the first member of a
cluster with n or t, k will often be slightly aspirated, or it may be slightly voiced.
Each of the stops p t k may have slight aspiration when occurring as the
second member of a cluster. That is, the aspiration that occurs is less than the
aspiration of underlyingly aspirated stops. This weak aspiration is especially likely
to occur when the first member of the cluster is an alveolar fricative. Examples
from several different speakers include the following.
(27)

Plain

Weak aspiration

Gloss

[stena]

[st(h)ena]

soon

[ht]

[ht(h)]

hearsay

[ktmi]

[kt(h)mi]

ktmi, the trickster

[kta]

[kt(h)a]

potential enclitic

[kikt]

[kikt(h)]

get up

[nabkpa]

[nabkp(h)a]

mittens

[tn]

[t(h)n]

when

7. Sound symbolism
More a lexical phenomenon than a phonological process, sound symbolism
involving fricatives may indicate varying degrees of intensity. This seems not to be
as prominent as in Sioux, where Boas and Deloria (1941:16-19) provide an
extensive list of comparative forms. The classic Sioux example is z yellow <
tawny < brown (Boas and Deloria 1941:18) but in Assiniboine, * is not

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39
attested and speakers disagree on which of the pair z/ means yellow and which
means brown. A number of undisputed pairs exist, such as those in (28), but they
seem more likely remnants of a system that was, but is no longer, productive.
(28)

kza

to squeak

ka

to low, as cattle,

spa

black

pa

soiled

ta

hazy, smokey

ta

gray

wacsica

quick-tempered

wacica

cranky

In other instances, such as Assiniboine kawa bend, flex and kawa glide in
circles, the relationship is less direct than in Sioux, in which the roots are,
respectively, -wa flexible and -wa bent at a sharp angle (Boas and Deloria
1941:16). Still others, like Boas and Delorias nza soft, as a gland < na the
same, but harder, as cartilage < na hard, like callus on a bone, have no
apparent Assiniboine cognates.
Although there remain traces of sound symbolism in Assiniboine, one
cannot, by some predictable scale, simply vary the quality of a fricative that may be
found in a verb root and thereby convey a difference in intensity, but as the
phenomenon does reflect semantic differences in some cases it is noted here but
will not be explored further.
8. Metathesis
A few compound nouns have lexicalized metathesis, as in (29).
(29a)

nkp wrist (np hand, k vein)

(29b)

hkp shoelace (hpa shoe, k vein)

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40
Compare (29a) to nmk sinews of the wrist (p > m in coda position),
which compounds the same two words as nkp but has not undergone
metathesis. It is interesting to note that aspiration feature is not affected by the
metathesis; it remains in its original position, namely, to the right of the second
segment in the cluster. The aspiration in the examples in (29) is full aspiration; it is
not the weak aspiration that sometimes occurs, discussed in section 6, above.
Some speakers systematically metathesize tautomorphemic tk clusters as
kt, as illustrated in (30). While this form of metathesis is only found in Canada,
many Canadian speakers do not metathesize the tk cluster.17 More research is
needed to determine the precise distribution, but those CTK speakers who do not
methathesize tk include all members of a single, large family and their close
friends. Some examples are:
(30)

Base form
atka

Metathesized
akta

Gloss
kidney

catkm

caktm

on the left side

catk

cakt

the honor place

katk

kakt

choke

otkya

oktya

hang up

yatk

yakt 18

drink

17

Assiniboine speakers at M osquito Reserve m ethathesize the tk cluster, as do

Sto ney sp eak ers at M orley (Pa rks et al. n.d .).
18

Berth a OW atch of C arry Th e Kettle sa ys tha t yakt is an old w ord m eanin g to

bite something into a curve, as a quill when doing quillwork, or a strip of rawhide, but
now it is just a different way of saying yatk. Both Riggs (1890:608) and B uechel

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41
9. Ablaut
The final a and of some verbs undergo regular change to e or when immediately
followed by certain grammatical elements (see table 2.4). Although the
environments in which ablaut occurs are well defined, words that undergo ablaut
are not predictable. Following an established convention (e.g., Taylor and Rood
1976, de Reuse 1983, Rood and Taylor 1996), changeable-a/- is indicated by
uppercase A or in citation forms. Words, enclitics, and particles that undergo
ablaut are collectively referred to as A-words.
The enclitic ktA triggers ablaut to on a preceding A-word; all other ablautinducing elements induce a change to e. Unlike Lakota, ablaut does not occur
when an A-word is in phrase final position.
Elements that induce change of A to e are given in table 2.4. Note that some
of these elements are themselves A-words.
Table 2.4 Form s that induce ablaut to e

Dem onstratives

Enclitics

Modality Particles

Dependent Verbs

n this and all

na

st

as if

kn

consider

deriva tives of n
tha t and all
deriva tives of

DIM

sA

HAB

cuna

CONT

order to

NEG

kca

wrong

kza

pretend to

ken

NEG

no

D E C L -m

kiyA

CAUS

wci

intend to

yA

CAUS

Examples of each of the elements in table 4 are given in (31)-(48), in the order they

(1970:623) record yakt to bend with the m outh.

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42
are listed in the table.
(31)

n
wcta
w iypa 0
/ -wk n 0
/ -sn
(cf. wk)
hum an-be.dead one against A 3-lie this P3-be.cold
this corpse he lay against was cold (NR T7.84)

(32)

n derivative
n wo-w -t-kte
n
pin-ma-ya-ya (cf. ktA)
this ST- A 1s-eat- POT this-because.of please-P1 S-CAUS-REDUP
for what I am about to eat, I thank you

(33)

(33a)

n onw awhimne (cf. ahyA)

this song ST-A 1 S-sing that
this song that I sang (NR T1.12)

(33b)

ec-kte o-0
/ -0
/ -kci-yaka (cf. ktA)
that A 3-do-POT that ST-P3-A 3-tell
she told him she would do that (NR T7.148)

(34)

derivatives

(34a)

ownwan-hkna chen
lightning-sudden then
there were lightning flashes then (Appendix: Big Snake.28)

(34b)

inne
ehtah (cf. iyyA)
A 2.depart ever.since
ever since you left (NR T7.104)

(35)

na
sce-na (cf. scA)
be naughty, kind of bad

(36)

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sA
0 -ey-sa (cf. ey)
/
A 3-say.that-HAB
he always says that(37)

43
0 -py- (cf.py)
/
A 3-soak-NEG
he didnt soak it
(38)

ken
tk-eh-cen (cf. ey)
something-A 2.say-NEG
you havent said anything (LgC1.338)

(39)

te
0 -0
/
/ -putak-kte st (cf. ktA)
P3-A 3-kiss-POT
as.if
as if to kiss her (NR T7.164)

(40)

cuna
0 -pat-iyye-cuna (cf. iyyA)
/
A 3-spread-AUX-CONT
he kept spreading it out (NR T4.26)

(41)

kca
mzask yuh
caca (cf. yuh)
money
A 3.have as.if
as if she had money! (LgC1.316)

(42)

no
wa--kte
no (cf. ktA)
A 1s-come- POT DECL
I will com e (male speaking)

(43)

wci
w-hh wci (cf. hh)
snow -fall be.about.to
looks like snow, like its about to snow whih

(44)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

kn
teke
ya-kn
he (cf. tekA)
be.difficult A 2-find.to.be Q
do you find it difficult?

44
(45)

ahyaye ma-0
/ --pi (cf. ahyA)
sing
P1s- A 3-tell.to.do-PL
they told me to sing it (NR T1.26)

(46)

kza
cye wa-kza (cf. cyA)
cry
A 1s-pretend
Im pretending to cry

(47)

kiya
i-kiya (cf. i)
speak-CAUS
make someone speak

(48)

yA

(48a)

c-n-kse-ya (cf. -ksA)

tree-by.force-sever-CAUS
saw down a tree

(48b)

o-pye-ya (cf. py)

LOC-brand-CAUS
to brand
A single example, mim + -ya > mimya round, suggests that it is possible

that adverbial -ya also triggers ablaut to e but additional examples will need to be
found to be certain.
For some speakers, A-words do not ablaut to before ktA, e.g., mn-kta I
will go, although ablaut to e is retained by these speakers, e.g., A 1s-NEG mn- I
didnt go. Although ablaut to e occurs in a number of environments, ablaut to
only occurs before ktA, so these speakers retain ablaut as a general rule but have
eliminated the anomalous . For them, all ablaut is ablaut to e. The following near

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45
minimal pair occurred in a conversation between a speaker who does not ablaut to
and one who does, the two women speaking virtually simultaneously.
(49a)

tku omnka-kta cn . . .
what ST-1s-tell-POT thus . . .
So what should I tell about . . . (LgC1.333)

(49b)

tku w-wa-knak-kta
hn.
what ST-A 1s-tell.stories-POT I.wonder
I wonder what tales (i.e., gossip) I should tell (LgC1.334)

10. Vocalic nasalization

The oral vowels a i u often undergo nasal assimilation but this phenomenon is
complex and further research is required for a full understanding of the processes
involved. There are three types of nasal spread, which may be characterized as
ranging from weak to strong. The weakest form entails optional nasal spread,
formalized as rule 3, stating that a non-mid vowel is nasalized following a nasal
consonant. The rule is subject to structure preservation; that is, only high and low
vowels are affected by the rule, since the mid vowels e o do not have nasal
counterparts in the phoneme inventory.
RULE

Weak nasal spread

V

> [+nasal] /

___

[+nasal]

Examples are:
(50)

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mak

mk

earth

ma-k

m-k

s/he means me (k mean)

npa

npa

two

man

mn

steal

46
nit

nt

small of the back

ne

ne

ear

It appears that weak nasalization only occurs when an oral vowel follows a
simplex nasal consonant; it does not occur when the nasal consonant is the second
member of a consonant cluster. Examples include the following:
(51)

sn

be cold

*sn

be sleepy

*m

kn

arrive here

*kn

mnask

be flat

*mnsk

Weak nasalization alternates within the speech of individual speakers and

might be characterized as strictly phonetic but for several consistent exceptions:
the diminutive enclitic na does not seem to have a nasalized alternant (*n), and
the oral vowels o e never undergo nasalization, that is, like stop nasalization (see
13.4), variation is restricted to members of the phoneme inventory: only those oral
vowels that have phonemic nasal counterparts are receptive to this type of
variation. This weak form of nasalization appears to be more prevalent at FB than
at CTK.
Somewhat more consistent, but still optional, are those cases in which
nasalization of a nasal vowel perseveres across the glide y. (Nasalization does not
appear to assimilate across the glides w and h.) This phenomenon, too, seems
more prevalent at FB, but for those speakers whose speech exhibits this form, the
occurrence is less ephemeral than the weaker type. However, y does not always
allow nasal spread. Consider the following data:

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47
(52)

(53)

go

> ypi

~ ypi

we go

py

cook

> pyapi

~ pypi

we cook

yatka

bite

> ytakapi

*ytakapi we bite

yua

wash

> yaapi

man ~ mn

steal

> mayn

*yaapi

we wash

*mayn, *myn

I steal

The exam ples in (52) demonstrate that the feature [nasal] can cross both
etymologically organic and epenthetic y: the y of y go is organic (cf. A 1s mn) but
the y of causative -y is epenthetic (cf. pwya I cook), yet both allow nasal
spread. On the other hand, the examples in (53) demonstrate that [nasal] does not
simply spread across y whenever a sequence of [+nasal]-y-[-nasal] occurs. We see
that the instrumental prefixes ya- and yu-, and the A 2 pronominal affix ya do not
admit nasalization. The phenomenon, while suggestive of a phonological process,
seems also to be lexically restricted.
The example in (54) shows that nasal assimilation across y does not occur
when the immediately preceding segment is a nasal consonant. That is, the feature
[nasal] is only received across y from a nasal vowel.
(54)

na-p-pom-ya-pi
INSTR burst- REDUP-CAUS-NOM
popcorn
The strongest type of nasal assimilation may be seen in a few forms where

the feature [nasal] that appears in a surface form is invariant, that is, consistently
present for all speakers. The clearest example of this type is the contraction of mna
to m: the root /min/ knife loses n in compounds when the second element of the

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48
compound begins with a bilabial stop, and the preceding i assimilates the feature
[nasal] from the deleted consonant, as seen in (55a). Compare those forms to that
in (55b), where assimilation does not occur.
(55)

/min/

knife

(55a)

mna

knife

m-ppapina 19

pocket knife (-pu jointed, -na DIM )

m-psto

a knife with a sharp point (p sharp, -sto oblong)

min-ka

boning knife

(55b)

This kind of nasal assimilation is also seen in (56), where npn both, has the
augmentative suffix -. The n is deleted but the feature [nasal] is retained and
transferred to i, producing np.
(56)

np- e-0
/ -cya 20
both-AUG ST-A 3-tell
he told them both (NR T2.13)
Almost as clear a case of strong assimilation is the root /w yak/ see,

where the second vowel of the root is nasalized in the citation form, wyka but
not in the A 1s form, wmnka. The second vowel of the A 1s form does not nasalize
by weak nasalization because when the preceding nasal consonant is in a cluster,
as noted above, nasal consonants in clusters do not seem to induce weak
nasalization.

19

20

CTK varia nt: mppina

Inte resting ly, th e th ird p erson plural object pronom inal wca does not occur
here. Th is ma y indicate th at wca refers only to more than two, or it may simply be an
example of the practice of omitting wca in informal speech. No oth er examp les have
been found in th e corpus to m ake a determ ination between th ese two possibilities.

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49
Finally, oral vowels frequently alternate with nasal vowels in two instances
that are not conditioned by a nasal consonant or vowel. The instrumental prefix is not nasalized by some speakers, and the word wc human alternates freely
with wic. A similar phenomenon in Lakota is identified by Rood and Taylor as
doublets (1996:44), which seems a reasonable label for these alternations also, as
both pronunciations are correct.
11. Vowel hiatus
Adjacent vowels are avoided. There are three strategies for adjusting the phonology
when two vowels become adjacent through inflection or derivation: the insertion of
a glide or glottal stop (11.1), vowel coalescence (11.2), and vowel deletion (11.3).
11.1 Glide or glottal epenthesis
A very comm on strategy for separating adjacent vowels in surface forms consists in
the insertion of y, w, or .
A low level phonetic rule, formalized as rule 4, inserts a glottal stop before a
vowel that follows a word boundary, as in /p/ > pa day and /osni/ > osn be
cold, which form the syntactically derived compound [mosn] to be a cold day
(*mosn). (See 12.1 for a discussion of syntactic and lexical derivation.) A glottal
stop is also inserted phonetically to separate two vowels that are juxtaposed by
derivation when those vowels do not meet the criteria for vowel deletion or
coalescence, as in kaa hit and make laugh; trip and laugh (i laugh).

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RULE

Glottal Insertion Rule:

/ > / ## __V
0
9V A

50
In fast speech, word internal glottal stops are frequently omitted, but both
vowels are pronounced as separate syllables, that is, they do not contract or
coalesce as a result of the omission of the glottal stop.21
The glide y is inserted when a high front vowel immediately precedes a mid
or low vowel. This is very common due to a large number of words formed by the
locative prefix i ~ followed by the locative prefix o, as in (57b)-(57c).
(57a)

/ni+at/
ni-y-te
2.POSS-y-father
your father

(57b)

/i + o + h/
i-y-hi
LOC-y-LOC-arrive.there
reach by extending

(57c)

/i + o + ki + sica/
i-y-ki-sica
LOC-y-LOC-INCEPTIVE-be.bad
feel unwell
Epenthetic y and are found to alternate in some forms.

(58)

i ~ iy

speak, talk

tipa ~ tiypa

door

iykipa ~ ikipa

cradleboard (of k carry on the back)

In general, w is not as commonly used for this purpose, but a few examples
may be the following.

21

In the case of the m odality enclitic otka I think, the glottal stop seems
never to be pronounced, even in slow, careful speech. The word clearly has two high
vowels, though, an d the stress shifts in some en vironmen ts to produce tika.

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51
(59a)

/-wa-oh/
-w-he
LOC-w-boil. ABLAUT
cooking pot (lit. place in which things are boiled)

(59b)

/-wa-o-paska/
-w--paska
LOC-w-LOC-press
bread pan
lit. place in which things are pressed, in which bread dough
is implied by pask knead, as bread dough)

In some instances, intervocalic w seems clearly to be epenthetic, as suggested by

forms with w that compete with forms employing epenthetic y or .
(60)

tiwpa ~ tiypa ~ tipa

door

wa ~ ya ~ a

ask

The variants in (60) appear to be regional, with the glottal stop more
common among Canadian speakers. Individual speakers do not vary the form they
use; for example, a speaker who says tipa does so consistently and does not use
either of the other variant forms.
11.2 Vowel coalescence
Two vowels in hiatus often coalesce as a single vowel. Vowel coalescence differs
from vowel deletion in two ways: when the resulting single vowel is in the first
syllable of a word, it is stressed, and the resulting vowel may differ from either of
the original vowels, for example, where [-high] a coalesces with [+high] as the mid
vowel (61c).

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52
(61)

Vowel coalescence:

(61a)

a-a>

wpaha

staff, banner (wa- INDEF, apha raise to strike)

wpata

sacred bundle; package (wa- INDEF, a- LOC,

pat tie up)

(61b)

a-i>

wyukc

a thought (wa- INDEF, iykc think about)

(61c)

a->

ti

to camp (a- LOC, arrive there, t reside)

yayA

take from here (a- LOC, iyyA depart from here)

wkma

write, draw, paint (itr) (wa- INDEF, okm write,

(61d)

a-o>

draw, paint (tr))

Boas and Deloria (1941:6) report other vocalic combinations that coalesce in
Dakota, namely, - > , o - o > , o - i > , and o - i > . While it is likely that these
also occur in Assiniboine, no clear or certain examples could be identified. That is,
although there are many words with initial , , , and that are not accounted for
by the examples in (61), and while most, if not all, are certainly the product of
vowel coalescence, the precise etymologies cannot be determined without further
analysis.
11.3 Vowel deletion
When the first member of a lexically derived compound is multisyllabic and vowelfinal, the final vowel deletes before the initial vowel of the second member. The
examples in (62) are representative of the data in the corpus. In each case, the first
member of the com pound is a noun. It may be that nouns alone are subject to this
process, but the data are insufficient at this point to support such a claim.

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53
(62)

az*kiya

nurse a child

(az breast, LOC, kiya CAUS)

ct*paya

be sad

(ct heart, opya be sad)

t*k

around the face

(t face, k around)

mak*ti

earth lodge

(mak earth, o LOC, t live)

np *kpa

gloves, mittens

(np hand, kpa tip)

np *cake

bracelet

(np hand, ckA tie)

wakp*ky

kingfisher

(wakp river, o LOC, ky fly)

wakt*knaka

tell ones war deeds (wa INDEF, kt kill, oknka tell

ones own

wat *na

train station

(wta conveyance, 22 o LOC, LOC,

n stand)

wc*te

human face

(wc man, human, t face)

wc*ta

crowd

(wc man, human, ta many)

12. Morphophonemic processes

For the purpose of discussion, morphophonemic processes are divided into two
groups, those that interact with stress and those that do not. Many of the
operations described in this section are identical or very similar to those described
for Dakota by Shaw (1980). When her analysis accounts for the Assiniboine case as
well, the rule is reproduced here with Assiniboine examples but motivations are not
reiterated, although reference to that work is given as appropriate.
Because a number of morphophonemic processes have been shown to be

22

wta boat ha s bee n extend ed sem antically to r efer to any conveya nce, e.g.,
wta train and wtakye air pla ne (ky fly).

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54
sensitive to a uniquely fine set of distinctions among boundary types, this section
begins with a discussion of boundaries. It is followed by a discussion of several
stress-assigning principles and rules that either influence them or are influenced
by them.
12.1 Boundaries
In order to account for some seemingly arbitrary and conflicting stress patterns,
Shaw (1980:35, following Chambers 1978) divides the broader categories of word
boundary and morpheme boundary into the four categories listed in table 2.5.
These finer boundary distinctions delimit the domain of certain phonological rules
in ways that parallel phenomena also found in Assiniboine. They are ranked
hierarchically from weak to strong, where their relative strength is determined by
whether stress can move across the boundary by the Dakota Accent Rule (DAR),
described in the following section. The DAR passes freely across morpheme and
lexical derivation boundaries, but does not cross an enclitic or word boundary. To
facilitate comparison, in this section I will adopt Shaws symbols for these
boundaries.

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Table 2.5 Bound aries
Boundary type

Sym bol

morph eme bou ndary

lexical derivation boundary 23

enclitic boundary

[internal] word boundary

[external] word boundary

##

Shaws evidence for the existence of these boundaries (1980: 35-50) may be
summarized as follows, using Assiniboine examples. The DAR (primary stress
assignment rule that places primary stress on the second syllable, described in the
following section) passes freely over morpheme boundaries (+) and lexical
derivation boundaries (*). These are exemplified in (62) and (63) respectively.
Observe that the DAR is free to assign stress to the right of such boundaries, and
can also move to the left as necessary under the rule.
(63)

Morpheme boundary examples:

(63a)

pronominal affix:

wa + kte

>

wakt

I kill

(63b)

instrumental prefix:

ka + ksA

>

kaks

chop

(63c)

pronominal + instr.

wa + ka + ksA >

wakksa

I chop

(63d)

locative prefix:

+ ka + ksA

ckse

cutting tool

>

(An Assiniboine parallel for the Dakota adverbial suffix -ya, which she
exemplifies by the Dakota word ptsy could not be found.)

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23

* is use d in C ham bers and Sh aw 198 0; Sh aw (1980 ) uses %.

56
(64)

Lexical derivation boundary examples:

(64a)

noun + noun > noun:

cap *ste

> capste ~
cam ste

beaver tail

(64b)

noun + verb > noun:

k*nni

(64c)

noun + verb > verb:

cap *kuwa > capkwa beaver-hunting

(64d)

verb + (dep) verb > verb:

sap *ya

> samy

blacken

yuka*i

> yuki

order to untie

> knni

mustang

By contrast, enclitic (=) and internal word (#) boundaries block the DAR.
(65)

Enclitic boundary examples:

(65a)

p =

(65b)

t = ktA = >

>

p
tkte

*p

not cooked, raw

*tkt

s/he will not die

One phonological rule is sensitive to the distinction between morpheme and

lexical derivation boundary: degemination (rule 7, below) applies across a
morpheme boundary but not across a lexical derivation boundary.
Shaw presents arguments for eliminating the = boundary, stating that the
morphophonemic facts of Dakota substantiate [its elimination on grounds of
economy] in that the two boundaries = and # function together in any rules which
make crucial reference to either of them (1980:41). The hypothesis that = is
superfluous, she says, would be falsified by the identification of a process which
operates only in the context of = or #, but crucially not both (1980:41-42). In
Assiniboine, rhythmic stress patterning (RSP, described in 12.4) ignores a =
boundary but is blocked by a # boundary, so that a distinction between them is
empirically provable. Although the RSP phenomenon is absent in Sioux, the

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evidence it provides of a crucial distinction between the two boundaries in
Assiniboine suggests that a principled basis for the distinction may exist in Sioux
as well.
12.2 Dakota Accent Rule (DAR)
Primary stress is assigned by the Dakota Accent Rule (DAR), as described and
motivated in Shaw (1980:31-44). The rule was first formalized by Chambers
(1978:19) and later by Shaw (1980:31). Shaws formalization of the rule is
reproduced as rule 5.
RULE

Dakota Accent Rule (DAR)

V --> V! / ##(C 0V)C 0__

The rule states that primary stress is assigned to the second syllable of a
word unless there is only one syllable, in which case primary stress is assigned to
that syllable. As a consequence of this rule, primary stress never falls beyond the
second syllable. Primary stress moves leftwards as prefixes are added to a word.
Shaws paradigmatic example (1980:31) is found in Assiniboine as well:
(66)

ci-kt

I kill you

ma-y-kte

you kill me

wic-ya-kte you kill them

Phonological processes that can cause the primary stress to move up to the
first syllable are described in section 11, above.
12.3 Compound Accent Rule (CAR)
In the formation of compounds, the primary stress of the second member is

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reduced to secondary stress by the Compound Accent Rule (CAR), formalized by
Shaw (1980:38) and reproduced here as rule 6.
RULE

Compound Accent Rule (CAR):

V
' > V` /##...V' ...#...__...##

Examples of the CAR, with derivations, include the following.

(67)
DAR
CAR

Insertion

(68)
DAR
CAR

Insertion

(69)
DAR
CAR
ABLAUT

/kiy#iyayA/
kiy#iyya
kiy#iyya
kiyiyya
[kiyiyya]

(kiy fly, iyyA depart)

/mini#o+tA/
min ot
min ot
minot
[minot]

(min water, LOC, t die)

/inamA *kiyA/
inma kya
inma kya
inmekya
[inmekya]

(inmA hide, kiy CAUS.RFL)

fly away

drown

hide from someone

(70)

/kamna- # m ani/ (kamnA spread ones legs apart, m ni walk)

kamnamna mani
3-C Simpl. kamnamna mani
Fric devoic kamnamna mani
DAR
kamnmna mni
CAR
kamnmna mni
[kamnmna mni] walk with legs apart, waddle
REDUP

12.4 Lexical stress

For historical reasons, some stems may be considered to have underlying first
syllable stress. Examples are:
(71)

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hska
cnana

be long, tall
a few; a little bit

59
csina
tuw
knka
kya
hte
ktna
mni
n

be sm all
look
put
say, tell; hearsay
base (noun)
barely, slightly
walk
stand

12.5 Rhythmic Stress Patterning (RSP)

As we have seen, the DAR assigns one accent to a lexical word, and that primary
stress is reduced by the CAR to secondary stress on the second member of a
compound. Significantly, then, an accent resulting from the CAR is simply modified
DAR

stress, subject to all the same rules of placement that affect the DAR and

occupying the position assigned originally by the DAR. Together, these two rules
constitute what may be considered a single stress rule complex.
There are additional stress patterns in Assiniboine words and phrases that
are not accounted for by the DAR/ CAR complex and that impart a characteristic
rhythmic contour to Assiniboine. At the present stage of analysis, these appear to
result from a set of rules that apply after the DAR and CAR have applied, although
further research may contradict this view. All stress resulting from these additional
rules is secondary, and usually but not always falls on alternate syllables.
Since the effect is to impart a prominent rhythm to the language overall, I will
provisionally refer to these patterns collectively as rhythmic stress patterning (RSP)
and regard RSP as a separate rule complex from the DAR/ CAR complex.
There are at least two domains, and hence at least two rules, in the RSP
complex. One domain is the word (with any enclitics that may be attached to it),

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and another that is larger than the word; sometimes this larger domain can be
identified as a phrase or clause, but in other instances it seems not to fit an
identifiable syntactic unit. Although this assessment is quite indefinite, a few
pattern types can be identified that occur with greater than chance frequency so
that it seems certain that these patterns in fact result from rules by which RSP will
eventually be found to be predictable.
12.5.1 Word level RSP
At the word level, pairs of examples like the following suggest that RSP is assigned
from right to left beginning with the penult and to every second syllable thereafter,
creating a stress clash when it encounters primary stress assigned (from left to
right) by the DAR, as described for Stoney (Shaw 1985, Rhyasen Erdman 1997). In
this analysis, in (72), the stem okne is assigned primary stress on the second
syllable by the DAR and secondary stress is assigned to the penultimate syllable by
RSP.

(72a)

o-0
/ -0
/ -kni-p-ken
ST-P3-A 3-get-PL-NEG
they dont get it (NR T4.53)

(72b)

o-0
/ -0
/ -kn-pi
ST-P3-A 3-get-PL
they get it

In (73), we see two four-syllable words, one with underlying first syllable stress
(73a), and one with DAR-assigned primary stress (73b). The fact that a stress clash
occurs in (73b) but not in (73a) can be accounted for by positing right to left
assignment of RSP.

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(73a)

-ma-0
/ -yku
ST-P1s- A 3-take
he took me

(73b)

i-n-tka
ST-P2-be.hungry
you are hungry

Exam ples like the following suggest that in words with final closed syllables, RSP
assignment is initiated on the final syllable. Right to left-assigned RSP could also
account for these examples.
(74a)

wac-wc-wa-ky-kt-c
dance-P3p-A 1s-CAUS-POT-DECL
I will make them dance (NR T5.12)

(74b)

yun-pi--m
drop-PL-NEG -IMPER
dont drop it! (NR T3.29)
However, this suggestion is countered by examples like (75)-(76), in which

stress does not fall on a final closed syllable, and (77), in which neither the
ultimate nor penultimate syllable is stressed.
(75)

i-m-ststa-c
LOC-P1s-be.tired-DECL
Im tired of it (NR T4.9)

(76)

iyha te-mci-y-pi-c24
all
ST-1.BEN -eat.up-PL-DECL
they ate it all up on me (app. ktomi and Fox.39)

(77)

mi-tko-pi-na
A 1s.POSS-grandchild-PL-DIM
my grandchildren (NR T5.12)

In (78), primary stress on the first syllable is unexpected, since the secondary

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24

/tem-mici-ya/ : first m deleted by the rule of degemina tion

62
stress is in the position where primary stress would be expected.
(78)

k-cka
INCEPTIVE-tie

to come loose, come untied (SB.116)

An alternative analysis is that RSP assigns stress to alternate syllables
beginning to the right of the primary stress and m oving from left to right,
regardless of whether the primary stress is assigned to the first or second syllable.
(79)

RSP

(79a)

yun-pi--m
drop-PL-NEG -IMPER
dont drop it! (NR T3.29)

(79b)

o-0
/ -0
/ -kni-p-ken
ST-P3-A 3-get-PL-NEG
they dont get it (NR T4.53)

(79c)

0 -aknc-pi
/
A 3-argue-PL
they argued (NR T4.43)

(79d)

o-mci-ppu
LOC-on.me-scrape.off
he scraped it off on me (SB.9)

(80)

RSP

(80a)

tkun-
nothing-NEG
its nothing

(cf. tku thing; something)

(80b)

nta-p-kta
A 2.eat-PL-POT
you will eat it (SB:71)

(cf. ytA eat)

(80)

-ma-yku
ST-P1s-take
he took me (SB:54)

(cf. yaku take)

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in words with second syllable primary stress

in words with first syllable primary stress

Secondary stress is avoided on a final syllable if the final syllable is open, as

63
in (81), but allowed if the final syllable is closed, as in (82).
(81)

mi-tko-pi-na
A 1s.POSS-grandchild-PL-DIM
my grandchildren (NR T5.12)

(82)

wac-wc-wa-ky-kt-c
dance-P3p- A 1s-CAUS-POT-DECL
I will make them dance (NR T5.12)
The case in which a declarative glottal stop with incomplete closure surfaces

as a neutral vowel (see 3.2.1) is interesting. Underlyingly, creates a closed

syllable, and in its surface form as schwa it adds a syllable so that, in the following
exam ple, is no longer the final syllable. Either way, receives stress by RSP due
to the presence of (> c ).
(83)

[tuwni-
c]
/tuwni- /
nobody-NEG DECL
there is nobody (NR T3.14)
Not explained in an analysis of left-to-right RSP is stress clash, in which

primary stress in one syllable is followed by secondary stress on the next adjacent
syllable, such as those in (72b) and (73b) above, and those in (84)-(85).
(84)

Stress clash in words with second syllable primary stress:

(84a)

wahhya
mole (animal)
mole (SB.74 and SB.80)

(84b)

mi-sk-pi
A 1s.POSS-younger.brother- PL
my younger brothers (NR T3.25)

(84c)

-y-p-kta
1du-go-PL-POT
we will go (NR T3.28)

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(85)

Stress clash in word with first syllable primary stress:

tp-na
ball- DIM
little ball (NR T3.22 and T3.41)
More research is needed to determine the principles governing RSP. While

RSP

is similar in many respects to the secondary stress patterns described for

Stoney, Assiniboine does not exhibit clear patterns of penultimate stress as

described for Stoney, and neither simple right-to-left nor left-to-right assignment
appears to account for all the non-CAR secondary stress observed in the data.
12.5.2 RSP and modality particles
It may be observed in many of the above examples that enclitics are subject to RSP.
Modality particles, however, are not subject to RSP. As the examples in (86) show,
modality particles may receive stress, but it is primary stress.
(86a)

ni-t-p-kte
n
P2-be.dead-PL-POT DECL
you all will be dead (SB.90)

(86b)

a-c-ppu
c-c
LOC-I/you-scrape.off maybe-DECL
I might scrape it off on you (SB.99)

(86c)

-ma-yku p
ST-P2-take PL.IMPER-m
take me [out of here]! (SB.54)

(86d)

i-n-tka
h
ST-P2-be.hungry Q
are you hungry? (NR T7.114)
Monosyllabic modality particles do not always take stress, and although the

reason that they do bear stress in the above examples is as yet unexplained, it
seems clear that it is by some process other than the DAR or RSP. If they were

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subject to the DAR they would consistently bear primary stress and if they were
subject to RSP, any stress they received would be secondary stress. Whatever the
source, when modality particles receive stress, it is always primary stress, unlike
the enclitics, which may only receive secondary stress. In other words, enclitics
and modality particles are in separate stress domains. Enclitics modify a verb and
are associated with the host by an enclitic boundary (=), which blocks DAR but not
RSP.

In fact, this is one of the criteria by which enclitics are distinguished from

modality particles. (See chapter 9.)

12.5.3 Phrase level RSP
RSP

is sometimes seen to extend through entire phrases. In such instances, RSP re-

assigns primary stress of a word within the phrase that would otherwise a phrase
level pattern of alternate syllable stress. In the example in (87), the lexical stress of
nna is shifted to the second syllable, thus preserving the regular alternating
syllable rhythm of the entire phrase.
(87)

tken n tahke n nah nin ni-yz he

how
this knee
this still
very P2-hurt Q
Is your knee still hurting you? (NR T6.20)
The exam ple in (88) provides a m inimum pair in which the speaker repeats

a phrase, but the second time without the independent pronoun n. The primary
stress on yaku is shifted when the pronoun is present but remains in its lexically
assigned position in the repetition, where it is not preceded by n. Also, cen
receives no stress in its first occurrence but receives primary stress in its second
occurrence, thereby creating a pattern of alternating stress that persists across

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both phrases.
(88)

n
em yak cen, -ma-yku cn, . . .
this.one ST-P1s-take thus, ST-P1s-take thus
so this one picked me up, so she picked me up (LgC1.273)
These phrase level stress displacements (if that is what they are) are the

exception rather than the rule, but they occur often enough to suggest that they
are not merely slips of the tongue. Such displacement has also been noted at the
word level, as in (89), where the expected wckip (cf. p call) surfaces instead
with a stress clash similar to that seen in the examples in (84) above.
(89)

wc-k-p
P3p-DAT-call
he called them (SB.61)
Finally, at the phrase level, two additional phenomena have been noted. In

one, the primary stress assigned by the DAR is sometimes shifted to create even,
alternating syllable stress throughout part or all of a phrase. In the bracketed
portion of (90), the expected ntkta you will eat becomes nutkta in context. The
RSP

effect m ay be independent of syntactic structure: hta forms a constituent with

wcuni but agrees with the alternate syllable stress patterning of the m atrix
clause, although this may be coincidental, since hta has underlying first syllable
stress.
(90)

_ . _ ._
._ .
wcuni {hta n eh nut-kta }
A 1s.finish when you then A 2-eat-POT
when I finish eating, then you will eat (NR T7.111)
In (91), nah and cn are stressed as expected, but the first syllable stress

of wksuya (see chapter 9 regarding the derivation of this form) is shifted to the

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second syllable, creating a pattern of regular alternate syllable within the
dependent clause.

. _

(91)

_ .
_
nah weksya
cn
still
A 1s-remember since
since I still remember it . . . (NR T1.4)
Another pattern has been noted that does not alternate syllables but which

by some other rule seems to function in place of alternate syllable stress

assignment. The pattern of the bracketed phrase in (92) is dactylic, i.e., long-shortshort, represented in the example as _

. .. The rhythm in the first part, tken

iyka, is in a sense naturally dactylic by the effect of lexical first syllable stress
on the first word and the DAR on the second. If RSP only assigned alternate syllable
stress, we should expect ewcakyapi. But here the secondary stress in
ewcakiypi does not conform to the more common pattern of alternate syllable
stress assignment, seeming instead to result from the pattern established in the
earlier part of the phrase.
(92)

_ . ._ . . _ .._ .
nkh n { tken iyka ewcakiypi }
now this SPC how mudhen they.call.them
these are the ones they call mudhen today (NR T5.28)

13. Other morphophonological processes

13.1 Degemination
Assiniboine does not have true (tautosyllabic) geminate consonants but when like
consonants abut across a morpheme boundary as a result of morphological
processes, creating what are termed false geminates, the first, or leftmost,

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consonant is deleted.25 Aspirated and unaspirated consonants are treated as like
consonants, so that a combination of C i and Cih will also trigger deletion. Shaws
(1980:340) rule of degemination is reproduced as rule 7, modified to reflect the
restriction of identity to nonlaryngeal features.
RULE

Degemination
C i > 0
/ / ___ C i (i = identity of nonlaryngeal features))

Examples include:
(93)

/pop/

/na+pop+pop *ya=pi/ >

nappomyapi

popcorn

/kok/

/ka+kok+kok-a/

>

kakkoka

to knock

/tit/

/pa+tit+tit-a/

>

pattita

to push around

/temya/ > [temyayabikte]

/tem+ma+ya+ya=pi=kte=/
ST-P1s- A 2-eat.up-PL-POT-NEG
you will not eat me up
Degemination does not occur across a lexical derivation boundary (*), as
show n in (93) (see also Boas and Deloria 1941:13). k is the only obstruent that
does not undergo dissimilating phonological changes in a coda and is therefore the
only obstruent for which such combinations occur. There is no release between the
two segments comprising the geminate; kk is [k:] and kk is [k:].
(94)

/aktak*kiya/

aktkkiya

to cause to run

/conak *kit/

conkkit

to wear a breechcloth

25

A number of recent studies provide evidence that it is, in fact, the first of two
intervocalic biconsonantal obstruents that is deleted in a deletion process. See, for
examp le, Wilson (2001). The first two examples in (93), in which the u naspirated stop of
the coda is d elete d an d th e aspira ted stop of th e followin g on set is reta ined, su ppo rt th is
cla im .

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/snok *kiya/

snokkya

to know ones own

/k*kn/

kkna

an old dog

/k*kne/

kknknea

a pinto horse

13.2 Triconsonantal simplification

When a sequence of three consonants occurs across a morpheme boundary (+), the
leftmost consonant is deleted. Shaws (1980:332) formalization of this rule is
reproduced as rule 8.
RULE

Triconsonantal simplification (CCC-SIMPL):

C > 0
/ / __ CC

(95)

/kop/ > kop+kp-a > k-kpa

to be crooked, warped

/-mnec/ > kamnc+mnec-a > kamn-mneca

to smash with an
instrument

/nut/ > nut+nt-a > nu-nta

to be slippery, slick

/nok/ > onk+nok-a > on-noka

to be full of holes

The root /mnuz/ appears to be an exception to this rule for some speakers.
(96a)

[namn+mnza]

to cause to creak by walking on,

(96b)

[cmnus+mnzana] little gusts of wind

In (96a), the final z of /mnuz/ is deleted in its reduplicated form but in

(96b), attested by a different speaker (from the same generation and geographic
region) the reduplicated form retains the CCC sequence, with the z undergoing
fricative devoicing, as described below.

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13.3 Fricative devoicing
The fricatives z are devoiced in codas. This is formalized as rule 9, following
Shaw (1980:334), modified here to express the environment in terms of syllable
structure.
RULE

Fricative devoicing
[-son, +cont] > [-voice] / __ ]F

Examples are given in (97), with syllable boundaries marked.

(97)

Fricative devoicing:

/coz/

to be warm

cos.y

to make warm

/-mnaz/

to break open

ka.mns-.kni.p.yA

/wi/

to glide in circles

ka.w-.

be gliding in circles, as a hawk

/po/

to blow on

po.p.

to blow on

/ye/

glitter

ye.y

be illuminated, shining

/kt/

drunk

kt.y

to make drunk

/w/

bend

w.w.e.na be pliable, flexible

his fell and broke open

13.4 Coda nasalization

A stop in coda position nasalizes at the place of articulation before sonorants and
word finally. This is formalized as rule 10. The rule is subject to structure
preservation; k does not nasalize because the homorganic nasal
of the phoneme inventory in Assiniboine

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is not a member

71
RULE

10

Coda nasalization
C

> [+nasal] / ___ ]F

[-cont]

[+son]
##

Examples are:
(98)

/nup/ npa

two

numnpa, nm

/wt/ wta

crawl

wnwta

/tap/ tpa

be cut

matptam (adv)

/hot/ pahta

clean a cylinder

pahnhota

The exam ples in (99) illustrate the failure of k to undergo coda nasalization.
(99)

nk.n.ka

twitch

tk

certainly

yk-

come running (yka run, come)

For some speakers the fricative is a sonorant and triggers Coda

Nasalization, while for others, it does not.
(100)

/ot/

ta

gray

on..ta (~otta)

When the coda consonant is aspirated, as occasionally happens when a

word is formed by dropping a final vowel, aspiration is lost also.
(101)

iykapa beyond, surpassing > iykam beyond, surpassing

13.5 Velar palatalization

Velar palatalization is a common phenomenon, occurring when a simple velar stop
is preceded by a front vowel across a morpheme boundary. Examples include:

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72
(102)

ka

make

mci+caa

he made it for me

kuw chase

ni+cwa

he is chasing you

give

ni+c

he gave it to you

ey say + ki DAT >

e+cyA

tell

The rule as it applies to the examples in (102) is formalized as rule 11.

RULE

11

Velar palatalization (VEL PALAT)

C
[velar]

> coronal
-anterior

/ V

+ ___ V

[front]

There are many conditions on this rule, however, m aking it impossible to

formalize a single rule that precisely states the environment for palatalization in all
cases.26 The palatalization patterns in Assiniboine parallel those in Lakota, where
the problem has been studied extensively, e.g., Legendre and Rood (1992:380-382),
Patterson (1990:150-156), Shaw (1980: 192-237), Boas and Deloria (1941:14). As a
general principle, it is useful to bear in mind Legendre and Roods (1992:382)
conclusion that [t]he exceptions to palatalization are always in the direction of
unexpected immunity to the rule. Because Shaw has methodically enumerated the
conditions on velar palatalization, it seem s that the most efficient approach is to
follow the order of her presentation. To facilitate cross-dialect comparison,
references to other studies of this phenomenon are provided.
13.5.1 Velar palatalization and active/stative verb stems
An active verb stem with an initial velar undergoes velar palatalization, whereas

26

Shaw (1980:205) offers a complex rule that accounts for the m ajority of
insta nces of pa latalization, b ut even th at ru le has exce ption s.

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velar-initial stative verb stems do not (cf. Legendre and Rood 1992:382; Shaw
1980:194; Carter 1974; Boas and Deloria 1941:14).
(103)

Active stems:

(103a) waktoto

I sweep

ticatoto

a broom

(103b) mak

he means me

nic

he means you

(103c) mak

he gives me

nic

he gives you

(104)

Stative stems:

(104a) makta

I am feverish

nikta

you are feverish

(104b) makna

I am old

nikna

you are old

The active verb stem k covet, desire is an exception. It does not palatalize
when the conditions of VEL PALAT are m et (cf. Shaw 1980:194; Boas and Deloria
1941:14).
(105)

/wa+k/ >

[wag]

I covet it

/ni+k/ >

[nig]

he covets you

Initial velars of dependent verb stems do not palatalize, as shown in (106). 27

(cf. Shaw 1980:193; Boas and Deloria:14).
(106)

/ia*kap/

[igab ]

he is reluctant to talk

/+na*kiya/ >

[nkiya]

to stop something

/ihni*kiya]

[ihnikiya]

to cause to finish

27

>

>

Shaw gives Sioux examples in which ko means portend, foretell but I find
no such examples for Assiniboine, nor have I been able to elicit the word with that
meaning. Although ko is com mo n in A ssiniboine a s a con junction and a s a m odality
particle, it appears not to exist as a dependent verb.

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13.5.1.1 Instrumental prefix ka by a blow; by external pressure
The k of instrumental prefix ka- is palatalized following a high front vowel.
(107)

(108)

(109)

kahmni

to knock or spin around

chomni

a crank

kaks

to chop

ckse

cutting tool (INSTR + by striking+sever (with nominal ablaut))

kam

to beat a drum

cmu

drumstick

(INSTR + by striking+spin)

(LOC+ INSTR.by a blow + make deep sound)

13.5.1.2 ki mutual contact, effect

The morpheme-initial velar of ki mutual contact palatalizes following a high front
vowel (cf. Shaw 1980:194).
(110)

(111)

wa+k

I throw it at him

ni+c

he throws it at you

/wa+ki+pa/>

[wakba]

Im jealous of him

/ni+k+pa/ >

[nicba]

hes jealous of you

13.5.1.3 Kinship suffix -ku (3 rd person possessive)

In example (112), the suffix-initial velar is palatalized across a morpheme boundary
following a high front vowel, but not after other vowels, as seen in (113) (cf. Shaw
1980:195).
(112)

(113)

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/ta+w+ku/ >

tawcu

his wife

/tw+ku=na/ >

twcuna

his/her aunt (cross relationship)

/h+ku/

hku

his mother

>

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/timno+ku/ >

timnku

her older brother

/ska+ku/

skku

his/her younger brother

>

13.5.1.4 Suffix -ka rather, kind of

The enclitic-initial velar palatalizes across an enclitic boundary following derived e,
that is, an e that results from ablaut (114). It does not palatalize after an
underlying e (115a), nor after a high front vowel (115b). (cf. Shaw 1980:195; Boas
and Deloria 1941:77)
(114)

/a+kt=ka/ >

akteca

be kind of warm

/a+sap=ka/ >

aspeca

be kind of black

awteka

be kind of good

(115a) /a+wate=ka/ >

(115b) /a+=ka/ (redup) > aka

be kind of fat

13.5.1.5 Enclitic ken NEG

The negative enclitic ken (which does not occur in Sioux) conforms precisely to the
rule of VEL PALAT as described by Shaw. The velar does not palatalize following a
high front vowel across the enclitic boundary (116), but does palatalize following a
derived e (117).
(116)

(117)

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/okini=pi=ken/ >

oknipiken

they didnt get any

/yaku=pi=ken/ >

yakupiken

they may not take any

/kiksu(+)yA+ A 1s=ken/ >

wksuyecen

I dont remember

/snokyA+A 1s=ken/ >

snokwyecen I dont know

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13.5.2 Adverbs and velar palatalization
It appears that there is variation in the application of VEL PALAT to adverbs.28 The
examples in (118-119) conform to the rule, but among the variant forms in (120122), those in (120-121) were given by the same speaker, in one instance on the
same day, and these variations have been attested both at FB and CTK.
(118)

(119)

(120)

(121)

(122)

(123)

/+kokam/

LOC

+ front

kgam]

in front of

/+kayena/

LOC

kyena

near, close to

/mi+kakna/

me + beside

mkakna ~ mcakna

beside me

/mni#kakna/

water*beside

mn#ckna

beside the water

/ti*kakna/

dwelling *beside

tickna

beside the dwelling

+ near

[awdabi gakn
/a+wa+yut=pi # kakna/
at- NOM-eat- NOM # beside
at the table

13.5.3 Coronal dissimilation

Non-continuant coronal segments t n c dissimilate to [k] when followed by another
coronal segment across a morpheme boundary, as described by Shaw (1980:337-8)

28

In th is, Assin iboin e differs from Sioux, as S haw p rovides evidence th at in

Siou x adv erbs never pa latalize.

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for Dakota. Shaws (1980:338) formalization of this rule is reproduced as rule 12.
RULE

12

Coronal dissimilation

-cont
+coron

>

-coron
-ant
/ ___ +[+coron]
-sonor

Examples are:
(124)

nna

> niknna

very (also, nknina quickly)

sca

> siksca

be bad

sut

> suksta

be firm

yuzca > yuzkzicapi rubber (cf. yuzca to stretch out by pulling)

ta

> akta

be forked

There is one attested example in which coronal dissimilation occurs across a

lexical derivation boundary:
(125)

ct *scA > cksce

be m orose (ct heart, scA bad)

14. Phrase-level phonology

Several phenomena operate across word boundaries. These include the rules of
Vowel Devoicing, Vowel Syncope, Intervocalic Voicing, and Rhythmic Stress
Patterning.
14.1 Vowel devoicing
An unstressed word-final vowel is devoiced, or whispered, when it is phrase final
and is not preceded by a glide. The whispered vowel retains all of its features
except voice. This is formalized as rule 13.

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RULE

13

Vowel devoicing
V

> [-voice] / C

[-stress]

____ ##

[+cons]

Voiceless vowels will still trigger intervocalic voicing so that, even when the
vowel is virtually inaudible, evidence of its presence may be seen in a preceding
obstruent that would otherwise be devoiced or nasalized due to coda effects.
Monosyllabic enclitics are affected by this rule due to their close phonetic bond to
their hosts but modality particles have greater independence and therefore
monosyllabic modality particles are not affected.
(126)

After a stop:

(126a) /oko/
o

[ok ]

be fast

[oko=]

he/she was not fast

(126b) /kat-/
a

(127)

be fast

be hot

[kd ]

it is hot

[kde=]

it is not hot (e is not whispered, but is)29

After a fricative:
/w-/
a

bend

[yuw ]

bend with the hands

[yuwe=]

he/she did not bend it

29

A few FB speakers have been heard to pronou nce kta without the fina l a, yet
reta inin g a fina l t, as in [nn a k t] its very hot. It is also notew orth y th at th e final t
does not nasalize, as would be expected b y the coda na salization rule. This phenomen on
could signal a phonological shift in progress, but because it is exceptional, it is not
explored here.

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(128)

After a nasal:
/ahya/

sing (transitive)
a

[awhimn ]
(129)

I sing it

Modality particle (phrase final vowel is not devoiced):

wac po

dance! (said to more than one)

mtuka no

Im hungry (male speaking)

Compare I sing it in (128) to A 3 [ahya] he sings, in which the final vowel

is preceded by a glide and therefore is not devoiced. This is seen also in the
exam ples in (130).
(130)

After a glide (phrase final vowel is not devoiced):

[iyya]

he left, he set out from here

[kwa]

come here!

14.2 Vowel syncope

In continuous discourse, an alternative to the glottal insertion rule across word
boundaries is syncope of the first of the two juxtaposed vowels. This is not due to
fast speech; the speakers in (131)-(132) were actually speaking quite slowly. The
rule is formalized as rule 14. It is in free variation with the glottal insertion rule in
this environment.
RULE

14

Phrase level vowel syncope

V > 0
/ / C__##V

(131)

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npcwka [npcwga] nine becomes npcwg

[ngh wikcmna akn sm npcwg eh-wa-i]
/nkh wikcmna akn sm npcwka eh-wa- ]
now
ten
eight
more nine
ST-A 1s-reach(a point)

80
now I am eighty-nine years old (NR T1.9)
(132)

[Mary, niy
dg eh-jen]
/Mary niy
tku eh-ken/
Mary, you.EMPH thing A 2.say-NEG
Mary, you havent said anything (LgC1.339)
In (133) the p of pi remains in an intervocalic environment despite the

deletion of i and is still subject to the intervocalic voicing rule, becoming b, rather
than m by the coda nasalization rule. In other words, the intervocalic voicing rule
applies prior to vowel syncope. (If the speaker of (133) had paused after kokpi,
the i would have been present, but whispered.)
(133)

kokpi [kokbi] young men becomes kokb

[kk-b
agwi 0
/ -t-bi
c
]
young.man-PL eleven A 3-live-PL DECL
there lived eleven young men (NR T3.1)

(134)

/aktka # +h=pi/
[aktg
-h-b]
run
1du-arrive.here-PL
we ran here [es, kt 11.155]
In (135), the only example of this type in the corpus, a stressed final vowel is

deleted, and while the vowel is deleted, the stress is retained and transferred to the
previously unstressed vowel.30
(135)

/ekt # +knA=ktA/
a
[ekt--kn-kt ]
there 1du-go.back.there-POT
we will go back there (NR T7.125)

30

Th is form of contr action is m ore com m on in L ako ta. S ee B oas an d D eloria

(194 1:77).

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14.3 Phrase level stress patterning
As discussed in 12.5.2, rhythmic stress patterning (RSP) occurs at the phrase level
as well as at the word level. It seems likely that phrase level RSP results from one or
more rules that are independent of word level rules.
14.4 Intervocalic voicing
As discussed in 2.2, intervocalic voicing of stops and the affricate is a phonetic rule
that is not sensitive to boundaries of any kind. At the phrase level, intervocalic
voicing interacts with vowel syncope, described in 14.2.

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Chapter 3
Nouns and Pronouns

1. Introduction
Nouns are of two basic types, derived and non-derived. Although there are a
significant number of inherent nouns, the great majority of nouns are derived,
primarily from verbs, and any noun may also function as a predicate.
Consequently, nouns are most reliably identified by distributional criteria. Nouns
are not marked for case although certain nouns may be marked to indicate
inalienable possession, including a number of kinship terms that carry a
possessive pronominal clitic. Number marking reveals an animacy hierarchy in
which human reference is distinguished from non-hum an reference and animate
reference is collectively distinguished from inanimate reference. Number marking is
common for human-reference nouns by the addition of the enclitic pi, occasional
for inanimate nouns by reduplication, and with one exception (pzana kitten >
pza-pi-na kittens), absent on non-hum an-reference animate nouns.
2. Inherent nouns
Inherent nouns are synchronically non-derived and tend to refer to concrete, timestable concepts such as body parts, objects in nature, clothing, and kinship terms.
There is a degree of arbitrariness in distinguishing between nouns that are
productively derived and those that are not. Many nouns can be analyzed into
morphemes with identifiable meanings and thus are clearly derived in some sense,

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but the meaning of the whole may be idiosyncratic, making debatable whether the
noun is derived by productive processes or is a lexicalized relic of diachronic
derivation and therefore synchronically classifiable as an inherent noun. The latter
circumstance is analogous to English words like windshield, which is not perceived
as consisting of wind and shield unless one thinks about it, though when one does,
the logic of the compound is obvious. The phenomenon is much more comm on in
an agglutinating language like Assiniboine. An example is the following:
(1)

a--ya-pi
LOC-brown-CAUS-PSV
bread (lit. it is browned, implying baked)
The literal meaning of ayapi could refer to any number of things but its

conventional meaning is bread. Furthermore, it behaves as an inherent noun in

that it can be synchronically derived by compounding it, seemingly redundantly,
with to brown to produce ayapi toast.
Another example is ona town. As with many nouns derived from verbs
by use of locatives (see section 3.1.1 below), the derived form is lexicalized as a
noun; although the constituent morphemes are transparent, such lexicalized forms
do not occur as verbs.
These examples provide evidence that Assiniboine does have a class of
nouns that is distinct from the class of verbs, despite the mobility of some forms
between the two classes. They also offer a caution against the temptation to overanalyze nouns. Lexicalized form s abound, some of which are only partially
analyzable and others of which appear to be fully analyzable but often have
different etymologies than suggested by one or more morphemes in their surface

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forms. I consider forms that exhibit any of the following characteristics as
synchronically non-derived:

one or more elements is unanalyzable, for example, honina a fly

(hona- ?, ?yellow, -na NOM). (Boas and Deloria (1941:28) comment that
such form s defy analysis);

the head is a dependent root with nom inal reference, for exam ple, /-cku/
> ocku road, even though it may itself be diachronically derived;

the stem is fully analyzable but consistently occurs independently or in

grammatical operations as a nominal unit and the form as a whole is not
perceived by native speakers as a sum of the literal elements, that is, if the
stem has been lexicalized, as in the case of ayapi and ona;

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the form can be analyzed into identifiable morphemes but the semantics of
the components clearly bear no relationship to the meaning of the full form.
For example, wh (~ wah) flint; arrowhead is surely a lexicalized
compound, but of what? Consider, for example, the possibility ?w
bullsnake + ?h tooth, or any number of other possible interpretations
based on logical or absurd combinations of w ~ wa and hi ~ h, each of
which has several meanings. All efforts to analyze the word as a product of
synchronic compounding fail on semantic grounds. (Disregard for this
principle is particularly prone to produce folk etymologies of the type
discussed in note 31).
Monosyllabic roots with nominal reference are the surest examples of

85
inherent nouns since any word of two or more syllables (other than CVC roots with
epenthetic a) is very possibly the product of historical processes. With these
cautions in mind, examples of fairly unambiguously inherent nouns include the
following.
(2)

at

father

it eye

ka dog

wood

face

ruminant; moose

cc child

y rock

tah brother-in-law of a man

hpa

moccasin

mau rain

mouth

mak earth

wamn eagle

snow

in

mother

np hand

sun, moon

ist

arm

in shawl

wc man, human

Virtually all inherent nouns can be used as stative verbs, e.g., n ka

(pronoun + dog) this is a dog. However, only personal nouns, when used as
stative verbs, may be inflected. Examples are:
(3)

nakta

Nakota; Indian

namkota

I am Nakota/an Indian

wy

woman

mawy1

I am a woman

wc

man

wmca

I am a man

tuk

dwarf, midget, runt matke

I am a dwarf, midget, runt

2.1 Nominal roots

Inherently nominal roots may be divided into several types: 1) monosyllabic forms
of CV and CVC, analogous to verbs of these types and having first syllable stress

This form is attes ted b oth a t FB and CTK . Com pare to La k. wmy (Buechel
1970:587) with infixed pronoun.

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(see Phonology 4.1); 2) truncated roots; 3) disyllabic roots that behave like CVC
roots despite underlying final vowels; 4) disyllabic roots that are synchronically
unanalyzable; and 5) bound roots that require a prefix.
2.1.1 CV roots
Vowel final roots, referred to collectively as CV roots, may take the form V, CV, or
CCV. As a class, they are conventionally referred to as CV roots and may occur
independently or in compounds. Examples are:
(4)

mouth (the only occurrence of a V form)

CV

wood

CCV

pt

buffalo cow

2.1.2 Truncated roots

A number of nominal CV roots only occur in combination with other elements.
Some of these are truncated forms of disyllabic roots (suggestive of diachronic
derivation), and some are of obscure origin and occur only in compounds, such as
ce-, ca-, and c- in body part terms. Boas and Deloria (1941:70-71) refer to such
forms as classifiers; de Reuse (1994:202) refers to them as bound nominal
lexical morphem es.
The truncated nominal roots identified in Assiniboine are given in (5)-(14).2

There is a particle w- that signifies food, but it differs from th e truncated

nouns in that it is derived from a verb wtA eat (intransitive), which is itself derived
from indefinite wa- and ytA eat (transitive), and word s formed w ith this particle are
verbs rather than nouns. U nlike the truncated nou ns, wh ich derive their meaning from
the fu ll form s of w hich they are a redu ction s, w- does not inhe rently m ean food.
wku
to fee d, giv e fo od to (k g ive)
wkka
be appealing , as fo od (k desir e, c ovet)
wna
ask for foo d (n ask for)

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For mna knife (9), the truncated root takes two forms, min- or m. The reduction
to m- occurs in compounds in which the following element begins with p, in which
case n deletes and the feature [nasal] is preserved in a change of i to .3 Generally,
the truncated root precedes the base, but as seen in (14), w- woman sometimes
follows the base.
(5)

ha- < haypi clothes

(5a)

ha-tk-kic
clothes-different-wear; put on clothing
to change ones clothes

(5b)

ha-tca
clothes-new
new clothes; new covering

(6)

h- < hhpi night4

(6a)

h-w
night-sun/moon
sun; moon; month

(6b)

h-nw-pi
night-sing-NOM
night song

This might be a general phonological rule, but there are too few data to be
certa in. O nly one o ther exam ple of -in > occurs in the corpus (from an O cean Man
spea ker o f the o lder g eneration ): waiapi English language, from wacu white
person, where the u is drop ped, c becomes n by co da n asaliza tion, a nd fin ally, n is
dropped but the feature [nasal] is assimilated by i. The m ore comm on pronu nciation of
this word (at least amon g speakers at CTK and FB ) is waniapi.
4

h seem s in gen era l to re ference tim e, w hethe r as in th e present c ase wh ere it

refere nces nighttim e, or in adve rbs, e.g. th when (indefinite to + h) or h at that
time (demontstrative + h), or the durative enclitic h (considered to be derived from
the verb sta nd but wit h a logic al sem antic co nn ectio n to tem por al re ference).

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(6c)

h-mni
night-walk
to walk at night

(7)

ho- < ho fish

(7a)

ho-ppe
fish-sharp.REDUP
pike, perch

(7b)

ho-kmke
fish-snare
fishnet

(7c)

ho-kwa 6
fish-chase
to fish

(8)

t < tytu evening

tsni a cold evening

(9)

min ~ m- < mna knife

(9a)

min-k
knife-convex
boning knife, with curved blade

(9b)

m-ppa-pi-na
knife-jointed-NOM- DIM
pocketknife

(9c)

m-p-sto
knife-sharp-long.and.narrow
a knife with a sharp point

There is also a prefix ho- cam p circle that o ccur s in ce rtain adve rbs, e.g.,
hkakna along the camp circle and hcapkiya tow ard the m iddle of th e cam p, bu t it
does not appear to create n ouns like the truncated n ouns in the class described here,
nor does is seem to be a truncation of some longer form. Boas and Deloria (1941:53)
giv e this prefix as meaning roun d enc losur e.
6

Some CTK speakers do not accept this form, preferring hokuwa; they claim
that hokwa is Sioux.

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(10)

mnok-

(10a)

mnoktu summer

(10b)

mnokcoktu July (mid-summ er)

(11)

si- < sih foot

(11a)

si-h
foot-lower.part
sole of the foot

(11b)

si-ckn
foot-middle
instep

(11c)

si-cna7
foot-without.something
be barefooted

(13)

w- < wy woman

(13a)

w-k-now
woman-covet-sing
love song

(13b)

w-now
woman- INSTR.about-sing
song about women

(13c)

w-wyaka8
woman-slave; captive
female captive

(13d)

witk-w
crazy-woman
a foolish woman, loose woman

CTK variant: sicco

A CTK speaker rejects this form, giving instead wy kyuza for both male and
female slaves.

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(13e)

ta-w3.POSS-woman
wife
(This is the stem for wife terms: mitw my wife, nitw your wife,
tawcu his wife.)

w is common in womens personal names, for example:9

(14)

peta-ska-w
medicine-white-woman
White Medicine Woman [a womans name]
zitkna-t-w(y)
bird-blue-woman
Bluebird Woman (name of Bertha OWatch, Carry The Kettle)

2.1.3 CVC roots

There is a small set of CVC roots the members of which, analogous to verbs,
receive a final a by the rule of STEM FORMATION in their independent forms and carry
first syllable stress (cf. Boas and Deloria 1941: 72-73). (See chapter 2: 4 for a
discussion of stem formation.) The list in (15) includes all that have been identified
in the corpus.
(15)

Consonant-final noun roots and simplex surface forms

/p/

pa

/cap/

cpa beaver

/ce/

ca kettle, pot

/hp/ ~ /hap/

hpa

/maz/

mza metal, iron

day

moccasin

It is becoming more common to use the full noun wy in womens personal

nam es, and it is often the case that both form s are acceptable for the sam e given nam e,
for exa m ple, matw ~ matwy Bear W om an. (Note also th at mat is on ly used in
nam es. The generic term for bear is waksica.)

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/k/
/wat/

ka

dog; also horse (compound form )

wta

boat, canoe also, train

The roots in (15) may occur in compounds with or without the stem final a,
as illustrated in (16)-(22). Variant forms are neither regional nor generational and
often both forms have been attested by a single speaker. The difference is explained
phonologically by the type of boundary that occurs between the constituent
members, and although data are insufficient to be certain, it may therefore be that
the lexically derived forms have a more idiosyncratic meaning than the
syntactically derived compounds. The variant form s in (16), for example, seem to
have identical m eanings, although with further research some fine semantic
distinctions might be discerned.
(16)

/cap/ cpa

beaver

(16a)

camh ~ cpa h

beaver tooth

(16b)

cam ste ~ cpa st

beaver tail

(16c)

camkna ~ cpa kna

an old beaver

(17)

/ce/ ca

kettle, pot

(17a)

without -a:

(17b)

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ce-

copper kettle ( red)

ce-ka

bucket handle (k vein)

with -a:
ca-ne yuk-k-na
pot
ears there.exist- REDUP-NOM
pot with grips

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ca k-na
oyte
kettle carry.on.the.back-NOM people
Carry The Kettle Band (Assiniboine) 10
(18)

/hp/ ~ /hap/ hpa moccasin

(18a)

without -a:
hamsic

moccasin soles

hmcpina (~ hmcna11) handgame

hp-cake

(18b)

shoelace (from a speaker who does not nasalize stops

in codas)

with -a:
hpa opet (~ owpet) shoe store

(19)

hpa ska-pi

quilled moccasins (cf. wska do quillwork)

hpa k-pi

decorated moccasins

/maz/ m za

metal, iron

10

I have heard t wo explanations fo r the origin of the nam e Ca rry T he K ettle.

The one suggested in the example, in which -na is glossed as a no m inalizer, tells of a
man who was hunting with two male relatives when they were attacked by Whites. The
man s rela tives were killed but he was saved b ecau se the bullet hit th e sm all Hud sons
Bay kettle he was carrying strung over his back, as was the fashion. The second
explanation interprets -na as a dim inutive. In th is version, a sm all boy, too you ng to
speak, was foun d wan dering with n o family. He wa s adopted into the ban d and becau se
he wa s wearing a tiny rep lica of a pot or kettle on a string aroun d his neck, wa s nam ed
He carries the kettle. In general, however, few members of Carry The Kettle Band
claim to know the origin of the nam e.
11

ecpina is attested at both FB and CTK b ut a significant num ber of

Canad ian speakers at CTK and O cean M an reject prefer ecna. An Ocean Man speaker
further contracts handga me to hmcna.

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93
(19a)

(19b)

without -a:12
maspe

blacksmith (ap hit)

masnatake

spurs (natkA kick)

mas-ppe

barbed wire (p be sharp)

maz--ti

iron lodge [from a folktale] (ot lodge, dwelling)

maz-yum

a file (tool)

with -a:
mza-sk

silver, money (sk white)

mza ntake

spurs ( LOC, natkA kick)

mza o-cku

railroad (ocku path, road)

(20)

/k/ ka

dog; also horse, compound form

(20a)

without -a:

(20b)

k-h-ca

shaggy dog (h fur, ca INTNS)

k-p-tka

bulldog (p head, tkA be big)

k-h-a

bay horse (h fur, be red)

k-ke

hoof of a horse (ak nail, as a fingernail)

with -a:
ka t pk

bulldog (t face, pk spherical)

ka-tka

horse (ka dog, tka big) 13

12

It is n ot cle ar w hy /m az/ is resylla bified in som e com pou nds, as in [m a.zo .thi]
an d [m a.z.yum ], but n ot ot hers, a s in [m as.a .pe] an d [m as..na.ta.ke].
13

katka, literally big dog, is a lexicalized form m eaning horse. The term
reflects the relationship betw een the functions of the dog and horse a s pack anim als.

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94
ak katka
(21)

/wat/ wta

(21a)

without -a:

(21b)

pack horse (k carry on the back)

boat; canoe; train14

wat-p

train engine (p head)

wat-na

train depot (- LOC, n stop, halt)

wat--pana

Canoe Paddlers, a band of Assiniboine

with -a:
wta-peta

steamboat (pta fire)

wta ona

train depot15 (n stop, halt)

mn

submarine (mn water, m ahn in; inside)

mahn wta

wta -tku

freight car

(22)

/pat/ pata

duck

(22a)

without -a:
pan-t-a

small duck ( REDUP) (FB)

pan-cc

small duck (cc child, offspring) (CTK)

14

It is te m pt in g t o in clude in this set the form -w-toku freight train , in

which wa might be seen as wat- boa t, tra in w ith lo ss of fina l t by degem ination before
tok haul. The m ore likely derivation is -wa-tku L O C - IN D E F -haul, with train
implied.
15

o--na
L O C -inceptive-stand (animate)
a stopping p lace, station, de pot

Although th e verbal root of this term is restricted to animate subjects, the contem porary
use of th e ter m station no long er im plies an im acy . Th e origin of th e w ord un dou btedly
predates powered vehicles, at a time when those stopping were riders and horse-drawn
vehicles.

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95
(22b)

with -a:
pata-tka

wild goose (tka big) (*pantka)

2.1.4 Multisyllabic roots with final -e

Some multisyllabic roots ending in e behave as if they were CVC roots in that, like
true CVC roots, these roots may occur in compounds without the final vowel. The
loss of the final vowel cannot be accounted for by the rule of vowel deletion, and
stops that come to stand in codas due to the loss of the final vowel undergo coda
effects, as expected for true CVC roots. Examples are:
(23)

(24)

/cte/
ct

heart [regarded as the seat of emotions]

cnksni

bring s.o. out of anger

cnny

pout

cnca

have bad feelings

/cae/
ca

name

wnek catpi

a name based on an act of bravery (wnekapi

wearing of the symbols of honor)

(25)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

/npe/
np

hand

nmk

the sinews of the wrist (k vein)

npc

outer area of the upper arm; tenderloin

npcka

palm of the hand (cka middle)

96
npshu

finger (sih bones of the lower leg, foot)

3. Noun derivation
Nouns may be derived from a noun or verb (either active or stative), or a
combination of both. Adverbs are found in derived nouns but do not serve as
heads. Derivational processes include affixation, the addition of an enclitic, ablaut,
compounding, reduplication, and zero derivation. These processes are also used in
combination, and then derived forms may themselves be further derived by the
same processes, so that it is often not possible to say for certain if one device alone
is responsible for the nominalization. Which nominalization processes are
employed in any instance tends to be unpredictable (Comrie and Thompson
1985:357), but some general principles can be observed and are described where
they emerge.
Because noun derivation employs many of the same processes as verb
derivation and draws on the same set of prefixes and enclitics, surface forms are,
in themselves, frequently indistinguishable from verbs. For exam ple, in (26) -sA
and -pi function both as nominalizing suffixes and verbal enclitics.
(26)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Noun

Verb

ansa 16

climber

he always climbs, used to climb

ohyesa

winner

he always wins, used to win

tpi

lodge, dwelling

they live

hoppi

a cold

they cough

16

A CTK speaker does not recognize this form, giving instead iyni

97
kpi

powers given to one, as

they give

in a vision
Syntactic distribution serves to determine the correct meaning. The
distinction between nominalizing suffix and verbal enclitic becomes more apparent
with negation.
(27)

ansa (n)

ansa ca

he is not a climber (ca be that kind)

ansa (v)

anse

he doesnt always climb;

he never used to climb

3.1 Prefixation
3.1.1 Locative prefixes
The locative prefixes a-, i~-, o- (see chapter 6: 5.1) function as nominalizers, either
as the sole nominalizer or in combination with each other (table 3.1).17 They may
also combine with nominalizing suffixes (section 2.1.2, above). Nouns derived from
verb stems by locative prefixes can theoretically also functions as verbs, since
verbs may be derived by the same set of prefixes. However, nouns derived by
locatives tend to be lexicalized and rarely have verbal counterparts with precisely
the same form. For example, ohe step does not have parallel verb form *oh
to step up; instead one would say wkm h step up(wards) (A 1s wkm wh).
Similarly, ona town, which literally means a place stopped at, does not have

17

Boas and Deloria (1941:43) do not include a as a nominalizing prefix, although

i and o are specifically noted for their use in forming nouns. Items represented in the
examples here take a different form in Lakota (cw k sadd le, aktopi tattoo [which
also oc curs in As sinibo ine as a va rian t of at], wema thicket). Even in the case of
tatto o a is not nom inalizin g in th e Lakota form s because of th e presence of pi.

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98
an inflectable counterpart m eaning approximately, he stopped at a place (A 1s
*onawa), although it is theoretically possible; instead one would say either
tukm n he stopped someplace or ekt n he stopped there. Thus the
majority of nouns derived by locatives are identified solely as nouns.
a- is a locative with the general meaning on, at, to. Examples of nouns
derived by a- include:
(28)

k to pack on the back

> ak a saddle

t be blue

> akto tattoo (ki- DAT)

wma be thick, dense

> awma thick growth

i~ is classified as a locative based on its grammatical distribution but it is

semantically instrumental, meaning by means of, instrument for. Examples of
nouns derived by include:
(29)

kasn ring by striking

> csna cymbal

kan cut with an instrument > cna tool for cutting; scissors
kuw chase

> hkuwa fishing pole; fishhook (ho- fish)

o- is a locative with the general meaning place where. Examples of nouns

derived by o- include:
(30)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

k dig

> maske a mine for metal (mza metal)

kacci cut fringes

> okci fringes

k give

> okmniku watering trough (k- horse,

mn water)

t live

> ot dwelling, lodge

99
cza be warm

> ticoza a warm room

The three nominalizing prefixes may be used in all logical combinations

except *a-a-, as illustrated in table 3.1.
Table 3.1 Combinations of locative prefixes in nouns

a-

a-

o-

akp o cedar
(cf. ki. REFL , po b low )

a day break
(cf. - be a light )

kite telescope,
binoculars
(cf. ktA loo k)

cazo ruler , yardstick

(cf. kaz m ak e a m ark)

sn oh sled
(cf. sn oh crawl)

o-

oh e a step, stair
(cf. h stand; h
take a step, a single
pa ce)

ona town
(cf. n stand; n
stop)

oke a m ine
(cf. k d ig)

The order of the prefixes affects the meaning of the whole. The general
principle stated by Boas and Deloria for Dakota applies in Assiniboine as well,
namely, that the first prefix modifies the whole content of the following complex
(1941:39). Taking an example from table 3.1, ktA look becomes akta look at,
and finally, kita telescope; binoculars, literally, instrument for looking at.
3.1.2 Indefinite waThe indefinite objects prefix wa- may form nouns by attaching to existing nouns
and transitive verbs.
(31)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

wa- + Noun (identical to Lakota forms given in Buechel 1939:176):

wahpi

clear soup, broth; juice (hp sap)

wapha

war bonnet (p head, h skin; pah hair)

was

hailstones (s seed)

100
(32)

wa- + Verb
wak

pack, burden (k carry on the back)

wasnkya

one who has sacred knowledge (snoky know)

wayco

a judge; a lawyer (yac put on trial)

waspekiya

teacher (spkiya teach)

It may also co-occur with other nominalizers:

(33)

wakpapi

pemmican, pounded dry meat (kap pound, pi NOM)

waktepi

hunting, shooting (kut shoot, pi NOM)

wamnyasa collector (mnay collect, round up, sA NOM)

wamnsa

thief (man steal, sA NOM)

3.2 Ablaut
Nouns may be derived from verbs ending in changeable-a by changing the final
vowel to e. Although nominalization by ablaut is productive, it is not predictable,
since all A-words do not change their final vowel to e in nominal forms (34) and
both ablauted and unablauted forms of the same noun are attested in some cases
(35). Also, words nominalized by final ablaut may have competing forms
nominalized by other m eans (36). Variation occurs within both generations and in
all geographic regions studied, so it does not appear that the practice is falling into
disuse, but rather that the question of which words may nominalize by ablaut is
uncertain among speakers. Speakers are consistent in the form they use for
individual words but may use different nominalizing processes from word to word
as, for example, where one speaker gives pkca comb (of pakc to comb) but

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101
owte caf (of wtA to eat). Judging from the corpus, nominalization by ablaut
appears to be more common among Fort Belknap speakers.
(34)

Nouns with unablauted changeable-a:

(34a)

amtapa

a ledge (m atpA to slice)

(34b)

cansapa

gunpowder (can powder, ashes, spA black)

(34c)

akya

lipstick ( mouth, red, -ki-yA SUUS-CAUS )

(34d)

kptehska

hound (ka dog, put nose, snout, hskA long)

(35)

Nouns with both ablauted and unablauted forms:

(35a)

akpa ~ akpe

a cover (akpa to cover) [unablauted: FB younger

generation and CTK older generation; ablauted: FB
older generation.]

(35b)

[From the same FB speaker on different occasions:]

chpa hska ~ chpa hske

boots, cowboy boots (c wood,

hskA long, tall) 18

(35c)

iykapta ~ iykapte

plate, dishes (1st: CTK; 2 nd: FB, both

generations)

(35d)

iysnoka ~ iynoke

pliers, wrench (s/ are as attested, sound

symbolic variants)

(35e)

pkca ~ pkce

comb [1 st: older generation; 2 nd: younger

generation]

18

The combination chpa refers to Western (i.e., non-Indian) shoes. Its literal
meaning is wooden shoes and refers not to the material from wh ich they were made
but rather to the fact that they were stiff (like wood) in comp arison to moccasins.

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(35f)

owta ~ owte

a feast (o- LOC, wta to eat)

(36)

Examples of ablauted nouns with competing forms:

(36a)

akpe ~ akpapi

a cover [both forms from members of the older

generation: 1 st from FB, 2 nd from CTK]

(36b)

omsape ~ maspapi

telephone (o LOC, mza metal, ap strike)

(36c)

wcope ~ owcopi

frying pan (, o LOC, wa INDEF, copA cook)

(36e)

FB:

~ CTK:

o-c-yu-kse
LOC-wood-by.hand/by.pulling -sever (ablauted)
sawmill
o-c-na-ks-ya-pi
LOC-wood-by.foot/by.internal.pressure-sever- CAUS-NOM
sawmill

(37) Examples with ablauted forms only (found at both FB and CTK with no
competing form s):
(37a)

ntake

a fastener: latch, bolt, lock... ( LOC, natkA lock)

(37b)

ytze

a tool for tightening (- LOC, yutzA tighten)

(37c)

wpate

string, anything used for tying (LOC, DETRANS pat tie)

(37d)

owpiye

cem etery ( LOC, DETRANS, piy bury)

(37e)

wyute

food (wa- DETRANS, o- LOC, ytA eat)

3.2 Nominalizing enclitics

Nominalizing enclitics include sA, pi, and na, the latter two of which may also be
used in combination with each other. The enclitic may have scope over a single
word, a lexical compound, or a syntactic compound (see chapter 9).

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3.2.1 -sA
The enclitic sA creates animate nouns with the meaning, one who does X. The
activity or condition referred to is habitual. In most cases the host is an active
verb, although occasionally a stative verb may serve as host, as for drunkard. sA
triggers ablaut of A-words to e.
(38)

ansa

a clim ber (an to clim b)

ecnasa

a player, participant in a contest; gambler (ec

to do; ocuna game, competition)

hokyesa

a camp crier (hokyA announce)

sa

groundhog, w oodchuck ( whistle)

pe miknk wacsa

grass dancer (pe grass, miknka have

around ones waist, under ones belt, wac
dance)

kwyatakesa

a biting horse (k- horse waytaka bite

things)

ktesa

a drunkard (kta be drunk)

3.2.2 -pi
As a nominalizer, pi derives nouns from transitive verbs. The resulting nouns refer
to products of animate agency (i.e., some anonymous person did X to make it) and
consequently always have inanimate reference. pi in this case is semantically
passive. Throughout this work, in deverbal noun forms with no other nominalizing
element, pi is glossed as NOM.

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(39)

ayapi

bread (uy to brown) [lit. it is browned]

kampi

a drum (ka- with an instrument, m make a booming

sound) [lit. it is struck to make a booming sound]

okmpi
w yappi
maspapi

a picture; writing (okm draw)

last quarter of the moon (w moon, yap take a bite of)19
a telephone (maspa make a telephone call) [lit. metal is
struck, a reference to the bells on some early telephones that
were struck when there was an incoming call.]

The nouns in (40) have animate reference and are derived by zero derivation
rather than by pi, so the pi in this case is the plural enclitic. They are denominal
verbs that are used in an argument position. For example, atyapi derives from at
father.
(40)

akncapi

candidate (aknca vie for)

tukinaypi

President of the United States [lit., they consider him

a grandfather]

atyapi

Indian agent [lit., they consider him a father]

wakp twpi

a (particular) band of Assiniboines (wakp creek,

river, tw village)

The nominalizing enclitics pi and sA are not interchangeable, as illustrated

in (41). Although all of the forms in (41) are acceptable verbs, only one form in
each pair is an acceptable noun.

19

This also refers to tiny mice, from a story in which mice nibble at the moon,
accounting for the phases of the moon.

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105
(41)

ansa

*anpi

climber (an climb) [but see note 15]

hoppi

*hopsa

a cold (hop cough)

awtapi

*awtasa

table (a- LOC, wta eat)

3.2.3 -na
The nominalizer -na may attach to active or stative verbs. -na triggers ablaut of a
preceding changeable a/ to e. Nouns in -na function to classify a group of things
by some characteristic, of which the referent is a token. For example, a cktotona
woodpecker is a token of a type of thing that pounds lightly on wood; na
gauze is a type of thing (in this case, cloth) that is thin.
(42)

cktotona woodpecker (c wood, kat to pound lightly)

pzena

gopher (pzA make a high pitched sound)

na

gauze (n- thin)

okkina

sandy, hilly terrain (ok be hilly, rough)

nnana

dancing bells (n ring, jingle)

snohna

snake (snoh crawl)

The examples in (43) are somewhat more obscure in meaning but still seem
to fit the criterion of denoting a token of a type.
(43)

kikna

spoon (kik with ref. to sheep, goat)

tutna

salt (tut have a salty taste, as of an animal that was run

too hard )

3.2.4 Combination of locatives and enclitic

Each of the nominalizing prefixes a-, i~-, o-, may occur in combination with each of

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106
the nominalizing enclitics, each elem ent contributing to the m eaning of the whole
noun. Examples are given in table 3.2.
Table 3.2 Co-occurrence of nom inalizing locatives and enclitics

Enclitic >
Prefix

sA

pi

na

a-

aw iesa 20 a gossip,
a critic (i to speak)

awtapi table
(w ta eat)

amnina an area
sheltered from wind
(-om ni- be w hirling )

p sa a cam p crier ; a
da nc e ann ou nc er
(p call out)

kite wyakapi
gu n s igh t
(w y k A to look)

cpena fork
(c ap stab )

o-

hih onka otsa

a burrowing owl
(t i to dw ell)

ow kupi a planted
area; fie ld
(w ku to pla nt)

omnyena a sm all
flat area
(m n yA be level)

3.2.5 Combination of enclitics

The combination of pi and na in noun derivation is productive. In each such
combination the combined notions of -na token of a type and pi is X-ed (i.e.,
passive) produces a noun with the meaning a token of a type that is X-ed. This is
made explicit for the examples in (44). The order conforms to the enclitic template
(see chapter 9), occurring only as -pi-na, never as *-na-pi, and no other element
may intervene between pi and na. Examples are:21

20

Som e speakers reverse the order of the wa and a, producing waiesa.

Phonetically, the glottal stops are not pronounced and the glottal stop between i and a
may be replaced by y, producing [waiyes a].
21

Some CTK speakers do not add -pina in the examples given here, nominalizing
by zero derivation, giving mak snpa, ne s wanupt, and ownya (where the t
of /ow at/ is nas alized b efore t he sonoran t). mpina is given for pocketknife, where
the base differs from the FB form but includes -pina.

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107
(44a)

mak-ska snpa-pi-na
earth-white lick-pi-na
alkali flat
token of a type of thing that is licked

(44b)

m-pupa-pi-na
knife-jointed-pi-na
a pocketknife
token of a type of thing that is jointed

(44c)

ne s wanpt-pi-na
ear because.of DTRNS-listen-pi-na
hearing aid
token of a type of thing required by the ear for listening

(44d)

owta-ya-pi-na
lit.up.area-CAUS-pi-na
electric light
token of a type of thing (by which) an area is lit up

(44e)

k-h-s a-p-h-skaska-pi-na
horse-fur-pale LOC-crown(of the head)-fur-white-REDUP-pi-na
palomino
token of a type of horse with [this particular coloring]
Note that a pi-na combination also occurs when a noun ending in na is

pluralized, as for example hokna boy > hokpina boys. Since the root hokiboy is already nominal, pi functions in this case as a pluralizer rather than a
nominalizer, and obligatorily precedes na in accordance with the enclitic template.
sA does not combine productively with the other enclitics on semantic
grounds. Exceptions are forms in ecna compete, gamble, where ecna has
been lexicalized as a verb, and n psa [sic stress] Lone Campers, a band of
Assiniboine.
3.3 Suffixes
There are a few suffixes, described in the following sections, that are associated

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108
exclusively with nouns.
3.3.1 Specificity
Specificity implies that the referent can be uniquely determined in som e mentally
projected world (Frawley 1992:69). It does not exclude existence; it simply does not
make a claim of existence.
3.3.1.1 -c specific (SPC )
Assiniboine overtly marks specific reference on lexical NPs and definite pronouns
by means of a suffix -c, which is homophonous with, but distinct from, the
declarative marker -c (see chapter 9:2.2.21). In the following examples, horse is
nonspecific in (45a), but is specific with the addition of -c in (45b).
(45a)

katka o-w-ne
horse
ST-1s-look.for
Im looking for a horse (no particular horse in mind)

(45b)

katka-c o-w-ne
horse-SPC
ST-A 1s-look.for
Im looking for a particular horse
Definite pronouns may also be made specific by the addition of -c, as in the

following exchange:
(46)

Speaker 1:

[indistinct] tki
iyya he
[indistinct] where.to go
Q
where is the [indistinct]?

Speaker 2:

tku-c
what- SPC
what (specifically)?

By using the specific form of tku, speaker 2 is requesting only a repetition of the
indistinct noun. If she had said tku, without the specific marker, she would have

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109
been requesting a repetition of the entire question.
In another example, the ladies in the first language circle recalled that in a
game of tag, one called out, Niy-c! youre it!. While it could be argued that -c in
this instance is the declarative marker, the ladies assert that -c is obligatory in this
usage, and since declarative -c is optional and non-exclamatory, it seem s probable
that -c in this instance is the specific marker.
An interesting minimal pair demonstrates that even the expression n,
essentially, um, uh, used when a speaker is searching for a noun, can be made
specific. In (47a) the speaker is searching for a kinship term and uses the
hesitancy interjection without the specific marker. (She actually means her
mothers first husband, a term for which there is no specific kinship term, which is
why she misspeaks herself.) In (47b), the speaker has said man but realizes that
she wishes to be more specific, hesitates briefly, then adds the specific suffix to the
hesitancy interjection, indicating that it is the modifier that she is seeking, the term
that will m ore narrowly restrict the referential field of man.
(47a)

n, ne, n, kic-wa-
(cf. kic husband)
there this um with-A 1s-stay that
there, the, um, my husband. . . (app.1: Big Snake.4)

(47b)

0 -oyka-pi kya, wcta n-c, wcta wak-pi yana

/
3-tell- PL
QUOT man
um-SPC man
holy-NOM Mountain Man

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

ecyapi
be.called
they told him about it, they say, the man, um, the holy man called
Mountain Man (app.1: Big Snake.15)
An indefinite NP can be made specific, as in (48):

110
(48)

w
spa-c
ncen cmnska 0
/ -0
/ -eckic-pi
one.of be. black-SPC this.way yoke/muzzle P3-A 3-put.on-PL
they put a muzzle on one of them, the black one, (LgCir1.97)
Generics, which are formed with the verb ec be that kind, including its

derivatives nca and ca (see chapter 6:6.4), denote a type rather than token.
When used in an NP, these verbs can take the specific marker to refer to a specific
type.
(49)

Generic verb:
onw wackiyapi onw ca
song that prayer
song be.that.kind
this song is a prayer song (NR:T1.5)

(50)

Generic verb in NP:

(50a)

pt
-0
/ -ca-c
ih
ht
buffalo ST-P3-be.that.kind-SPC monster it.is.said
it was a buffalo monster [a monster of the buffalo type], it is said (NR:T6.38)

(50b)

wanka oknaka ca-c

o-mnk-kta
long.ago story
be.a.kind-SPC ST-A 1s.tell-POT
I will tell an old story[a story of they type called old story] (SB.2)
A generic verb within an NP can also be indefinite:

(51b)

ca-c
w
n ahyaye ma-0
/ --pi
be.that.kind-SPC one(indef) this sing
P1s- A 3-tell.to-PL
they told me to sing one of that kind (NR:T1.26)

3.3.1.2 - specific (SPC )

attaches to interrogative pronouns and adverbs to make the meaning specific.
The first syllable stress of tku moves to the second syllable when - is suffixed.22

22

The spec ific fo rm tak is us ed w hen askin g som eon e if th ey take an yth ing in
their coffee, presumably because th e conventional possibilities are specifically milk or
sugar: tak yacka do you want an ything (in your coffee)?. Colloquially, some
spea kers ask, tak yatk do you drink anything?, since, logically, the milk or sugar
are consumed by drinking.

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The following examples illustrate the contrast created between non-specific and
specific meaning by use of -.
(52a)

tku o-y-ne
he
thing ST-A 2-look.for Q
what are you looking for? also, are you looking for anything?

(52b)

tak-
o-y-ne
he
thing-SPC ST-A 2-look.for Q
what is it that you are looking for? also, are you looking for something in
particular?

(53a)

tukt 0
/ -yk he
where A 3-sit Q
where is he/she/it?

(53b)

tukt-
/ -yk he
0
where-SPC A 3-sit Q
where in particular is he/she/it?

(54a)

tuw
kic ya-h
he
who/someone with A 2-arrive.here Q
who did you come with? also, did you come with someone?

(54b)

tuw-
kic ya-h
he
who/someone- SPC with A 2-arrive.here Q
who is it that you came with? also, did you come with someone in
particular?

3.3.2 -tu at a particular point (tim e or place)

Forms in -tu often occur as stative verbs as well, so that they could arguably be
classified as verbs rather than nouns.23
(55)

m-cktu

noon, midday (cf. pa day) (compare to adv. cokn)

mahtu

on the inside (cp. adverb mahn)

23

Boas and Deloria (1941:58) observe the same ambiguous status of these words
in Da kota: A n um ber of verb s express ing spa tial and tem poral con cepts are used b oth
as verbs a nd n oun s an d it is not cer tain w hich is the prim ary c oncept.

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thtu

at what time? (cp. adverb th)

ntu

here, this place (cp. adverb nn)

A few additional suffixes overlap in function and meaning with adverbial

suffixes with regard to forms with temporal reference. The names for the seasons
end in -etu, as given in (46); their roots are evident in forms suggesting modest
productivity with a few other (adverbial) suffixes, as seen (56)-(61). The greater
productivity of the roots for summer and winter suggest that a year was viewed
primarily in terms of two major seasons with spring and fall having less definable
boundaries and functioning only as transitional periods.
(56)

(57)

mnok-tu

summer

pt-y-tu

fall

wan-y-etu

winter

w-tu

spring

mnok- summer
mnok-h

last summ er;

mnok-yas

all summ er

mnok-cok-tu 24 ~ mnoktu coktu

(58)

mid-summ er

wan- winter
wan-h

24

last winter (wan-eh)

In mnok -c ok-tu the suffix-etu appears to be uncharacteristically divided.

There seems no phonological explanation for this since the straightforwardly derived
*mnokcktu sho uld be acceptable despite th e loss of e (cp. wanc ok tu in which e is
also lost). A num ber of other forms h ave k-c, e.g., k-conca horsemeat, so avoidance
of k-c does not seem to offer an explanation.

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(59)

wan-yas

all winter (wan-eyas)

wan-cok-tu

December (cp. wanyetu cokna mid-winter)

wan-

spend the winter

w- spring
w-h

last spring (we-eh)

?wyas

all spring (speaker prefers wtu ataya the entire

spring)

(60)

pt- fall
?pt-yas all fall (speaker was very uncertain of this form; gave it
reluctantly by analogy to other seasonal forms ending in yas)
The root p- day occurs in adverbial compounds such as the following:

(61)

pa nen

today

pa ten

tomorrow (i.e., when tomorrow comes; cp. hykeci

tomorrow)

pa nyas

all day

3.3.3 Suffix -ka

Suffix -ka functions as a semantically empty nominalizer. It is hom ophonous with
the adverbial suffix -ka rather and the durative enclitic :ka. Although it is a
nominalizing suffix, -ka characteristically behaves like an enclitic in that it follows
the enclitic template in word formation, as illustrated in (70c).
(70)

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Suffix -ka:

114
(70a)

wwatka

a beautiful woman (w- woman, wat good, pretty)

(70b)

ommeka

a variety, different ones (cf. ?om other)

(70c)

mastpika

wealthy people (mz- metal, money, -t do, pi PL )

3.4 Compound nouns

Compound nouns may include nouns (including derived nouns), verbs (active and
stative), and adverbs. Compounds of adverb-verb, adverb-number and nounnum ber are also attested. Noun initial compounds are by far the most comm on. A
compound may itself then be compounded with another word or compound.
Function words and suffixes may also be incorporated into compounds in addition
to nominalizing affixes, creating very elaborate compounds, as for hearing aid and
palomino in (44) above, and the following:
(71)

k-pmni kya-pi ak
cna
horse-divide by CAUS-PL saddle without
bareback bronc riding

This can be even further derived by the agentive nominalizer sA as:

(71)

k-pmni kya-pi ak
cna-sa
horse-divide by CAUS-PL saddle without
bareback bronc rider

Examples of the various combinations include:

(72)

Noun-Noun
aph

mane ( LOC, p crown of head, h hair, fur)

cpa st ~ camste

beaver tail (cpa beaver, st tail)

cti (CTK:~ctina 25) log house (wood, tree + LOC + house)

25

ctina is also th e nam e of the little peop le, a race of sp irits w ho live in
the woods. Th ere are contem porary accoun ts of visits from these spirits; children are

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hocuwa

fishhook; fishing pole and line (ho- fish, LOC,

kuw chase)

(73)

Noun-Adverb
hunzam

FB: rear wheel (hu leg; wheel, nazm behind)

CTK: behind the house (hu ?; nazm behind)

(74)

Noun-Active Verb
maskto

(75)

Noun-Stative Verb
ca

(76)

blacksmith (mza metal, kat pound)

red willow (c wood, tree, red REDUP)

Adverb-Noun
aksm tita

Harlem, Montana (aksm across, [th house, ta

many], i.e., town)

akn-wkmapi

desk (on, INDEF, kma draw =pi)

mahn hskna

undergarments (in, hsk pants, leggings =na)

wazyam km

(Canadian) lynx (wazyam in the north, km wild

cat)

(77)

Adverb-Verb
nah az
still
nurse
a child who is still nursing, a suckling

said to be especially sensitive to their presence but som e elders report seeing them a lso.
I ha ve been give n tw o eyew itne ss accoun ts and several second han d ac cou nts , all
occurr ing at C TK . Th e little p eop le are said to appe ar w hen a house hold is p articula rly
troubled, although whether to provide comfort or purely as a reflection of the emotional
turmoil is unclear. Hospitality is extended by offering food, which is left on a plate on
the floor or on a low table.

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Phrasal nouns, in which the stress on the second member is assigned by the
DAR

and then reduced to secondary stress by the CAR, include:

(78)

Stative Verb-Number
osn
npa (osn cold implies winter, i.e., a year)
be.cold two
a two-year old, as a child or an animal

(79)

Noun-Number (cardinal and ordinal)

797a) wah
npa
INDEF-leg two
a two-legged creature; a human
(79b)

tat tpa
wind four
the four winds; the cardinal directions26

(79c)

makce tpa
country fourth
fourth dimension, fourth (spiritual) realm

(80)

Noun-Adverb-Verb
c-kn yk
wood-on sit
chair

(81)

Adverb-Verb-Noun
ekt 0
/ --pi
owyawa
there A 3-stay-PL school
boarding school

3.7 Loanwords and coining

Historically, Assiniboine seems to have resisted borrowing. A few loanwords have

26

This is prim arily a cerem onial expre ssion . tat wind is considered a Sioux
w or d a lt ho ugh it is fo un d a t F or t Belk nap (and Fort Peck ) in the ter m tat pa a windy
day. The generic noun for wind in Assiniboine is kam nza.

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entered the lexicon, such as kuka pork, bacon from French cochon pig, pza
domestic cat from English pussy(cat), and the occasional occurrence of Cree
munya white man (the usual term for white man/person in Assiniboine, as well
as in Sioux, is wacu). The preference was to coin words using Assiniboine words to
describe innovations. Minimal time depth, combined with decreasing use of
Assiniboine in daily conversation, has left many of these words with unshortened or
competing forms, as the mechanisms for shortening and achieving consensus have
been lost. Examples are the following; other forms may also exist:
(82)

Modern terms:

threshing machine

ayapi nkye (thing for threshing bread (grain))

nkaye (thing that threshes)
wankapi (it threshes things)
wankayapi (it causes things bo be threshed)

hearing aid

ne s wanuptpina (used in the ear for listening)

electricity

owhkne (lit. lightning)

wakknikiyapi [old term ] (approx. it brings power)

kerosene lamp, lantern

pet (fire light)

wkni pet (oil fire light)
tkypi pet (fire light that one ignites)

electric light

owteyapina

air conditioner

tisnikiyesa (it habitually makes the house cold)

automobile

amkiya (approx. it has power)

iyckayna (approx. it moves on its own)

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headlights

iyckayena t (automobile eye)

battery

wakytipi kapina (made like a thunder beings

lodge)

118
steering wheel

yhom ni (thing for turning)

tires

iykmikma (thing that goes around)

h (lit. leg, stem)

gas station

wkni okt (place to fill it with gas)

wkni opet (gas store)
wkni yakupi (gas is taken)

radio

ipi yuz (turn it on and it speaks)

ikiyapi (it is made to speak)
okn ipi yuzpi (speech through thing turned on)
okn ikiyapi (it is made to speak through [it])
wahkiyapi (it is conjured)

telephone

maspapi (metal is struck)

masiyapi (metal place where they speak)
masiapi (metal place where they speak)
omsape (metal-striking place)

typewriter

motk-okmpi (one writes by striking)

movie

wakkypi (things are made to m ove)

wakkya (it makes things move)
wcte kkkiyapi (human faces are made to m ove)
The process of coining seems to have ended in the middle of the twentieth

century. There are no attested terms for more modern innovations such as
television or computer. Oddly, there also seems to be no term for treaty other
than as implied in the Canadian term maswcaku Treaty Day (lit. he gives them
money, referring to an annual event still observed today). When wishing to
reference a modern item for which there is no coined term, an Assiniboine speaker
will simply use the English word. This is more properly to be seen as code switching
than borrowing.
4. Pluralization
Nouns are not obligatorily marked for plural number, but human reference nouns

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generally are pluralized by pi (83). Animate non-human reference nouns are not
marked for plural (85), with the exception of the loanword pza (domestic) cat and
its derivative pzana kitten (86). 27 Plural marking on hum an reference nouns is
occasionally omitted (84), but as may be observed in examples (83)-(86), number
agreement on the verb is obligatory for all animate referencing arguments, either by
pi (for plural animate subjects), or wca (third person plural animate object). This is
discussed further in chapter 11.
(83)

Human reference

(83a)

wy-pi
tna
/ -h-pi
0
he
woman-PL how.many A 3-arrive.here-PL Q
how many women came?

(83b)

ni-cca-pi
0 -na-pi he
/
A 2.possj-child-PL A 3-hear- PL Q
do your children understand? (LgC1:L238)

(83c)

wcta-pi
/ -hska-pi
0
man-PL
that P3-be.tall- PL
the men are tall
Hum an reference plural nouns are also acceptable without pi, although

much less common.

(83)

wc(-0
/ ) en 0
/ -ptcena-pi-
man
DEM(PL) P3-be.short- PL-NEG
those men are not short (NLL 3.8)

(85)

Non-human animate reference:

(85a)

katka en 0
/ -skn-pi
horse
those P3-be.white-PL
those horses are white

27

The hum an/non-hum an distinction in pluralization occurs in Alexis Stoney as

well. See Rhyasen Erdman 1997:23.

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(85b)

ziktna28 c n 0
/ --pi
bird
that tree in A 3-stay-PL
there are birds in the tree

(86)

Exceptional animal reference noun with pi:

pza-pi-na ymni wc-mnuha
cat- PL-DIM three P3p-A 1s.have
I have three kittens (NLL 10.1)
When nouns with animate reference end in na, the templatic order of

enclitics (see chapter 9) requires that the plural enclitic precede the diminutive,
even if the form in na is lexicalized and does not occur independently without na, as
in the following examples.
(87a)

hok-pi-na
iyha tem-0
/ -0
/ -y-pi
boy-PL-na DET all
ST-P3-A 3-eat.up-PL
the boys ate it all up

(87b)

tkuk-pi-na
child-PL-na
children
Inanimate nouns are generally unmarked for number, with plurality

interpreted from context, as in (88).

(88)

[cmyapi pkka] ap
nna skya
sugar spherical [candy] some very be.sweet
some candy is too sweet

There are examples in which verb reduplication appears to be used to indicate

plurality of an inanimate nominal item:
(89a)

tasp ap tk-tka hk ap csi-si-na

apple some be.big-REDUP and some be.small-REDUP
some of the apples are big and some are small

28

i.e., zitkna. Note metath esis of tk: data from a CTK speake r (although n ot all
Canad ian speakers, nor all speakers at CTK , metathesize tk sequences)

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(89b)

tpi ap tk-tka
house some be.big-REDUP
some of the houses are big

However, it is unclear whether the function of reduplication in (89) is pluralization,

or simply a requirement that stative verbs be reduplicated when modifying any
plural noun. The following example shows reduplication of a stative verb that
modifies an animate subject. Consultants say reduplication is required in these
sentences, as is the animate plural enclitic pi.
(90a)

katka ta 0
/ -tk-tka-pi
horse
many A 3-be.big-REDUP-PL
many horses are big

(90b)

katka ymni 0
/ -tk-tka-pi
horse
three that A 3-be.big-REDUP-PL
three of the horses are big
The various functions of pi can be confusing since pi may appear in a noun

phrase either as nom inalizer or pluralizer. In (91) pi is a nominalizer but it appears

to be optional since earlier in the same text the speaker did not use pi for this same
NP (92):
(91)

onw , wackiyapi onw-pi ca

song that prayer
song-NOM be.that.kind
that song is a prayer song (NR T1.5)

(92) wanka onw ca wackiyapi onw(0

/ ) c mitka i wanka 0
/ -ah ha yesa
long.ago song such prayer
song
such gr.father long.ago A 3-sing-HAB
long ago, my grandfather used to sing songs of the prayer song type (NR T1.1)
It is possible that the pi of onwpi is a passive nominalizer within the NP prayer
song, approximately, a sung prayer.

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5. Noun modification
5.1 Possession
A distinction is made between alienable and inalienable possession. Alienable
possession refers to perceived transitory ownership of things that can be acquired
or given away; inalienable possession marks relationships in which the thing
possessed is (a) inherently part of the possessor, such as body parts, (b) inherently
related to the possessor, such as kin, or (c) so closely associated with the possessor
that the item is considered an attribute of the possessor, such as a warriors horse
or a uniquely ornate tool such as a war club or digging stick. The boundary between
alienable and inalienable possession is indistinct in some domains and varies from
speaker to speaker for some words.
Both morphological and syntactic methods are used for indicating
possession. Morphological processes include possessive pronominal prefixes, lexical
forms, suus forms (discussed in greater detail in chapter 7:3.1), and stative verbs
with zero marking. Syntactic processes include the verb Itwa (discussed in
greater detail chapter 6:6.1) and constructions in which the verb is omitted.
5.1.1 Possessive pronominal prefixes
There are two sets of possessive pronominal affixes, the first historically derived
from the verb Itwa, given in table 3.3, the second set derived from that stative
pronominal affixes and given in table 3.4. These prefixes attach to the possessed
item.

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T ab le 3.3 Po ss es siv e pro no m in al affixes derived fr om Itwa 29

Person

Minimal

Augmented

1 st singular

mita-

1 st dual

kita-

kita- . . . pi

2 nd

nita-

nita . . . pi

3 rd

ta-

ta . . . pi

Examples of pronominal affixes derived from Itwa are:

(93)

nitoytepi

your people

mitputh

my whiskers (some speakers prefer mapth)

mitnpsonai

my ring

tana

his/her shawl, blanket, robe

Tab le 3.4 Possessive pro nom inal affixes derived fr om stative p ron om inals

Person

Minimal

Augmented

1 st singular

ma- ~ mi-

1 st dual

ki-

ki- . . . pi

2 nd

ni-

ni- . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

/ . . . pi
0

Examples of possessive pronominal affixes derived from stative verbs are:

(94)

manpe ~ minpe

my hand

mita

my eye(s)

niccapi

your children

29

Rood and Taylor (1996:458) suggest that these affixes could be analyzed as
consisting of a stem -derivationa l elemen t itha, prefixed to the noun, to wh ich stative
verb affixes a re th en p refixed .

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(95)

n-it-kmu-kmus
wac po
2.POSS-eye-closed-REDUP dance IMPER.PL
dance with your eyes closed (male speaking) (NR:T5.24)

(96)

wkke
/ -ho
0

young.woman 3.POSS-voice that

the young womans voice

(97)

hku
/ -ti
0
ekt 0
/ -
his.mother 3.POSS-lodge to A3.go
he went to his mothers lodge (NR:T7.132)
Even though the verb Itwa indicates alienable possession, this is not

always the case for the possessive pronominal affixes derived from it. As the
examples in (93)- and (97) show, the choice of possession markers does not appear
to be constrained by the alienable/inalienable distinction.
5.1.2 Possession of objects in nature
Boas and Deloria (1941:128) observe that [n]atural objects such as land, water,
and animals (including the dog but excepting the horse) cannot take the possessive
pronoun because under aboriginal conditions they could not be exclusive property
of anyone. Native speakers of Assiniboine assert that this is the case for
Assiniboine as well, but recent data indicate that the distinction that Boas and
Deloria note between dog and horse is not consistently maintained. Compare the
examples in (98), in which both methods of marking possession are used.
(98a)

mit-ka wco
1.POSS-dog A 1s.call
I called my dog

(98b)

ka mitwa
0
/ -hnka
dog P1s.be.ones that P3-be.mean
my dog is mean

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The third person form taka~e is always understood to mean his horse,
not his dog, e.g., take knekna Spotted Horse (a name), not Spotted Dog. The
horse is perceived as an inalienable possession, whereas the dog is (usually)
perceived as alienable, as indicated by the examples in (98) above.
5.1.3 Body parts
Body parts comprise a unique domain in which the first person singular possessive
pronominal alternates between ma- and mi-. For Sioux, Boas and Deloria (1941:128)
attribute the contrasting forms to a distinction between control through willpower,
expressed by mi-, and non-control (that is, all other relationships) expressed by ma-.
Rood and Taylor (1996:458) describe a tangible/intangible distinction in Oglala
speech (a dialect of Lakota). While there is some correspondence between these
explanations and the Assiniboine data, neither explanation fully accounts for the
variation in Assiniboine, where the choice of pronominals appears to be
unpredictable and idiosyncratic. Some comparisons between Assiniboine and Sioux
forms (as given in Boas and Deloria 1941:128) are presented in table 3.5.

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T ab le 3.5 Co m pa ris on of A ss inib oine and Sioux possessive form s of b od y p ar t ter m s

Contem porary
Assiniboine

Sioux

Gloss

Forms agree:
mi

m i

my mouth

misto

misto

m y ar m

mic te

mic te

my h eart

map

map

my head

ma ze

ma ze

my buttocks

miw

maw

my blood

man e

mine

my ear

mipe

mape

my intestines

Forms disagree:

Boas and Deloria (1941:129) note that [w]hen a body part is personified or
addressed, the possessive pronouns are always mi, ni, ki. Judging from the single
attested Assiniboine example, which serendipitously corresponds to the Sioux
exam ple, this appears to be the case for Assiniboine as well.
(99a)

Assiniboine:
mis,
tan n aw-mci-yka p30
1.POSS-buttocks meat this ST-1.BEN -watch IMPER-PL
my buttocks, watch this meat for me (App.2: ktmi and Fox.26)

(99b)

Sioux:
mize,
len aw-mici-yaka y
1.POSS-buttocks these ST-1.BEN -watch IMPER
my buttocks, watch these for me (Boas and Deloria 1941:129)

30

The nar rator has used the r espect form (third person p lural). S ee ch apte r 4.5
for a discussion of this example.

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5.1.4 Possession by means of stative verbs
A stative verb clause containing a full noun in addition to the verbs pronominal
argument identifies the referent as the possessor of subject noun.
(100a) it n ni--a-pi
kta
eye this P2-be.red-REDUP POT
your eyes will be red (NR:T5.19)
(100b) h
ma-yz
tooth P1s-hurt
my tooth hurts; I have a toothache
The gram matical role of the possessed noun in stative verb clauses such as these is
not clear, although it could be viewed as loosely incorporated in the verb, as
suggested by the following example. Usually, adverbs of degree immediately precede
the verb they modify, but in (101a), the noun intervenes between the adverb and the
verb. By this analysis, the noun incorporated verb is intransitive and the semantic
possessor is the subject of the clause.
(101a) nna h
ma-yz
very tooth P1s-hurt
my tooth really hurts; I have a really bad toothache
(101b) *h nna ma-yz
Additional evidence that the pronominal argument on the verb is the subject is seen
in plural forms, such as that in (102), where pi can only refer to an animate plural,
i.e., the pronominal argument and not the inanimate noun. This further supports
the suggestion that the noun is at least loosely incorporated in the verb.
(102)

h -yz-pi
tooth 1du-buth-PL
our teeth hurt; we have toothaches

Usually, nouns that are subjects of stative verbs are not marked with a possessive

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prefix, although some exceptions have been noted, as in (103). There is no clear
reason why such exceptions occur.
(103)

ma-pha sap-sapa
P1s-hair
be.black-REDUP
my hair is black; I have black hair

5.1.5 Possession by means of context only

With active verbs, when the owner of an inalienable possession is obvious from
context, there is usually no direct marker of possession on either the noun or on the
verb of which the possessed noun is an argument.
(104a) ist s iyhi-wa-ya-c
arm with reach-A 1s-CAUS-DECL
I reached it with [my] arm
(104b) wwana cn tkukIna ppeya
wa
job
thus child
that leave.behind.REDUP A 1s-CONT
Im dropping off [my] child while on a business trip
5.1.6 Reflexive possession (suus)
When an active verbs carries the suus m arker ki, which identifies the object of the
verb as possessed by the subject of the verb, the object noun is not marked for
possession. (See chapter 7:3.1 for a discussion of suus forms.)
(105a) p ya-k-pkca
he
head A 2-SUUS-comb Q
did you comb your hair?
(105b)
/ -ki-snpa
0
mouth A 3-SUUS-lick
s/he licked his/her lips

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5.2 Noun modification other than possession
There is no grammatical class of adjectives.31 Noun modification is accomplished
through stative verbs and is discussed in chapters 6, 10, and 11.
6. Independent pronouns
6.1 Independent personal pronouns
There are two sets of independent personal pronouns, the paradigm and the iy
paradigm. These paradigms do not have plural forms, although first person singular
and dual forms exist. They are used in addition to pronominal affixes within a
clause and are syntactically external to the clause.
6.1.1 The paradigm
Pronouns in the paradigm indicate contrast or comparison to previous
information.32 When used for contrast they have the approximate meaning, as for
me or I, on the other hand or to contradict, as in I did so! (107e below) and are
syntactically external to the clause. When used for comparison, they function as
adverbs. In positive comparison, they have the meaning also and in negative
comparison, they have the meaning but. Context is often required to determine

31

A very few examples have been found in which forms from other gramm atical
classes are used in adjective-like ways, as in this example where the conjunction nak
an d also is u sed to m odify tea.
nak w p ya-cka (he)
and.also tea A 2-want ( Q )
do you want more tea?
32

Boas and Deloria (1941:78) give the etymology of these forms a s consisting of
the patient pronominal affixes contracted with i perhaps an old third person, with the
addition of the adversative suffix -.

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which of these interpretations is appropriate. In (107a-c), either interpretation is
possible. In informal speech members of this paradigm may follow the clause, as in
(107c-d).
(106)

The paradigm
m
n

me
you
he, she; they
we (Du and Pl)

Examples include:
(107a) n tken ya-
you how A2-be
and you, how are you? or, but how are you?
(107b) Bob ist sn
/ -paks
0
Bob also arm one.side P3-by.pressure-break
Bob has a broken arm, too or as for Bob, he has a broken arm or Bob, on
the other hand, has a broken arm
(107c) ca kna oyte e-m -tah
m
kettle carry people STEM-P1s-from me
Im from CTK band, too or I, on the other hand, am from CTK
(107d) osnsni
nak
~ nak
osn-sni
cold-REDUP in.addition ~ in.addition be.cold-REDUP
and it was cold, too (as perhaps in addition to there being a lot of snow)
(107e) m mn-kta (~mn-kta)
me A 1s.go-POT
I am too going!; I am so going! (contradicting)
6.1.2 The iy paradigm
The iy paradigm, which is reflexive, is analogous to the English -self, is also
emphatic, as the one who (109a-b). Members of this paradigm may function as the
predicate of a clause (109c-d), and can be negated in elliptical responses (109e).

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They are also used in com parative constructions, implying than you/he/she (109f).
(108)

the iy paradigm
miy
niy
iy
kye

myself
yourself
him/herself
ourselves

Examples include:
(109a) miy ecm
myself 1s.do
I did it myself
(109b) miye m-0
/ -k
me P1s-A 3-mean
she means me; Im the one she means (NR T3.27)
(109c) niy-c!
yourself- SPC
youre it! (said in a game of tag) (LgCir1.3109)
(109d)
n
miy-c
/ -ey (miy as predicate)33
0
that.one this.one myself-DCL A 3-say
I am that one, he said (SB.26)
(109e) tan tuw 0
/ -yaku? Miy-.
meat the who A 3.take
me-NEG
Who took the meat?
Not I.
(109f) miy cnana mnuh
myself little.bit A 1s.have
I have less (than someone else)
The definiteness of members of the iy paradigm can be intensified by a
suffix -ke (110a-c), which also creates quantifiers from certain adverbs (110d). This

33

Th e ph ras e fin al -c could also be interpreted as the specific-marking suffix (see

3.3.1.1 above). The grammaticality of the clause is not affected by choosing one
interpretation over the other, and the semantics is only slightly affected. The
independen t pronoun is predicative by zero derivation. If the c is interpreted as the
specific-mark ing suffix, the meaning h as a greater degree of definiteness.

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suffix is a com pound of -kA rather and augmentative -.
(110a) miyke

myself, really myself, my very self

(110b) niyke

yourself, really yourself, your very self

(110c) iyke

him/herself, really him/herself, his/her very self

(110d) nehke

this precise amount, as when indicating size or distance with

the hands

In example (111) members of both paradigms are present. The first pronoun,
n establishes a contrast and the second pronoun iy places emphasis on the
subject of the second clause.
(111)

n
wancica-pi-;
iy
that you (contrast) P2.be.ones.fault-pi-NEG themselves (emphatic)
wacica-pi
P3.be.ones.fault- PL
it wasnt your fault; it was their fault
(as for you, it wasnt your fault; they are the ones who were at fault)

6.2 Demonstrative pronouns

The demonstratives n this, that, and k that yonder and their plurals nen,
en, and kan, respectively, may function as syntactic pronouns and have the same
distribution as nouns. The singular forms are unm arked and m ay be used with
plural nouns. A plural demonstrative is used only when a speaker wishes to
emphasize plurality or to disambiguate participants. When the plural forms have
animate antecedents the verb will have the plural enclitic pi. (For explanation of
animate vs. inanimate plurals, see section 5 above and chapter 6:8.) The
dem onstrative pronouns are optional and are generally used for emphasis, contrast,

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or rhythm. The demonstratives and n trigger ablaut to e.
(112)

this one

nen

these

that one

en

those

that one yonder

kan34 those yonder

In (113a-b) the full nouns in the first column are replaced by the
demonstrative pronouns in the second column.
Full noun

Demonstrative pronoun

(113a) wy
0
/ -hska
wom an that P3-be.tall
that woman is tall

/ -hska
0
that.one P3-be.tall
she is tall; that one is tall

(113b) katka kan 0

/ -kneknapi
horse
those P3-be.spotted-PL
those horses are spotted;
those horses are pintos

kan 0
/ -kneknapi
those P3-be.spotted-PL
those are spotted; those are pintos

6.3 Indefinite pronouns

The indefinite pronouns, listed and exemplified in (114), are among the t-words, so
called because they all begin with the letter t. As pronouns, they function as
arguments of the verb. These words may function as verbs, also, as exem plified in
Syntax 2.3.
(114)

tku

tna

34

something

tku iyya

he found something

what?

tku iyya he

what did he find?

how many

tna iyya he

how many did he find?

some

tna mak

he/she gave me some

CTK sp eakers do not use th e plural form kan, using the adverb kki
instead, e.g ., katka kk those h orses yon der.

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tukt um

which one
(of two)

tukt um yacka

which one (of two)

do you want?

tukt

which

tukt yacka

which one (of several) do

you want?

tuw

who

tuw h he

who came?

someone

tuw h

someone came

7. Naming
Proper nouns exhibit a limited range of structural patterns. Personal names are still
being created and given; place names are no longer being created in the language.
Personal naming is a matter of great contemporary interest among
Assiniboine adults, even those who do not speak their heritage language. Many have
an Assiniboine name and want their children to have them. Indian names are rarely
used, usually only for ceremonial purposes, and some people consider personal
names to be private, once given. Naming is considered a sacred act that must be
undertaken by someone with the authority to do so, but what constitutes such
authority is a topic that requires further research. Out of respect for the sacred
nature of personal names, it should be emphasized that simply understanding the
structure of personal names is not adequate knowledge for creating or assigning
names, and the following analysis is not intended to be used for that purpose.
Personal names that appear in this work are either taken from published
documents or used by permission.
7.1 ka horse
Due to the prominent role of the horse in Assiniboine tradition, there is a range of

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possessive forms for horse from alienable to inalienable possession, the latter
encompassing both literal ownership and reference to literal or imagined ownership
of a particular horse as an attribute of the owner. The full term for horse is
katka, literally big dog. In possessed forms the full form is reduced to ka.
The final a of ka may change to e in inalienably possessed forms, but the practice
appears to vary regionally in proper nouns (cf. Boas and Deloria 1941:32):
(115)

Proper nouns with ka:

take spa His Black Horse (FB)
taka pi

Wounded Horse (CTK)

7.2 Proper Names in na 35

Proper names may be derived from any major class word, alone or in compounds,
either by the addition of nominalizing -na or by zero marking. Proper names do not
take a determiner. Examples of individual personal names are:
(116)

hkktana

Early Riser (a womans nam e) (h- night + kikt to get up)

hepyana

Half Way (a m ans nam e) (hepya half way, midway)

35

One h ypothesis would include nak ta in this list, as *nakna (esp. Ryan
1999 Nakon a Language). In fa ct, the latter is a r e-analysis of the historical ter m nak ta
base d up on th e com pou nd fo rm , nakn-, in which the t becomes n in coda position, for
exam ple, naknia(p i) Assiniboine language. (See chapter 1:13.5). Another argument
put forth to justify *nakna is based on an a naly sis of Dakta as stemm ing from
kod friend, by which logic the Assiniboine kon friend must prod uce *nakna,
(although this ignores the logical extension to Lakota kol, wh ich is not a rgued to
produce *lakla). W hile all th ree term s, dakta, la kta, n akta are gen erally
inte rpr eted as m ean ing feelin g affection, frien dly, (R iggs 189 0:160 in DeMallie
200 1:750), the syn chronic t erm s, kod, kol, and kon, respectively, cannot be
analyzed, despite their probable diachronic derivation.

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osna

Slitter (a mans nam e) (os to slit; com pare to ossa a

slitter, one who slits)

Examples of place names are:

(117a) ya-e wit-na
rock-mountain island-DIM / NOM
Little Rocky Mountains, Montana
(117b) t-cehpa-na
ruminant-jaw-NOM
Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan
(117c) huh-u-pi-na
bones-full (o)- NOM-NOM
Regina, Saskatchewan (lit. pile of bones)
Names of peoples are derived by the same means, but they can be pluralized
and can take determiners. Examples are:
(118)

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htena

Red Bottom People, band of Assiniboines (hte base, red)

kisna

a Chinese person (ki SUUS + s to braid)

kispina

Chinese people

osnpina

Northern People, Cold People, band of Assiniboines (osn

cold, pi PL)

137
Chapter 4
Kinship
1. Kinship system
Assiniboine kinship terminology is a variant of the Dakota type, as shown in fig. 1.

Fig. 4.1 Dakota Type kinship system (Eggan and Maxwell 2001:976, used by permission)

Whereas the classic Dakota type exhibits a bifurcate merging pattern

(term inological merging of father with fathers brothers and mother with mothers
sisters), Assiniboine exhibits a bifurcate collateral pattern (differentiation of father
from fathers brothers and mother from mothers sisters). The two patterns are
illustrated in fig. 4.2.

Fig. 4.2 Bifurcate merging and bifurcate collateral patterns of kin terminology (Eggan 1968
in Eggan and Maxwell 2001:978, used by permission)

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Kinship terminology encompasses five generations, encompassing two
ascending and two descending from ego. Terminology for egos generation is the
most highly elaborated, and differs for male and female ego. Sibling terms entail
age and sex relative to ego. With the exception of one variation noted below, cousin
terms refer only to cross cousins; parallel cousins are designated with sibling
terms.
Fathers brothers are designated at-na (father with a diminutive suffix) and
the mothers sisters are designated in-na (mother with a diminutive suffix). The
parents opposite sex siblings are cross-related and designated with aunt and uncle
terms that derive from roots that are different from the father and mother terms. In
egos generation, the children of egos fathers brothers and m others sisters are
termed siblings and the children of egos fathers sisters and mothers brothers are
termed cousins. In the first descending generation, the children of egos same-sex
siblings and cousins are designated sons and daughters whereas the children of
egos opposite sex siblings and cousins are designated nieces and nephews.
Affinal relatives in the first ascending generation are referred to by the term
that corresponds to that of the spouse. Thus, for example, the wife of atna is inna
and the wife of nek is mitwina.
In the second ascending generation there is one male and one female
grandparent stem /thuka/ and /ku/ respectively, with no matrilineal or
patrilineal distinction made, although this distinction can be expressed
analytically:

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(1)

mi-ki
at
h-ku

1s.POSS-grandmother father mother-3.POSS DET

my grandmother on my fathers side; my paternal grandmother (LgC1.131)

The grandparent terms are also used to address grandparents-in-law. Also, any
elder of the grandparent generation may be addressed as grandmother or
grandfather as a term of respect. Generations beyond the grandparent generation
may be identified paraphrastically by linking a relational reference upward from a
grandparent term. An example that approximates this strategy is the following:1
(2)

mi-tkai . . .
iy
tukai-tku
ca
1s.POSS-grandfather . . . his.own grandfather-3.POSS that.kind
my grandfather . . .s grandfather (NR T1.12)
In the second descending generation, there is a single grandchild stem

/tako/, with no distinction made for sex or line of descent. In practice, any child
in the grandchild generation who is felt to be a member of the community may also
be addressed as mitkoa my grandchild. By contrast, when such, in effect,
honorific grandchildren are referenced (but not addressed), na is used, as in (3)-(4).
The speaker in (3) is a holy man who refers to two young men as mitkoana
(grandchild with diminutive -na). The exam ple in (4) ktmi (the trickster) is

I have taken som e liberty in extractin g this exam ple from the fu ll sente nce. I
believe that I h ave isolated th e appro priate elem ents, bu t it may be tha t iy, which I
included in (2), is not an obligatory part of the expression. Here is the full sentence:
N onw a-w-him ne
m i-t ka i
k-za wanka en iy
this song S T - A 1s-sing that 1. POSS-gra ndfath er D og-R um p lon g.ago those h im self
hkta
iy
tkai-tku
ca
en cen /
0 -now-sa /
0 -kya.
back.then his.own grandfather-3.POSS that.kind those then
A 3-sing-H A B A 3-say
This song I sang, my grandfather, Dog Rump, said he learned from his own
gran dfath er, w ho a lwa ys sa ng them back then .

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referring to ducks, whom he characterizes as grandchildren. Recall that plural
marking on hum an-reference nouns is optional.
(3)

A! mi-ttkoa-na
yusye-wic-ya-ye no, ey.
ah 1s.POSS-grandchild-DIM frighten-P3p A 3-AUX DECL A 3.say
Ah! you frightened my grandchildren, he said. (App1: Big Snake.20)

(4)

mi-tko-pi-na
kwa wac-wc-wa-ky-kt-c
1s.POSS-grandchild-PL-DIM all.those dance-P3p-A 1s-CAUS-POT-DECL
I will make all my grandchildren dance (NR: T5.12)
Kinship terms, to the extent that they could be elicited, are given in table

4.2 at the end of this chapter. This list reflects current usage, or usage within living
memory. A comparison with historical sources is discussed in section 4, below.
Many of the terms, especially in their possessed forms, are no longer commonly
used and have receded from easy recall. Disagreements among speakers are noted
where they occur.
The uncertainty and disagreement among contemporary speakers on
terminology for less frequently used terms, especially cousin terms and first person
plural possessive forms, is not surprising considering that these terms are no
longer in general use. The social implications of the relationships as entailing
various responsibilities and privileges are, on the whole, no longer observed so that
preservation of kinship terms has little purpose beyond the immediate family
(although the relationships themselves are still regarded as very important).
Furthermore, the few elderly speakers who remember these terms are dispersed
over a large geographic area in various isolated communities, so that they rarely
have occasion to use these terms in conversation, and many of those to whom the
terms would apply do not speak the language.

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At Fort Belknap leveling of some forms appears to have occurred by analogy.
For some speakers, the term nekcu his uncle has become nektku (compare to
other forms ending in i that acquire the suffix -tku), and mitkoa grandchild has
become mitkoi (compare to mitkai my grandfather, micki my son, and
micki my daughter).
2. Morphology of kinship terms
Kinship terms are based on a set of roots (listed in table 4.2) derived by a small set
of affixes: mi-, ni-, -(t)ku, -na, -i, -ya, and -ka.
2.1 mi- my
The first person possessive prefix occurs with all but two roots, the exceptions
being /at/ father and /ina/ mother. Kin terms with the first possessive prefix are
used for both address and reference and do not occur without the prefix.
2.2 ni- your
The second person possessive prefix is used with all kin terms. The terms for
mother and mothers sister are derived from the root h rather than the first
person form in, thus nih your mother and nihna your aunt (mothers sister).
The terms for father and fathers brother differ from the first person forms in
that, while the first person forms are unprefixed, the second person forms receive
the possessive prefix, thus, niyte your father and niytena your uncle (fathers
brother).
2.3 -(t)ku
This is suffixed to the root and uniformly indicates third person possessor, i.e.,

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his/her [relative] (but see 2.6, below). There is no phonological reason for the
variable occurrence of t in the suffix and t is assumed to be of historical origin. See
table 4.2 for examples.
2.4 -na
Parallel relationship is marked by the addition of na to the corresponding term for
immediate relationship, for example, mitmnona older m ale parallel cousin of a
woman from mitmno older brother of a woman. In these term s, na is similar to
nominalizing na is a type of. It has the semantic force of the English suffix -like;
e.g., mitmnona is older brother-like. 2
2.5 -i
With one exception, -i only occurs on terms outside the core of immediate
relationships (parents and siblings of ego) and may therefore be interpreted as
signaling a kind of social distance. DeMallie (1994:138) states that i indicates a
relationship of conspicuous respect. The single exception is the term for the
younger sister of a male, mitki.. DeMallie (p.c.) suggests, the suffix in this
instance might be something other than the -i in other kin terms, perhaps -ki

Delo ria gives the follow ing a ccou nt of na:

na diminu tive, meaning it is temporary or n ot real. This use of na (or
la) is indicated in the Dakota and Assiniboine terms for mother, and
father, w hen not th e true pa rent bu t a distan t mo ther or fa ther is m eant.
In Dakota well, in both languages this na suffixed to the father and
m oth er te rm s is n ot used m uch , thoug h th e people will a lwa ys g ive it
when you are recording kinship.[1936:14]
Her aside, w ell, in both lan gua ges is m isleadin g bec ause the use o f na is optional
in La kota, but it is lexica lized in Assin ibo ine term s fo r fa thers brother an d m othe rs
sister and therefore is used any tim e someon e in this relationship is addressed or
referenced.

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(which may be related to the -ki found in son and daughter terms, in which case
the root for those terms would be c- and c, respectively).
2.6 -ka
-ka is a form ative with no discernable meaning, although in the case of younger
brother and younger sister of a woman, it creates a distinction between vocative
and singular reference forms; reference forms have -ka while vocative forms do not.
Compare the exam ples of mis and miska my younger brother in (5).
(5)

Singular vocative, without -ka

(5a)

h, mis,
tkiyata ya-
he
hey younger.brother from.where A 2-come Q
hey, younger brother! where have you come from? (NR: T4.41)

(5b)

Plural vocative, with -ka:

mitki
miskapi
ko nn wa-y-ci-pi-kta
1s.POSS-younger.sis 1.poss-younger.bro-ka also here ST-A 2-dance-PL-POT
my younger sisters and brothers, you will dance here (NR T5.15)

(5c)

Singular reference, with -ka:

mi-ska
Akkena
1s.POSS-younger.brother Akkena
my younger brother, Akkena (NR: T3.20)

(5d)

Plural reference, with -ka:

miska-pi
mi-tkoa-pi-na
kwa wac-wc-wa-ky-kta-c
1s.POSS-yo.bro 1s.POSS-gr.child-PL-na all.those dance-P3p-A 1s-CAUS-POT-DCL
I will make all my younger brothers and grandchildren dance (NR: T5.11)

2.6 -ya
The suffix -ya to have as a relative, which productively derives first and second
person kinship terms in Sioux, is not systematic in Assiniboine kin terms,

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occurring only in a few first person plural possessive forms. Where -ya does occur
productively in Assiniboine is with reference to one considered a relative who is not
related by birth or marriage. This is seen in terms like at-ya-pi Indian agent,
Indian superintendent (lit. considered to be as a father), tkina-y-pi
president of the United States (lit. considered to be a grandfather), and atkkuwca-ye n these whom she had taken as fathers (NR: T6.29; cf. atkku her
fathers). Other examples are those in (6) and (7).
(6)

cih-tku-wa-y-kta-c
son-3.POSS-A 1s-ya-POT-DECL
I will consider him a son (SB.72)

(7)

cc--y-p-kte
n
child-1du-ya-PL-POT DECL
we will consider her our own child (NR: T6.23)
cc does not appear to have a third person possessive form (*ccku) as

seen in (8):
(8)

cc-pi
npa-pi n i-hni-pi
child-PL his.own two-PL DET arrive.there-COMPLETIVE-PL
also his own two children got there (SB:74)
Relationship to a specific person is indicated by using the persons name

immediately before the kinship term:

(9)

Mary cwtkunna n
Mary daughter
Marys youngest daughter (cwtku daughter, n DET) (LgC1.174 )

2.8 Unexplained morphemes

Four morphemes occur in a few forms that cannot be accounted for.

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A morpheme ki unaccountably occurs in the plural and third person

145
possessor grandparent terms, for example, tk-ki-i-tku our grandfather. (The
nasalization of the a of the root is also unexplained.)

A morpheme h appears in the third person forms chtku son and

chtkuna mans brothers son.

A morpheme kpa unaccountably occurs in the plural and third person

forms for grandchild, for example, taka-kpa-ku their grandchild.

A morpheme ku occurs in the first and second person possessor forms for

child-in-law, for example, mitko-ku my child-in-law, and a morpheme tku

occurs in the first person plural possessor grandparent terms, which also have the
unidentified ki morpheme, for example, ktuk-ki-i-tku our grandfather. It
seems beyond coincidence that the ku and tku morphemes in these non-third
person forms should be something other than the third person possessive suffix
(t)ku but their appearance in non-third person forms is unexpected and
unexplainable, especially since the third person possessive suffix is otherwise so
consistent in its meaning.
3. Respect/avoidance speech
Certain relationships entail the reciprocal use of specialized speech, specifically
third person plural forms. Although commonly referred to as respect speech,
usage suggests that avoidance is also significantly implied in relationships
characterized by such speech. Two environments are attested in contemporary
Assiniboine speech, one with regard to certain in-laws and the other, more
questionable, with regard to a personified body part.

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The first set of relationships requiring avoidance speech is between
parent/child in-laws. The only published reference to specialized speech between
parent/child in-laws is found in Kennedy (1961 [1939]) where James Larpenteur
Long (First Boy) states:
Speech between father-in-law and daughter-in-law and between
mother-in-law and son-in-law was strictly prohibited. Conversation
was allowed between the two men and between the two women, but
only in the third person plural and in a soft tone of voice, to show
respect. They never spoke directly to each other, but always in a
roundabout fashion. [1961(1939):17, emphasis added]
The behavior required by avoidance relationships is not strictly maintained
in contemporary society, but when speaking in Assiniboine of relatives in one of the
historically avoidance relationships, native speakers still consistently use the third
person plural. Evidence from texts and elicited data confirms and extends Longs
statement: even reference to ones parents- or children-in-law requires the respect
form. Elicited examples are as follows, in which the third person plural object
pronominal wca is used (11), and the plural enclitic pi is used (12), both in
reference to a single individual:
(11)

mi-k
o-wca-kici-yaka ona ekt mn-kta
1s.POSS-mo-in-law ST-P3p-tell
town to A 1s.go-POT
tell my mother-in-law Im going to town (female speaking)

(12)

mik
ona 0
/ -y-pi-kta 0
/ -kya-pi
my.mother-in-law town
A 3-go-PL-POT A 3-.say-PL
my mother-in-law said she is going to town
Compare (11)-(12) to (13), where reference is to an in-law other than a

parent- or child-in-law; the plural enclitic pi is absent:

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(13)

mice
ona ekt 0
/ -y-kta 0
/ -kya
my.brother-in-law town to
A 3-go-POT A 3-say
my brother-in-law said he is going to town
Textual evidence of the prohibition against directly addressing an in-law of

the opposite sex is found in Man Who Married a Ghost, a text narrated in the
1980s by George Shields of Fort Belknap Reservation (DeMallie 2000). In this
story, a young woman (the eponymous ghost) can be seen and heard only by her
(living) husband. She wishes to tell her mother something and asks her husband
to tell her. In the next sentence of the text, the man goes, not to her mother, but to
his own mother and tells her. This roundabout fashion, to use Longs words, is
not explained in the text because the narrator takes for granted that his audience
understands the necessity of this sequence of events, due to the avoidance
relationship between the young man and his mother-in-law.
When the mans m other learns that the young womans ghost is there with
him, she addresses the young woman directly, crying, E! mitkokupina! Oh,
Daughter-in-law! (using the third person plural form ). This confirms Longs
assertion that conversation was allowed between . . . the two women. The m ans
mother then goes to the young womans family. When the womans parents hear of
their daughters request, as conveyed by their son-in-law, they respond using the
avoidance form to refer to their son-in-law:
(14)

H, mitko ty 0
/ -ey-pi-c
yes son-in-law well A 3-say-pi-DECL
yes, m y son-in-law has spoken well [NR:T7.38]
The second environment in which avoidance speech is attested is in an

ktmi story in which ktmi addresses his rum p, given in (15). (Recall that po is a

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contraction of plural pi and the male imperative particle wo.)
(15)

mis,
tan n aw-mici-yka
p
1s.POSS-rump meat this STEM-BEN -watch 3 PL.IMPER (respect/avoidance form)
my rump, watch this meat for me (App.2: ktmi and Fox.25)

When the narrator of the story was asked about her use of the third person plural
form in this instance, she said it was a mistake, asking that the transcription be
changed to the singular form. This is the only example of a case in which a body
part is personified, and it happens to be a body part that would reasonably be
treated with avoidance. Furthermore, the narrator was slightly embarrassed at
telling the story (although she clearly enjoys the joke), so it is possible that her use
of avoidance speech in the original telling of the story reflects her own intuitive
avoidance behavior in mentioning the rump.

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Table 4.2 Kinship terminology

1s vocative/ref.

2s possessive

1pl possessive

3s possessive

grandfather

mitka i

nitkai

ktukkiitku

grandm other

mik i

niki

kkitku

tukkiitku 1
~ tukkicu
kkiitku
~ kitku

father
moth er
fathers brother

at
in
atna

niyte
nih
niytena

atypi
inypi
atypi

atkku
hku
atkkuna

fathers sister and

m othe rs brot hers wife

mitwna

nitwna

twcuna

moth ers brother and

fathers sisters husband

minki

ninki

kitku (FB)3
nekcuypi (CTK)

nekcu

moth ers sister and

fath ers bro ther s wife

inna

nihna

inypina

hkuna

mothers sisters husband and

and fathers sisters husband

atna

miytena

atypina

atkkuna

Ego +2

Ego +1

tukitku is attested by FB speakers an d by som e CTK sp eakers. Those Can adian speakers w ho m etathesize the tk cluster

pronoun ce this as tukktu. The fo rm tkicu is attested by a single CTK speaker.

2

I did not get a separa te form for this: a C TK sp eaker sa ys tha t mitwna would be used here, also.

This form seem s question able; one w ould expect knekitku. Lowie (1909:36) found nekcu (his ne kcd ju).

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1s vocative/ref.
mitka
mik

2s possessive
nitka
nik

1pl possessive

3s possessive
tkku
kku

older brother and

olde r m ale p ara llel cousin

micna

nicna

kcina

ccuna

older sister and

olde r fem ale p ara llel cousin

mitkena

nitkena

ktkupina

tktku

m iska (ref)
mis (voc)

niska

kska

skku

mitki
mihk ai
m ith i (ref)
tahi (voc)
mitw
m ith (ref)
tah (voc)
mihka

nitki
nihkai
nithi

ktkitkupina

tktku
hkitku
thitku

nihka

?hkku ye

hkku

mitmno
mitmnona

nitmno
nitmnona

ktimno
ktimnona

timnku
timnkuna

father-in-law
mother-in-law
Ego
Ego is male

younger broth er and

you ng er m ale p ara llel cousin
younger sister and
you ng er fem ale p ara llel cousin
fem ale c ross cousin
male cross cousin, youn ger, older
wife
brother-in-law (sis hu; wi bro)
sister-in-law (bro wi, wi sis)

nitw
nith

twcu
thku

Ego is fem ale

older brother
older m ale p ara llel cousin 4

Younger speakers differentiate between older brother and older male parallel cousin, adding -na to the cousin term s; older

speake rs do n ot m ake th is distinction. Th e third pe rson p ossessed form is attested w ith and witho ut -na in both generations.

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1s vocative/ref.

2s possessive

1pl possessive

3s possessive

micna

nicna

kcuna

ckuna

m iska (ref)
mis (voc)

niska

kska

skku

mit 6
micei
micepi
mihkna
mitya
m iice
micep
omwaht

nit
nicei
nicepi
nihkna
nitya
ni ce
nicep
nitmowaht

ktkakupi
icitkuypi
icpitkuypi

tkku
icitku
icpitku
hknku
tyaku
ictku
cipku
tmowaht

son
daughter

micki
mick i

nicki
nicki

kcki
kcki

chtku
cwtku

mans brothers son and

wom ans sisters son

mickina

nickina

kckina

chtkuna

man s brothers daughter and

wom ans sisters daughter

mickina

nickina

kckina

cktkuna

older sister and

olde r fem ale p ara llel cousin
younger broth er and
you ng er m ale p ara llel cousin 5
younger sister and
you ng er fem ale cous in
male cross cousin, youn ger, older
female cross cousin, youn ger, older
husband
co-wife (obsolete)
brother-in-law (hu bro; sis hu)
sister-in-law (bro wi; hu sis)
co-parent-in-law

ictkuypi
cepkuypi

Ego -1

A few CTK speakers differentiate between younger brother and younger male parallel cousin, adding -na to th e cousin

form s: miskana, niskana, kskana, skkuna.

6

A FB spea ke r giv es a r efe re nc e form mitka, also giving nitka for the second pers on po ss es se d fo rm, but the fo rms

witho ut -na are more widely attested.

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1s vocative/ref.
man s sisters son
man s sisters daughter
wom ans brothers son
wom ans brothers daughter
child-in-law

2s possessive

1pl possessive

mitka
nitka
mita 7
nita
mitka 8
mitka
mitna
nitna
m itk oku (ref)
nitkoku
mitko (voc)
mitkoku pina (voc)9

3s possessive
tkku
tku
tokku
toku
takku

Ego -2
gra nd child

mitkoa

nitkoa

ktakakpku

child
male friend of a man
fem ale fr iend of a fem ale

micca
mitkona
m

nitkona
n

collateral or distal relative

antka (antk a ta k kiciy ap i a fam ily bran ch or line) 10

takakpku

Other term s:
takaku
tkya

A CTK speaker rejects forms with u, giving forms with o, instead: mita, nita, toku. The difference between u and o

in th is case is fully re alized, u nlike t he w idespread phe nom enon of slight p hon etic low ering of u.
8

Some CTK speakers add na to th e first and s econ d per son form s: mitkana, nitkana

This vocative form includes the plural enclitic pi, required for respect speech.

10

antka can also refer to a branch on a tree, or to any kind of branch.

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153
Chapter 5
Adverbs

1. Introduction
There are no exclusively morphological or syntactic criteria for defining adverbs.1
Many of the suffixes that occur with adverbs also occur with other parts of speech;
other parts of speech can occupy adverbial positions in a clause; and adverbs
themselves can appear in the verb position as predicates. Therefore, in classifying
adverbs, the appeal is to a combination of morphology, syntax, and semantics.
Independent adverbs (those other than verb stems functioning as adverbs, as
discussed in chapter 11) have somewhat free distribution, occurring at the
beginning of a clause, immediately before the verb, or postposed after the verb.
There is a great deal of overlap between adverbs and postpositions, so much so
that words in the corpus that function exclusively as postpositions number fewer
than a dozen. The following examples illustrate these dual roles.
(1)

kiyna

(1a)

Adverb, preceding the verb:

close to

kiyna hp-ma-kiya
close.to throw- P1s-CAUS
throw it over here by me!

Buechel (1939:183-95) provides a detailed analysis of Lakota adverb

morphology but enough semantic discrepancies exist between Lakota and Assiniboine
that Buech els explanations cann ot be assum ed to account for the m eaning or use of
phonetically identical Assiniboine forms in every case. Nonetheless, they do provide
useful insights for those suffixes that agree semantically.

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(1b)

Postposition, following a noun:

sih kiyna 0
/ -yk
foot close.to A 3-sit
it is near the feet (of som ething)
The morphology and semantics of adverbs are described in this chapter; the

syntactic role of adverbs is described in chapter 11.

2. Morphology of adverbs
Single-word adverbs occur as basic (inherent) adverbs, compounds, or verbal
stems compounded with a head verb. Adverbs may be derived from nouns, verbs,
or other adverbs.
2.1 Basic adverbs
Semantically, adverbs encompass a wide range of concepts, including time,
manner, place (including location and direction), and degree. Some com mon basic
adverbs are given in (2). Some have the appearance of derived formsand are
surely historically so-but are now lexicalized, rather than the result of productive
processes, especially those forms based on the demonstratives n, , k (this,
that, that yonder, respectively). While the demonstratives are recognizable in
such form s, the remainder of the word in each case is often not analyzable into
independent morphemes.
(2)

Lexical adverbs:

(2a)

Time:

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akn
stena
hykeci
hykena

recently; lately
soon; early
tomorrow
early in the morning

155
hkta
tnih
knhna()
nah
nkh
th
wan
wanka
(2b)

Place:
akn
catkm
cokn
ekt
n
hktam
hokn
kakn
mahn
mann
nn
k
tkn
tki
n

(2c)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

on
on the left side
in the middle
to; at
at
behind
down; below
beside; near
in, inside
off somewhere, away from home/camp
here
around
ouside; outdoors
to somewhere; away
there

Manner:
awnka
cka ~ tkencka
ekt
inna
nna
t
iycka
kyna
ncen
nya
sakm
ty

(2d)

back then
yesterday
suddenly, all at once
still, yet
now (present and future)
a long time (also refers to distance, i.e., far)
now; already (punctual; present and past)
long ago

accidentally, unintentionally
hard, strenuously, with energy
wrong, improperly, inappropriately, strangely
quietly
alone
just, only, simply
by itself, of its own accord
quickly, promptly also, close to camp
this way, in this manner, like this
rarely, as meat that is not fully cooked
together; double
well, nicely, properly

Degree:
eh

too much

156
iykam
kapya
kahke
kahye
kt
nna
nsko
sm/sm
ec
hke

beyond, more, surpassing

more, a greater amount
so far off; not too far off
only so far
barely, scarcely
very
about this much
beyond, farther on
just that, only that, thats all
that far, as a certain distance away

2.2 Demonstrative adverbs

A subset of basic adverbs consists of the demonstrative adverbs, contractions of
the demonstrative articles/pronouns and the adverb n place, at a place. The
demonstrative adverbs distinguish three degrees of distance in relation to the
speaker: nn here, n there, and kn yonder. In contem porary speech, kn is
often eschewed in favor of kki, perhaps because it is difficult to be certain of the
precise location of something in the distance, so that kki, which means in the
general area yonder is for most speakers preferable to kn, which implies a more
precise location.
In describing the demonstrative adverbs of Sioux, Boas and Deloria state,
Demonstratives express three positions: here, there and there visible so that it can
be pointed at (1940:2). These distinctions seem to hold for some Assiniboine
speakers as well, but considering the extremely rare occurrence of kn in
contemporary Assiniboine speech, it may be that for most speakers, n now
covers both there and there visible so that it can be pointed at, while kki is
there, not visible; that is, the demonstrative system is altered for these speakers.
k appears in the Nakoda Language Lessons (1999) developed at Fort Belknap, but

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there are no attested examples from the Carry The Kettle data. Nakoda Language
Lesson 3.8 states, Of the two demonstratives [ and k], is used more
commonly, sometimes even when g [i.e., k] might be used. This suggests that,
possibly due to English influence, the visible distance divisions have been reduced
to a primarily two-way distinction of nn and n, with kn seldom used. The
following examples from the Nakoda Language Lessons exemplify the historical use
of k/kn, illustrating also that the demonstrative articles (which also function as
pronouns when the lexical noun is not present) frequently co-occur with the
demonstrative adverbs.
(3)

Exam ples of k and kn from the Nakoda Language Lessons (1999)

(3a)

Unit 3:8 -

k tku he

what is that over yonder?

(3b)

Unit 3:9 -

kn yk
within view]

its (sitting) over there [referring to an item

(3c)

Unit 3:11 -

katka kn n

the horse is (standing) over yonder

2.3 Interrogative adverbs

Another subset of basic adverbs consists of the interrogatives, informally referred
to in the literature as t -words, the majority of which are based on the stem twhich expresses indefiniteness. The basic adverbial t-words, from which many
other adverbs are derived, are given in (4). These correspond approximately to the
so-called wh-words of English. (The pronouns tku what and tuw who also
belong to the set of t-words but, as nominals, they are described in chapter 3: 7.3).
It should be noted that, unlike English wh-words, the t-words do not function as
relative pronouns (for which, see chapter 11: 2.4).

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(4)

Interrogative adverbs
tkucen
th
thceh
tken
tkiya
tna
tuktm
tuktn

why (tku what + cn because of)

when (potential)
when (in the past, i.e., realized)
how
where to
how many (also some)
to what place; to some place
where, at what place; at some place, somewhere

2.4 Logical connectives 2

Three adverbs, , k, and nak, all meaning also, too, are similar in function to
coordinating conjunctions in that they connote connections between noun phrases
or between clauses. nak may also function as a coordinating conjunction and k
may function in place of a coordinating conjunction, and all three may co-occur
with a coordinating conjunction, as in (5). (See 11: 6.2 for further discussion of
coordination.)
(5a)

John ayapi yta hk aspi 0

/ -yatk
John bread A 3.eat and milk also A 3.drink
John ate bread and drank milk

(5b)

ayapi op-wa-t nak aspi

bread ST- A 1s-buy and milk also
I bought bread and milk

3. Derived adverbs
3.1 Prefixation
Two types of prefixes may be added to adverbs to alter their meaning, adverbial
(stressed) and the locative prefixes a- and o-.

This useful term is used in G reenbaum 1996:383 to refer to a num ber of

semantic connectives, of which there are several. The type described here is what he
term s listing .

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159
3.1.1 Adverbial -3
The prefix - added to an adverb of place makes the locational reference more
specific. Rood and Taylor (1996:452) note a similar prefix in Lakota but in Lakota,
the -prefixed forms are postpositions, whereas in Assiniboine the -prefixed forms
remain adverbs.
(6)

tkn outside

(6a)

tkn -kta-pi-sa
outside 1du-play-PL-HAB
we used to play outside

(6b)

tkn pya
outside throw
throw it out! (i.e., from indoors to outdoors)

(7)

tkan specifically outside

tkan pya
outside throw
throw it outside (not inside)

(8a)

kim beside; to a position beside something

iycikayena kum nkiya
car
that beside stop-CAUS
park the car beside it (e.g., the house)!

This is not to be confused w ith the locative prefix - (un stre ssed) w hich u sua lly
ha s instru m ental m ean ing (see 9.1 below). The tra ditional Siouanist term inology is
unfortunate because of the potential confusion of semantic and gramm atical
terminology. Locative is a gramm atical term and refers to a class of prefixes that
pre dom ina ntly but no t exc lusiv ely have locative m ean ing, whereas th e ad verb pr efix
- specifically has locative meaning w hen prefixed to adverbs of place, but is not
gram matically locative. (Nor, indeed, is the locative prefix i- sem antically locative, w ith
its inst rum enta l me anin g, albe it a m em ber of the g ram m atical c lass of locative prefixe s.)

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(8b)

kium

right beside; in a position immediately beside

ey kum
yotka k 0
/ - k
then right.beside sit
even A 3-try
then she even tried to sit right next to him (ScB.29)
(stress on kium is displaced by RSP)
In two instances adverbial - occurs affixed to a stative verb stem (8)-(9),
although whether that stem is ic- be bad or a truncated form of ikn be angry
is not clear. The latter is more likely semantically, while the former is more
plausible phonologically (by coda nasalization, recalling that k does not nasalize
under this rule, so that ?k(n) would be ruled out). The data are insufficient to
determine whether this is a productive process.
(9)

in

angrily, meanly

(10)

intu

sharply, brusquely, curtly; meanly, angrily

3.1.2 Locative prefixes

A small number of adverbs are derived by adding the locative prefixes a- or o- (see
9.1 below). The data are insufficient to determine whether this is a productive
process.
Locative a-:
(11)

The locative prefix a- when prefixed to adverbs increases the valence:

around

k
mimya kn
around in.a.circle return
to go around in a circle
(12)

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ak around something
ak
ma-w-ni
LOC-around ST-A 1s-walk
I walked around it (mni walk)

161
Locative o-:

Only one example of an adverb with locative o- occurs in the corpus,

affixed to the noun kon friend, creating an adverb of manner, okna friendly,
in a friendly manner.
3.2 Suffixation
A large number of adverbial suffixes are employed to derive adverbs from verbs,
nouns, or other adverbs. These suffixes are used singly or in combination to create
highly nuanced distinctions of manner, direction, or degree, the precise meanings
of which are in some cases as yet poorly understood. Some suffixes can create
more than one type. For example, the adverbial suffix -ya commonly creates
adverbs of manner:
(13)

skpa be crooked

> skomy crookedly, windingly, as a road or stream

but can also create an adverb of time when affixed to an adverb of time:
(14) ahke

be last( verb); last (adv)

> hkya

finally, in the end

Also, for many adverbs, the notions of both time and place inhere to a single
word:
(15)

th far, a great distance or a long time

3.2.1 Suffix descriptions

Adverbial suffixes that have fairly transparent m eaning are discussed below in
alphabetical order. Thereafter, some examples of adverbial affixes used in
combination are illustrated. Many of the following suffixes are
morphophonologically inconsistent. A general phonological pattern can be
discerned in most cases, but there are a significant number of exceptions. These

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162
idiosyncracies are noted in the descriptions where they occur.
3.2.1.1 -ceh ago; in the past
The suffix -ceh places the entire following discourse in the past; once it is used by
one speaker, for example with an adverb like hceh at that time in the past, ceh is not repeated by anyone for the topic under discussion. It attaches to
adverbs and nouns although the choice appears to be idiosyncratic. This suffix also
functions as a subordinating conjunction (see chapter 11.7).
(16a)

maka ymni-ceh
year
three-ago
three years ago

(16b)

tpa c-ceh
four day-ago
four days ago

(16c)

hkta
wtu-ceh
back.then spring-ago
last spring

In the following example, the speaker uses hceh in place of a predicate,

omitting both subject and verb, yet all speakers understand this expression to
include the meaning I was born. It may be that this understanding may derive
from context since the speaker had previously commented that she had been
raised at CTK.
(17)

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mka wkcmna npcw ka sm

wikcmna ymni ak
kpe
year
ten
nine
beyond ten
three beyond six
hceh.
back.then-past
[I was born] in nineteen-thirty-six. (LgC1.322)

163
3.2.1.2 -eyas throughout
Creates adverbs of time. Unlike many adverbs that have both time and place
reference, -eyasa refers only to periods of time.
(18)

mnokyas

throughout the summer, all summer (cf. mnoktu)

wyas

throughout the spring, all spring (cf. wtu)

wanyas

throughout the winter, all winter (cf. wanyetu)

?ptyas

throughout the fall (cf. ptytu; consultant was uncertain of

this form, preferring ptytu ataya all fall)4

hyas

throughout the night, all night

3.1.1.3 -h: at a particular time

This is a contraction of the adverb eh at that time, as evident in the variants of
nh and h.
(19)

ech

while, done at the same moment (ec do)

nh

now, at this moment (also neh)

then, at that moment (also eh)

th

when? at what moment?

3.2.1.4 -
As with pronouns, the suffix - has two functions, one as an intensifier and one
that marks specificity. It triggers ablaut to e on a preceding A-word, e.g., cA be
that kind > ce very much so.

Even th is alternative is marg inal since ataya all is probably a loanword from
Sioux, and rarely used in A ssiniboine.

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164
(20)

Intensifier (augmentation AUG):

(20a)

ktna a little bit > ktna barely; finally

Naknia i-y-a
[?] Ktna-.
Nakoda
ST-A 2 speak [Q ] little.bit- INTNS
Do you speak Nakoda? Barely, hardly at all

(20b)

nkh now > nkh just now

nih
nkh- 0
/ -h
your.mother now-INTNS A3-arrive
your mother just got here

(20c)

tkuni nothing > tkuni

nothing at all, really nothing

cen tkuni-
yaku-pi-
then
nothing- INTNS A 3.take-PL-NEG
then they took nothing at all (NR:T6.84)
(20d)

tpa four > tpa even four, as much as four, four whole times
tpa- 0
/ -kn5
four-AUG A 3-arrive
he (went and) came back four times, i.e., made four trips (NR T4.28)

(20e)

tokhe first > tokhe- very first

[form is attested but without an example]

(21)

Specific

(21a)

niy you > niy you, in particular (pronoun)

niy- cic
you-SPC
I gave it to you (specifically)

(21b)

tukt where?
somewhere

> tukt

where, precisely?
somewhere in particular; anywhere

As uttered in context, this is [tpa kn], with especially heavy emph asis on
kn: he m ade tha t trip four w hole tim es!

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165
tukt-
yotka 0
/
where-SPC sit
IMPER-f
sit anywhere [i.e., whichever place you choose] (female speaking)
When nna very occurs with a negative verb, it almost always acquires -.
(22)

nna- + verb +

(22a)

nna- osn-

its not very cold

(22b)

nna- hske-

she/hes not very tall

(22c)

nna- t-a

its not very much

(22d)

nna- wa-cke-

I dont want it very much

(22e)

nna- ta
/ -wa-cke-
0
very- many P3-A 1s-want- NEG
I dont want very many/much

(22f)

katka nna- 0
/ -ta
kki
/ --pi-
0
horse
very- P3-be.many over.there A 3-be-PL-NEG
there arent very many horses over there

(22g)

in
nen nna- 0
/ .waywa-pi-
mother these very- A 3.go.to.school- PL-NEG
our mothers didnt go to school much, didnt have much schooling
(LgC1.302)

3.2.1.5 -ka rather, somewhat

Attenuating; approximating. The forms in (23) appear to be lexicalized, and in most
cases the base morphemes do not occur independently. An exception in this list is
ehtuka, derived from the independently occurring ehtu at that time.
(23)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

tkecaka

what kind?

wanhtuka

about this time

wathka

an indefinite length of time, after a while

ehtuka

about what time, about that time

166
When -ka attaches to stative verb,s the verb also takes a prefix a-. However,
the prefix does not increase the valence of the adverb and is therefore different
from locative a-, but the source of the prefix that co-occurs with -ka is as yet
unidentified.
(24)

be fat

>

atka

rather fat,

wtk

be crazy

>

awtkoka

rather crazy,

stust

be tired

>

aststaka

rather tired,

ika

be pitiful

>

aika

kind of pitiful

aika kind pitiful, is derived from the stative verb ika be pitiful, itself
derived from a root i- and a formative -ka, but the addition of the adverbial suffix
-ka causes one of the two suffixes to be deleted by haplology, an instance of the
languages resistence to identical syllables in sequence other than in reduplicated
forms.
3.2.1.6 -ken in the m anner of
The suffix -ken generally derives adverbs of manner from verbs. Instances of -ken
as the sole adverbial suffix are rare; it usually co-occurs with adverbial -ya as yaken (see below).
(25)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

ecken

always (ec be thus)

nnaken

alone (nna be alone)

iyzaken

browsing, casually looking around (iyza meander)

iknken

angrily, in a cranky manner (ikn be angry)

wnaken

only one; by itself/himself/herself (w one)

167
3.2.1.7 -kiya ~ -kiy, -ky: in that direction, towards
Attaches to adverbs.(English analogs are the suffixes -wards and -wise). It is not
clear why there are variants with nasalized vowels but it does seem clear that these
are all instances of the same morpheme. As evident from (28a)-(28b), nasalization
is not due to nasal spread. The basic form is homophonic with the causative
auxiliary kiya.
(26)

Adverbs in -kiya

(26a)

aknky

at an oblique angle

(26b)

eckiy

lengthwise

(26c)

wazyakiya

northwards, towards the north

(26d)

ti--cokam-kiya
house- LOC-center-towards
towards the center of a room or lodge
When suffixed to a number, the meaning of -kiya is in x places; in x

directions; in x ways:
(27)

zptkiya

in five directions, e.g., a group of people that separates

in five places, e.g., when cutting string
in five ways, e.g., when dividing portions

However, despite apparently being based on ymni three, the word

iymnkiya does not mean in three directions but in all (or many, unspecified)
directions:
(28)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

iyha iymnkiya
/ -iyya-pi
0
all
in.all.directions A 3-depart- PL
they all dashed off in all directions; they all scattered (app.2: ktmi and
Fox.34)

168
Similarly contrary to expectation, mahtkiya means downwards, despite
the base adverb mahn or mahta in, inside.
3.2.1.8 -ketu be thus
-ketu attaches to the demonstratives and indefinite t-; k palatalizes after front
vowels. These forms function as sentence modifiers or predicates.
(29)

ncetu

in this way; it being this way...

cetu

in that way; thus; it being that way...

tketu

in some way; it being some indefinite way, as in the

following phrases:
tketu he
how is it?
tket
it doesnt matter
to-n-ketu he how are you?

3.2.1.9 -ki in a general location (English analog -abouts)

-ki ~ -ci attaches to demonstrative pronouns, indefinite t- and a few other
adverbs. k palatalizes after front vowels.
(30)

kki

in a general, distant area

nci

hereabouts, around here, in this neighborhood or

town

omyeci

to the other side, to the area on the other side

tki

to where? to what general location?

ci

thereabout, around there, over in that general area

3.2.1.10 -kiya in a general direction

Adverbs in -k can be combined with -ya in a direction resulting in forms that are

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169
semantically similar to forms in -kiya (see above) and even appear to be
morphologically similar, but have different etymologies. It seems that -kiya
suggests a definite direction, in contrast to the indefinite direction suggested by
kiya. The combination of -ki and -ya results in a form that is homophonous with
the causative auxiliary -kiya. k palatalizes after front vowels.
(31)

tkiya

in what general direction?

kkiya

way over that way somewhere

nciya

somewhere around here

ciya

over that way; toward that general area

3.2.1.11 -m, -n
These suffixes are very com mon but also problematic. In many cases, they are
semantically similar to one another, meaning at a particular point or location and
often appear to be variants of each other (32). The data in (33) suggest that
sometimes there is the following subtle distinction: both forms indicate a stationary
location, but adverbs in -n are contractions of the base adverb and -en and indicate
a location without any claim as to how the person or object came to be in that
location, whereas adverbs in -m suggest that a person or object in a particular
location moved to that location, or otherwise involves movement at the location. In
the following examples it is proposed that the surface forms are based on bound
roots.
(32)

coka- middle, center

(32a)

cokm

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

in the center; in the middle (~ cokm)

170
cokm /
0 -n
middle-m A 3-stand
he/she is standing in the middle (animate)
(32b)

cokn (~ cokn)
cokn h
middle-n be.standing (inanimate)
its (standing) in the middle
cokn hiyya
ma-k
middle AUX(propulsion) P1s-give
give me half! i.e., pour to the middle (as when tea is being poured)

(33)

wka- above; up high

(33a)

wkm 6
wkm 0
/ -iyya-c
up
A 3-depart- DECL
he/she has already gone up (a mountain, tree, stairway, etc.)
wkm akita
up
look
look up!, look upw ards!

(33b)

wkn
wkn 0
/ -yk n
above A 3-sit DET
the one who sits above (a reference to the Christian God)
The adverb ekt at, to does not have an attested -n form, understandable

under this hypothesis because an -n form would be redundant with n, since ekt
also means at or to a place over there. ekt serves both of the hypothesized
connotations, and the -m form is marked, emphasizing directionality.

It is surprising th at wkm and wkn do not have alternants in which the

second a is nasalized, as do cokn and cokm. This may provide a clue to the
mechanisms of nasal spread, but must remain unexplored for now.

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171
(34)

ekt

to, at, there

(34a)

tiypa ekt
door
to
to the door
(cf. at the door tiypa kakn, lit. beside the door)

(34b)

min ekt y hk yua

water to go and wash
go to the water and wash it (app.2: Iktmi and Fox L.8)

(34c)

ekt 0
/ --pi
owyawa
there A 3-stay-PL school
boarding school

(35)

ektm toward there

(35a)

whinpe ektm 0
/ --pi
east
at
A 3-stay/be-PL
they are to the east (of a point of reference)

(35b)

hte ektm paks

base toward break
break it toward the base!
The proposed contrast only seems to exist when both m and n forms of an

adverb exist. Many adverbs that end in m do not have corresponding forms in n
and vice versa. Some of these are verbal stem adverbs (see chapter 11: 4.3.3), in
which the stem final nasal is the result of coda nasalization. Other, inherent,
adverbs in m or n do not appear to be the product of suffixation and do not appear
to carry the connotations hypothesized above, for example, nazm behind, at the
back (*nazn).
(36)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

nazm 0
/ -
behind A 3-stay/be
he/she is at the back, behind it

172
(37)

nazm 0
/ -aktka
behind A 3-run
he/she ran to the back, ran behind it
An additional contrast between -m and -n forms is syntactic, as in the

following examples, in which the -m form is a subordinating conjunction and the -n

form is an adverb:
(38)

wacu-pi 0
/ -h-pi
hakam wacuti
o-w-ti
(*hakan)
White-PL A 3-arrive-PL thereafter frame.house LOC-A 1s-reside
after the White man came I lived in a house

(39)

hakan
/ -hi-pi
0
afterwards A 3-arrive-PL
they came afterwards

(*hakam)

3.2.1.12 -na
-na frequently also occurs as -yena with a semantically empty formative -yA. The
suffix -na (and -yena) generally creates adverbs of manner, but there is no clearly
consistent meaning.7 It occasionally also carries the diminutive notion found in the
homophonous nominal suffix. It attaches to verbs or adverbs.
(40)

hyke

this morning

>

hyke-na

early in the morning

sp

more

>

spa-na

a bit further

kka

clatter

>

kok-yna

clattering-ly

be a drumbeat >

mu-yna

like drumbeats

nam

hide

>

nam-na

stealthily, furtively

pest

be pointed

>

pest-yena in a sharp, pointed manner

zizpa

be thin cloth

>

zizm-yena

thin-ish

This lack of consistent mean ing for -na app are ntly differs from Lakota, in
wh ich the re is a consisten t m ean ing of place of action (Buech el 19 39:187 ).

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173
3.2.1.13 -patah moving from
-patah attaches to adverbs of place. This suffix is further analyzable into two
bound m orphemes, -tah from, which also occurs with what Buechel refers to as
prepositional e to form the quantifier eth from, some of, and -pa-, which adds
a notion of movement to -tah. pa also occurs infrequently in a few other forms
such as spa beyond (more commonly occurring as sm), and in combination
with kiya as in netpakiya in this direction and nazpakiya towards the back.
Unlike spa, *netpa- and *netpa- apparently do not occur as independent
forms, but netm and nazm are common, suggesting by analogy to spa/sm,
that the -m final forms are phonological reductions of forms in pa.
(41)

wkm

above

>

wkmpatah

from above

catkm

left side

>

catkmpatah

from the left side

timhen

indoors

>

timhenpatah

from indoors

th

far

>

thpatah

from far away

tkiya

in what direction? > tkiyapatah

from what
direction?

If a word already ends in pa, one of the pa sequences is dropped by

haplology.
(42)

tispa far side of the dwelling (t dwelling, spa beyond)

< tispatah from the far side of the dwelling (*tispapatah)

3.2.1.14 Adversative -
Adversative - expresses a negative contrast between what is expected and what

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174
actually occurs. It may be suffixed to verbs, adverbs, and pronouns. Similarly,
there is a host of adverbs ending in -, all signifying, in some degree, instead,
instead of, in place of, rather than, as an equal, inadequate, or superior substitute,
including eh, eya, ko, ka, ke, ke, kota. Whether these words carry stress
appears to affect their precise meanings but this dynamic is not well understood.8
(43)

tka-
ecm-kta
what (obs.)- A 1s.do-POT
Ill do it later (at some indefinite time)

(44)

tna ey somewhat, a little

3.2.1.15 -ste in the manner of; like unto

The suffix -ste attaches to nouns. It appears to be related to the postverbal
particle steya seems like.
(45)

hh owl

> hhste

owl-like

hk chief

> hkste

chiefly, in a chief-like manner

There is one example in the corpus, given in (46), in which -ste is affixed to
a stative verb; -ken is by far more commonly used for the meaning in that manner.
(46)

knaky

be crazed, frantic > knakyste

frantically

3.2.1.16 -tah from that point on; after that

The suffix -tah refers either to time (47)-(48) or direction (49)-50).
(47)

inne
zeh-tah
c-wa-mni
A 2-depart past-from.then.on
ST-A 1s-be.lonely
I was lonely ever since you left (NR T7.104)

Detailed discussions of the adversative in Lakota may be found in Boas and

Deloria (194 1:108-9 an d 15 8-9).

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175
(48)

cen hkya-tah
n wkke
n tuktm
/ - iyya
0
so
at.last-after.that this young.woman this somewhere A 3-depart
so finally (after all that) this young woman went off somewhere (ScB.32)

(49)

nciya-tah

in this direction; towards here

(50)

timhe-tah

from inside the house (ti dwelling, mah(n) inside)

3.2.1.17 -tu: at a particular point (time or place)

The suffix -tu attaches to adverbs, making the meaning of the base form specific.
(51a)

m-cktu

noon, midday (cf. pa day)

(51b)

hokutu

underneath

(51c)

thtu

at what time?

(51d)

mahtu

on the inside

There seems to be a clear relationship between -tu and a suffix -etu by which
the names of the seasons are derived, although it does not seem to be a case of a
single suffix *(e)tu, first, because -etu derives nouns and also because the loss of e
has no obvious explanation. The rule of vowel deletion deletes the first of two
vowels, but in forms in (51a)-(51c) e would be the second vowel and should appear
in the forms. The behavior of the e of -etu is the same as that of the adverbial suffix
-eyas, above, which suggests that -etu and -eyas, are related and that both of
these are restricted to stretches of time.
(52)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

mnoktu

summer

ptytu

fall

wanyetu

winter

wtu

spring

176
also:

ptu

day (thought by some speakers to be a Sioux word)

taytu

evening

3.2.1.18 -ya
-ya creates adverbs of manner (English analog is -ly); probably triggers ablaut to e,
but the single example of mimya is insufficient evidence for a generalization. The
form sicya badly appears to be lexicalized as an independent adverb. Although
clearly derived from scA + ya, the epenthetic A of scA would not take stress and
would undergo (the proposed) ablaut before -ya, yet the a of sica in sicya
violates both expectations. -ya attaches primarily to stative verbs (53) but there is
one example in which it attaches to an adverb (54).
(53)

Stative verb stems:

knh-ya

fearfully (knh ~ kinh be afraid)

mim-ya

around in a circle, circularly (m im be a circle)

sicya

badly (scA be bad)

ct-sicaya
(54)

sadly; broken-heartedly (ct heart; sicya badly)

Adverb stem:
ko-y with, additionally, accompanying

3.2.1.19 -yaken
This is undoubtedly a compound of -ya and -ken but as a compound form it occurs
considerably more frequently than -ken. It attaches primarily to stative verbs, but
occasionally to active verbs as well, to create adverbs of manner, some that are
simply so (55), and some that attenuate the manner (56).

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177
(55)

Manner:
te

be difficult

teyaken

with difficulty

wtena

be shamed

wtenyaken shamefully

yap

speak well

yapyaken

with verbal skill,

knowledge

(56)

Attenuated manner:
sca

be bad

sicyaken

in a slightly bad manner

stust

be tired

stustyaken tiredly, in a tired manner

thtu

be far

thtuyaken not too far away

wakt

expect

waktyaken

rather expectantly

3.2.1.20 Ablaut
One adverb, given in (57), appears to be derived by ablaut (cf. hinkA be mean,
ornery, cranky) but data are insufficient to determine if this is a productive
process. (One would suspect not, since ablaut is commonly used to derive nouns
from verbs.)
(57)

hinke i-0
/ -
meanly ST-A 3-speak
he speaks meanly, harshly

3.2.2 Suffix combinations

Two or more of the adverbial suffixes may be combined.
(58)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

th-pa-tah

from far away

e-t-pa-kiya

in that direction; that way ( DEM )

-ciya-tah

from over in that general area

178
3.3 Reduplication
Adverb reduplication follows the same pattern as verb reduplication (see chapter 6:
11.1), that is, the full final syllable is copied and suffixed to the base. ecken
appears to be an exception, but a more likely explanation is that ecken derives
from a root ?ecak-, although that etymology remains to be confirmed. Deverbal
adverbs reduplicate the final syllable of the verb root (59c), that is, reduplication
precedes derivation by suffixation.
(59)

Reduplicated adverbs:

(59a)

ecken

always

eckcaken sometimes

(59b)

around

kk

all around, all over an area

(59c)

te-ya

with difficulty

teiya

really difficult, having hard times

teiyaken with great difficulty

(59d)

tukt

somewhere

tuktkte

here and there

(59e)

wca

once

wnwca

once in a while

3.4 Noun-adverb compounds

Nouns and truncated nouns (see chapter 3:2.1.2) m ay be prefixed to adverbs to
create more specific adverbs. The nominal prefix ho- camp circle appears to occur
primarily as an adverbial prefix (70)-(71), although it also occurs in at least one
deverbal adverb (72).
(64)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

ti--cokam-kiya
lodge/house-LOC-middle-towards
toward the middle of a room or lodge

179
(65)

ti-kkna ~ t-cakna (palatalization is in free variation for kakn)

lodge/house-beside
close to the house

(66)

wa-mhe-tu
snow-inside-specific.point
under the snow

(67)

ca-mhen under the ice (ca ice)

(68)

h-thn

late into the night; midnight (h- night (com pound form))

htehn-hn
nah 0
/ -wac-pi
late.into.night-REDUP still
A 3-dance-PL
late at night they were still dancing
(69)

zhektam

backwards (z rump, buttocks)

zhektam mni
backwards walk
walk backwards
(70)

ho-ckap-kiya
camp-middle-toward
toward the middle of camp

(71)

h-kakna

along the camp circle, either inside or outside it

(72)

ho-kaw

flying above a camp, as a bird (cf. kawA glide, soar)

4. Semantic distinctions in words for now and when

4.1 nkh vs. wan now
The difference is prim arily aspectual. nkh is related to the durative enclitic h
and suggests a period of time surrounding the present with a view to the future
(now, unlike then). It can be made more specific by collocation with n this to
mean nowadays but still implies a contrast of the present to the past.

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180
(73)

nkh osn-
now
be.cold-NEG
its not cold now (as opposed to before) (LgC1.26)

(74)

n nkh owcekiya kiknka, wackiya n, n wicti

this now
church dive (Morman) church
there there village
Where the Mormon church is now, there was a village.
(app.1: Big Snake.13)

In contrast, wan tends to be punctual, in the present with a view to the past
(now, as a result of then) and may often appropriately be glossed as already.
(75)

Wan wksuy
k
tken ep-kte
0
/ -ey
now
A 1s.remem ber- NEG (exasp) how
A 1s.say-POT that A 3-say
Now I forget what she said I should say or
I already forgot what she said I should say. (LgC1.6)

(76)

Wan
wan-i-a
k.
now that.one English-ST-A 3-speak (exasp)
shes already speaking English! (LgC1.2)9
As a predicate, wan! means ready! Im ready! or are you ready?, and may

even take enclitics in this position. (In example (78), the enclitic he is optional.)
(77)

wan no, mick!

now DECL my.son
(Im) ready, my son! (Im coming) now, my son! (ScB.103)

(78)

Wan he? H, wan.

now
Q
yes now
(are you) ready? yes, (Im) ready

4.2 tn vs. hta when

The difference is aspectual: tn is punctual and potential, indicating a specific
event, either in the future when X occurs, or in the unknown present, if such is
the case. When tn has future reference, the following verb takes potential

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

They had been asked to speak only Nakoda, without mixing with English.

181
marking as in (79)-(80); for present reference, the following verb is unmarked as in
(81). hta references a regular occurrence, whenever, when such is the case as in
(82)-(83).
(79)

mitko kn-pi
tn eh sakm
ya--pi-kta
DET son.in.law return-RESPECT when then two.together A 2-stay-PL-POT
when my son-in-law returns, you two will be together (NR T7.38)

(80)

wikcmna 0
/ -ehi tn w-c-mnak-kta
ten
A 3-reach when ST-I.you-A 1s.see-POT
Ill see you at ten oclock

(81)

ka 0
/ -spa
tn wa-cke-
dog A 3-be.black if
A 1s-want- NEG
if the dog is black, I dont want it

(82)

0 -zuyyapi
/
hta
thni iyha ekt wc-kte-pi-
A 3-go.to.war-PL whenever never all
there P3p-A 3-kill-PSV-NEG
when (men) go to war, it is never the case that all of them are killed (NR
T7.36)

(83)

thn wa-cka hta

o-m-wa-ni
when A 1s-want whenever LOC-ST-A 1s-walk
I travel whenever I want

(of wyka see)

5. Adverbial phrases
Adverbial phrases are constructed of combinations of nouns and adverbs to
express a single, complex adverbial concept. Such combinations are not equally
transparent, as illustrated in the following examples.
(84)

ak pa ntu tn
again day to.this when
a year from now (T4.72)

(85)

pa wak iykam
day holy beyond
after this coming Sunday (LgC1.60)

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182
(86)

pa nn
day this
today

(87)

wanyetu hkta
kki
winter
back.then yonder.direction
last winter

6. Clause modifiers
Adverbs that modify an entire clause include all of the adverbs of time. wan now
in its less strictly temporal sense of already, as seen in examples (77)-(78) above,
also modifies a clause. A more clearly non-temporal clause-modifying adverb is
t:
(89)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

t instead, as the opposite of what is expected or desired

t
tgu snok-w-ye eca-
instead thing ST-A 1s-know be.that.kind-NEG
in spite of (their intentions), I dont know any of that stuff! (LgC1.110)
(speaker is referring to her residential school experience)

183
Chapter 6
Verbs

1. Introduction
There are three classes of verbs: active, stative, and impersonal. The inflectional
system is split-intransitive, in which subject pronominal affixes of stative verbs are
identical to object pronominal affixes of active verbs, as illustrated in table 6.1.
Table 6.1: The active/stative pronomina l system (split intransitive)

Active

Stative

Transitive

Intransitive
(Unergative)

Subj.

regular
y-stem
nasal

Obj.

wa-/ya-/0
/
mn-/n-/0
/
m-/n-/0
/
ma-/ni-/0
/

wa-/ya-/0
/

(Unaccusative)
ma-/ni-/0
/

mn-/n-/0
/

m-/n-/0
/

Note: Only 1 st/ 2 nd/ 3 rd person singular pronominals are shown. Impersonal verbs
are stative, but do not accept the 1 st and 2 nd person pronom inals.

Verbs are not marked for tense; rather, a distinction is made between
realized (that which has occurred or is occurring) and potential (that which could
occur but has not, also referred to hypothetical or unrealized, e.g., Taylor and
Rood 1976; Boas and Deloria 1941). Temporal distinctions, if needed, are made by
means of adverbs (chapter 5) and enclitics (chapter 9). Realized forms are
unmarked; potentiality is marked by the enclitic ktA.

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Semantically, active verbs denote actions and processes. The class is

184
subdivided into active-intransitive verbs, which may have animate or inanimate
subjects, and active-transitive verbs, which are restricted to animate subjects.
Stative verbs typically predicate a state or condition of their subjects, which may be
animate or inanimate. Impersonal verbs, which are notionally stative, occur only in
the third person singular with zero expletive (thus inanimate) subjects and consist
largely of weather terms and landscape features.
With few exceptions, the general semantic notion of a verb coincides with its
grammatical classification as active or stative.1 Exceptions include the sem antically
active wwai work, which inflects as a stative verb (P1s wmawai I work) and is
therefore classified as stative, and the semantically stative ikn be angry, which
inflects as an active verb (A 1s iwkna I am angry) and is therefore classified as
active. Impersonal verbs take only a zero expletive pronominal, interpretable as it,
e.g., mau it is raining.
2. Canonical structure of verbs
Morphologically, verbs are constructed from bound or free roots that may be
inflected for person, number, and aspect. They may be derived by processes of
affixation, noun incorporation, compounding, and reduplication. A somewhat
idealized template of verb structure is given in (1). The set of morphemes identified
in this study as KI is peculiar to Siouan languages; they are discussed in chapter 7.

Mithun (1991) argues that a sem antic notion of agency, carefully defined
and distinguished from a notion of volition, can fully account for the active/stative
distinction; Legendre and Rood (1992:383) argue against any semantic basis, including
Mithu ns a gen cy n otion , an d furth er conclud e th at there is no con siste nt s em an tic
criterion which chara cterizes the mean ings of the stems of either class of intransitives
(199 2:384).

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The KI, suffix, enclitic, and particle positions may be multiply filled.
(1)

(LOC) (INDEF) (INSTR) (ST) (SUBJ) (OBJ) (KI(s)) Root (suffix(es)) (encl(s)) (PART(s))
Variations in the template in (1) occur due to several factors. First, particles

labeled ST (small caps, based on the word stem) occur only as the first part of a
discontinuous root, as in the example in (2). No single syllable of these roots has
independent meaning, so the gloss notation ST is employed in this work to indicate
the connection between the initial particle and the remainder of the root.2
Pronominal affix insertion points throughout this work are marked with ^ when
relevant to the discussion.3
(2)

n^ stand
na-w-
ST-A 1s-stand
I stand
Another variation to the template in (1) arises from the structural

The kind of elemen t identified in this work as S T E M or S T is id entified b y some

Siouan linguists as prev erb (e.g., Quintero 2004, although she g ives it wider application
to inc lude a ll preve rbal m ateria l). Prev erb is not used in the present w ork because, on
the analysis presented here, these elements in Assiniboine (as well as Sioux, and
probab ly m ost, if not all, othe r m em ber s of the Siouan language fa m ily, but I a m not in
a position to make such a broad claim) are not preverbal but rather, parts of
irreducible ver b roots; th erefore, the y do n ot fit the m ore gen eral m eanin g that prev erb
has w ithin linguistics, i.e., elements tha t have an identifiable mean ing and a deg ree of
syn tactic in depe nde nce but d o not exac tly fit th e defin ition of pre fix (cf. Matthews
1 99 7:294). A dm it te dly, a rgum e nts could be raised against putting the term S T E M to th is
use but it has been u sed in this restricted context elsewhere and seem s to this author
to be less confusing than prev erb. In fact and som ewha t surprisingly there does not
seem to be an established convention for glossing discontinuous roots.
3

Discontinuous roots con sist of two morph emes for w hich m eaning or function
of one or more parts is undeterminable. Such roots allow or require that pronominal
affixes be inserted between morphemes. This is referred to by convention in the
literature on Siouan langua ges as infixing, although it is not infixing in the strictest
sense. W hile acknowledging th is difference, in this work, the term infix is used
accordin g to th e con ven tions of Siou an lin guistic practices.

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requirements of certain instrumental prefixes, some of which necessarily precede
the pronominal affixes and some of which necessarily follow them (see 9.2 below).
Finally, certain members of the KI set are fused with the root rather than occupying
separate slots (see chapter 7).
To illustrate the model in (1), one possible derivation for the word
awcewcawakiykte I will not pray over them is broken out by stages in (3a).4
A full morpheme gloss with base morphemes is provided in (3b).
(3a)

(3b)

cyA

cry

c-ki-yA5

pray to (ki- DAT to s.o.)

wa-c-ki-yA

pray (wa- INDEF)

a-w-ce-ki-yA

pray over (a- LOC. over)

a-w-ce-wca-wa-ki-ya

I pray over them (wca P3 P, wa A 1s)

a-w-ce-wca-wa-ki-y-kte-

I will not pray for them (-ktA POT, - NEG )

awcewcawakiykte
a -wa
-ce -wca -wa -ki -yA -ktA -
LOC-INDEF -ST
- P3p -A 1s -DAT -cry -POT-NEG
over-things-(Stem)-them-I-to.s.o.-cry-future-not
I will not pray over them

The concept of prayer d erives from crying to the spirits on behalf of oneself or
someon e else. Prayer is conducted within the con text of a kinship structure in wh ich
the use of kin terms father, grandfather, mother, grandmother placed the
petition er in t he role of th e pitiful child, beggin g for h elp from nurtur ing older re latives.
The quality of pitifulness wa s equally applicable to interactions am ong hu man s
(DeMallie 1998:330-31). DeMallies explanation is in reference to Lakota but applies as
well to Assiniboine, although it should be noted that not all Lakota cultural traditions
can be assum ed for Assiniboine.
5

cya is not a discontin uou s root; pron om inal affixes ar e prefixed (e.g ., A 1s
wa-cya). The deriva tion of ckiya from c ya is diac hronic, bu t the histor ical r oot is
given here for illustrative purposes.

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3. Verb roots
The term verb root or root refers to the smallest constituent of a verb, whether
free or dependent, that still has lexical meaning. The root forms the semantic and
structural core of a full, non-compounded verbal form. As the basis for derived
forms, verb roots are naturally also stems, and are referred to as such throughout
this work, except where the specific irreducible quality of a root is pertinent to the
discussion. Verb roots are m ono- or disyllabic, and in rare instances trisyllabic (e.g.,
yaku take, tma sleep, and wikcmna ten).
3.1 M onosyllabic roots
The great majority of verb roots are m onosyllabic and may be either free or bound.
Examples of free monosyllabic verb roots include:
(4)

arrive there

be sleepy

give

mean, signify

yell

go, be underway

Bound monosyllabic roots include the following (where a preceding hyphen

indicates that a prefix is required):
(5)

-c
-co
-e
-m
-kp
-ksa

shake
honest; true
in a pile; assembled in one place
with a humming sound
shatter, crumble into fine pieces
sever6

Boas a nd D eloria com me nt tha t som e verb roo ts that a re intuitively active to
English speakers (an d are com mon ly glossed as such) are inherently stative in Sioux,
[t]hus a stem like to sever is not active but expresses the concept of to be in a severed
condition, the active verb being derived from th is stem (1941:1). I accept the validity of
this distinction but will treat these roots as active, since their derived forms are

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-pi
-t

well, good
do, have done; acquire; put on, as clothing

3.2 M ultisyllabic roots

It is likely that all multisyllabic roots are products of diachronic derivational
processes, but because one or more of the syllables is not synchronically analyzable
they are treated as roots. For example, n contains the archaic root be upright
and possibly the instrumental prefix na by means of the foot or leg; mni walk
may derive from the archaic root n live, but is otherwise unanalyzable. The word
hskA be tall presents a different kind of problem. It cannot be analyzed as a CVC
root with epenthetic a because complex codas may not occur, yet on the other hand,
it has first syllable stress where one would expect second syllable stress by the DAR.
hskA is therefore analyzed as a disyllabic root with lexical first syllable stress.
Some disyllabic roots are structurally unitary elements that take prefixed
pronominal affixes, for example, hskA be tall, mahska I am tall, while others are
structurally complex, taking infixed pronominal markers, e.g., opt buy, opwa-t I buy. There are no circum stances under which a root would be divided into
more than two parts. Discontinuous roots carry only one insertion point, regardless
of the number of syllables of the root, and regardless of the number of affixes to be
inserted: op^t buy > op-wa-t I buy it > op-wc-wa-t I buy them
(animate).
Other examples of free disyllabic roots include the following (where ^
indicates the affix insertion point in discontinuous roots).

consistently active.

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(6)

a^n

climb

n^

stand

^c

smoke

now

sing

kit

be stubborn

o^n

seek, look for

kut

shoot

sp

learn

m^ni

walk

wat

be good

3.3 CVC roots

Consonant final roots are conventionally referred to as CVC roots, although roots
with other shapes ending in a single consonant are also included (see chapter 2:
4.2.1). They may be mono- or disyllabic. Technically, no CVC roots are free in that
they all require a stem-forming -a by the rule of stem formation when they are not
in compounds (see chapter 2: 4.2 for stem formation; chapter 11: 4.3 for a
discussion of compounding). In this work, however, CVC roots that may form
independent words with only the stem forming a are treated as free roots. Bound
CVC roots require at least an instrumental prefix, indicated in (7c)-(7d) by a
preceding hyphen, in addition to stem-a.
(7a)

Free monosyllabic CVC roots:

/sap/
/kz/
/kat/
/w/

(7b)

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be black
squeak
be hot
be flexible

spA
kza
ktA
wa

Free disyllabic CVC roots:

/aktak/
/wyak/

run
see

aktkA
wykA (with nasal assimilation)

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(7c)

Bound monosyllabic CVC roots:

/-tak/
/-mnaz/
/-mnec/
/-ptu/

(7d)

with forceful impact

tear or burst open
shatter; scatter
break, crack a hard object

yatka
momnza
namnca
yapta

bite
wind to tear open
scatter by kicking
crack with the teeth

Bound disyllabic CVC root:

/-hokut/

to lower

pahkutA

lower by pushing on

4. Inflection
All verbs other than impersonal verbs are inflected for number and person; all
verbs, including impersonal verbs, may be inflected for aspect. This section will
address person, number, and animacy; aspect is discussed in chapter 9.
4.1 Pronominal affixes
The terms pronominal affix or pronominals as used in this work refer to the set
of bound morphemes that specify person, and in some cases, number. Pronominal
affixes are obligatory on the verb; that is, they are present even when they have
lexical NP antecedents in the clause. Within the Siouan literature som e analysts
have argued or implied that the pronom inal affixes are syntactic arguments. This
view has been labeled elsewhere the pronominal argument hypothesis. 7 Graczyk
(1991:99), writing in reference to Crow, has argued that the pronominal affixes,
including null, are grammatical arguments, with one exception, If . . . lexical NPs
are present that satisfy the subcategorization requirements of the verb, those lexical
NPs are the syntactic arguments, with the zeros functioning merely as null

See W est 2003:14-17 for a sum mary of the various approaches to the
pronom inal argum ent hypoth esis.

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agreement markers. Legendre and Rood (1992:380) do not address the question,
referring to the function of the pronominal affixes in Lakota as cross-referencing
the syntactic arguments. West (2003) argues that the pronominal affixes are
exclusively agreement markers, specifically rejecting the pronominal argument
hypothesis for Assiniboine. The position taken in this study is that every verb
invariantly contains a full set of positions for pronominal markers, whether overt or
null, that reflects its argument structure, but no position is taken on whether the
pronominal affixes themselves function as syntactic arguments.
The pronom inal affixes do not distinguish gender. The third person null
pronominal can mean he, she, or it, depending on context.
As discussed in section 5 below, the first person singular pronominal affixes
wa (agent) and ma (patient) never occur with pi and are always interpreted as
meaning one person and therefore glossed throughout this work as A1s and P1s,
respectively, where s means singular. The first person dual pronominal (which is
both agent and patient) may be pluralized and is glossed simply as 1du, with
plurality glossed as 1du . . . PL when it co-occurs with the plural enclitic pi (see
chapter 9:2.1.3). Similarly, the second person pronominal affixes ya (agent) and ni
(patient) may be pluralized and are glossed as A2 and P2, respectively, whether
singular or plural, with indicated by the presence of pi, and glossed as A2 . . . PL and
P2

. . . PL, respectively. The third person is grammatically more complex: the subject

pronominal is zero (0
/ ) in the singular for animate or inanimate subjects and
inanimate objects, and for plural inanimate objects, but has a third person plural

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animate object pronominal wca~wica. Thus, to gloss 0
/ as P3 would be accurate
for any third person singular subject, whether animate or inanimate, and for plural
animate subjects, but would be inaccurate for plural inanimate arguments, where 0
/
should technically be glossed as P3p. Nonetheless, for the sake of simplicity, I gloss
/ as P3 everywhere, including plural inanimate arguments, and only indicate plural
0
for the third person animate plural object, using the label P3p.
In terms of number, the pronominal affixes are seen to fall into two
categories. Those that cannot be reduced in number are labeled minimal, which
groups the dual with the singular pronominals. Those that are increased by one or
more are labeled augmented, which excludes the exclusively singular first person
pronominals ya and ma, but includes third person inanimate zero, despite its lack
of overt plural marking. The pronominal affixes are given in table 6.2.

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Table 6.2 Pronom inal affixes

I. Agent pronom ina ls

Num ber
Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st singular (animate)

A 1s:

1 st dual

1du : (k )-

2 nd (animate)

A 2:

yann-

A 2 . . . PL:

ya- . . .pi
n- . . . pi
n- . . . pi

3rd anim ate

A 3:

/0

A 3 . . . PL:

/ - . . . pi
0

A3:

/0

A3:

/0

inanim ate

wa-, mn-, m-

1du . . . PL: (k)- . . . pi

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II. Patien t pronom ina ls

Num ber
Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st sg. (animate)

P1s: ma-

1 st dual

1du : (k )-

1du . . . PL:

(k) . . . pi

2 nd

P2 : ni-

P2 . . . PL:

ni

(animate)

3rd anim ate

inanim ate

. . . pi

P3:

/0

P3 P:

wca

P3:

/0

P3:

/0

Inanimate reference occurs only in the third person. Without pragmatic or syntactic
context, the third person null pronominal is ambiguous, both in terms of animacy and
number.

4.2 Animacy and number

Anim acy is a salient feature of the language and pervades the pronom inal system.
As indicated in table 6.2, all pronominal agreem ent morphology with overt phonetic
form has animate reference. This includes all first and second person pronominals,
the third person plural animate object morpheme wca, and the plural enclitic pi,
which may only occur with subjects and objects that have animate reference.
The situation for third person pronominals is more complex, since the third
person may include animate or inanimate arguments. The third person pronominal
affix, with the exception of wca, is zero, indicated in the exam ples throughout this
work as 0
/.
The grammatical subject of an active-intransitive verb may be animate or
inanimate, marked in either case by zero:

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(8a)

John nn 0
/ -yk
John here A 3-sit
John is sitting here

(8b)

iykapte nn 0
/ -yk
plate
DET here A 3-sit
the plate is sitting here
If the subject is plural and has animate reference, the enclitic pi will appear

on the verb (9a), but pi will not be present if the verb has plural inanimate reference
(9b).
(9a)

wcta-pi nn 0
/ -yk-pi
man-PL
here A 3-sit- PL
the men are sitting here

(9b)

iykapte ymni nn 0
/ -yk
plate
three here A 3-sit
three plates are sitting here
In the object position, the null pronominal may have either animate or

inanimate reference only if the object is singular:

(10a)

John Mary a-0

/ -0
/ -pa
John Mary ST-P3-A 3-hit
John hit Mary

(10b)

John tpa a-0

/ -0
/ -pa
John ball ST-P3-A 3-hit
John hit (the) ball
For third person plural objects, however, the null pronominal can only have

inanimate reference, since plural animate objects are referenced by wca.

Compare (11) to (12). In (11) the object pronominal wca cross-references
buffaloes. (Recall that only nouns with human reference may be overtly marked for
plural; tatka is plural in this example because of the presence of wca.) In (12),

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with an inanimate plural object, the object position is filled by zero. Since neither
wca nor inanimate objects take pi, third person plural objects never cause pi to
appear on the verb, regardless of animacy.8
(11a)

John tatka wc-0

/ -o
John buffalo P3 P-A 3-shoot.and.kill
John shot the buffaloes

(11b)

wc-0
/ -o
P3 P-A 3-shoot.and.kill
he shot them

(12a)

John tasp en 0
/ -0
/ -wta
John apple DET.PL P3-A 3-eat
John ate the/those apples

(12b)

en 0
/ -0
/ -wta
those P3-A 3-eat
he ate them
The point to be observed is that all overt pronominals are animate. Animacy

is assumed in the first and second person pronominals on semantic grounds,

becoming grammatically identified as animate in the plural with the addition of the
(animate) plural enclitic pi. Plural animate objects are specifically marked by the
pronominal affix wica which, because it is inherently plural, does not take pi.
These dynamics are discussed in more detail in section 8.2 below. Animacy is

This is not to say that verbs with plural objects never co-occur with pi. If the
subject of suc h a v erb is b oth a nim ate and p lural, pi m ust b e present:
object is animate:

wcta-pi tatka wc-0

/ --pi
man- PL
buffalo P 3 P - A 3-sh oot.an d.kill- PL
the men sh ot the buffaloes

object is inanim ate:

wcta-pi tasp yta-pi

m an- PL
apple eat- PL
the men ate the app le(s)

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determined by the inherent nature of the item referenced, regardless of whether it is
living or dead, as illustrated in (13a)-(13b).
(13a)

pata kiy-iyyapi w-wca-wa-yaka

duck
fly-depart- PL DET STEM-P3p-A 1s-see
I saw the ducks fly away

(13b)

pata p-wca-wa-ya
duck cook-P3p-A 1s-CAUS
I cooked the ducks

5. Active verbs
Active verbs fall into three categories: regular, y-stem, and nasal, which are
determined morphologically by the set of subject pronom inal affixes they select.
These morphological categories are independent of the structural categories of
ditransitive, transitive, and intransitive that indicate the number of arguments a
verb may have. In the case of y-stem and nasal verbs, the term affix is not
precisely accurate because there is a change of phonological shape in first and
second person forms, rather than a straightforward affixation of a pronominal
marker. The distinction between y-stem verbs and verbs with initial y that inflect as
regular active or stative verbs lies in whether the stem-initial y is historically
epenthetic or historically organic, i.e., inherently part of the root. Only verbs with
organic y are y-stem verbs. Although there are som e patterns that assist,
synchronically, in identifying which type of inflection may be called for on a verb
root in y (see section 8.4 below), there are few consistent phonological rules and the
form of inflection for a given verb often must be mem orized by the speaker.

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While second and third person forms provide a two-way distinction between

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singular and plural, first person forms provide a three-way distinction, i.e., singular,
dual, and plural. The first person singular pronominals cannot be pluralized by pi.
Instead, a first person dual pronominal (k) (which surfaces as before a consonant
and as k before a vowel), is the pronominal that is augmented by pi to form first
person plurals. (k) indicates dual inclusive (you and I) when pi is not present on
the verb, as in (14), and, when pi is present on the verb, dual exclusive (s/he and
I), as in (15), and first person plural elsewhere. The dual inclusive has fallen into
disuse am ong Canadian speakers. They recognize it when they hear it, as in
recordings made in 1986 by Fort Belknap speakers (DeMallie 2002), but assert that
they do not use it themselves.
(14)

Dual inclusive:

(14a)

amno-c n nn -yk-kta-c
ridge-SPC at here 1du-sit- POT-DECL
we (you and I) will sit here on this ridge (NR T4.48)

(14b)

Tohn niy-k--
sakm k--kta-c,
e-0
/ -c-ya.
as.long live-1du-be- INTNS together 1du-be- POT-DECL ST-A 3-DAT-say
We (two) will be together as long as we (two) live, he told her. (NR T7.30)

In (15), the speaker is addressing a group, telling of being at a gathering with her
sister and seeing someone across the room whom the two of them thought they
recognized.
(15)

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Dual exclusive:
John e-0
/ -c-ya-pi
0
/ -kikm
-kn-pi
John ST-P3-be.called that A 3-resemble 1du-find-PL
We (she and I) thought he looked like that one called John. (LgC1.261)
The third person plural is marked for animate participants only (see section

198
8.2 below), and where a pronominal affix serves for singular and plural forms,
ambiguities may arise (see section 8.1.3 below). Third person singular objects are
zero marked; third person plural objects are marked by wca ~ wica if animate
and unmarked if inanimate.
The active verb pronominal affixes for each subclass are given within their
respective sections. Note that the differences among them are evident only in the
first and second person forms.
5.1 Regular active verbs
The great majority of active verbs are regular. The active pronominal subject affixes
are given in table 6.3.
Table 6.3 Regular active verb subject pronom inal affixes

Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st singular

wa-

1 st dual

(k)

(k) . . . pi

2 nd

ya-

ya- . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

/ . . . pi
0

The verb p shout (16) is an example of a regular active verb with an initial
consonant; the verb arrive there (17) is an example of a regular active verb with
an initial vowel. These two examples illustrate the variant forms of the first person
dual morpheme (k). When the first and second person affixes wa- and ya- are
followed by a vowel, a glottal stop is inserted between the vowels by phonological
rule, as in the paradigm in (17).

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(16)

shout

wap
p
yap
p
(17)

I shout
you and I shout
you shout
he/she shouts

ppi
yappi
ppi

we shout
you (pl) shout
they shout

kpi
yapi
pi

we arrive there
you (pl) arrive there
they arrive there

arrive there

wa
k
ya

I arrive there
you and I arrive there
you arrive there
he/she arrives there

In addition to the affixes in table 6.3 (and in table 6.2), there is a single
combined form , ci-, for a first person agent with a second person patient, I/you.
Examples are:
(18)

ci-pmneza
e-c-ciya

I poked you awake (pamnza to waken by pushing or poking)

I tell you, I told you (ecyA tell, of ey say and dative ki)

Unlike Sioux, no systematic distinction is made between distributive and

collective plurals. There are two attested collective verbs, ah they arrive here (coll.)
and a they come here (coll.), suggesting a once-productive process of deriving
collective verbs by prefixing a. In general, animate collective nouns are inflected as
plural. Compare (19), with a semantically distributive subject, and (20), with a
semantically collective subject.
(19)

wc-pi ap
0 -iyya-pi
/
man-PL some.of A 3-set.out- PL
some of the men left

(20)

oyte waze
ekt 0
/ -iyya-pi
people Cypress Hills to A 3-set.out- PL
the people set out for Cypress Hills

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A textual example of a collective verb form: a they (collectively) arrived
there, is given in (21).
(21)

iyhana n
a
cen
all(coll.) there arrive.there(coll.) thus
all of them having arrived there . . . (NR: T5.16)

5.2 Y-stem active verbs

The y-stem verbs are so called because the root-initial y- is replaced in the first and
second person by the pronominal affixes given in table 6.4. Third person singular is
/ , as in all other verb classes, with the initial y of the stem retained. Y-stem verbs
0
are relatively common because of the high frequency of the instrumental prefixes
ya- by mouth and yu- by hand, which have organic y. (Instrumental prefixes are
described in section 9.2 below.)
Table 6.4 Y-stem active verb subject pronom inal affixes

Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st singular

mn-

1 st dual

(k)-

(k) . . . pi

2 nd

n-

n . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

/ . . . pi
0

The paradigm in (22) illustrates a y-stem root and the paradigm in (23) illustrates a
y-initial instrumental prefix.
(22)

y-stem root: yaku take

mnaku
yaku
naku
yaku

(23)

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I take
you and I take
you take
he/she takes

yakupi
nakupi
yakupi

we take
you (pl) take
they take

y-stem forming instrumental prefix: yuhmni turn with the hand (yu- by

201
hand, -homni turn something around)
mnuhmni
yhomni
nuhmni
yuhmni

I turn it by hand
you and I turn it by hand yhomnipi we turn it by hand
you turn it by hand
nuhmnipi
you (pl) turn it by
hand
he/she turns it by hand yuhmnipi
they turn it by hand

5.3 Nasal active verbs

There are ten nasal verbs attested, which are identified by their first and second
person pronominal affixes m- and n-.9 There is no predictable pattern to the
occurrence of these affixes; in some cases they are inserted, in other cases they
replace a glide in the stem, but in every case, the nasal verbs are characterized by
the m-, n- affixes. The pronominal subject affixes for nasal active verbs are given in
table 6.5.

Boas and Deloria (1941:99) suggest that these verbs are formed by contracting
the per son al pr onoun s (th eir te rm for the pronom inal affixes) w ith the follow ing vow el,
but since the agreem ent affixes do not systematically contract with following vowels,
and since the verbs in th is class have the shared ch aracteristic of a nasal vowel after
the pronominal, they have been grouped here and elsewhere (e.g. Taylor and Rood 1976,
Rood and Taylor 1996) as a class. The verb p to smoke; to lay down (Boas and
Deloria 1941:99) is not attested in Assiniboine and apparen tly only survives in such
forms as canpa pip e (c n tobacc o, pa smoke) and copa cook (c flesh, p
to lay down, cf. Boas and Deloria 1941:27). The verb to wear around th e shoulders
(Dak . A 1s him , 2s hn in B oas an d D eloria 19 41:99) m ight belong to this class as we ll,
but at present there are insufficient data from which to make that determination. The
verb hey to tie a bundle, which is a nasal verb in Dakota ( A 1s hem,2s hen, Boas and
Deloria 19 41:100) is a regu lar active ver b in A ssinib oine: A 1s hewy I tie d a bu nd le.

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Table 6.5. Nasal active verb subject pronomina l affixes

Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st singular

m-

1 st dual

(k)-

(k)- . . . pi

2 nd

n-

n- . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

/ . . . pi
0

Because it is a small set of verbs with considerable irregularity, the complete set of
nasal verbs is given in table 6.6 with their singular and dual inclusive forms.
Augmented forms are regular, by the addition of pi, and are not included in the
table. Three of the nasal verbs have historical roots that no longer surface, all of
which derive from ec to be thus, be that kind (cf. Boas and Deloria 1941:98).

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Table 6.6. Nasal verbs (starred roots do not occur as surface form s)

Root

Gloss

A 1s

A2

1dual

A3

*ec 10

think
about s .t.

ec m

ecn

kc

ec

*ec

do

ec m

ecn

ecku

ec

wa ~
ya

ask s.o.

ma

na

kwa ~
kwa

wa ~
ya

ta w ka ~
tayka

hate to do;
not feel like
doing

tam ka

tank a

ta w ka ~
tayka

tka

do what?

tk am

tkan

tkaku

tka

use; w ear

k ~
~ k 11

*wac

feel like
doing12

w ac m

wacn

wac

wac

wka

CONT

mka

nka

wka

wka

aux iliary
wk

be lying
down

mk

nk

wka

wk

yk

be sitting

mk

nk

yka

yk

5.4 Irregular active verbs ey, kyA, ey

The paradigms for the irregular verbs ey say, kyA say and ey say that are

10

Wh en inflected as a regular-active verb (ewc, ey c, k c), this is an

intransitive verb meaning to think. There is also the form kc to think tha t.
11

The variants r eflect th e m ergin g by som e speaker s of wear with the regular
active verb be; stay, which does have a glottal stop in the first person inclusive and
plural forms.
12

wac is always preceded by ec, i.e., ec wac he feels like doin g it; A 1s
ec wacm I feel like do ing it. In effect, this is a com pou nd verb an d as suc h, it
belongs to the set of verbs that requires pi on their verbal comp lements (see chapter
11:4.2.1), as in nowpi ec wacm I feel like sin gin g.

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given in (25) - (27). 13 Both ey and ey are used with direct quotes; kyA is used
with indirect quotes. ey is a contraction of that and ey say. Usually,
contractions of and e-initial verbs have first syllable stress by the rule of vowel
coalescence, as illustrated in (24), but ey uncharacteristically has second syllable
stress. The ey paradigm is given in (27a).
(24)

+ ec > c

do that

+ ec > ca

be that kind

A few speakers do not ablaut these verbs, for example, ep I did not say
and eysa he always said, he used to say, where both the enclitic NEG and sA
HAB

trigger ablaut to e on a preceding A-word (both examples from FB).

(25a)

ey
ep
kya
eh
ey

say (direct quote)

I say
you and I say
you say
he/she says

(25b)

n yun-pi--m!
/ -ey
0
this drop-PL-NEG -IMPER A 3-say
dont drop it! he said (NR T3.33)

(26a)

kyA say (indirect quote)

kpa
kya
kha
kya

13

I say
you and I say
you say
he/she says

kyapi
ehpi
eypi

we say
you say
they say

kyapi
khapi
kyapi

we say
you say
they say

Boas and Delorias irregular verbs include verbs in ki wh ich var y in the ir
inflection between w/y and wak/yak (1941:89). In the present work th ese are not
treated as irregular verbs but a s regularly derive d verbs w ith irre gular inflection.

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(26b)

mn-kta
kpa
A 1s.go-POT A 1s.say
I said I would go

(27a)

ey

say that/this (reference to something said; also, direct quote)

ep
ekeya
eh
ey
(27b)

I say that
you and I say that
ekeyapi
we say that
you say that
ehpi
you say that
he/she says that
eypi
they say that

taknaku 0
/ -ey,
Kona! . . .
his.friend that A 3s-say.that friend
his friend said this, Friend! . . . (app1: Big Snake.6)

6. Stative verbs
The subject pronominal affixes for stative verbs are identical to the active verb
object pronominal affixes (see table 6.1). Inflection of stative verbs is completely
regular; there are no y-stem or nasal stative verbs. Personal pronominal affixes are
given in table 6.7 and a stative verb paradigm is given in (28). Note that, although
yaz in the example is y-initial, it is not a y-stem verb; as with all stative verbs, the
paradigm is regular.
Table 6.7. Stative pronomina l affixes

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Person

Minimal

Augm ented

1 st singular

ma-

1 st dual

(k)-

(k) . . . pi

2 nd

ni

ni . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

/ . . . pi
0

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(28)

yaz

hurt, be hurting, have pain

mayz
yz
niyz
yaz

I hurt
you and I hurt
you hurt
he/she hurts

yzpi
niyzpi
yzpi

we hurt
you (pl) hurt
they hurt

6.1 Irregular verb Itwa be ones

Alienable possession is generally marked by means of the stative verb Itwa.
(29)

Itwa
mitwa
nitwa
twa

be ones
be mine
be yours
be his/hers

ktawapi
nitwapi
twapi

be ours
be yours (pl)
be theirs

The presence of an i in the root is indicated by the i of the P1s, 1du, and P2
forms. The initial I of the root is represented here by a capital letter because the i of
the citation form atypically does not occur with the third person forms. The P1s and
P2

forms are analyzed here as contractions of the root with the stative affixes ma/ni,

whereby the vowels of the affixes are dropped. This analysis is consistent with the
behavior of the patient pronominals in the inflection of i-initial stative verbs such as
tma sleep (mtma, ntma), of the independent pronoun iy (miy, niy), and of
verbs derived with the reflexive morpheme ci (mci, nci). However, this analysis is
problematic with regard to kin terms, some of which occur with a first person
singular prefix mi- that is not accounted for by contraction. For example, micki
cannot be a contraction of ma- and some morpheme i, as there is no source for i.
Thus, the etymology of the prefix mi- in kin terms is not obvious. An alternative to
the contraction analysis is to posit a unique set of possessive prefixes mi- and ni- for
first person singular and second person, respectively.

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6.2 Itwa to be for
Itwa also has the specialized meaning to be for, as in the following examples.
(30a)

n wwapi n Dean 0
/ -twa
DET letter DET Dean P3-be.ones
this letter is for Dean

(30b)

tkukna-ka-pi
n
wcca-pi-na 0
/ -twa-pi
child-make- PSV [dolls] DET (indef) ST-PL-girl
P3-be.ones-PL
dolls are for girls

Compare the previous example to the following, in which Itwa has its standard
meaning. The difference lies in the indefinite or definite marking of the subject. (See
chapter 10 for a discussion of definiteness.)
(31)

tkukna ka-pi
nen
wcca-pi-na 0
/ -twa-pi
child-make- PSV [dolls] DET-PL(def) ST-PL-girl
P3-be.ones-PL
these dolls are (belong to) the girls

6.3 Generic verbs ca, ca, nca

The stative verb ca be that kind and its derivatives ca and nca are generic
verbs that expresses proper inclusion; that is, they specify the grammatical subject
as being included within in a type. The subject nominal is definite and the predicate
nominal is indefinite (not followed by a determiner). The stem ca is rare, as is
nca; ca is by far the most com mon form .
(32)

onw wackiyapi onwpi ca

song that prayer
song
be.that.kind
that song is a prayer song [lit. that song is a sung prayer] (NR T1.5)

(33)

yae
nca
amtapa ncen akn . . . ak
mountain this.kind ledge
this.way on
P3-A 3-take.back.there
he [an eagle] took him back up to this ledge on a mountain (NR:T2.22)

The predicate nom inal is indefinite, whether or not the grammatical subject is

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expressed as an overt nominal.
(34a)

Rob whena -0
/ -ca
Rob cook
ST-P3-be.that.kind
Rob is a cook

(34b)

whena -0
/ -ca
cook
ST-P3-be.that.kind
he is a cook
As is the case for all stative verbs, these verbs inflect regularly; however,

despite first syllable stress in the citation form, stress moves to the second syllable
in first and second person forms. Pronominals are infixed, pointing to a historical
derivation of be + ca such, with the demonstrative articles prefixed and
contracted.
(35)

e-m-ca
e-n-ca
-0
/ -ca

I am that kind
you are that kind
he/she/it is that kind

e--ca-pi
e-n-ca-pi
-0
/ -ca-pi

we are that kind

you are that kind
they are that kind

The root verb be is copular and, therefor, so are its derivatives. Despite the
presence of two overt nom inals in the clause, the underlying structure of ca in
the following examples cannot be *-0
/ -0
/ -ca.
(36a)

[NP
] [NP ka z
] -0
/ -ca
that.one dog
brown ST-P3-be.that.kind
that is a brown dog

(36b)

[NPn wkke
n tk-ku
cn] [NPi ] -0
/ -ca
this young.wom an this older.sis-3 POSS thus monster ST-P3-be.that.kind
the older sister of the young woman was a monster (SB.6)

7. Impersonal verbs
Impersonal verbs have no syntactic arguments (reflected throughout this work by
the absence of a zero pronominal in the gloss). Weather terms, landscape features,

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and natural phenomena (such as sounds or degrees of daylight) comprise the
majority of impersonal verbs. Included in this class are inanimate nouns
functioning as predicates, as awtapi in (37c), and intransitive verbs restricted to
inanimate subjects, as ya in (37d). Virtually any inanimate noun may function as
an impersonal verb by zero derivation. The nominal root w snow differs from
other nouns in this class in that it often requires compounding with another verb
(*w it is snowing, cf. (37e-f )).
(37a)

mau

it is raining (0
/ + rain)

(37b)

okki

it is rough, sandy terrain (0

/ + ki be rough, sandy terrain)

(37c)

n awtapi

(37d)

o yA

this is a table ( DET 0

/ -table)
the beads glitter (o beads, yA glitter)

(37e)

whih

it is snowing (hh to fall, precipitate, as rain or snow)

(37f)

wam

the snow is deep (m be deep)

8. Number agreement
As stated above, there are no plural subject pronominal affixes, although there is a
dual affix. Number agreem ent on verbs differs for animate and inanimate
participants: all and only verbs with animate plural subjects carry the enclitic pi,
whereas verbs with inanimate plural subjects may show agreement by means of
reduplication but more often are unmarked, relying either on determiners or context
for plural meaning.

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8.1 Animate participants
8.1.1 Animate subjects
For animate subjects, number agreement is obligatorily marked on the verb by the
enclitic pi. Because other forms of number marking are optional elsewhere in the
clause, the presence or absence of the plural enclitic on the verb is the only
consistent indication of number for animate subjects. Determiners are not required
to agree in number with nouns they modify (see chapter 10) and only nouns with
human referents may be pluralized by pi (see chapter 4: 4). In (38)-(40), postverbal
pi is the only consistent plural marker.
(38)

Formally marked (human) plural subject, non-plural determiner:

wcta-pi
/ -hska-pi
0
man-PL
DET P3-be.tall- PL
those men are tall

(39)

Unmarked (non-hum an) plural subject, non-plural determiner:

ziktna14 c n 0
/ --pi
bird
DET tree in
A 3-stay-PL
there are birds in the tree

(40)

Unmarked plural subject, plural determiner, subject agreement on verb:

ka en mi-0
/ -twa-pi
dog DET.PL P1s-A 3-be.ones-PL
those dogs are mine; those dogs belong to me

8.1.2 Animate objects

Animate object affixes are given in table 6.8.

14

i.e., zitkna. Note metath esisof tk: data from a Can adian speaker (although
not all Canadian spea kers metath esize tk sequen ces).

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Table 6.8. Animate object affixes

Person

Minimal

1 st singular

ma-

1 st dual

(k)-

Augm ented

(k) . . . pi

2 nd

ni

ni . . . pi

3 rd

/
0

wca

For third person plural animate objects, both human and non-human, the
plural object agreement marker wca (~ wica) is affixed to the verb. It is inherently
plural and does not take the animate plural enclitic pi. As with all pronominal
affixes, wca is present on the verb whether or not its lexical antecedent is present
in the clause. We will assum e that the examples in (41a)-(41c) refer to a single
event. Even without the information in (41a) we know from the form in (41c) that a
single person (no pi on the verb) shot more than one animate being (wca on the
verb).15
(41a)

kok tca nm wc-0

/ -o
young.man deer two P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill
the/a man shot two deer

(41b)

kok wc-0
/ -o
young.man P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill
the/a man shot them

(41c)

wc-0
/ -o
P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill
he shot them
Similarly in (42d), again assuming a single event for all examples in (42), we

15

subjects.

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Recall that active-transitive verbs may only have animate gramm atical

212
know from the form of the verb that more than one person shot more than one
animate being. In (42a)-(42d) both plural markers are present on the verb, one
referencing the gramm atical subject and one referencing the gramm atical object.
(42a)

kok-pi
tca nm wc-0
/ -o-pi
young.man-PL deer two P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill- PL
the young men shot two deer

(42b)

kok-pi
wc-0
/ -o-pi
young.man-PL deer two P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill- PL
the young men shot them (animate)

(42c)

tca nm wc-0
/ -o-pi
deer
two P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill- PL
they shot two deer

(42d)

wc-0
/ -o-pi
P3p-A 3-shoot.and.kill- PL
they shot them (animate)
In the previous exam ples, wca references the direct object but wca- may

also reference indirect objects. In (43) wc references the recipients of the action,
rather than the entity acted upon, and dative ki (in the contraction wa + ki > we;
see chapter 7) references the entity acted upon.
(43)

nakn wyuta wic-we-caa

Indian food
P3 P-A 1s.DAT-make
I made some Indian food for them
In informal speech, wca may be omitted. In (44)-(45), the speaker in each

case first gave a response without wca (44a) and (45a) but when asked about it,
amended the response to include wca (44b)and (45b).
(44a)

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wcta [0
/ -]-yza-pi
man
that [P3p-]1du-hold-PL
we arrested the men

213
(44b)

wcta wc--yuza-pi
may
that P3p-1du.hold-PL
we arrested the men

(45a)

tuwna ks-[0
/ ]-0
/ -ya-pi-
nobody ST-[P3p]- A 3-hurt- PL-NEG
no one was hurt

(45b)

tuwna ks-wica-ya-pi -
nobody ST-P3p-A 3-hurt- PL-NEG
no one was hurt

No alternative was given for (46); wicyuza would be predicted in this sentence.
(46)

John katka yza o-0

/ -khi-
John horse
that catch ST-A 3-be.able-NEG
[elicited as plural:] John couldnt catch the horses

8.1.3 Ambiguity in animate plural forms

Ambiguities arise in transitive verbs with plural arguments in part because of the
various grammatical functions of the pronominal affixes and in part because the
enclitic pi may occur only once on a verb, even if two of the arguments are plural.
Examples are:
(47a)

-kwa-pi

we chased him
he chased us
they chased us

(0
/ --kuwa-pi)
(-0
/ -kuwa-pi)
(-0
/ -kuwa-pi ) [*0
/ -kwa-pi-pi]

(47b)

-y-kuwa-pi

you (sg) chased us (-y-kuwa-pi)

you (pl) chased us (-y-kuwa-pi) [*-y-kuwa-pi-pi]

Compare the ambiguous expression -kuwa-pi in (45a) with the expression

wc--kuwa-pi we chased them in which ambiguity does not occur because the
two arguments are morphologically distinct.

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8.2 Inanimate participants
8.2.1 Inanimate subjects
There are two formal strategies for indicating plurality of an inanimate subject, i.e.,
by plural determiner (demonstratives and quantifiers) within the NP, or by verb
reduplication. Either strategy, or both, or neither may occur in a clause; where
neither strategy is employed, plurality must be determined by context. For example,
(48) may be interpreted as referring to one or several knives. Note that, typical of
inanimate subjects, neither the subject noun nor the verb carries number
agreement for a plural subject.
(48)

Plurality determined by context: neither formal strategy employed:

mna mi-0
/ -twa
knife P1s-A 3-be.ones
the knife is mine/ the knives are mine
Compare (48) to (49), which has a non-hum an animate subject, a

determiner, and plural -pi. In (50), which has a human animate subject, both the
noun and the verb carry -pi, and a quantifying determ iner is also present.
(49)

ka ap
mitwa-pi
dog some.of P1s-A 3-be.ones-PL
some of the dogs are mine

(50)

wc-pi ap
/ -iyya-pi
0
man-PL some.of A 3-depart- PL
some of the men left

Other examples of inanimate plural constructions included the following:

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(51)

Demonstrative only:
tasp en wa-0
/ -cka
apple those A 1s-P3-want
I want those apples

(52)

Quantifier only:
y nwa
tuktkte
yk
rock all.these here.and.there sit
all of the rocks are lying here and there

(53)

Reduplication only:
o
a
bead(s) be.red-REDUP
the beads are red

(54)

Reduplication plus quantifier (unmarked demonstrative: see chapter 10):

iyckayna n ow 0
/ -a
car
this all P3-be.red-REDUP
all the cars are red

(55)

Reduplication plus demonstrative:

cmnska
en 0
/ -hskaska
board (wood-flat) those P3-be.long-REDUP
the boards are long

(56)

Plural demonstrative plus reduplication:

wap en ziz
/ -ya
0
leaves those yellow-REDUP P3-become
the leaves are turning yellow

8.2.2 Inanimate objects

Inanimate objects are identified solely by syntactic position; there is no number
agreement marker for inanimate objects. The distinction between a singular or
plural inanimate object, if indicated at all, is achieved by means of determiners (see
chapter 10).

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216
(57)

John tasp 0
/ -0
/ -yaku
John apple P3-A 3-take
John took the/an apple or John took the apples

(58)

tasp 0
/ -0
/ -yaku
apple P3-A 3-take
he took the/an apple or he took the apples16

(59)

tasp e 0
/ -0
/ -yaku
apple that P3-A 3-take
he took the apple or he took that apple

(60)

tasp en 0
/ -0
/ -yaku
apple those P3-A 3-take
he took the/those apples

8.3 Placement of pronominal affixes

On the whole, placement of pronominal affixes is governed by several factors
including underlying insertion points in verb roots, types of derivation, and the
relationship between subject and object pronominals. Pronominal affixes attach to
the verb root; in compounds the pronominal affixes attach to the rightmost verb in
the compound. There are three prominent patterns of placement for the regular
subject affixes in relation to the stem which, although they do not account for all
cases, provide a significant degree of predictability: Pattern (1): all pronominals are
prefixed; Pattern (2): all pronom inals are infixed; Pattern (3): (k)- is prefixed and all
other pronominals are infixed.17 The fourth logical possibility, i.e., (k)- is infixed

16

This cla use is not quite as a m bigu ous as it app ear s from the m ultip le possible
glosses. For the meaning, he took the apple, the stress on yaku would be redu ced or
eliminated. More precisely transcribed, the clause is tasp yaku or tasp eyaku, i.e.,
he took the ap ple (as op pos ed to, sa y, th e ba nana).
17

This is as for Lakota and Dakota (cf. Rood and Taylor 1996:465; Boas and
Deloria 194 1:77).

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217
and all other pronominals are prefixed, does not occur. The descriptions below are
summ arized and exemplified in table 6.9. (Instrumental and locative prefixes are
discussed in the follow ing sections; inflection of KI forms is discussed in chapter 7.)
8.3.1 Pattern 1: prefixed
All pronominals are prefixed with:

free monosyllabic roots when not further derived;

verbs with the instrumental prefixes ka- and pa- when not further derived;

verbs with the instrumental prefixes ya- and yu- are y-stem verbs; (k)immediately precedes the y of the stem.

8.3.2 Pattern 2: infixed

All pronominals are infixed with:

verbs with the instrumental prefixes mo- and na-, when not further derived:

verbs with the dependent causative auxiliaries -ya, -kiya, and -kiya are, in
effect, compounds; all pronominals (except those representing objects of the
lower verb) are prefixed to the causative auxiliary and are therefore effectively
infixed;

verbs with two locative prefixes, even when the prefixes are lexicalized and
separated by (historically) epenthetic y;

8.3.3 Pattern 3: mixed

(k)- is prefixed and all other pronominals are infixed with:

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the great majority of verbs beginning with or o, when not further derived
(an exception is opt to buy, which is diachronically analyzable as a

218
compound in -t to do):

verbs with a single locative prefix, even when the locative prefix has been
lexicalized.

Table 6.9 Pronominal affixation patterns

Pattern 1: All Pronom inals Prefixed
TYPE

EXAMPLE

A1S

1 DUAL

GLOSS

Mon osyllabic Roots:

CV

kt

wa-kt

-kt

kill

CVC(a)

kta

m a-kta

-kta

be hot

Instrumen tal Prefixes ka-, pa-:

ka-

ka-ks

wa-kksa

-kksa

chop

pa-

pa-ks

wa-pksa

-pksa

break by pressure

ya-

ya-tkA

m natka

-ytaka

bite

yu-

yu-hku

m nuhku

-yhuku

wreck

Y-ste m :

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Pattern 2: All Pronom inals Infixed

TYPE

EXAMPLE

A1S

1 PLURAL

GLOSS

Instrumen tal Prefixes mo-, na:

mo-

mo-c

mo-w-ci

mo--ci

trip a nd m ake fall

na-

na-tkA

na-w-taka

na--taka

kick

-yA

py

p-w-ya

p--ya

cook

-kiyA

taskkiyA

task-wa-kiya

task--kiya

ones own to freeze

-kiya

spkiyA

sp-wa-kiya

sp--kiya

teach

a-o-

akatA

a-wa-kata

a--kata

nail

i(y)o -

iyty

iy-wa-ty

iy--ty

honor

EXAMPLE

A1S

1P L U R A L

GLOSS

ti

-wa-ti

k-ti

camp

- (non-LOC)

tm a

-m -tim a

k-tim a

be asleep

o- (non -

okni

o-w-kini

k-kini

get

a-

ap

a-w-po

k-po

blow on

-w-p

k-p

announce

o-

ok

o-w-ka

k-k a

dig for

C A U S ( A U X ):

Two
Locatives:

Pattern 3: Mixed
TYPE

L O C)

Sin gle
Locative:

While there is a tendency for vowel-initial stems to exhibit pattern 3 (mixed)

affixation, presumably to avoid glottal insertion in first person dual (and therefore
also plural) forms, exceptions occur in whichg verbs with a songle locative exhibit

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

220
pattern 2 behavior, as the examples in (61) illustrate.
(61)

okpA

o-wa-kopa

o-kopa

be fearful

ahpa

ah-wa-pa

ah-pa

obey

In multisyllabic roots pronominal affix positioning is unpredictable; some

follow pattern 1, as in the examples in (62), while others are divisible with some
following pattern 2, as in the examples in (63), and others following pattern 3, as in
the examples (64).

(62)

(63)

(64)

Root

A 1s

1pl

Gloss

hskA
now

mahska
wanw

hskapi
nwpi

be tall
sing

mni
n

mawni
naw

mnipi
npi

walk
stand

opt
pin
wac

opwat
piwna
wawci

optpi buy
pinapi
thank
wacpi
dance

Pattern 1:

Pattern 2:

Pattern 3:

Pronominal affix placement for the root /i/ pity differs for the active form
ina (pattern 2) and the stative form ikA (pattern 3). (^ marks affix insertion
point.)
(65)

i^na

(66)

^ikA
maika
kikapi

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

to pity, have mercy on, have compassion for; to care deeply for,
as s.o. loved
iwana
I pitied him
inapi
we pitied him
imana (wo) pity me! (wo IMPER(male speaker); 0
/ IMPER (female speaker))
iwicnapi we pitied them
to be poor, pitiful
I am poor, pitiful
we are poor, pitiful

221
8.4 M ultiple inflection of subject pronominals
Multiple inflection of first and second person singular and second person plural
occurs in certain y-stem verbs. It consists of a regular active pronominal affix plus
the y-stem pronominals at each occurrence of a stem-y within the word. The set
comprises iyyA to set out from here and its derivatives, and verbs in kici.
Examples are:
(67)

iyyA to set out going (from home)

imnmna
inna
iyya
(68)

I set out going

you set out going
he/she set out going

ahyayA

awhimnamna
ayhinana
ahyaya
(69)

kyaya
innapi
iyyapi

we set out going

you-all set out going
they set out going

to sing a song
I sang a song
you sang a song
he/she sang a song

khiyaya
we sang a song
ayhinanapi you (pl) sang a song
ahyayapi
they sang a song

okciyakA to tell s.o. s.t. (see chapter 7 for a description of inflection of

verbs in KI).

owcimnaka I told him/her

oycinaka
you told him/her
okciyaka
he/she told him/her

kkiciyakapi we told him/her

oycinakapi
you told him/her
okciyakape
they told him/her

Double inflection also occurs in y-stem verbs that have both second person
agent and either a singular or plural first person object.
(70a)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

yzA arrest
ma-y-nuz-kta
he
P1s- A 2-A 2.arrest- POT Q
are you going to arrest me? (c6.29)

222
(70b)

wyka see
w--y-naka-pi
he
ST-P1du-A 2-A 2.see-PL Q
did you see us?
Although the verb ykA to run has double inflection in Lakota (wamnke

I run), it is a regular y-stem verb in Assiniboine: mnka I run, kykapi we

run.18
8.5 Order of subject and object pronominal affixes
When two pronominal affixes are present on a transitive verb the object pronominal
precedes the subject pronominal. This is the opposite of the order of full nominals in
a subject/object relationship. An exception to this rule is the dual/first person affix
(k), which precedes all affixes except the plural animate object affix wca-.
Examples are given in (71). (71c) illustrates the unique pronominal affix ci for a
first person singular subject with a second person singular object.
(71a)

ma-y-ku
P1s- A 2-give
you gave it to me

(71b)

wc-wa-ku
P3 P-A 1s-give
I gave it to them

(71c)

ci-c
I/you-give
I gave it to you

18

The m ore comm on word for run in Assiniboine is aktkA; some speakers
reject ykA altogethe r, identifying it as a Sioux word , wh ile others su ggest th at aktka
is run (in general) while iyka is run, as a ra ce. Nom inalized form s exist for both
verbs: ak tk esa and iy ke sa a run ne r, o ne who runs .

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223
(71d)

-n-cu-pi [~ nkupi, where k does not palatalize]

1du-P2-give-PL
we give it to you

(71e)

op-wca-wa-t
ST-P3 P-A 1s-buy
I bought them (animate)

(71f)

iy--ni-y-pi
ST-1du-P2-find-PL
we found you
When the animate plural object wca is, in the course of normal affixation,

followed by the first person dual or plural subject (k) (e.g., yaku > -yaku > wcayaku), it is often contracted to wc(k). Contracted and non-contracted
forms are in free variation; the exam ples in (72a)-(72b) were given by a single
speaker (at CTK).
(72a)

pza

-wca-yaku-pi (not contracted)

(72b)

pza -wc--yaku-pi (contracted)

cats DET ST-P3 P-1.PLS-take-PL
we took the cats

9. Prefixes
There are two highly productive sets of verbal prefixes, grammatically classified as
locatives (5.1) and instrumentals (5.2). Locatives are positioned before instrumental
prefixes and may be used in combination with each other in a single verb form.19

19

Boas and Deloria note that in Sioux, the instrumentals may, less comm only,
precede the locative prefixes, thereby altering the m eaning of the derived form . They
provide examples such as nab.laya to smooth the top of a pile with the foot, and
anb.laya to smooth something with the foot over something else (1941:52) explaining
tha t the first prefix m odifies th e whole c onte nt of the followin g com plex (19 41:3 9). I
have found no examples of instrumental prefixes preceding locative prefixes in the
Assiniboine data, although it seem s that such form s should be possible.

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224
Instrumental prefixes are positioned immediately before the root and only one
instrumental prefix may occur in a single verb form. Locative prefixes also may
function as nominalizers whereas instrumental prefixes typically do not.
9.1 Locative prefixes
The term locative is traditionally applied to a set of three prefixes, a-, i~, and o-,
given in table 6.10. The locatives increase the valence of the verb root, adding an
oblique argument.
(73)

talk

> aA

talk about someone

motka

crash

> imtakA

crash into something

dig

> ok

dig for something

Table 6.10 Locative prefixes

a-

at, on

aca
apps
an

to be ice on , be fr ozen on (c a be icy)

pour a liqu id o n (paps p our out)
grow l at (n grow l)

i- ~ -

by means of, with ;

against, in ref. to

ststA

ya

be bored w ith , tired of (stust b e tire d)

wear aroun d the sh oulde rs ( wear)
glo w fro m , as fr om a fire (y a glitte r)

o-

in, within

oca
ok

be fro zen ins ide a con tainer (c a be ic y)

dig for , dig into (k d ig)

Locative prefixes may co-occur on a single verb stem. Many verbs with iy- or
iya- are derived by two locatives with an epenthetic y, as in (74a), others are formed
with an inserted glottal stop, as in (74b). (74c) is an example of a form derived by
three locatives.
(74a)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

iyhi

reach a point, be enough (i + o + h arrive there)

iykipe

await someones coming (i + a + ki DAT + ap wait)

225
(74b)

(74c)

akat

nail s.t. to a surface (a + o + kat pound)

anatkA

lock s.o. in/out (a + o + natkA shut, lock)

oyasakA

be dried up in (o + i + a + skA be dry)

The locative prefixes a- and o-, when they co-occur in that order, may
coalesce as -. Examples are:
(75)

paksA

break an object by pressing it into an orifice, e.g., break a key

in a lock (pa- by pressure, -ksA sever)

have paint daubed on one

to cap, put a cap on

wca (adv.) all over

The locative prefixes, although highly productive, are not sim ply mechanical.
For example, a- and o- can be affixed productively to ca be icy, as seen in table
6.10, but *+ca does not occur because there is another word ca to grow.20
Conversely, although the generalized meanings of the locatives often are
transparent, they can also create idiosyncratic meanings, as in these examples:
(76)

ahnpA

to sprout, come up (hinpA come into view)

aknokA

get wet (ka- INSTR, -nkA have a hole in)

oknokA

be w et, get wet from rain; also, to chop a hole in

cnuza

to gust (kanza be windy)

nw

to swim to the other side (nw swim)

20

Boas and Deloria (1941:42) note that the i of ica grow is inseparable and
of obscure meaning.

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226
9.2 Instrumental prefixes
There are seven productive prefixes, traditionally labeled instrumental, that
specialize or specify the means by which an action occurs.21 They may be added to
verb roots in any of the three verb classes. They are also occasionally added to
adverbs (see chapter 5: 3.1.2). Only one instrumental prefix may be attached to a
verb stem. The instrumental prefix determines the insertion point for pronominal
affixes, as indicated in table 6.11. The instrumental prefixes ya- and yu- create ystem verbs, in which subject pronominals are fused with the stem (see section 5.2,
below), but object pronominals precede the fused forms. The po- variant of mo- is
the less com mon and is only attested among a few CTK speakers. Som e linguists
analyze na- as two separate morphem es, e.g., Van Valin (1977:19). Van Valins
argument is semantic, although it has syntactic implications: when na- means by
internal force, it expresses an indefinite instrument and m ay not take a semantic
role of Actor as its subject (1977:38-39).

21

It will be noted that the prefixes ka-, m o-, na-, and yu- each have more than
one meaning and that these meanings in each case are to varying degrees independent
of each other. It could be argued that they are separate, hom ophonic m orphem es rather
than single m orphem es with several m eanings. How ever, this observation contributes
nothin g to an un der standing of th eir gram m atical be havior since th e sem an tic
differences do not alter the morph eme order a ssociated with these prefixes, nor do they
alter the phonological behavior of the constituent segm ents in various environm ents.
Therefore, they are treated here as sing le morphem es.

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227
Table 6.11 Instrum ental prefixes

Prefix

Gloss

Pronom inal affix

ka- 22

by striking w ith an instrum ent (implies a sharp

blow); by force of wind

precedes ka-

ma-

with a knife; with a sawing motion

follows ma-

mo~po-

by action from a distance; by shooting; by a p ointed

object; by force of wind or water; by accidental
collision

follows mo-

na-**

by act ion of the foot or leg ;

by interna l force, of itself; by heat

follows na-

pa-

by pushing; by poking

precedes pa-

ya-

by mouth; by means of the teeth; by speaking

obj. precedes y-stem

yu-

by pulling; by action of the hand also, generalized,

causative meaning

obj. precedes y-stem

An additional instrumental prefix, pu- by generalized pressure, is not

productive and only occurs in a few frozen forms, e.g., pusp to glue, stick onto.
Assiniboine speakers reject forms such as *puhmni (to turn by pressure), offering
pahmni or yuhmni instead (see examples at (80)).
ka- may have causative meaning other than by force of wind, as in kaststa

22

The ex am ple in (a) sugg ests tha t ka- can also mark perfective aspect, although
these examples are from a single FB speaker of the older generation, James Earthboy,
and no other such examples have been found. Compare (a) with perfective aspect in the
translation to (b), which lacks it:
(a)

iy-pi wa-ka-sp e-kiya-c

go-pi A 1s-already.learn-CAUS- DECL
I (already) taught him to walk

(b)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

iy-pi sp-w a-k iya-c

go-pi learn-A 1s - C A U S - D E C L
Im teaching him to walk

228
to tire one out (A 1s makstusta it tired me out) and kaspe to train, as a horse
or child, as illustrated in (81).
(81)

wkma-pi wa-k-spe-c
write-COMP A 1s-CAUS-learn-DECL
I taught him to write
An instrumental prefix is obligatory on a bound verb root.23 Primarily on

semantic grounds, it is rarely the case that every prefix can be used with a
particular verb root, but a complete paradigm exists for the bound root /-ksA/
sever, which is given in (82), with each form followed by the first person singular
form to demonstrate pronominal position. The examples in (78-82) collectively give
an indication of the range of meanings that may be achieved through these prefixes.
(Note that (79) cyA is a free morpheme.)
(78)

-ksA

sever

kaks

to cut a string, cord, thong with an instrument; to chop,

striking a single blow; wakksa I chop

maks

to cut with a knife or sharp blade, refers to cutting hair, grass,

paper, wood; cut or slice off with a sawing motion mawksa I
slice

moks

to break off by shooting or by using a weapon; to break by

colliding with or accidentally hitting; wind to break; mowksa
I shot it off

naks

to break or break off with the foot nawksa I broke it by

kicking it

paks

to break with the hands, or by sitting upon or putting ones

weight upon; to break off by prying, as with a crowbar

23

The re are a few excep tions , e.g., ksah be broken , in which the bou nd roo t ksA is the first member of a compound (h be; stan d (ina nim ate).

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

229
wapksa I broke it

(79)

(80)

yaks

to bite off, break off with the teeth, chew off mnaks I bit it off

yuks

to cut off, as with scissors or a saw; to break, cut off, as a

single twig (cf. yuksksA to break several things, as breaking
twigs to make kindling) mnuks I cut it off

cya

cry

kacyA

cause to cry by striking with an instrument

nacyA

cause to cry by kicking or stepping on

yacyA

cause to cry by telling s.t. sad

-homni

turning around, going around, spinning

kahmni

to knock or spin around (cf. chomni a crank)

mohmni

to turn around by hitting; wind to turn s.t. around

nahmni

to turn with the feet, as pedaling a bicycle; to run (turn by

internal force), as an engine
Example:

(81)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

iyckamni tken nahmni he

car
that how
run
Q
how does the car run?

pahmni

to turn around by pushing (refers only to inanimate objects)

yahmni

to change s.o.s mind by talking to them; to convert

yuhmni

to turn with the hand; to make a turn, as when driving a car;

to turn on or off, as a light

-hoku ~ huku

come apart, wreck,

kahku

wind to blow down, wind to take apart

kahku

break apart with an instrument

mohku

wind or storm to take apart; to shoot apart

230

(82)

nahku

to kick down, kick apart (also nahku)

pahku

to push down, as with the hands or with a machine; to

demolish; to break or cause to collapse by sitting or lying on

yahku

to break up a plan by talking

yuhku

to tear down, tear apart, dismantle by hand

-popA

burst

kappA

to burst by striking a blow; to explode, as a cartridge

e.g., t wakpopa I put his eye out by striking it (t eye)

mappA

to puncture or burst with a knife

moppA

to burst or puncture with an instrument; to burst or put out

by shooting; to burst by overinflating, as a tire; to burst by
accidentally colliding with

nappA

to cause to burst by stepping on; to explode from some inner

force, as a baking potato or a can of soda, or a sack when
contents are too heavy

pappA

to burst by squishing with the fingers or by sitting on

abruptly; to burst by poking with an instrument; to poke out,
as an eye (t pappa poke an eye out); to puncture by
poking with a sharp instrument, as pricking a balloon with a
needle

yappA

to puncture, pop, or burst with the mouth

yuppA

to burst by pinching, with the hand

A word of caution: because the use of instrumental prefixes involves intuition

to some degree, even impeccable speakers of Assiniboine do not always agree on the
nuance imparted by a particular prefix. For example, a FB speaker gives pahte to
make lame by tripping (pa- by pushing or poking, hut be lame), but a CTK
speaker found this very amusing, saying that it suggests that the rider was too
heavy for the horse (and note that, for this speaker, the word implies a lame horse).

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231
This speaker supplied nahteya to make lam e by tripping (na- by foot, hut be
lame, -ya CAUS). Both speakers are unimpeachable first language speakers of
Assiniboine, yet they employ morphemes differently to construct the complex notion
of causing lameness in this specific manner.24
9.2.1 Instrumental prefix yu- and adverbs
The instrumental prefix yu-, functioning as a causative, may be prefixed to an
adverb that is compounded with a verb. While this is reported to be fairly common
in Lakota (Rood and Taylor 1996), only two examples are found in the Assiniboine
corpus.
(83a)

yu-mhen
CAUS-in
AUX
to pull or tuck under (specifically, under the arm), as to put out of sight

(83b)

yu-wkam
a-0
/ -0
/ -kn-pi
CAUS-upwards ST-P3-A 3-take-PL
they took it out, pulling upwards (app1: Big Snake.29)

9.2.2 Instrumental prefixes compared to those in Lakota

The set of instrumental prefixes closely parallels that found in Sioux, both in
meaning and in form, with the difference that the Assiniboine instrumental prefixes
mo-(~ po-) and ma- occur in Sioux as wo- and wa-, respectively. (Note that the
Assiniboine indefinite prefix wa- is also wa- in Sioux.) Certain nuances in the use of

24

A sim ilar exam ple is cited in Deloria (19 36 :13): G an fro m n a, to m iss.
Yun, to drop by accident; yan, to say the wrong thing; nan, to miss ones footing,
pan , to m iss, as in tryin g to th read a ne edle. I sh ould th ink won (or m on, in
Ass iniboine ) would b e the fo rm fo r To miss aim in shooting, but my informant insisted that
gan w as the wo rd (em pha sis ad ded).
For an extensive discussion of the semantics of instrumental prefixes in Lakota,
wh ich larg ely d escribe s th e As siniboin e case as w ell, see Van Valin (1977 :34-42).

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232
the prefixes have been variously recorded in the literature for Sioux that have not
been verified for Assiniboine but which offer potential insight for future study of
Assiniboine. For comparative purposes, appendix 4 gives the glosses for each prefix
as recorded by Boas and Deloria (1941), Deloria (1936), Rood and Taylor (1996),
and Riggs (1992 [1890]).
9.3 Other prefixes
9.3.1 wa- things, indefinite objects
Prefixed to transitive verbs, wa fills the patient role and thus detransitivizes the
verb. Exam ples are given in (84). (Recall that wa- may contract with a vowel-initial
stem, as in (86b), below; see also chapter 2:11.2 for other examples.)
(84)

copA roast

> wacpA roast things

kae sew

> wakee sew things

man steal

> wamn steal things

ptA butcher

> waptA butcher things

py cook

> wapyA cook things

While this is a straightforward derivational process, the semantic results can

be idiosyncratic, as for the examples in (85).
(85a)

tena to value

(85b)

kn come back here > wakn return home bringing game, meat

(85c)

ec do

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

> watina be stingy

> wac wrong someone, cast evil on someone;

work; do many things, make preparations

In rare instances, wa- occurs twice on a single root, as in (86).

233
(86a)

yup do skillfully > waypi be skilled at > wawyupi be skillful

(86b)

wa ask > wwa (wa + wa) interrogate > wawwa inquire

9.3.2 Vertitive ki25 back, as to an original state or place

Vertitive ki shares the phonological and m orphological properties of KI (see chapter
7) but differs semantically and syntactically. Its phonological shape meets the
description of KI, it fuses with the y of y-stem verbs as kn, it is subject to velar
palatalization, and, as with some KI forms, A 1s and A 2 pronominals may be either
w/y or waki/yaki. It is also affixed immediately before the verb stem, as are the
KI

morphemes. However, it is adverbial, not pronominal, and does not alter the

valence of the base verb. Examples include:

(87)

yaku take

>

eknaku take back (A 1s weknaku)

??

>

kic ask for something back (A 1s wca)

n live, be alive

>

kin revive, com e back to life (A 1s wakni)

y go

>

kn go back (A 1s wakn)

Like SUUS ki, vertitive ki also fuses with words beginning with i ~ -, hi- or has kni-. Examples are:
(88)

vertitive ki followed by i ~ -, hi- or hki + + nuw >

kninw

to swim back, as to where one started

ki + hinpa >

kninpa

to appear again, return

ki +

kn

to arrive back here ( arrive there)

>

The example in (89) illustrates velar palatalization of vertitive ki.

25

A cc or din g t o Taylo r (197 6:2 88 ), the term vertitive was coined by Terrence
Ka ufm an b ut first used in print in the s ense use d he re by Hollow (1965 ).

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

234
(89)

kn arrive back here + k be coming back here > knic start out to come
back here ( A 1s wakncu)
Because of the homophony between vertitive ki and dative ki, ambiguities

may occur. For example, the form maskipa, derived from maspa to telephone;
to call on the telephone, means either to call s.o. on the phone (dative) or to call
s.o. back (vertitive). Forms other than A 1s and A 2 are thus ambiguous out of
context.
(90a)

mas-wa-ki-pa
ST- A 1s- DAT-telephone
I phoned /him/her

(90b)

mas-we-pa
ST- A 1s.VERT-telephone
I phoned him/her back

9.3.3 ki two, in two, in half, through the middle

Referred to by Boas and Deloria as an obsolete stem (1941:79) or obsolete verb
(1941:138), ki is not productive in the same way that the locative and instrumental
prefixes are; it does not belong to either of those grammatical affix classes, nor
(obviously, at least) to the set of KI morphemes described in chapter 7. It can cooccur with locative and instrumental prefixes. The core notion of ki is two, either
in contact or in opposition to each other. The initial velar undergoes palatalization.
(91)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

cipa

to meet together, as two ends of anything

kpaa

fold

kiya

copulate [refers to animals]

kza

fight

235
kiykena

a race (ykA run)

kistaka

hold two vertically upright, as when holding ones arms up, or

as a curlew (bird) holding its wings upright

okna

to defy, go against s.o.

yukpaa

to fold or bend in such a way that the two ends meet

9.3.4 ci together
This rare prefix is clearly related, both semantically and phonetically, to the
postposition kic and the reciprocal affix kichi. It may be added to a stative verb, as
in (92), or to an active verb, as in (93).
(92)

Nakn-now-pi um wan-now-pi
ci-tok
Nakoda-sing- NOM other English-sing-NOM that together-be.different
Nakoda songs are different from English songs

(93)

pata ci-wca-wa-kaka
duck
that together- P3p-A 1s-tie
I tied the ducks together

10. Suffixes
Several suffixes, when affixed to verbs, do not change the grammatical class of the
base. These are described below. The much larger set of suffixes that change the
gram matical class of a stem from verb to adverb are discussed in chapter 5.
10.1 cuna to keep doing (frequentive)
(94)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

tokcuna

he hauled it over and over

pamnskacuna

he kept flattening it out

whihcuna

it keeps snowing

atecuna

they keep shooting

236
10.2 - intensifying (INTNS)
Intensifying - adds emphasis to the form it modifies.26 It may attach to stative
verbs, and is obligatory on the adverb nna very in negative expressions. (It also
attaches to indefinite pronouns as a specific marker; see chapter 3:3.3.1.2.) In (95a)
a heteromorphemic cluster h- occurs in which both segments are articulated but
the continuative particle tends to be articulated as a separate word (signaled by
stress) in order to make both segments audible. (95b) contains a redundant, right
dislocated gram matical subject, a device commonly employed to create specificity
(see chapter 11:8).
(95a)

nina-
h

be.quiet- INTNS CONT-DECL

its really quiet

(95b)

eth n hokna n 0
/ -csina-na-,
n hokna n
QUANT this boy
this P3-be.small-DIM -INTNS this boy
this
this particular boy was the smallest of them (NR T3.3)

Augmentative - is obligatorily suffixed to nna in negative clauses:

(96a)

nna-
osn-
very-INTNS cold-NEG
its not very cold, its not all that cold

(96b)

in
nen nna-
wa-0
/ -ywa-bi-
mother these very-INTNS ST-A 3-go.to.school- PL-NEG
our mothers didnt go to school much, didnt have much education
(LgCir1.302)

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26

Intensive - appears to be cognate with Lakota ci or ca.

237
(96c)

miy-
nna-
ecken wa-mn-wa-
myself- INTNS very-INTNS always ST-A 1s-go.to.school- NEG
me, I hardly ever went to school (LgCir1.14)

(96d)

nin-
wa-0
/ -ypi-pi-
very-INTNS ST-P3-speak.well- PL-NEG
they dont speak very well (LgCir1.194)

10.3 -ty intensifying (INTNS)

(97a)

waywa tka-tiy
school big-INTNS
university (LgCir3.14)

(97b)

t-tiy
blue/green-INTNS
royal blue

10.4 -ka, -keca attenuating, be kind of, rather, sort of

Both of these suffixes, like adverbial -ka, often add a locative a- to their stative verb
hosts. From the available data, -ka induces ablaut to e and the k of -ka palatalizes.
The data are insufficient to determine whether either of these facts are true of
-keca as well.
(98)

(99)

be fat

a-t-keca

be kind of fat, chubby

be red

-keca

be kind of red

hskA

be long tall

a-hske-ca

be kind of long, tall

tkA

be big

a-tke-ca

be kind of big

ka + t

dog + blue kt-keca

wolf (blue-ish canine)

In most instances, there appears to be no difference in meaning between

attenuating -ka and attenuating -keca. One minimal pair has been found in which a
difference in meaning results from the addition of -ka or -keca.

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(100)

wtk

be crazy

a-wtko-ka

be kind of crazy

a-wtko-keca

be retarded

10.5 -pas of that kind, like that kind

Examples (101a)-(101c) are taken from folk tales. In (101a) the suffix adds an
emphasis on monster-like qualities. In contrast, when simply pointing out that the
wom an was a m onster, the speaker made the statement in (101b).
(101a) /
0 -i-pas
P3-be.a.monster-like
she was monster-like, had monster-like abilities (SB.122)
(101b) i
/ -ca-c
0
monster P3-be.that.kind-SPC
she was one of those monsters (SB.6)
(101c) catu 0
/ -cka-pas
that.way A 3-want-like.that
(they were doing it) that way, in the manner he wanted (NR T5.27)
10.6 Exhortative -s
Exhortative forms expressing the notion lets do x are formed by suffixing s to the
first person dual form, as in (102). The resulting form serves for both dual and
plural reference.
(102a) wtas lets eat (wta eat (intransitive))
(102b) wcte-kk-kiya-pi akte
ekt -y-s
(people.face-move.CAUS.PSV-look.at.NOM) movies to
1du-go-EXHORT
lets go to the movies
(102c) mas--ki-pa-s
wan 0
/ -kn
hun
ST1du-DAT-EXHORT now A3-arrive.home wonder.if
lets call and see if shes home
Also, with singular:

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(103)

t
i-mn-tka-s
I.think. ST-A 1s-sit.down-EXHORT
I think Ill sit down

Also as an indirect imperative:

(104a) nn -s okciyaka

tell him to come here

(104b) okciyaka nn -s ep

tell him I said to come here

(104c) okciyaka n -s ep

tell him I said to stay there

10.7 Adversative -
Verbs with the suffix - reflect a speakers uncertainty of the truth of the statement.
Often, these forms occur with otka ~otyka (but possibly not with otka,
although this is said to be a variant of the former). This suffix may also attach to
adverbs, as in example (105e), but in that example, it is the uncertainty of another
that is referenced, rather than the speakers uncertainty.
(105a) ka wc wc-yatka- otka
dog that man that P3 P-bite-UNCERTAIN I.think
I think the dog bit the man (but Im not sure)
(105b) mau-kta-
otka
rain-POT-UNCERTAIN I.think
I think it might rain
(105c) wan 0
/ --
otka
maybe P3-be.red-UNCERTAIN I.think
I think it was red
(105d) ccuna tokyo

/ -iymeya-pi-ka-
0
okn cen /
0 -aktka-h-ka
his.o.bro that.direction A 3 -hun t- PL - D U R - UN CE RT AIN in
then
A3 -run- CONT- D U R
so he was running and running towards where he thought his older brothers
were hunting (NR T3.23)

(105e) tnih ona ekt y-kta

kc
tuk nkh-
y-kte-
yesterday town to
A 3.go-POT A 3-think but now-UNCERTAIN A 3-go-POT-NEG
yesterday he thought he would go to town, but now he doesnt think so

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10.8 Suffixes with no definite meaning
A number of verbs end in particles that appear to have no definite meaning but
which, by their presence on a verb root, alter the meaning of the root (cf. Boas and
Deloria 1941:28). These suffixes are not productive. For example:
(106)

kan to fan < kanzA be windy, breezy

Boas and Deloria cite the cognate stems (kal to fan < kalza to flow as a

stream or current of air) as an example of what they describe as verbs of the type
CVCV that are misinterpreted as CVC verbs (Boas and Deloria 1941:28). The
exam ples in (107) provide evidence that stems with these suffixes of indefinite
meaning are often lexicalized and reanalyzed as true CVC stems. 27 In the cognate
form kan with -zA suffixed, the reanalyzed stem /kanuz/ retains the C of the
suffix, which then undergoes the phonological changes expected of a CVC root, i.e.,
devoicing of the final fricative in a compound.
(107)

/kanu/+ -zA reanalyzed as /kanuz/

(107a) kans-nuz-A be breezy (reduplicated)

(107b) kans-iyyA

gust of wind to come up (iyya AUX initiate movement)

Suffixes in this category are given in table 6.12. In the column labeled
reanalyzed as CVC, the first C of the suffix is bolded in its reanalyzed position as
the final C of a CVC stem.

27

In fact, one of Boas an d Delorias ex am ples, to press [+ -za] < tsyela with
the sound of a su dden im pact of two hard, un elastic bodies exhibits the same process
of reanalysis in Lakota. It may be tha t by misinterpreted Boas an d Deloria in fact
mean reanalyzed, a term that was probably not used in this context in their day.

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Table 6.12 Verb suffixes of no definite meaning

Suffix

Root

Root + Suffix

Reanalyzed as CVC

- ~A

p sw ell

p-A blow

po-p cool by blowing on

op-A inflate

ntapo-ye baking powder

-kA

(yu)kmi to pull up,

as weeds

yukm-cA to pull on,

as hair

yuk m n yzA to grab by the

hair

-pA

-ska to adhere in a
clump

ayska-pA stick to,

adhere to a surface

ayskam -yA to stick on,

paste on28

-tA

p sw ell

kapo-tA float

kapon be floating around

-zA

-kmu be twisted,
bunched up

kmu-zA close the

mou th, have a closed
mouth

k m us yk sit with the

mouth closed

An additional suffix, -na (which triggers e-ablaut), also has indefinite

meaning, but does not appear to be reanalyzed, probably because the initial n is not
a permissible coda in underlying forms. In the following examples, the na form is
given with the verb stem in parentheses. The first person form is given for active
verbs in the derived forms in those cases where the pronom inal insertion point is
not predictable.
(108a) imnza -> imnzena transparent (mnzA clear, esp. of mind)
mnzena be clear, as a liquid or the sky
(108b) kacna fray in the wind (kac wind or rain to wear out)
(108c) kanna to scatter with the hand or a container, as seed (kan pour)
(108d) pna be sharp, as a knife (p be sharp)

28

The rean alyis of ska + -pa as skap- neutralizes the distinction between -ska
to adhere and skap- to slap in some form s. Comp are ayskamya to paste on and
skamy with a slap

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kapna to sharpen a knife
pestna be pointed, com e to a sharp point, (-sto long and slender)
(108e) ktna be victorious over (kt kill)
(108f) kokcina to think of oneself as still a young man (said of a man),
(kok young man, ci REFL)
(108g) ona be filled with, as a container; be covered in, coated in (o be full)
(108h) skena dried up (skA be dry)
(108i) watna like to do (wat be good)
11. Reduplication
11.1 Morphology of reduplication
Verb reduplication is a productive m orphological process in which the final full
syllable of a verb root is copied and suffixed to the root.29 The majority of roots in
Assiniboine are monosyllabic and so it is frequently the entire root that is copied.
However, since some roots are disyllabic, the process in Assiniboine is classified
overall as partial reduplication. It is important to note that it is specifically the root,
and not any derived stem, that serves as the base and further, that the copied
material is suffixed directly to the root. No other morphemes may intervene between
the base and the reduplicant. This straightforward, invariant process is often
obscured in surface forms by phonological processes (see chapter 2). Examples
(109)-(113) illustrate several of these effects. Reduplicated forms derived from Awords do not ablaut.

29

See Patterson 1990: 89-99 for an extended analysis of Lakota reduplication,

which follows the same pattern.

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(109)

(110)

(111)

(112)

(113)

Triconsonantal simplification
/-nok/

have a hole on-noka

be full of holes

/-mnec/

shatter

kamn-mneca

smash with an instrument

/kop/

bend

ko-kpa

be crooked, warped

Coda nasalization
/wt/

crawl

wn-wta

creep, as a child does

/hot/

clean

pahn-hota

clean a pipestem

Fricative devoicing
/po/

blow

po-p

blow on to cool

/wi/

bend

w-wa

be flexible

/pop/

burst

nap-popa

burst from internal force

/kok/

clacking

kak-koka

knock

/tit/

with pressure pat-tita

Degemination

push around

Coronal dissimilation
/sic/

be bad

sik-sca

be bad

/tec/

be new

tek-tca

be new

/ic/

sniffle

ik-ca

sniffling

11.2 Semantic effects of reduplication

Verb reduplication serves to indicate inanimate plurality, augmentation and
diminution, and iterativity. When the grammatical subject is animate, reduplication
never indicates plurality; animate plurality is always marked on the verb by the
enclitic pi. Therefore, when reduplication occurs with an animate subject, some

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effect other than plurality is intended. Examples are:
(114)

Pluralization (subject is inanimate):

c hska-ska
wood DET be.tall-REDUP
the trees are tall

(115)

Augmentation (subject is animate):

wcta hska-ska-pi
man
DET P3p-be.tall-REDUP-PL
the men are very tall

(116)

(117)

Diminution (subject is animate):

mni

walk >

mnini

take small steps, as a baby does

aktka

run >

aktktak-y be jogging along

apps

pour >

appsps

sprinkle

Iterativity (subject is anim ate):

/-ksA/

sever

kaks

sever with a blow using an instrument

> kaks-ksa to chop, as chopping wood

A reduplicated form may have more than one meaning, and may have any or
all of the listed semantic functions, depending on context, as demonstrated by the
uses of hskA be tall in examples (114) and (115) above.
In some instances, a reduplicated verb that primarily refers to a repetitive
action implies that multiple inanimate objects are acted upon and is interpreted as
such. For exam ple, yuks, to cut off, as with scissors or a saw; to break, cut off, as
a single twig, when reduplicated, is understood to mean that several items have
been broken: yuksksa to break several things, as breaking twigs to make

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kindling. Similarly, kaks to sever by striking a single blow with an instrument,
when reduplicated in the phrase c kaksksa, means to chop wood (c wood;
tree). Literally, the verb refers to a repetitive action, but the meaning may refer as
well to action on several logs rather than multiple blows on a single log. The referent
of the object is understood as plural only by implication.
12. Specialized semantic categories
Many verb roots contain semantic information about manner or texture. Major
semantic categories include the verbs of position and verbs of motion, especially
verbs of coming and going. Verbs of position are discussed in 12.2 below; verbs of
motion are discussed in chapter 8. Other, less systematic verbs of this type are too
extensive to list, but are exemplified here by the verbs of texture and, further, how
the choice of verb for filling a container is influenced by the texture of the
substance.
12.1 Verbs of texture
A great deal of nuance regarding the texture of an object is encoded in verb roots.
Roots that indicate texture often combine with instrumental prefixes to create very
specific verbs that indicate both the nature of the substance acted upon and the
manner of the action upon it. Recall Boas and Delorias argument that verb roots
that take instrumental prefixes are underlyingly stative and become active by the
addition of the instrumental prefix (see 9.2 above). By this reasoning, the glosses of
many of the roots listed brelow are more precisely, an object of x texture to be in y
condition. Sound symbolism (see chapter 2:7) is also employed to create subtle

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distinctions, for example, sno soft like butter and no soft and watery. A nonexhaustive list of texture roots is given in 12.1.1-5, with examples.
12.1.1 Brittle
(118) /-uk/
kaka
mouka
paka
(119) /-mnec/
kamnca
namncA
(120) /-tku/(-a)
katka
natk

crack or crush a brittle object

to crack with a blow, as a nut or egg
dent or crumple a brittle object
crush a brittle object by putting ones weight on it
shatter a brittle object
break a brittle object by striking
shatter of its own accord, as a hot cup put in cold water
crack, break a brittle object
break, crack, or chip a brittle object such as glass
brittle object to burst spontaneously

12.1.2 Soft
(121) /nina/
hanina

soft sound
have a soft voice

(122) /o+INSTR+pA/ cave in a soft, crumbly surface

kapA
napA
papA

(123) /ka/
wakna
wkayA
(124) /(-)p/

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

cave in a soft surface with a blow

cave in or press down a soft surface with the foot, as walking
on snow
cave in a soft object or surface with (pressure of) the hands or
an instrument
tender
be soft, tender, as meat
cook to a soft texture
soft and fluffy

kap
pound to a soft, fluffy texture, as dried meat
kappa to fluff up, as a pillow
wakppi
pemmican

247
yupp
(125) /p/

soften by pulling or rubbing

be soft, as down or a pillow

ppena be soft and little

pena
be soft, as a down pillow
okn-yke-hska-pena sofa
(o- LOC, akn on, yk sit, hska long, p- soft, -na NOM)
(126) /snosno/
ysnosno
snosnna
(127) /nono/
cenno
nonna
(128) /stak/
stast 30
stastkena
(129) /ni/
kanA
nA
(130) /wi/
pawwina
sew
wiw

soft, as grease or lard

mix with lard
be soft, as butter or ice cream; ref. s.t. from lard or grease
soft and watery, slushy
have diarrhea
watery, soupy mud
soft and spongy or springy; mud-like
be soft, spongy, as wet ground
be soft, springy; springs
soft and withered
air or heat to render soft and withered
be withered, shriveled, dried up
soft and mushy
the fontanelle (p head, wi- REDUP mushy, -na NOM)
be sour, clabbered, as old milk
swamp; quicksand

12.1.3 Fine particles

(131) /-mnu/
kamn
mnna

30

crumbled fine; granular

to pulverize
be fine, as dirt, flour, sugar

stak- redu plicated, w ith loss of k through triconson antal simplification. See
Phonology.

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yumn
(132) /smun/

to plow
be fine, smooth

pasmna
rub smooth
smna
be fine, smooth, as a rash on the skin
was-smusmuna
small hail stones (was hail)
12.1.4 Hard; firm
(133) /suta/
aspi sut
csta
sutya
tac sut
(134) /sak/
ayapiska
iysakA
skA
tahsaka

hard, solid, as s.t. packed, tough, strong, tight

cheese (aspi milk)
a hardwood tree, such as elm or oak (c tree, wood)
firmly, solidly (sutya ca be frozen solid)
be strong, muscled (tac body)
hard, dry and stiff
cracker (ayapi bread)
be dried and hardened onto, as s.t. burned in a pot
be hard, stiff, dry
rawhide (t rum inant, h skin, hide)

12.1.5 Sm ooth
(135) /-kcA/
kakc
pakc
(136) /-mna+yA/
kamnyA
pamnyA
yamnyA
(137) /smi/
pasmy
smism
(138) /-sto/

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

kast

smooth down; smooth by unraveling

uncoil, unwind
comb hair; smooth hair with the hand
smooth out (flat + CAUS)
smooth with an instrument, as sandpaper
iron (smooth by pressing); smooth out with the hand
smooth out with the teeth, as a wrinkled piece of rawhide
surface to be made smooth, bare, polished
wipe a surface clean
be clean, smooth, as a surface; be bare, as a bone of meat
smooth by straightening
to stroke a pet

249
nast
(139) /nut/
kantA
pantA
nutA

straighten with the foot, smooth with the foot

smooth and slick
be a smooth, slick surface
rub smooth
be slick, slippery, as ice, polished floor, or fabric such as silk

12.1.6 Verbs of filling

Verbs for filling encode the texture or consistency of the substance:
(140)

kat
paps

pour a liquid (also wkni okt to pump gas) (CTK)

pour a liquid (FB)

(141)

kna

pour a granular substance, such a sugar, flour, or beans

kan yey dump a granular substance out of a container

(142)

oknkA

place solids, such as wood or clothes, into a container

12.2 Positional verbs

Positional verbs denote the location of people, animals, and objects, essentially
answering the question, Where is X? A distinction is made between animate and
inanimate referents and within these two categories finer distinctions may be made
according to physical disposition of the referent. There are four basic positional
verbs:
Table 6.13. Positional verbs

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stay

yk

sit, be sitting

stan d, be sta nd ing (an im ate)

stan d, be sta nd ing (inanim ate)

The function of these verbs as positionals is an extension of their literal

250
meanings. This semantic distinction is based on the observation that the verb wk
lie does not function as a positional verb, and that notions of sitting or standing
with reference to position are used according to typical physical attitude rather than
specific knowledge of whether the referent is actually sitting or standing or, even
though not provided for in the positional system, lying down. In actual examples,
buffaloes were said to be standing in a field, when in fact some were lying down,
and a cat was said to be sitting when in fact in one instance it was lying down and
in another it was standing. The distinction between positional and literal usage is
not always clear, but when the distinction is clear, it is significant in that free
translations of positionals into English are forms of the verb be, rather than stay,
sit, or stand. Compare the following examples:
(143a) wcta n 0
/ -n
man
DET there A 3-stand
the man is over there (standing)
(143b) wcta n 0
/ -yk
man
DET there A 3-sit
the man is over there (sitting, or neutral)
(143c) wcta
ti-mhen
/ -
0
man
DET house-inside A 3-stay
the man is in the house (neutral)
12.2.1 Animate Reference
All of the positional verbs except h stand (inanimate) may refer to animate beings.
is the unmarked positional, used when physical attitude is unimportant (see
examples in (144a-d). The verbs n stand (examples (145a-c)) and yk sit
(examples 146a-c) are used when physical disposition is of interest or, when

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speaking of an animal, reflects its logical position.
(144)

stay

(144a) wy
ti-mhen 0
/ -
woman DET house-in A 3-stay
the woman is in the house
(144b) tkukna en owyawa ci 0
/ --pi
child
those school there A 3-stay-PL
the children are at school
(144c) nci cwh wa-
here woods
A 1s-stay
Im over here by the trees
(144d) katka ymni kt n /
0 --pi
horse
three barn there A 3-stay-PL
three horses are in the barn
(145)

n stand

(145a) katka kn
/ -n
0
horse
DET yonder A 3-stand
the horse is (standing) yonder
(145b) mi-tkam
0 -n
/
P1s-in.front.of A 3-stand
hes (standing) in front of me
(146)

yk sit

(146a) kki 0
/ -yk
yonder A 3-sit
he/shes (sitting) over there
(146b) pza awtapi onti 0
/ -yk
cat table
under A 3-sit
the cat is (sitting) under the table
(146c) wy
awtapi kakn 0
/ -yk
woman table
beside A 3-sit
the woman is sitting at the table

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12.2.2 Inanimate Reference31
All of the positional verbs except n stand (animate) may reference inanimate
objects. Positional reference for inanimate objects is more complex than for animate
beings because the dimensions and distribution of the objects are also frequently
indicated, either by the positional verb or by modifying the positional verb with an
adverb. A distinction between mass nouns and count nouns is also made. The
unmarked positional verb for inanimate objects is yk sit for count nouns and
for mass nouns.
Objects that are taller than they are wide are referenced by h, whereas
objects that are wider than they are tall are referenced by yk. This is illustrated
in (143), where the choice of positional verb also clarifies the meaning of an
otherwise ambiguous noun.
(143a) c kki 0
/ -h
wood DET yonder A 3-stand
the tree is over there
(143b) c kki 0
/ -yk
wood DET yonder A 3-sit
the log is over there
Other examples of positional verbs are given in (143) and (144). A potable
liquid, such as juice, m ilk, or water, is assumed to be in a tall container and is
therefore said to be standing (145a). Liquids one would eat, such as soup or
sauces, are assum ed to be in a bowl and are therefore said to be sitting (146b).
There is no verb that suggests that a very thin, flat item is lying somewhere; in this

31

Throu ghou t this section , recall that ina nim ate plura ls do not ta ke the a nim ate
plural marker -pi.

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instance, yk sit is also used (cf. 152f).
(144)

h stand (inanim ate)

(144a) min awtapi akn 0

/ -h
water DET table
on A 3-stand
the water (in a glass) is on the table
(144b) nn o-wte tpi w- 0
/ -h
he
here LOC-eat house one-DEF A 3-stand Q
is there a caf here?
(144c) tpi pah akn 0
/ -h
house hill on A3-stand
the house is on a hill
(145)

yk sit (alone and with modifiers)

(145a) iykapta en awtapi akn /

0 -yk
plate
DET-PL table
on
A 3-sit
the dishes are on the table
(145b) wahpi awtapi akn 0
/ -yk
soup
table
on
A 3-sit
the soup is on the table
(145c) omkae n y nwa tuktkte
/ -yk
0
field
DET rock all
here.and.there A 3 -sit
the rocks are (scattered around) here and there in the field
(145d) kukuna awtapi n iyha aknaya
/ -yk
0
beans
table
DET all
loose/spilled.out A 3-sit
the beans are loose/spilled out on the table
(145e) tasp en awtapi akn 0
/ -yk
apples DET table on
A 3-sit
the apples are (loose) on the table
(145f) wayapi awtapi akn 0
/ -yk
paper
DET table
on
A 3-sit
the paper is on the table
In the previous exam ples, note that the size of the object is also a factor in
determining which verb is used. Beans (146d) are small and perceived as a mass

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noun (although it is possible to refer to a single bean, kuna) and would not
logically be sitting loose without a container so the marked condition is expressed
by a modifier (aknaya loose, spilled out, implies an agent), but apples (146e),
which are larger and individuated, may logically sit on a table without being in a
container and the unmarked verb yk is used.32
When the dimensions of an object are uncertain, either verb may be used,
but will reflect the speakers intuition. For example, one speaker easily supplied the
sentences in (144a) regarding a glass of water (h) and (145a) regarding plates
(yk) but hesitated where cups were concerned (146), first giving h, then
changing her mind and giving yk. Either form is acceptable, but the choice of
verb supplies information about the perceived dimensions of a specific item that
generically may take various dimensions.
(146)

cuna iykapte-owpiye n
/ -h
0
/0
/ -yk
cup
plate-cabinet
there A 3-stand/A 3-sit
the cups are in the cupboard
For objects that are in a non-typical location, a more explanatory verb of

placing is preferred to neutral verbs of location. In (147a) raw fish on a table is nontypical so they are described as having been placed there (knkapi), but in (147b)
cooked fish on a table is expected, so may (neutrally) be on the table (yk),
although knkapi put, placed may also be used. Cherries in a bowl (147c) and
water that is not in a container (147d) are also more likely to be located by verbs of

32

Note that scattered about in the case of rocks is expressed by tuktkte here
and there, which does not imply an agent since they would not logically be in a
cont ain er, hen ce, not spilled out.

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placing rather than verbs of position.
(147a) ho en
awtapi akn 0
/ -knka-pi (*yk)
fish DET.pl table
on
P3-put- PSV
the (raw) fish are on the table
(147b) ho p-w-ya awtapi akn 0
/ -yk/0
/ -knka-pi
fish ST-A 1s.cook table
on
A 3-sit / P3-put- PSV
the fish [that] I cooked is on the table (implies that it is on a plate)
(147c) cp en okkpa n /
0 -oknka-pi (*yk)
cherries DET.pl bowl
in P3-put.in-PSV
the cherries are in a bowl
(147d) min awtapi n 0
/ -apps-pi
water table
on P3-spill-PSV
theres water on the table (not in a container) [lit. water was spilled . . .]
Large, flat objects present a special situation. If the object is topographic,
frequently no positional verb is used, and an adverb functions as predicate.
(148a) pta /
0 -kkiya
slough DET A 3-yonder
the slough is over there
(148b) ocku 0
/ -kkiya
road
DET A 3-yonder
the road is over there
(148c) iy-nid
oyte ta-mkoce /
0 -tkiya
he
Pheasant Rump people POSS.reserve A3-what.direction Q
where is Pheasant Rump reserve?
If the large, flat object is something that can be manipulated, such as a hide,
tablecloth, or blanket, the unmarked positional verb sit implies that the object is
folded up (149a) and a more specific verb is required to indicate that it is spread out
(149b).
(149a) in

otime akn 0
/ -yk
blanket DET bed
on
A 3-sit
the blanket is on the bed (folded up)

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(149b) in

otime akn 0
/ -aymnaya-pi
blanket DET bed
on
P3-spread.out- PSV
the blanket is on the bed (spread out)
However, there is a preference for stating how something got there, as in examples
(147a)-(147c) above, and in the following:
(150)

oknapi:
ayapi mnna wahyoknka n o-kna-pi
flour
that jar
there LOC-pour- PSV
the flour is in the jar (lit: poured into)

The verbs yk or h were rejected for the example in (150), although was judged
acceptable.
12.3 Existential verb yuk
Neutral reference to existence without commitment to location or position is
expressed by yuk for there to exist; to have such that exists; for there to be such.
yuk has third person reference only and is not inflected for number. It may have
animate or inanimate reference.
(151a) tkukna at-kku
yuk
child
father-3 POSS there.exists
the child has a father
(151b) mi-cki
yuk
1s.POSS-daughter there.exists
I have a daughter (only one)
(151c) nakn-now-pi
ap wcaeyata yuk
Nakoda-song-NOM some.of words
there.exist
some Nakota songs have words
(151d) cp yuk-kta
he
cherries there.are-POT Q
are there going to be any cherries (e.g., this year)?

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(151e) cuna yuk he
cup
be
Q
are there any cups?
When a quantifier or partitive is used to express existence, yuk is not used.
(152a) m-icki
/ -npa-pi
0
1 POSS-daughter P3-be.two-PL
I have two daughters

(*micki npa yuk)

(152b) cmyapi tna

h
he
sugar
how.much stand Q
how much sugar is left?

(*cmyapi tna yuk he)

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Chapter 7
The KI Morphemes

1. Introduction
A family of morphemes are treated here as members of a set because they have
related meanings, share phonological characteristics, and have similar phonetic
shapes that are likely due to a common historical source. Their shared phonetic
shape consists of at least one velar stop (or one of its historic variants) followed by
/i/, and moreover, that the velar stop is subject to velar palatalization. For
convenience they are referred to collectively in the following discussion as the KI
morphemes, or simply KI.
The following sections describe the more consistent aspects of the
phonology and usage of the KI morphemes and discuss som e of the less predictable
phenomena.
The KI morphemes are listed in (1) with approximate glosses; the section
under which each will be described is given in parentheses.
(1)

ki

suus

ones own

(3.1)

ki

dative

to another

(3.2)

kci

benefactive

for another (3.3)

ci

reflexive

oneself

(3.4)

kici

reciprocal

each other

(3.5)

The disyllabic m embers of KI are monomorphemic; no other material may be

inserted between their syllables.

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Suus is alternately referred to in the literature as reflexive possessive. The
term suus is borrowed from Latin, where it is a third person possessive pronoun
that refers reflexively to the grammatical subject, distinct from the third person
genitive form eius (for example, he killed his (own) father [suus], versus he killed
his (som eone elses) father [eius]). In Siouan languages, the morpheme labeled
suus differs from the Latin in that it is not a lexical pronoun, nor is it restricted to
third person, as, for instance, in the first person form o-w-ki-ne I looked for my
own (from on to look for). Nonetheless, Siouan suus forms serve a function that
is semantically similar to the Latin pronoun, and the compact term suus is viewed
here not only as appropriate, but as preferable on purely practical grounds to the
rather unwieldy term reflexive possessive.
2. Structural properties of the KI morphemes
Before describing the KI morphemes individually, some generalizations may be
made. Syntactically, as analyzed here, all but the suus form alter the valence of
their host verb.1 Morphologically, the KI morphemes occur immediately after the
pronominal affixes and before the verb root [ . . . pro + KI + Root . . .]. (See chapter
5, example (1) for the full verb schema.) In all but the reflexive forms, the subject
pronominal affixes are the active (agent) set. Phonologically, the subject
pronominals interact with KI in various ways, producing a variety of surface
realizations, which are listed in table 7.1. In fact, these variations are not strictly
phonological because the form type (suus, dative, etc.) also affects which patterns

See Legendre and Rood (1992) for an analysis in which reciprocal verbs are
transitive.

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a verb derived by KI will follow.
3. Description of the KI morphemes
3.1 Suus
The suus morpheme ki indicates that the object of the verb is possessed by the
subject, commonly translated to X ones own.
When suus ki is followed by an instrumental prefix (see chapter 6:9.2), it is
reduced to k (i.e., it loses i).2 The A 1s and A 2 pronominals are then prefixed in a
straightforward manner (e.g., wa-knaa I wash my own, ya-knaa you wash
your own). The k interacts with the various instrumental prefixes as follows:

When the following instrumental prefix is ya- or yu- (both of which form y-

stems), k + y is replaced by kn:

(2)

yapa

drink up

knapa

drink up ones own

yua

wash

knua

wash ones own

When the following instrumental prefix is ka-, the resulting velar geminate

k+k dissimilates as kn. The more general rule of degemination is not applied in this
case because the suus morpheme would then be lost entirely.
(3)

kau

pay off debt

When the following instrumental prefix is pa, ki is simply reduced to k:

(4)

paph

roll up

knau

kpaph

pay off ones own debt

roll up ones own

Elsewhere, suus ki is reduced to i (i.e., loses k) after the A 1s and A 2

pronominals, after which the sequences wa + i and ya + i coalesce as w and y,

Notice that the instrumental prefixes na-, ma- and mo- ~ po are excluded from
these interactions because they systematically precede the pronominal affixes.

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respectively. Recall that primary stress is assigned to a vowel resulting from
coalescence if it occurs in either the first or second syllable of a word (see chapter
2:11.1.2).
(5)

braid

+ ki

kis

braid ones own

+ A 1s ws

I braid my own

Lexically assigned stress takes precedence over assignment of stress to a

vowel resulting from coalescence. Thus, suus verbs with initial take stress on ,
not w.
(6)

yaku take3
+ vertitive ki

knaku

take back

+ suus ki

-ki-knaku

take ones own back

+ A 1s

-we-knaku

I take my own back

The nasal verb ec do does not have a pronominal insertion point, so suus
ki is prefixed and e is deleted: ec > kic put on or wear clothes ( A 1s wc).
Finally, the suus forms of the verb wykA to see are irregular in the A 1s
and A 2 form s: wwknaka I saw mine (*wwknaka) and wyknaka you saw

Lakota scholars may look for an Assiniboine parallel to the phenomenon in

which Lakota ic take receives an extra k after suus ki, i.e., i-k-k-cu he took his own.
However, Assiniboine has yaku take rather than ic, so the comparison is vacuous.

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Table 7.1. Subject pronominal affixes with KI

Affix form >
KI

A1s

A2

dual

P1s

P2

A3

P3

(citation form)

(citation form)

morpheme

9
suus

w
wa-k
wa-kn

y
ya-k
ya-kn

-ki

ki
k
kn

dative

w
wa-ki

y
ya-ki

-ki

ki

benefactive

wci

yci

-kci

kici

reciprocal

yci . . . pi

-kci (. . . pi)

kici . . . pi

reflexive

k-ci
k-k
k-kn

m-ci
m-k-p
m-kn

n-ci
n-k
n-kn

ci
k
kn

Plurals are regular, formed by the addition of the animate plural enclitic pi. pi is shown as optional in reciprocal dual because only some
speakers distinguish between dual and >2.
w/y are contractions of wa/ya and
stem verb.

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KI;

sequences ending in k precede the instrumental prefix pa; kn sequences replace the y of a y-

262

263
yours (*wyknaka). The third person is as expected, i.e., wknka he saw his
own. (The same phenom enon is found in Lakota. See Boas and Deloria 1941:92.)
3.2 Dative
Derivation of verbs by dative ki is straightforward: ki affixes transparently to verb
stems, including y-stem verbs and those with other instrumental prefixes.
(7)

^c

smoke

^k-cu

smoke for s.o.

ask for

ki-n

ask s.o. for s.t.

kt

kill

ki-kt

kill for someone

ma^n

steal

ma^k-n

steal from s.o.

paz

show s.t.

ki-p-zo

show s.t. to s.o

w-ki-yuta

talk to s.o. in sign lang.

ki-yk

make room for s.o.

wyuta

talk in sign language

yuk (y-stem)

give room

The A 1s and A 2 forms with dative ki are sometimes straightforward: ki loses

neither k nor i, and the pronominal affixes immediately precede ki with no
phonological changes.
(8)

wa-kna

I ask him/her for it

wa-kkte

I kill mine (for him)

wa-kpazo

I show it to him

wa-kyuk

I make room for him (e.g., by moving over on a bench)

w-wa-kiyuta

I speak to him in sign language

With some verbs in this class, however, dative ki is reduced to i, as

described above for suus forms, and with the same result: the A 1s and A 2 forms

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264
become w/y.
(9)

kcu

smoke for s.o.

wcu

I smoke for him

kikt

kill for s.o.

wkte

I killed it for him

It may be observed in certain of the previous examples that the k of dative ki

is not palatalized following i (wkiyuta in (7), kcu in (9)). This is because
palatalization of the k of dative ki is morphologically conditioned (see chapter
2:13.6). In the examples in (10), k is not palatalized following the i of a verb stem
but is palatalized following the i of the inflectional pronominal affix ci I/you.
(10)

w-ki-yuta

speak to s.o. in sign language

w-ci-ci-yuta

I speak to you in sign language

The pronominal pairs (waki/yaki, w/y) always occur as sets; there are no
verbs that take A 1s w and A 2 yaki or vice versa. Which set a dative verb takes has
generally been considered unpredictable, but it seem s that the choice tends to
divide along semantic lines.5 Dative verbs in which the object is indirect, with a
meaning to someone or for someone, tend to be inflected with the waki/yaki
pair, whereas those verbs with direct objects or those with ki lexicalized in the stem
and resembling a middle voice (see section 6 below) tend to be inflected with the
w/y pair. With this distinction in mind, it becomes intuitively clear why kip

wkte (in (9)) co-exists with wakkte (in (8)). Speakers disagree on whether
there is a difference in meaning between the two forms; all speakers agree that it is
ones own that is killed in each case, but that the more important concept is that the
referent of the object is killed for someone. In other words, it carries a suus
connotation, has dative form, and has benefactive meaning.
5

See Van Valin (1977) for an extended discussion of the semantics of the KI
morphemes and their influence on syntax.

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shout to s.o. has the A 1s form wakp I shouted to him and not *wp, which
would seem to imply a direct object relationship, *I shouted him.6
3.3 Benefactive
The benefactive morpheme kci is lexically marked for first syllable stress.
Derivation of verbs by benefactive kci is phonologically straightforward: kci affixes
transparently to verb stems, including y-stem verbs and those with other
instrumental prefixes. Syntactically, the benefactive increases the valance of the
host verb by one participant: intransitive verbs (both active and stative) become
transitive; transitive verbs become ditransitive.
(11)

iyk (y-stem) admire

ikciyuk

admire for someone

iy^ska

intepret

iykiciska

translate for someone

now

sing

kcinow

sing for someone

i^kn

be angry

ikcikna

take up for s.o. in anger

wac^yA

pray

wackiciyA pray for someone

Benefactive verbs derived from y-stem verbs carry double inflection: kci
becomes wci/yci and the y-stem also inflects with mn/n (12). Otherwise, A 1s and
A2

forms are uniformly wci/yci (13).

(12)

y-stem verb with kci

-wci-mn-uk

I admire it for him.

Iconically, the phonologically longer form waki tends to refer to the more
distanced, i.e., indirect, object, while the shorter form w refers to the more tightly
bound, i.e., direct, object. This is in line with Joan Bybees (1985:16) suggestion
regarding relevance, which she defines as a semantic criterion that makes
predictions concerning the degree of fusion of formal elements (emphasis in the
original).

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(13)

-yci-n-uk

you admire it for him

-kci-yuk

he admires it for him

Non-y-stem verbs with kci (A 1s forms only)

iy-weci-ska

I interpret for him

wci-now

I sing for him

i-wci-kna

I take up for him in anger

wac-weci-ya

I pray for him

The portm anteau pronominal ci causes the benefactive morpheme to lose

its first syllable: the k deletes after a vowel and the resulting i-i sequence contracts:
(14)

wap ci-c-caa
tea
I/you.BEN -make
I made tea for you

(*ci-c-ci-caa)

3.3.1 Benefactive and kA make

The verb ka make uniquely allows two forms for benefactive: full (15a) and
idiosyncratically contracted (15b). No semantic difference could be determined,
although there may, in fact, be a distinction that is finer than English allows, such
as I made it to give to you vs. I made it on your behalf. The primary stress of
kcaa results from the fact that it is the second syllable of kci that is deleted.
(15a)

(15b)

kcicaa

make for s.o.

wcicaa

I made it for him

kcaa

make for s.o.

wcaa

I made it for him

On separate occasions, the same speaker (from CTK) spontaneously uttered

different forms for the expression, she made tea for me, although when asked

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about them, became uncertain of which form would be correct. It would seem
that either form is acceptable and that the two forms are in free variation.
(16a)

wap mci-caa
tea
1s.BEN -make
she made tea for me; she made me tea

(16b)

wap m -0
/ -caa
tea
P1s- A 2-ki-make
she made tea for me

3.3.2 Benefactive and verbs of motion

Whereas KI morphemes normally occur immediately before a verb root, within the
semantically coherent class of motion verbs (see chapter 8), benefactive kci
systematically precedes the derivational morpheme a- and the final vowel of kci
deletes by rule: kn come back here > akn bring back here > kcakni bring back
here for someone.
(17a)

mci + akn:
mc-akni
for.me-A 3-bring.back.here (arrive bringing)
he/she brought it back here to m e

(17b)

wc-kic-akni-pi
P3p-1du.BEN -bring-PL
we brought it here for them

(17c)

mci + ak:

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mc-0
/ -aku
1s.BEN -A 3-bring (in progress)
he/she is bringing it for me

268
3.4 Reflexive
Reflexive ci attaches to transitive verbs to create reflexive verbs (in which the
subject and object of the verb refer to the same person), hence reducing the
valence of the verb by one argument. Two noun phrases are ungrammatical in a
reflexive clause.
(18)

Bob ckte

Bob killed himself

*Bob Mary ckte

Bob pciya

Bob burned himself

*Bob Mary pciya

Further, the subject pronominals in reflexive constructions are the patient

set; ci not only detransitivizes its host but also converts it from active to stative.
Because reflexive verbs are stative, the P3 P pronominal wca does not occur in
reflexive form s, since it only occurs in active transitive verbs.
(19)

c-kte-pi

they kill themselves

*wc-ci-kte
*wc-ci-kte-pi

p-ci-ya-pi

they burned themselves

*p-wca-ci-ya
*p-wca-ci-ya-pi

The combination of P1s and P2 pronominals ma/ni contract with ci as

mci/nci.
(20a)

(20b)

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m-c-kte

I kill myself

n-c-kte

you kill yourself

-kci-kte-pi

we kill ourselves

p-m-ci-ya

I burned myself

p-n-ci-ya

you burned yourself

p--kci-ya-pi

we burned ourselves

269
When ci is followed by a y-stem verb, it loses its final i and becomes k,
where the k reflects its historical (non-palatalized) source.
(21)

-aa wash
wash7

+ yu

> yua

+ ci

> kn-aa wash oneself

mknaa

I wash myself

nknaa

you wash yourself

knaa

he washes himself/she washes herself

Contraction to k also occurs before instrumental prefix pa:8

(22a)

(22b)

ka scratch
+ pa-

paka

scratch by rubbing against s.t.

+ ci

kpkea

scratch oneself by rubbing against s.t.

kpkea

scratch oneself by rubbing against s.t.

mkpkea

I scratched myself . . .

nkpkea

you scratched yourself . . .

kpkea

he scratched himself . . ./she scratched herself . . .

Suus ki can co-occur with other KI morphemes. When this occurs, suus is
always the second of the two KI morphemes.

The instrumental prefix yu can either mean by hand or with a pushing

motion, or it can be a general causative. yua might or might not reflect the fact that
washing was historically done by hand, but its contemporary use is general. For
example, wyuaa (LOC-INDEF-INSTR-wash) means both washboard and washing
machine.
8

There is a puzzling noun a-ci-pa-ps-ps spray cologne. The ci morpheme

does not contract to k before the pa instrumental prefix, so it is not a deverbal noun in
the normal sense, yet it is clearly based on the verb apps pour.

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(23)

reflexive-suus:

c-kn-ina

defend oneself (in stop; knin

stand ones ground)

dative-suus:

-k-kn-ukc mull over in ones mind (iykc think)

w-k-kn-ka see ones relatives (wyka see)

reciprocal-suus:

kic-kn-uza-pi wedding (yza hold) 9

3.5 Reciprocal
Reciprocal constructions are formed by the addition of the morpheme kici each
other and also reduce the valence of the verb by one argument. Evidence for the
intransitivity of reciprocal verbs is illustrated 3.5.1. Since the subject is necessarily
non-singular, it follows that only dual and plural forms accept kici. The reciprocal
morpheme loses k in A 2 form s, subsequently undergoing vowel coalescence: ya +
(k)ici > yci. Unlike suus ki, however, kici does not lose its final i when followed
by an instrumental prefix or a y-stem verb.
(24)

kt kill; knock unconscious

-kci-kte-pi

we kill each other; we knock each other out

yci-kte-pi

you kill each other; you knock each other out

kic-kte-pi

they kill each other; they knock each other out

This is the term used at CTK. Variants in other parts of Saskatchewan

include np kicknuzapi (np hand) attested at Mosquito reserve near North
Battleford, SK, and wak kicknuzapi (wak sacred, holy) attested in the Moose
Mountain area, including the Ocean Man and Pheasant Rump reserves.

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(25)

(26)

papa to poke (instrumental prefix pa)

-kci-pa-ipa-pi

we poke each other

yci-pa-ipa-pi

you poke each other

kic-pa-ipa-pi

they poke each other

yakata

tease (y-stem)

-kci-yakata-(pi)

we tease each other

yci-yakata-pi

you tease each other

kic-yakata-pi

they tease each other

3.5.1 Noun phrases as evidence of intransitivity in reciprocal verbs

The intransitivity of reciprocal verbs is best illustrated with lexical subjects. In (27)
a simple NP subject is cross-referenced by the null pronominal. There may only be
one subject, and that subject must be plural.
(27)

[wy-pi] 0
/ -kic-yakata-pi
woman-PL A 3-tease-PL
(the) women are teasing each other
*wy w 0
/ -kic-yakata-pi
In (28), which superficially looks like it might have a separate subject and

object, the null pronom inal cross-references a conjoined, complex subject hokna
wccana, which comprises a single constituent. The com plex subject can be rightdisplaced but individual elements of the subject cannot. (Conjoined NPs do not
require a conjunction; see chapter 11:6.1.) Right displaced arguments require a
determiner, which is added in (28c)-(28d) as required by the grammar (see chapter
11:8).
(28a)

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[hokna wccana] 0
/ -kic-yakata-pi

272
boy
girl
A 3-each.other-tease-PL
the boy and girl are teasing each other
(28b)

0
/ -kic-yakata-pi
hokna wccana
A 3-each.other-tease-PL boy
girl
DET
the boy and girl are teasing each other

(28c)

*hokna 0
/ -kic-yakata-pi wccana

(28d)

*wccana 0
/ -kic-yakata-pi hokna
Compare the exam ples in (29) to the transitive form of the verb tease, in

which the boy girl sequence represents separate syntactic arguments. (Although
determiners are not obligatory, the speaker in this instance strongly preferred to
use them.)
(29a)

hokna wcana 0
/ -0
/ -yakata
boy
the girl
the P3-A 3-tease
the boy is teasing the girl

(29b)

wccana yakata hokna

girl
the tease
boy
the
the boy is teasing the girl

(right-displaced subject)

3.5.2 Non-third person reciprocal constructions

Noun phrases in first and second person reciprocal constructions present an
interesting problem because there are no independent pronouns that can fill the
second slot in a complex subject. (Recall that the independent pronouns function
either as adjuncts or predicates.) In a statement like Mary and I are teasing each
other, the independent pronoun is ungrammatical: *Mary miy (or mi) -kciyakata-pi. The solution in this case is to use the postposition kic with one
(and only one) other person in the second slot. When used with a reciprocal verb,
the postpositional phrase forms part of the group that is referred to by the non-

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singular pronominal affix .10 (The plural enclitic is marked as optional because
speakers who do not use the dual will use the plural enclitic even where only two
people are referenced.)
(30)

[Mary kic]
-kci-yakata(-pi)
Mary with.one.other A 1du-RECIP -tease(- PL)
Mary and I are teasing each other
The second person employs the same solution; here the plural enclitic is

obligatory:
(31)

[Mary kic]
yci-yakata-pi
Mary with.one.other A 2.RECIP -tease-PL
you (sg) and Mary are teasing each other
Where m ore than two are included in a non-specific first person subject of a

reciprocal construction (i.e., without a lexical noun phrase), a quantifier may be

used:
(32)

iyhana
-kci-yakata-pi
k
all (collective) A 1du-each.other-tease-PL though
we were all just teasing each other
(LgC1.051)

3.5.3 Phonological obfuscation of KI morphemes

As the phonological descriptions have shown, the complex interactions of KI and
subject pronominals are more regular than immediately apparent. While there is
no synchronic explanation for the varying loss of k or i in certain forms in KI, those
losses are systematic within their restricted domains and, once identified, the

10

With a non-reciprocal verbs, kici postpositional phrase can occur as an

adjunct with a singular pronominal affix, as illustrated in the following example:

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Mary kic wa--kta

Mary with A 1s-come-POT
I will come with Mary

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subsequent morphophonological effects are fairly straightforward. The
unpredictable variation between w/y and waki/yaki pronominals is restricted to
the dative, and even that has been shown to have m oderate predictability due to
semantic regularities that appear to account for most of the data.
Nonetheless, recognizing members of the KI family can be complicated by
several phonetic and phonological dynamics such as the following. Some mem bers
of KI have homophones or near homophones outside the set, including vertitive ki
return, go back, the causative auxiliaries -kiya and -kiya (which are clearly
related to KI but which are syntactically different); and the archaic root ki- two, in
two; through the middle (described at chapter 6:9.3.3). The verb wa^c dance is
interesting because dative ki is inserted immediately before the second syllable and
coincidentally creates a string identical to the reciprocal kici.
(33a)

-w-ki-ci
LOC-ST-DAT-dance
dance over or on account of

(33b)

-w-ya-ki-ci
LOC-ST-A 2-DAT-dance
you danced over or on account of him/her/it
Finally, as described earlier, the portmanteau pronominal ci I/you, when

followed by dative ki, will trigger velar palatalization to create a string ci-ci I do it
to you. Depending on where it occurs in the word, this string may surface as cci,
which is phonologically identical to the contraction of I/you and the benefactive
forms: ci + kci > cci I do it for you. Compare the following:

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(34)

okyakA tell som eone [cf. oykA tell]

o-c-ci-yaka
ST-I/you-DAT-tell
I told you

(35)

kcicaa make for someone [cf. ka m ake]

cci-caa
I/you.BEN -make
I made it for you

3.5.4 Faux KI
There is a small set of verb stems beginning with i- ~ -, hi-, or h that fuse with
some unidentifiable ki as kn, but the pronominal affixes are inserted as for the
underived verb stem instead of being prefixed to ki. This unidentifiable ki is
semantically suggestive of the suus, but with a little imagination could be viewed
as some diachronic extension of vertitive ki, which exhibits the same morphological
behavior (see chapter 6:9.3.2). Even though these verbs appear to be
synchronically derived, the inflectional deviation from the patterns that typify KI
rules out their inclusion among verbs derived by KI. Examples are:
(36)

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ki + in^

ki + hiy^i

>

>

ki + hp^ya >

knin^

to stand ones ground (in stop)

knin-wa-

I stood my ground (*wa-knna)

kniy^i

to go after ones own (hiy go for)

kniy-wa-i

I went after m y own (*wa-knyoi)

knip^ya

ones own to fall; oneself to fall

(hpyA fall)

knip-wa-ya I fell (*wa-knpaya)

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4. The sem antics of KI
The semantics of the reciprocal and reflexive are essentially the same as in English
and need no further discussion.
4.1 Suus
Suus forms specifically mark the object of the verb as belonging to the subject of
the verb. In (37a) John has a dog with him, but the dog is not necessarily his. In
(37b) the dog that John has, whether it is with him or not, is his own.
(37a)

John ka yuh

John has a dog (not necessarily his)

(37b)

John ka knuh

John has (owns) a dog

Gramm atical objects referenced by a suus form are alienably possessed.

Relatives, body parts, and other inalienably possessed items are not referenced by
suus forms:11
(38)

mi-cca-pi iyna-pi . . . . en w-mn-uh (*wc-wa-knuha)

POSS-child-PL seven-PL
those them-A 1s-have
I have seven children . . . those are the ones I have (LgC1.106)
[Between the two clauses, the speaker elaborates on her children.]

4.2 Dative and benefactive

11

A possible exception occurs in a folktale of a woman who intends to kill her

younger brother, the narrator says:
tkuna
e wan sk-ku
ki-kt-kta
cen otpa
their.older.sister it.is now younger.brother-poss A3.ki-kill-POT thus A3-follow
it was their older sister, intending to kill her younger brother, she followed his
trail (NR:T3.39)
The entire sentence needs to be considered because it is possible that the ki is dative,
referring back to the subjects of aktapi and tkuna, with a meaning she intended to
kill him on them rather than she intended to kill her own. In view of examples like
(38), I analyze the example cited here as an example of dative ki because, although
both translations are syntactically possible, the pattern of not using suus for kinship
terms rules out the suus interpretation.

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Because there is so much overlap in meaning between dative and benefactive, it is
impractical to attempt to describe them separately, or even less, exhaustively.
Although the terms dative and benefactive distinguish two morphologically
distinct forms they are not reliable terms for distinguishing meanings. Here we will
survey some of the clear and not so clear semantic ranges of the two morphological
categories.
Rood and Taylor describe the dative in Lakota as follows:
The dative has one form but, from an English speakers point of view,
two meanings: the form can mean that the action was done to an
object possessed by som eone else (I took his, he ate m ine) or that it
was done to or for someone else by accident or without his
knowledge or permission. This second meaning is sometimes
expressed by on in colloquial English (He ate it up on me; or His
wife emptied the bank account on him.) Boas and Deloria (1941[:86])
and Carter (1974) refer to this as the first dative. [1996:471]
While this is generally true of Assiniboine, the permission aspect is
reported by Assiniboine speakers to be less salient, or by some speakers, even nonexistent. For exam ple, the expression in (39) has dative meaning, according to
Rood and Taylors definition, but it is morphologically benefactive, and
permission (or lack of it) is not implied by the statement.
(39)

hpa o-wci-h
shoe ST-A 1s.BEN -put.on
I put on s.o. elses shoes
In most cases, however, the benefactive unambiguously reflects the

performing of an activity for another, either on their behalf or in their place:

(40)

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n^ stand

nakci

stand up for s.o., stand in s.o.s place

o^n

okcine

look for s.t. that belongs to s.o. else

look for

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(41)

wap -kci-caa-pi
tea
1du.BEN -make- PL
she made tea for us

(42)

a-mci-pa

(ap hit)
ST-1 S .BEN -hit JOKE
smack him for me! (said jokingly)
Some morphological distinctions may be associated with idiosyncratic

differences in meaning, as in (43). Part of the reason for the different meanings lies
in the semantic opacity of the root kta, which is contemporarily glossed only as
be drunk but which prior to the introduction of alcohol referred in general to
mental confusion, as seen in related terms such as kty be insane; be
retarded; be senile.
(43)

akkta

forget

a-w-kta

I forget

akcikta

forgive

a-wci-kta

I forgive

5. Animacy
KI

morphemes always imply animate participants. Reviewing the arguments

referenced by the KI morphemes in terms of animacy we find the following:

the grammatical subjects of suus forms are animate (as for all transitive
verbs);

reflexive and reciprocal forms (derived from transitive verbs and specifying
the object as part of the subject) have only one argument and that
argument is animate in each case;

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dative and benefactive add an object that has an animacy restriction on it:
for the benefactive it is a beneficiary, and for dative it is a goal or a
malefactive object.

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The animacy restriction is illustrated below, using dative ki examples in which the
distinction is particularly transparent. In (44a)-(44b), the referents are animate and
ki is present; in (45a)-(45b), the referents are inanimate and ki is absent.
(44a)

Mary e-m-ki-yapi
Mary ST-P1s-DAT-be.called
my name is Mary; Im called Mary

(44b)

pata mnok-pi tahto e-wca-ki-yapi

duck
male- PL neck-green ST-P3 P-DAT-be.called
the male ducks are called green-necks (Lg.C1:404)

(45a)

cysnoh 0
/ -eypi
0
/ -ca
sled
P3-be.called P3-be.that.kind
that thing called a sled (Lg.C1:346)

(45b)

n tken 0
/ -eypi
a-kci-pa-iyeya kta-pi-na
this how P3-be.called ST-RECIP -strike-AUX play-PL-NOM that
for example, the game called tag (Lg.C1:348)
Furtherm ore, if the referent is inanimate but represents an animate being,

ki will be present. In (46) the speaker is referring to one of a male-female pair of

duck figurines.12
(46)

mnka tah-to e-0

/ -c-yapi
male that neck-green ST-P3-DAT-be.called
the male is called a green neck (LgC1:407)

12

It could be argued that the mental process involved here abstracts from the
figurine to a statement about live ducks, but the effect on the grammar is the same and
only further reinforces the ki = animate analysis. Tom Shawl, Assiniboine language
instructor at Fort Belknap College (p.c.), notes that fluent speakers do not perceive this
as a rigid distinction and, in fact, exceptions occur. My analysis is based on
consistencies in spontaneous dialogue at CTK. Perhaps the phenomenon is regional.

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6. Lexicalized ki
There is another set of verbs, traditionally classified as dative, but differing from
the more typically dative verbs described above. In these verbs, ki is lexicalized as
part of the verb stem; that is, ki ceases to have its usual sem antics but still has its
morphological behavior. For instance, kiksyA remember is not derived from ki +
ksuy hurt, harm. This is illustrated by the homophonic forms in (47) where the
form in (47a) has lexicalized ki and the form in (47b) has suus ki. The A 1s form for
both verbs is hokweksuya.
(47a)

hokkiksya
hok + /ki-ksuyA/
child-remember
to think of ones child, be lonesome for ones child

(47b)

hokkiksya
hok + /ki/ + /ksuyA/
child-suus-cause.to.hurt
be in labor, as in childbirth
Other verb roots with lexicalized KI include those in (48), given with their

A 1s, A 2,

and A 1p forms. Most verbs of this type are intransitive verbs that can be

understood reflexively; in other words, they approximate a middle voice.

(48)

kic
kicni
kiknka
kikt

kisn

invite
quit an activity
dive

wco, yco, kcopi

wcuni, ycuni, kcunipi
wknka, yknka, kknkapi

get up from a
reclining position

wkta, ykta, kktapi

recover from illness

wsni, ysni, ksni

7. A paradigm of KI morphemes: the verb oykA + KI

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The verb oykA tell; talk about; announce; relate is an active-transitive y-stem
verb that is attested with each of the KI morphemes. The meanings of some of the
forms are idiosyncratic but the morphological formation of each form is as
described above.
(49)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

o^ykA

tell; talk about; announce; relate

o^kn-kA

tell ones own;

tell s.t. about oneself

suus

o^k-yakA

tell s.t. to s.o.

dative

o^kci-yakA

tell s.o. about s.t.

benefactive

o^kci-yakA

tell each other

reciprocal (of the dative)

o^knakA

tell on oneself

reflexive

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Chapter 8
Motion Verbs

1. Introduction1
Motion verbs are those verbs that refer to physical movement through space. I
identify two subcategories for Assiniboine: verbs that form a closed semantic
system of coming and going, and motion verbs that are outside the closed system.
The closed system is here referred to notionally as COME-GO to encompass all of the
systems component verbs.2
Verbs outside the system are context independent and tend to describe
manner or to be motion auxiliaries (see chapter 11.4.3.2); for example:
(1)

Manner of locomotion:
aktkA
asnh
ky
kuw
mni
nap ~ np
op
pas

(2)

run
creep on the belly
fly
chase
walk
escape, run away
follow
drive

Motion auxiliaries:
hiyyA

send sailing, as a frisbee ( A 1s hiywaya)

An earlier version of this chapter was presented at the Siouan-Caddoan

Conference in Spearfish, N. Dak., June 1, 2002.
2

Wilkins and H ill (1995) argue convincingly that com e and go are not
universal notions, claiming that they en tail unexamined a ssum ptions in the literature
on verbs of m otion. Nonetheless, they use capitalized COM E and GO a s one mea ns for
brin ging item s into com parison (1 995 :253 ), and I shall do th e sam e.

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283
hpyA
iyyA
yey

fall, falling (A 1s mahpaya)

gradual movement ( A 1s iywaya; homophonous with
the y-stem verb of departure: A 1s imnmna)
send ( A 1s yewya)

2. The COME-GO system

There are twelve verbs of coming and going. Diachronic processes of derivation and
compounding peculiar to a sm all set of roots produces all the verbs in the system.
The focus of this section will be on what Fillmore (1997:79) refers to as bounded
motion, motion that can be characterized as having a starting point and an ending
point, which encompasses intervening states he characterizes as Path (a term
taken in turn from David C. Bennett (1975), as Fillmore acknowledges).
The structure of the Assiniboine system of verbs that refer to bounded
motion is presented first as an idealized model to provide a clear picture of its
organization according to the morphological and semantic relationships that hold
among the components. This is followed by discussion of several examples from
conversations and narratives to illustrate how the model applies to usage.
Assiniboine come/go does not exactly match English come/go, nor do the terms
here and there used in reference to motion verbs adequately convey the
concepts involved. For reasons that accumulate throughout this chapter, it is
virtually impossible to provide concise English glosses for the Assiniboine COME-GO
verbs. It is nonetheless expedient to use the terms come, go, here, and there
wherever a COME-GO verb is glossed, but always with the understanding that more
complex notions are entailed.

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Bounded motion verbs in Assiniboine are lexicalized derivations of four

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roots, two that pertain to the Path, which I will refer to as progress verbs, and two
that refer to arrival at a destination, or simply, arrival verbs. These roots are
listed in table 8.1.
Table 8.1. Verbal roots of the

C O M E-G O

system 3

movem ent awa y from deictic center ( G O )

movem ent toward th e deictic center (C O M E )

arrival there, i.e., at a point removed from th e deictic center

arrival here, i.e., at the deictic center

Together with one additional morpheme, vertitive ki return; back,4 these

Wh ether h is his to rically derived fr om or is a separate root is uncertain. See

Taylor (1976) for a discussion. Both verbs encode the sam e seman tic feature for stage of
completion, na m ely a rrival, so tha t it is p ossible to note n on-theoretica lly th at th e vowe ls
of the roots constitute a consistent index for the sema ntic feature motion toward the
deictic center, where a marks movem ent a wa y from the d eictic center , u marks
movem ent toward the deictic center, and i represents a term inal:
a >
Deictic center

i
< u

A similarly useful observation is that all verbs with the vertitive morphem e k mark
movem ent toward the base, and verbs lacking that morphem e mark m ovement away
from the ba se.
4

In the m otion verb system foun d in Osage, Ca rolyn Quintero (2004) ana lyzes
the morpheme that carries the notion return as suus: The vertitive forms, indicating
return, are m ade up of the suu s prefix kik plus verb root. . . . Since suus kik means
subje cts own, th e orig inal m eaning of v ertitive verbs w ould h ave been g o to sub jec ts
ow n [p lace /h om e], ext ended to m ean also go back [to any location ] (200 4:179).
Elsewh ere she term s a morp hem e ki as inceptive: Inceptive ki adds the sense of back;
in return ; in turn , as in pay back ; repay (2004:2 09). Her a nalysis in e ach ca se rests
on differing morphophonological effects for the two morphem es. Rood and Taylor (1996)
refere nce an in ceptiv e ki as in, e.g., kisn recover, return to health, independ ent of
vertitive ki, which Rood (p.c.) believes to occur only in the verbs of coming and going.
Taylor explains this particular use of the term vertitive as follows:

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four roots yield the underlying twelve-verb system.
The root y, glossed lexemically as GO , while not inherently deicitc (see
section 3 below), behaves deictically within the system, where it is invariably
associated with the root ; the root COME is similarly linked to the root h. This
gives the following sets:
(3)

y >

go > arrive there

> h

come > arrive here

y and are directional opposites but they are not the direct inverse of
each other. Assiniboine formally encodes the notion return by vertitive ki,
(surfacing variously as k and kn in lexicalized forms 5) so that the direct inverse of

a prefix to the motion verbs that is found in most (or all) of the [Siouan]
lan guage s, [an d] h as the un der lying sh ape k. S tem s derived by this prefix
r ela te th e m o tio n t o o nes hom e or to an ear lier location. I shall call stem s
of this kind vertitive, using the term intr odu ced by H ollow in h is
un pub lished Ma nda n dictiona ry (R ober t Hollow 1 965 ) [1979 :288 ].
In Assiniboine there is no m orphological difference between suus ki and the ki that
me ans go ba ck, which Quin tero labels incep tive and I label vertitive. Th us, both
Quintero and Taylor label full stems as vertitive, whereas on morphological and
semantic grounds I label both the morpheme itself and forms derived from it as
vertitive. I analyze this single morphem e as deriving both m otion verbs of return travel
and verbs such as pay back and give back, providing a unified analysis and avoiding
the sem antic extension of the suus m orphem e that Quintero prop oses. In fact, evidence
such as tha t in (8e), where arrival at a site on the way hom e but n ot at hom e, suppo rts
an interpretation of back rather than suus, since the intermediate location is not the
spe ake rs ow n h om e. N oneth eless, th e Osag e da ta are suggestive, an d cross-ling uistic
comparison of synchronic and diachronic forms may eventually prove the Assiniboine
motion verbs of return travel to derive from suus ki rather than from w hat is here
termed vertitive ki.
5

The historical derivations have not been fully determined so neither they nor
the ph onology th at prod uce d th e conte m por ary form s w ill be a ddr essed h ere. Th ere is
no question, how ever, that the k ~ kn of the verbs of return ing a re reflexes of ki.

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286
go is not come but come back and the direct inverse of come is not go but go
back. This gives two sets of complementary pairs, shown in table 8.2, in which an
outbound set is paired with its appropriate (directionally inverse) return set.
Table 8.2. Progress and arrival verbs
Progress >

Arr ival

a.

y
k

>
>

kn

go > arrive there

come ba ck here > arrive back here

b.

>
kn >

h
k

come > arrive here

go back there > arrive back there

The remaining four verbs to be described are those referred to in this

discussion as the departure verbs, to identify their place in the idealized model,
although this label is too restrictive, as discussed in 2.2, below.
The departure verbs are lexicalized compounds that combine the pairs of
progress and arrival verbs shown in table 8.2, above, to produce the following:
(4)

Departure verbs:
iyyA

leave here to go there ( + y, reduplicated)

knic

leave there to come back here (kn + k, with

palatalization)

hiy

leave there to come here (h + , with epenthetic y)

kikn

leave here to go back there (k + kn)

We have now introduced all twelve verbs in the system. A complete list is
given in table 8.3 with paradigms and approximate glosses.

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Table 8.3. The

C O M E-G O

verbs

Inflectio n of a ll verbs in th e system is regu lar; iyyA and y are y-stem verbs; both ys of
iyyA are inflected.
I.
Citation
form

Notion

A 1s

1 du

A2

A3

iyyA

leave here to go
there
going there
arrive there

imnmna

kyaya

inna

iyya

mn
wa

kya
k

n
ya

le av e t he re to co m e
back here
coming b ack here
arrive back here

wakn cu

kncu

yakncu

knic

wak
wakn

k
kn

yak
yakn

k
kn

Citation
form

Notion

A 1s

1 du

A2

A3

hiy 6

le av e t he re to co m e
here
coming h ere
arrive here

wahyu

hyu

yahyu

hiy

wa
wah

k
h

ya
yah

leave here to go
back there
going back there
arrive back there

wakkna

kkna

yakkna

kikn

wakn
wak

kn
k

yakn
yak

kn
k

knic
k
kn
II.

h
kikn
kn
k

Before continuing, several concepts that are crucial to an understanding of

the system need to be defined:

Traveler - The traveler is the moving entity, the grammatical subject of the
clause.

Base - The base is the location to which the traveler belongs, i.e., is

Although th e y of hiy is epenthe tic, for at least on e W hite Bear s pea ker, this is
a y-st em verb , presum ably b y an alogy : himn, hin, hiy

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habitually associated with. A base may be relatively permanent, such as the
travelers place of residence or place of employment, or it may be of short
duration, such as a meeting place or social gathering. The travelers base
may be at the deictic center or it may be a point away from the deictic
center. A travelers base is known to discourse participants by common
knowledge, declaration, or inference.

Deictic center (DC) - The term deictic center, as used here, is the reference
point of perspective from which the motion verbs are interpreted. It is either
where the speaker (not necessarily the traveler) is at coding time, i.e., when
the sentence is uttered, or it is the location of the main character in a
narrative. The deictic center shifts frequently during discourse.

Stage of completion has three possibilities: depart, progress, arrive. These

three stages may be viewed as constituting a discrete set, which I will refer
to as a triad. The twelve verbs of the COME-GO system fall semantically into
four unique triads, as seen in the horizontal rows of table 8.4, below.

The notions base and deictic center cross-cut each other:

The triads hiy, , h and knic, k, kn describe motion of a traveler toward

the deictic center. The triads iyyA, y, and kikn, kn, k describe
motion of a traveler away from the deictic center.

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

The triads knic, k, kn and kikn, kn, k describe motion of a traveler

toward his/her base. The triads hiy, , h and iyyA, y, describe motion
of a traveler away from his/her base.

289
These relationships are summarized in table 8.4.
Table 8.4. Seman tic features of Assiniboine motion verbs

Stage of Com pletion

- motion toward DC

+ motion toward DC

Depart

Progress

Arrive

- motion towa rd base

iyyA

+ m otion toward base

kikn

kn

- motion towa rd base

hiy

+ m otion toward base

knic

kn

One additional term needs to be defined, namely, apogee. Motion toward

the base, as used above does not always mean that the movement is literally in
the direction of the travelers base, as on a map. Rather, it depends on whether the
traveler conceives him/herself as moving toward the base. After the point in a
journey at which the traveler conceives him/herself to start moving back toward
the base I will call that point the apogee verbs from the return sets will be
used to describe the travelers movement. Using English examples, in the
statement, He went to the store, then went to the post office, and then came
home, post office is the apogee; in the statement, He went to the store, and on
the way home he went to the post office, store is the apogee. The location of each
point in the journey does not change, rather, the travelers conception of his/her
movement relative to the base (home, in the English examples) changes.
It is important to note that the apogee is not necessarily the point in the
journey that is objectively most distant from the base. This is illustrated in fig. 8.1,
in which a point on the return journey is more distant from the base than the

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apogee, and in fig. 8.2, in which a point on the outbound journey is more distant
from the base than the apogee.7 If the base is at the deictic center, verbs from the
triad iyyA, y, would be used for the outbound portion of the journey and the
triad verbs from the triad knic, k, kn would be used for the return portion of the
journey. If the base is not at the deictic center, verbs from the hiy, h triad
would be used for the outbound portion and verbs from the kikn, kn, k triad
would be used for the return.

Fig. 8.1 Illustration of a journey in which a point (D) on the return portion of a
journey is more distant from the base (A) than the apogee (C)

Concrete examples for figs. 8.1 and 8.2 could be the following. Let A = the
travelers hom e (base), B = a coffee sh op, C = the w orkplace, a nd D = a resta uran t.
Tra velers in both fig ure s lea ve h om e (A), stop to buy coffe e (B), an d th en go to w ork (C).
After work, each stops at a restau rant (D) for a take-out dinner on th e way h ome. For
the traveler in 8.1, the coffee shop lies between his home and his workplace and the
restaurant lies further from his home than his workplace. For the traveler in 8.2, the
coffee shop lies further from his hom e than h is workplace, and the restau rant lies
between h is workplace and h is home. Point C is the ap ogee for both travelers, so each
traveler w ould shift fro m out bou nd to re turn verbs at poin t C in describing the ir
respective round-trips.

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Fig. 8.2 Illustration of a journey in which a point (B) on the outbound portion of a journey
is more distant from the base (A) than the apogee (C)

Note that each segment of the journey (A > B, B >C, C >D, D >A) conceptually
encompasses a full triad, regardless of whether arrival in each case is at the base,
the apogee, or some intermediate point. Each triad (or portion of it) is repeated for
each leg of the journey. Thus, if the travelers base is located at the deictic center, A
> B will be described by members of the triad iyy, y, , and B > C will also be
described by iyy, y, ; arrival at both B and C will use . Travel beyond the
apogee, C > D and D > A, will both be described with verbs from the triad knic,
k, kn; arrival at both D and A will use kn. If the travelers base is not located at
the deictic center, A > B and B > C will be described by members of the triad
hiy, , h, while C > D and D > A will be described by members of the triad
kikn, kn, k.
These facts are seen in the following excerpts from a narrative that
describes an actual round-trip. Only the relevant sentences are given, in the order

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they occur in the narrative. The narrator was at her home at CTK at coding time,
making CTK both base and DC, so the triads iyyA, y, and knic, k, kn are
used. Travel originated at the narrators home, proceeded to Indian Head and Pilot
Butte and then to Regina, which is the apogee in this narrative, and returned to
Carry The Kettle by way of White City. This narrative is illustrated in fig. 8.3.
(5a)

Indian Head ekt k--pi

Indian Head to
1du-arrive.there-PL
we went to Indian Head

(5b)

eth
Pilot Butte ecyapi ona ci
k--pi
from.there Pilot Butte be.called town
over.there 1du-arrive.there-PL
from there we went over to the town called Pilot Butte

(5c)

eth
huhupina
ekt k--pi
from there Regina [pile of bones] to
1du-arrive.there-PL
from there we went to Regina

(5d)

eth 8
-k-pi
from.there 1du-come.here-PL
from there we were coming back

(5e)

hk ak White City ecyapi n -kn-pi

and again White City be.called there 1du-arrive.here-PL
and we arrived [stopped] again at [the town] called White City

(5f)

hk -kn-pi
and 1du-arrive.here-PL
and we came home

a and are in free variation as the first vowel in eth. This suggests the
possibility of anticipatory nasal assimilation across h but da ta are ins ufficient to state
this as a general phonetic phenomenon.

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Fig. 8.3 Diagram of narrative in example (5), with arrival verbs used in reference to each location

Sentences (5a-5c) describe the outbound portion of the trip. Arrival at each point is
indicated by arrive there or, more precisely, arrive at a point following movement
away from the DC/base. At sentence (5d) the narrator shifts to return forms and,
as predicted, they are of the k triad. Sentence (5f) references arrival back at the
base with kn arrive back here, also as predicted. Note especially that arrival at
White City in sentence (5e) a point on the return trajectory is also referenced
with the arrival verb kn, although clearly the event is not arrival back at the base.
Yet, the use of kn is predictable in the given circumstances because it is the
appropriate verb for arrival at a point in the course of movement toward the baseat-DC. The verb , with the shorthand gloss arrive there, cannot be used in (5e),

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even though White City is in one sense there rather than here, because
indicates m ovem ent away from the base (when the base is also the DC). The
narrator uses the appropriate arrival verb kn in (5e) but underscores the fact that
the intermediate arrival event is at a point removed from the base by the
demonstrative adverb n there, which, in the shorthand glossing, creates the
apparently contradictory arrive back here there, but which is more accurately
arrive there on the way back to the base.
The discussion thus far has focused on round-trip travel, but outbound
travel does not inherently imply return travel. For example, the statement in (6)
does not im ply a return to Pilot Butte, which, in reference to the journey in (5), is
an intermediate site between the speakers base and the apogee.
(6)

akw ehi tn Pilot Butte ecyapi k-yaya-pi

eleven reach when Pilot Butte be.called 1du-depart- PL
we left Pilot Butte at 11:00
In contrast, the return verbs always imply a previous outbound journey,

even if the outbound portion is not referenced. In fact, the connection between
outbound and return travel can be quite abstract. Consider the two statements in
(7) and (8). Both statements imply multiple round-trips, with travel having
occurred at various indefinite times in the past. The distinction encoded in the
Assiniboine verbs, a distinction that cannot be expressed concisely in English, is
that the traveler in (7) is perceived as belonging to the same base as the speaker,
so that she is seen as coming back to a place to which she belongs, while the
traveler in (8) is perceived as belonging elsewhere, each time moving toward the

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deictic center from a foreign base. (It should be noted that back is ambiguous in
English; although it is used in the shorthand gloss of the return verbs in (7) and
(8), both sentences could plausibly be translated as she com es back every
summer, because back in English can be used for any return to a place
previously visited, regardless of whether the place visited is ones perceived place of
belonging. Therefore, it must be kept in mind that back in return-verb glosses is
understood to refer to a return to base.
(7)

mnoktu iyha 0
/ -h
summer every A 3-arrive.here
she comes [to DC from a foreign base] every summer

(8)

mnoktu iyha 0
/ -kn
summer every A 3-arrive.back.here
she comes [returns to base at DC] every summer
Now that the fundamental relationships of the motion verbs have been

described, we may explore how these relationships convey meaning in various

types of discourse.
2.1 COME-GO verbs in conversation
In conversation, interlocutors may or may not share a base. In (11), both speakers
are at speaker 2s home at coding time, which identifies speaker 2s home as the
deictic center, but speaker 1 lives elsewhere, i.e., has a different base. Both
speakers refer to speaker 1s travel with the hiy, , h triad because the
conversation concerns speaker 1s movement toward the DC but away from her
base. Stage of completion depends on which aspect of the travel a speaker chooses
to foreground. In (9b), speaker 2 em phasizes arrival, while in (9c), speaker 1

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emphasizes progress toward the deictic center, even though both statements
reference the same event. 9
(9a)

Speaker 1:

n nkh wa-h
here now
A1s-arrive.here
I just got here (LgC1.112)

(9b)

Speaker 2:

tken ya-h
how A2-arrive.here
how did you get here? (LgC1.281)

(9c)

Speaker 1:

kic wa-
that.one with A 1s-come.here
I came with her (LgC1.284)

2.2 Short-term bases

A travelers base can shift in the short term when s/he stays at a location away
from his/her base for a bounded period of time, such as when visiting, attending a
meeting, or being at work. For example, when attending a meeting, the meeting site
becomes the base for all participants, even though all participants have come from
other, more permanent bases (assuming that the meeting is not held in the home
of one of the participants). This is reflected in the statement in (10). The occasion
was a meeting at the Seniors Lodge at Carry The Kettle. A man who had arrived
left again. When someone asked where he was, another person replied:
(10)

ak 0
/ -k
/ -kya
0
again A 3-come.back.here A 3-say (indirect quote)
he said hes coming back

The Seniors Lodge is the deictic center because that is where the speaker was at

It may be n oted, however, that althoug h speaker 2 cou ld use either the progress
or arrival verb in (9b), speaker 1 can on ly use the progress verb in (9c). The arrival verb
would be ambiguous, meaning either I came with her or I (coincidentally) arrived at
the s am e tim e as she.

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coding time. The fact that the Lodge has become the base, both in the mind of the
man and of the speaker, is evident in the verb k return to base-at-DC. But after
the meeting concluded, the participants all perceived a shift of base back to their
respective homes, as evidenced by the comment in (11), made by one of the
participants.
(11)

wan wa-kkna-kta
tuk
now A 1s-depart.to.there-POT but
I have to leave (to go back there) now

In this instance, the Lodge is still the deictic center but the speaker no longer
perceives the Lodge as his base, having mentally shifted back to a perception of his
home as his base.

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The discourse relationship of one base to another is diagramed in fig. 8.4.

Fig. 8.4

C O M E-G O

verbs in relation to separate bases

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The use of one verb in a given circle creates the expectation that, as long as the
base remains constant, any outbound and return travel may be described by any
other verb from the same set encompassed by the circle associated with the base
with which it intersects. To use the previous examples, the participants in the
meeting consider any verb in the circle intersecting Base B (away from the DC) as
appropriate for describing their initial arrival and ultimate departure from the
Lodge, but for the duration of the m eeting, they consider verbs from the circle
intersecting Base A (at the DC) as appropriate for movement away from or toward
the Lodge, as in the example of the man who used k to say he would be back.
Thus, the expectation would be that when the man did return to the meeting, his
re-arrival would be described by kn, not h, since his base has shifted to the verbs
associated with Base A.
2.3 COME-GO verbs in narrative
In a third person narrative the deictic center is the location of the central
character, which is also that characters base. A base shift occurs for a secondary
character who arrives at the deictic center from outside the scene, as in the story of
ktmi and Fox (app.2), and a deictic center shift occurs when the central character
changes, as in the story of the Big Snake (app.1).
In the story of ktmi and Fox, ktmi, the trickster, is the central character,
so ktmis location is the deictic center. Foxs arrival in sentence 4 is described
with the verb h, indicating movement toward the deictic center but away from his
base. However, Foxs subsequent movement toward the deictic center is described

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by kn (sentences 11, 12, 15, 19), and his movement away from the deictic center,
predictably, is described by y (sentences 14, 16). This indicates that Foxs base
has shifted to the deictic center. Later in the story, a group of animals gather at the
site and the story describes their activities. Although no arrival verb is used, the
site is shown to have becom e these animals base because their departure is
described by iyyA, indicating movement away from the base-at-DC.
The narrative Big Snake offers an example of a shift of deictic center.
There are two scenes of action, Carry The Kettle Reserve and a lake that used to be
just beyond the boundary of Carry The Kettle Reserve.10 The story consists of two
episodes, each with a different deictic center, one at CTK and one at the lake. In
the first episode, two men from CTK (the base) are swimming in the lake (away
from the base) when they are startled by a horned serpent, flee to the shore
(sentence 12), and run to a village on the reserve (sentence 14). Movement in each
of these sentences is described by kn motion toward base-at-DC, marking CTK as
the deictic center and also identifying CTK as the mens base. The second episode
involves the demise of the serpent at the lake, and the deictic center shifts to the
lake. All COME-GO verbs from sentence 21 to the end of the story refer to movement
of village residents to and from the lake and have the semantic features [+motion
toward DC] and [-motion toward base]. By changing the verbs, the narrator shifts
the deictic center from the village to the lake.

10

The lake is no longer there, but the narrator attests its former existence by
say ing tha t sh e had s een it he rself (sen ten ce 3).

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2.4 Metonymy of progress and arrive
Both progress and arrive can be used to encompass or imply the other notions of
the triad. In (12a-12b) the speaker is at home (base is at DC) and the combination
of context and the arrival there verb implies both the outbound and return triads:
(12a)

tnih ona ekt wa-

yesterday town to
A 1s-arrive.there
I went to town yesterday

(12b)

opet ekt wan

wa-
store
to
already A 1s-arrive.there
I already went to the store

In (13) the use of y entails the entire outbound triad (y is an ablauted form of
y):
(13)

ona ekt 0
/ -y-kta
town to
A 3-go-POT
hes going to go to town

In (12a-12b), arrival is emphasized rather than progress because the result of

travel, the referents being (or having been) at a place, is of greater relevance than
the process of getting there. In (13), progress is emphasized rather than arrival.
Interestingly, when a specific departure time is referenced, the progress verb
is still used, rather than the departure verb. This may be due to restrictions on the
use of verbs of departure, discussed in the next section.
(14)

npcwka ehi ten 0

/ -y-kta
nine
reach when A 3-go-POT
hes leaving/going at 9:00

2.5 Markedness of the departure verbs

The departure verbs have rather narrow domains of usage that may be

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characterized as punctual in some instances or perfect in others.
2.5.1 Punctual
When they refer specifically to departure, as in (15), the departure verbs are
aspectually punctual.
(15)

Wan hiy-pi n 0
/ -ey
now A3-start.out.from.there be-PL DECL A 3-say
Theyre starting out now, he said (App.1: Big Snake)

Compare (15) to (14), above, which is also punctual, but which uses a progress
verb. The difference is in which part of a trip is emphasized. In (14) the progress is
emphasized; in (15) the act of departure is emphasized, underscored by wan
now.11
2.5.2 Perfect
Frequently the interpretation of departure verbs is aspectually perfect, essentially,
to have left. This is seen also in (16). (In fact, both Riggs and Buechel gloss the
cognate forms for Dakota and Lakota as to have gone and neither specifically
suggests the notion of departure for these compound verb forms.)
(16)

inne
ehtah c-wa-mni
ci-ksye
A 2-leave.here since
ST-A 1s-be.lonely I/you-remember
ever since you left, I was lonely for you (NR:T7.104)
In contrast, the notion represented in English as departure is represented in

Assiniboine as progress (kn, not kikn), suggesting that Johns purpose in (17)
is not so much departure as it is to move toward home.

11

This is an oversimplified explanation of the aspect of these two examples. The

issues involved are complex and suggest an interesting area for further exploration.

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(17)

John kn-pi
/ -cka
0
John return.there-COMP A 3-want
John wants to leave
There are two readings for the following example, partly due to the various

connotations of wan as now, ready, or already, and partly due to the two uses
of departure verbs, either to abstractly reference an act of departure or as perfect
aspect.
(18)

wan 0
/ -knic-pi
now A3-depart.for.here-PL
theyre ready to come, ready to set out for here or
they already left to come here; they already left for here
The second reading is not the same as saying, theyre on their way; for that

reading a progress verb is used:

(19)

wan 0
/ -k-pi
now A 3-come.back.here-PL
theyre on their way here now; theyre already on their way here

2.6 Short distance and departure verbs

In instances in which travel involves an exceedingly short distance, a departure
verb is often used, as if the act of departure is sufficient movement to attain the
goal of the travel. Strictly speaking, these still reflect departure and should be
glossed as depart, but any variation of depart in a free translation would be
inappropriate in English. In example (20), the speaker is addressing a group of
individuals who are standing a short distance from him.

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(20)

hiy
po!
leave.to.come.here PL.IMPER.m
come here! (male speaking; plural addressees) 12
Frequently, a clause containing an arrival verb is immediately followed by a

clause containing a departure verb. When this occurs, the arrival and departure
verbs are of the same triad, as in (21) and (22). Such combinations describe
movement toward a goal and then, as a separate act, movem ent into or out of a
structure, as one might say in English, he went to the house and walked in. In
(21) the traveler walks some distance to a lodge () and then enters it (iyyA). Use of
the iyyA, y, triad indicates that the lodge in question is not the travelers home.
(21)

ekt 0
/ -
hk tn
/ -iyya
0
there A 3-go and into.the.lodge A 3-leave.here
he went (arrived) over there and went into the lodge (NR: T7.83)
In (22), the traveler arrival back at his mothers lodge is described by the

triad kikn, kn,k, from which it may be assumed that he left from there at
some earlier time and also that he does not reside with his m other. Travel to his
mothers lodge entails considerable as it were, non-short travel (k), but
entering the lodge is a short distance (kikn):
(22)

hku
tipi ekt 0
/ -k
hkna tn kikn-ka
his.mother lodge at A3-arrive.back.there and into A 3-leave.for.there-PART
he went back to his mothers lodge and went in (NR: T7.132)
Most often, the short distance that departure verbs may reference suggest a

distance of no m ore than a step or two, but consider the example in (23).

12

There is a colloquial impera tive kwa come here! is kwa. It is used by b oth
men and wom en, and as far as I know, to one or to many. I cannot analyze the term but
can state with reason able certainty that it is not a mem ber of the C O M E - G O system, and
is not etymologically related to k return to base-at-D C.

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(23)

Logan ocku aksam iyya

Logan road
across A 3.depart
Logan crossed the road

The distance across a road is typically a relatively short distance, but unlike the
previous examples, the distance involved in this case is great enough that the
progress verb y might also be appropriate. This suggests some elasticity to the
notion short, and also supports the claim that these verbs are semantically, as
well as morphologically, departure verbs.
2.7 Special uses of iyyA
The verb iyyA (but none of the other departure verbs) is used idiomatically in the
phrase tki iyya (he) where is it?. The grammatical subject of this phrase may
be animate or, exceptionally, inanimate. (Recall that active verbs only have animate
subjects.) The fact that inanimate subjects are allowed is evidence of the non-literal
meaning of iyyA in this phrase. One might say that the phrase is, in effect, a
compound stative verb meaning to be where, by which reasoning the acceptability
of inanimate subjects is more understandable. When animate, two readings are
possible; when inanimate, only one reading is possible.
(24)

ni-cca-pi tki
iyya-pi
he
P2-child-PL where.to A 3-leave.here-PL Q
where are your children? where have your children gone?

(25)

cuna tki
iyya
he
cup
where.to A 3-leave.here Q
where are the cups?
The idiom also permits derivation by dative ki (chapter 7), with malefactive

meaning.

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(26)

tki
i-n-ci-yaya
he, hokna
where.to ST- P3-DAT-leave.here Q boy
that
where is your boy (husband)? where has your boy gone on you? (SB.22)
A very few exam ples have been found of a short form of iyyA, namely iy,

which appears to reference progress away from the DCs base but toward some
unknown or indefinite destination, unlike iyyA, which implies a goal. In (27)-(28),
the point of departure is known, but the destination is not. The status of this form
in relation to the COME-GO system will require further research.
(27a)

iy wo . . . nit-kona o-k-ne-ya
wo
go IMPER . . . your-friend ST-SUUS-look.for-go IMPER
go! . . . go look for your friend! (NR:T2.11, 15)

(27b)

cen iya-ka
so.then A 3-go-DUR
so then he was going, he was on his way (for a long time) (NR:T7.17)

(28)

tkn iy kta k-0

/ --ki-ya-pi
outside go play 1du-ST-A 3-DAT-tell- PL
they told us to go play outside (LgC1.153)

3. Non-point-to-point travel (unanchored travel)

Unanchored travel, movem ent that is anchored neither at a source nor at a goal,
falls outside the COME-GO system. That is to say, unanchored travel is not deictic.
Such travel is most commonly described by y go, although come may also be
used. Generic use of is far less com mon than generic use of y but the fact that
may be used generically at all may justify the claim that it is not inherently
deictic. Within the COME-GO system, these are the verbs of outbound progress but
when used to reference unanchored travel, they do not imply other members of
their respective triads, as they do when they occur within the system.

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(29)

ecken 0
/ -y
always A 3-go
s/hes always on the go, always going places

(30)

mni-y ~ mni-
walk-go ~ walk-come
to go on foot

(31)

(ktmi) tkiye-ca
min-tka w kakn 0
/ -
kaca
ktmi somewhere-indefinite lake
one beside A 3-come then
(ktmi) was going around somewhere and then came to a lake (NR:T5.8)

(32)

amkiya okn k--pi

hk wanka hkta
car
in
A 1du-come- PL and long.ago back.then
katka cysnoh okn k--pi
horse
sleigh
in
1du-come-PL
we go around in a car but back then we went around in a horse-drawn
sleigh (LgC1.68)

4. The BRING-TAKE system

Verbs of bringing and taking are derived from the verbs in the COME-GO system by
prefixation of a morpheme a that increases the valence of the verb by one, that is,
converts the intransitive come-go verbs to transitive verbs. The departure verbs of
return acquire the a before each member of the compound, with an epenthetic y
between the medial vowels. The outbound departure verbs acquire the prefix only
once, at the beginning of the compound, but in the case of a-iyyA, the initial
vowels coalesce, producing yayA. The outbound form for progress away from
base-at-DC (yA) has lexical stress on the stem -initial a. A complete list of the
BRING-TAKE

glosses.

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verbs is given in table 8.5, with partial paradigms and approximate

307
Table 8.5 The

B R IN G - T A K E

verbs

I.
Citation
form

Notion

A 1s

1 du

A2

A3

yayA

leave here to take

there
taking there
arrive there taking

mnamna

kyaya

nana

yaya

mna
awi

kya
ki

na
ayi

ya
a

leave there to bring

back here
bringing back h ere
arrive back here
bringing

wakn yacu

knyacu

yaknyacu

aknyacu

awku
awkn

kku
kni

ayku
aykni a

ak
kn

Notion

A 1s

1 du

A2

A3

leave there to bring

here
bringing here
arrive here bringing

awhiyu

khiyu

ayhiyu

ahyu

awu
awhi

ku
khi

ayu
ayhi

a
ah

leave here to take

back there
taking back there
arrive back there
taking

awkyakna kkyakna

aykiyakna

akyakna

awkna
awki

aykna
ayki

akn
ak

yA
a
aknyacu
ak
akn
II.
Citation
form
ahiy
a
ah
akkyanA
akn
ak

kkna
kki

The BRING-TAKE verbs thus derived exhibit the same semantic features as
those of the COME-GO verbs shown in table 8.4. They occur in the same triads and
hold the same relationship to each other within the triads, as do the triads with
respect to each other. Examples include:
(33a)

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Cypress Hills ekt k--i-pi

(cf. a arrive there, taking)
Cypress Hills to
1du-ST-take-PL
they took us to Cypress Hills (LgC1.213)

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(33b)

k--ni-ya-pi-kta
(cf. yA taking there)
1du-ST-P2-take-PL-POT
well take you (sg.) there
well take you (pl) there

(34a)

tta a-0
/ -0
/ -k
home ST-P3-A 3-arrive.back.there.taking
he took it home (over there)

(34b)

tta a-0
/ -0
/ -kn
home ST- A 3-P3-arrive.back.here.bringing
he brought it home
The example in (35) implies that the grandmother lives where the speaker

lives and that the speaker is at home at the time of utterance (motion toward baseat-DC):
(35)

miki mick a-0

/ -0
/ -k
Grandma my.son ST-P3-A 3-bring.back
Grandma brought my son home

This example implies that the grandmother does not live where the speaker lives
(motion toward DC, base not at DC):
(36)

miki
mick a-0
/ -0
/ -
grandmother my.son ST-P3-A 3-bring
Grandma brought my son home
The following example has two interpretations: (a) the speaker and the

grandmother live at the same place and the speaker is not at home at the time of
utterance and (b) the grandm other does not live at the same place as the speaker,
in which case the location of the speaker at the time of utterance is irrelevant.
(37)

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miki mick a-0

/ -0
/ -kn
Grandma my.son ST-P3-A 3-bring
Grandma took my son home

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Chapter 9
Enclitics and Postverbal Particles

1. Introduction
A system of post verbal particles, given in table 9.1, conveys notions of number,
aspect, temporality, and modality. The system can be divided into two sets on
grammatical as well as semantic grounds; one that can be classified as enclitics
and another as modality particles. The enclitics differ from the modality particles in
morphological boundaries, stress patterning, and vowel devoicing behavior.
The enclitics are underlyingly stressless; they never receive primary stress
but frequently receive secondary stress by rhythmic stress patterning (RSP; see
chpater 2:12.4). Thus, they form an accentual unit with their hosts and are bound
to the host by an enclitic boundary (see chapter 2:12.1). With the exception of ktA,
as described in 2.1.5 below, they modify only the verb to which they are attached.
Furthermore, all of the enclitics are monosyllabic and, with one exception, vowel
final. The vowel of an enclitic may be devoiced when it is in phrase final position.
Unlike the enclitics, which have shared phonological behavior, modality
particles seem to be a collection of forms that have emerged by various means over
time, sometimes retaining traces of their origins in other grammatical classes, and
therefore exhibit less unified phonological behavior. They are analyzed here as
forming a single class for several reasons. They are always ordered after any
enclitics, they are preceded by an external word boundary and modify an entire

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Table 9.1. O rder of pos tverbal elem ents

Aspect (enclitics)

Modality (particles)

:kA

pi

na

ktA

sA

ken

8
ce

10

11

ca

he

cyakA

kya

ce

cowna

(hn)

epc

no

hn(na)

ok

ht

ko

po

tuk

kos

(sten)

otka

wo

?cen

stya*
ka

Also: c na , kca , kinca, an d w ci po sition in te mp late un certain

*steya has an adverbial form ste and is itself som ewhat adverbia l, e.g. pa stya to ferment, literally, as if boiling

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311
clause, and, whereas the final vowels of enclitics have been found to devoice before
a modality particle, they never devoice before another enclitic.1 Further, when a
modality particle bears stress, it is always primary stress, presumably assigned by
the DAR (see chapter 2:12.2), although this assumption is problematic.
Multisyllabic modality particles bear primary stress as expected by the DAR;
however, monosyllabic modality particles sometimes bear primary stress and at
other times are unstressed. If the DAR applied uniformly to all modality particles,
monosyllabic particles would be expected to be stressed in every occurrence, yet
they are not.
Finally, while the enclitics undergo vowel devoicing in phrase final position,
monosyllabic modality particles do not, providing further evidence that enclitics
form a phonological unit with the host verb but modality particles, like other
monosyllabic phonological words, do not. For this reason, enclitics are generally
represented throughout this work, (as in all of the materials of the Fort Belknap
language materials produced through the Hoteja project described in chapter 1), as
a unit with the host verb, for example, mnipikte they will not walk, not *mni pi
kte . Syllabic modality particles are represented as independent words; for
exam ple, yun wo drop it! (male speaking). Exceptions to this orthographic
practice are made in the case of non-syllabic modality particles, which are written

An exam ple is the following, in w hich the ha bitual enclitic is devoiced before
the declarative modality particle.

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akn w a--s
stn
follow A 1s- C O N T - H A B D E C L
I used to follow him aroun d (Lg C1 .178)

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as a unit with the preceding verb (and any enclitics); for example, yunpim
dont drop it ( PL)!, not *yunpi m. The particle po, a contraction of the enclitic pi
and the modality particle wo, behaves like a modality particle (often taking primary
stress), and is therefore written as an independent word.
It is very likely that there are more members of the postverbal system than
the ones that are identified here. This is in part because some may simply not
occur in the corpus, but also because some may have ceased to be used in
contemporary speech, and a degree of nuance, particularly in the realm of
modality, has been lost in the language in the course of its decline.
The members of the postverbal system exhibit positional faithfulness. I have
assigned num bered positions according to present analysis based on available
data, but these assignments must be regarded as provisional. Elem ents listed in
the same column may not co-occur on a single verb. Enclitics occupy positions 1 7, and modality particles occupy positions 8-11. The modality particle ce has
arbitrarily been assigned a separate position among the modality particles because,
while it meets the criteria of a modality particle and is known to precede particles
in positions 10 and 11, it is not clear whether it can co-occur with particles in
position 9. The enclitic pi exhibits positional variation; it is shown in the template
in its most comm on position, but on rare occasions it may precede the enclitics in
positions 1 and 2, as exemplified at (4a-b) below. The positions of five other
modality particles, kca, kinca, ka ~ k, and wci, have not yet been
determined since in all attested occurrences they are the sole particle in the clause.

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These are discussed at the conclusion of this chapter.
Postverbal enclitics and particles are optional; verbs may carry none or
several of each type. While they need not be from contiguous positions in the
template, they do not deviate from the given order. The enclitics sten and hn are
listed in parentheses because they are used only by a small group of speakers at
Carry The Kettle and do not seem to be recognized outside of CTK.
As noted in the descriptions below, some postverbal elements interact
phonologically with contiguous elements by triggering ablaut, undergoing ablaut,
or both. Many of the examples below contain more than one enclitic and comprise
much of the evidence used to determine particle positions in the template.
2. Descriptions
The postverbal elements are described below in the order they occur in the
template. The abbreviation for each is given in parentheses. Note that these
abbreviations are not necessarily unique. Terms may be assigned to more than one
element in the grammar if they share that semantic property; for example, the
notion continuative is conveyed by an enclitic (h) and at least two auxiliary
verbs ( and yk), and the notion habitual is conveyed by both an enclitic (sA)
and a modality particle (ce).
2.1 Enclitics
2.1.1 h

Continuative/progressive (CONT)

h describes a continuous, uninterrupted action or condition with no implied time

limitation. h derives from the positional verb h be standing, following an

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historically common pattern in languages whereby progressives develop from
locational forms. Active verbs modified by h suggest an action currently in
progress and may be glossed in English with progressive forms, i.e., be X-ing, as
in (1a)-(1b). Stative verbs modified with h describe a temporary or alterable
condition, as in (1c)-(1d). In (1d) only one of the modifiers in the expression a big,
mean dog, namely mean, carries the continuative marker, suggesting that
meanness can be altered but inherent size cannot.
(1a)

n 0
/ -kn-h
here A 3-arrive.back.here-CONT
he was coming back here

(1b)

w-hihya-h
snow -fall- CONT
its snowing

(1c)

tk-ya-h
be.lit- CAUS-CONT
he left the light on

(1d)

ka 0
/ -tka 0
/ -hinka-h
/ -ca
0
dog that A 3-be.big A 3-be.mean-CONT A 3-be.that.kind
its a big, mean dog

2.1.2 :kA Durative (DUR)

Describes action over an extended, indefinite period of time and may indicate both
repetitive actions and continuous actions with implied boundedness. The colon (:)
preceding the phonological form indicates that :kA induces vowel length on an
immediately preceding vowel. (The vowel of pi, when it precedes :kA, is an
exception, as discussed in 2.3 below.)

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(2a)

nah nm 0
/ -yka-ka-pi
still
two A 3-sit- DUR-PL
there were still two (beings) sitting there (for a long time) (NR T4.60)

(2b)

h, 0
/ -eya-ka
yes A 3-say-DUR
yes, he kept saying (NR T7.140)

(2c)

n onw n 0
/ -ahyayaa-ke-sa
this song this A 3-sing-DUR-HAB
he always used to sing these songs (NR T1.3)

(2e)

cen 0
/ -y-pi-h-ka
so
A 3-go-PL-CONT-DUR
so they kept going; they traveled for a long time without stopping (NR
T6.47)

2.1.3 pi Plural (PL)

As a verbal enclitic, pi indicates animate plurality. pi is obligatory on verbs with
plural animate subjects or first or second person plural objects. With the exception
of respect speech (see chapter 4:3), occurrences of the enclitic pi always indicate
plural animate arguments, but all plural animate arguments are not marked by pi.
Third person plural anim ate objects are indicated by the pronom inal wc,
without pi, and the dual inclusive is indicated by the first person dual pronominal
(k), also without pi.
pi occurs elsewhere in the grammar as a plural marker for humanreferencing nouns (chapter 2:4), a nominalizer of transitive verbs (chapter 2:3.2),
with third person stems in passive-like constructions (chapter 11:4.1), and on
respect forms of verbs (chapter 4:3). It is arguable whether some of these
occurrences of pi should be considered separate, homophonic morphemes or
simply specialized uses of the plural enclitic, but they are all clearly related to (or

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perhaps derived from) plural pi.
pi has an allomorph, m, that occurs when i is dropped before a word
beginning with a sonorant and, as predicted by the rule of coda nasalization, p
becomes m. Deloria observes, In conversation, the bi [pi] is often replaced by the
shorter m; Wica hskaskam ca wicbahibi ce [The tall men drove them off],
is about the way it sounds to the ear(1936:6). 2 (The full form of the relevant word
in Delorias example is hskaskapi.) The allomorph is homophonous with the
imperative enclitic m but due to templatic order, ambiguity does not occur. An
example in which both ms occur may be seen in (30), below.
pi behaves differently from other enclitics in several respects. First, it is the
only enclitic in the system that is grammatically selected by its host, i.e., for
num ber agreement. Second, it exhibits some positional variation, specifically in
relation to the enclitics h and :kA. For example, in (3a) pi precedes h and :kA but
in (3b) pi follows :kA. The examples in (3) are atypical but illustrate that these
alternative orders are possible, although there is no immediately obvious
explanation for them.
(3a)

cen 0
/ -y-pi-h-ka
so
A 3-go-PL-CONT-DUR
so they kept going along (NR T6.47)

Deloria gives the Sioux word wica man in this example rather than
wicta (~wc ta), which has a t. On e m ight suppo se th at she has inadv erte ntly
wr itten t he S ioux fo rm excep t tha t the re is on e oth er occ urre nce of wica man
(1936:31). Nowhere else is man attested in Assiniboine as wica, and so her
consultant m ay have been exceptional in his use of this form or she m ay, in fact, have
erred twice.

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(3b)

nah nm 0
/ -yka-ka-pi
still
two A 3-sit- DUR-PL
two continued to be sitting there (NR T4.60)
Third, when pi precedes :kA its vowel does not lengthen, but the vowel

immediately preceding pi lengthens, suggesting that :kA is added first, triggering

vowel length, and pi is added afterwards. This is found at both CTK and FB.
(4a)

ow 0
/ -waci-pi-ka
all A 3-dance-PL-DUR
they all kept dancing (for a long time) (NR: T5.25) (FB)

(4b)

min mahn 0
/ -iyyaa-pi-ka
lake that in
A 3-go-PL-DUR
they kept going into the lake (Seven Horses) (CTK)
Finally, pi differs from other enclitics in its interaction with the male

imperative enclitic wo (position 10) where the two enclitics contract as po and
assume the positional requirem ents of wo even when enclitics of intervening
positions are present. In (5) po follows , in a position appropriate for wo but not
for pi, which precedes in the template.
(5)

thni Nakot-i-
po,
-m-kiya-pi
never Nakoda speak-NEG PL-IMPER-m ST-P1s-tell-PL
Never speak Nakoda! they told me (LgC3.ms)

2.1.4 na Diminutive (DIM ); na triggers e-ablaut.

As an enclitic, na indicates diminution but also may indicate affection. Deloria
(1936:14) states that na may also indicate ridicule but I have found no examples
with this meaning. Ridicule is generally indicated by the modality particle ko,
described below. Examples of na include:

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(6a)

sce-na
be.bad-DIM
be naughty, be sort of bad

(6b)

kpe-na
be.curved-DIM
be slightly crooked, be kind of crooked

(6c)

ty-na
be.well-DIM
to be well, said in reference to a child or something small

(6d)

-na
use-DIM
to use, as something small; to wear, as a baby wearing booties

(6e)

wa--te-na
ST-LOC?-good/pretty -DIM
be cute, as a baby or something small

(6f)

kon-pi-na
friend-PL-DIM
[my] little friends (said to someone small, like a child)
na occurs with bound roots in forms such as csina, be sm all, ptcena be

short, cukna be little, hokna boy, and wccana, all with diminutive meaning.
In words such as these, the plural enclitic pi precedes na in plural form s, e.g., csi-pi-na we are small, and hok-pi-na boys. Based on this evidence, I conclude
that the na in these forms is the enclitic rather than the formative suffix na
described in chapter 6:10.8.
na occurs elsewhere in the grammar as a nominalizer (chapter 3:3.1.3) and
as a suffix on some kin terms to mark parallel relationship, e.g., inna mothers
sister and atna fathers brother (see chapter 4).

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2.1.5 ktA Potential (POT); ktA triggers -ablaut.
ktA indicates that an event could, but has not, occurred, effectively creating a
temporal distinction between future and non-future. It does not assert the
likelihood of the event occurring and it is not used in imperatives. While
semantically modal and modifying an entire clause, as modality particles do, ktA
otherwise meets the grammatical criteria of an enclitic. When used in reference to a
future time, its interpretation is future.
(7a)

n ktmi owknaka twa ak o-m n-ka-kta

this ktmi story
his
that again ST-A 1s-tell-POT
I will tell this ktmi story again (app.2: ktmi and Fox.1)

(7b)

hinka, mitko,
wac-wa-kiy-kta-c
wait
my.grandchild ST-A 1s-pray-POT-DECL
wait, Grandchild, I will pray (app.1: Big Snake.18)

(7c)

tpa c ten hiy-ni-0

/ -hi-pi-kta-c
four day when retrieve-P2-A 3-arrive.here-POT-DECL
they will come for you in four days (app.1: Big Snake.21)
When used in reference to a time in the past, its interpretation is past

conditional, as illustrated in the contrasting pair:

(8a)

hykeca 0
/ -now-kta
tomorrow A 3-sing-POT
s/he will sing tomorrow

(8b)

tanih 0
/ -now-kta
yesterday A 3-sing-POT
s/he would have sung yesterday
ktA combines with the counterfactual tuk to create irrealis meaning,

referring to events that did not, or are unlikely to, occur.

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(9a)

tnih 0
/ -now-kta tuk
yesterday A 3-sing-POT COUNTERFACT
s/he should have sung yesterday (but didnt)

(9b)

0 -now-kta tuk
/
A 3-sing-POT COUNTERFACT
s/he should/ought to sing

(9c)

hku
/ -h
0
k wa-p--ya-pi-kta
tuk
his.mother A 3-arrive.here if INDEF-cook-A 1s -CAUS-PL-POT COUNTERFACT
if his/her mother had come, we would have cooked

2.1.6 sA Habitual (HAB); sA triggers e-ablaut.

sA indicates a predictably consistent, habitual occurrence.3 Examples are:
(10a)

0 -ey-sa
/
A 3-say.that-HAB
s/he always says that

(10b)

thni 0
/ -pas-se-
never A 3-drive-HAB-NEG
s/he never drives

(10c)

/ -w-kt-sa
0
that.one P3-woman-kill-HAB
that (man) is a wife-beater
When referring to events in the past, sA is often more appropriately glossed

as used to.
(11)

kahmni wacpi n 0
/ -now-pi-sa tuk
round
dance at A 3-sing-PL-HAB COUNTERFACT
they used to sing at round dances (but they dont anymore)

2.1.7 , ken Negation (NEG )

Both of these enclitics trigger e-ablaut. The k of ken undergoes velar palatalization

The order of sA and are reversed in Lakota, w here the order is ni-sa . Note
also that sa does not ablaut in Lakota, possibly due to homonym avoidance with the
Lakota enclitic se as if (Shaw 1980:130), which does not occur in Assiniboine.

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when environmental conditions are met (see chapter 2:13.6). There is insufficient
evidence for placing ken precisely. The example in (13) show that it falls somewhere
between pi and ok. Since it is also unstressed, it is analyzed as an enclitic, so I
have provisionally placed it in position 7 based on its shared semantics with .
is far more commonly used for negation than ken, although they appear to be
synonymous.
(12)

(12a)

w--ta-pi-
ST-1.du-eat-PL-NEG
we didnt eat, we havent eaten

(12b)

0 -ey-
/
A 3-say-NEG
s/he did not say

(12c)

Kok- ecyapi
young.man-NEG be.called
his name was Not A Young Man (app.1: Big Snake.8)

(12d)

eh
c
nen cetu-
tika-c
back.then wood these that.way-NEG I.think-DECL
all this brush wasnt here back then, I think (app.1: Big Snake.23)

(12e)

nay-
head that that- SPC visible-not
its head was not visible (app.1: Big Snake.31)

(13)

ken (~cen)

(13a)

tku wta o-0

/ -kni-pi-ken
thing eat
ST-A 3-get-PL-NEG
they didnt get anything to eat (NR: T4.53)

(13b)

tku sicya k-ya-pi-ken

thing bad 1du-say-PL-NEG
we werent saying anything bad (LgC1.51)

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(13c)

Mary, niy tk-eh-cen

Mary, you thing-A 2.say-NEG
Mary, you havent said anything (LgC1.338)

(13d)

tku snok-w-ye-cen

ok

instead thing ST-A 1s-know-NEG I.mean

I dont know anything I was supposed to know
speakers translation: I didnt learn a thing!5 (LgC1.162)
Examples (13b)-(13d) were uttered by the same speaker. A moment later, her sister
made the statement in (14), echoing (13b) almost verbatim, but using in place of
ken.
(14)

tku sicya k-ya-pi-

k
thing bad 1du-say-PL-NEG though
we werent saying anything bad, though (LgC1.52)

While this confirms that and ken are synonym s, ken is marked and tends to be
used regularly only by a few speakers, though not exclusively even by those few.
The speakers of (13a) and of (13b)-(13d) both use elsewhere. I could not identify
a basis for choosing one form over the other. All Assiniboine speakers recognize
both forms.
2.2 Modality particles
2.2.1 ce ~ ce ~ c() Habitual (HAB)
Implies a regular, predictable occurrence. It seems that e of the reduced form is

t t ku ... N E G (also tku ... N E G ) is a construction meaning that something

did not tu rn ou t as expec ted, that is, it is not c ontrar y to fact, bu t contra ry to
expectation. In this instance, the speaker was talking about her experience in boarding
school, claiming that she didnt learn anyth ing, even though that was th e stated
purpo se in sen din g h er th ere. An oth er spea kers im m edia te re sponse to the statem ent in
(13d) w as, M t! Me, n eithe r!.

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The speaker is referring to her boarding school experience.

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sometimes stressed and sometimes unstressed, although I am not certain of this.
Also, the reduced form is sometimes, but not always, followed by a glottal stop, so
it is unclear whether the glottal stop is part of the reduced form or the separate,
declarative glottal stop.
From available evidence, ce could be placed in position 9 (thereby
eliminating position 8) but its status is ambiguous. It expresses the same aspectual
notion as the enclitic sA but it has primary stress, a characteristic of m odality
particles. Also, while it can be placed ahead of positions 10 and 11, as seen in
(15d), there are insufficient data to determine if it may co-occur with the particles
in position 9. I have provisionally assigned it a separate position, as the initial slot
in the modality particle portion of the template.
(15a)

i-w-a
hta
wa-khih
ce
ST-A 1s-talk whenever A 1s-be.afraid HAB
when I talk, Im always afraid (LgC3.ms)

(15b)

0 -pa ce (also attested as pa ce by the same speaker)

/
A 3-snore HAB
s/he always snores

(15c)

c-kksa-ksa
-0
/ -kya-pi
ce
wood-chop-REDUP 1du-A 3-CAUS-PL HAB
they always made us chop wood (LgC1.395)

(15d)

ty-ken waypi
ce ok
good-NEG A 3.speak.well- NEG always I.mean DECL
she never speaks quite right, yknow? (LgC1.208)

2.2.2 ca

probably, it must be the case

Expresses likelihood of a realized event, one that is expected but unconfirmed.

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(16a)

0 -stust-pi
/
ca
A 3-be.tired-PL probably
they must be tired

(16b)

wan Regina ekt 0

/ -kn
ca
now Regina there A 3-return.home probably
s/he must be back home in Regina [by] now

(16c)

nehtu-
wan p c
this.way-AUG now cook probably
it should be done (cooking) by now

(16d)

Aggena
akn iyya c
Aggena also take set.out probably
they must have taken Aggena with them, too (NR T3.12)
When ca occurs in the same clause with wanh maybe, the probability is

weakened and refers to an unrealized event that is thought likely to occur. Even
though c combined with wan expresses a potential event rather than a
realized one, it does not collocate with ktA.
(17a)

wan mau c
maybe rain
probably
it might rain (NLL)

(17b)

wan wa-kt c
maybe A 1s-kill probably
maybe I will kill it (NLL)
When the probable event referenced is in the present, wan is optional.

Parentheses in example (17a)-(17b) indicate that the expressions are attested with
and without wan.
(18a)

(wan) n yk c
maybe there A 3.sit probably
s/he might be there

(18b)

(wan) o-mni 0
/ -
c
maybe LOC-walk A 3-CONT probably
s/he might be walking around

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(18c)

0 -skta c
/
A 3-play probably
s/he might be playing

2.2.3 cyaka Deontic modality, obligation, should, ought to

(19a)

mn-
cyaka
A 1s.go-NEG should
I shouldnt go

(19b)

wan mn cyaka
now A1s.go should
I should go now

(19c)

wcta pakpi
cyaka
man
that be.repected should
that man should be respected

(19d)

-
o-mn-ka
cyaka he
that- SPC ST-A 1s-tell/recount should Q
should I tell that one (i.e., that story)? (NR: T4.2)

2.2.4 cwna I wonder; I think so

This is used when the speaker thinks an event is likely to be so (compare to hn;
also to otka).
(20a)

wan 0
/ -kn cwna
now A 3-come.back.home I.wonder
I wonder if shes home (Im pretty sure she is)

(20b)

ka wc wc-0
/ -yataka cwna
dog that man that P3p-A 3-bite
I.wonder
I wonder if the dog bit the men (Im pretty sure it did)

2.2.5 epc I think, it seems, apparently

epc expresses the speakers opinion based on observation.
(21a)

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tku 0
/ -snoky- epc
thing A 3-know-NEG I.think
I dont think he knows anything

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(21b)

katka n nna 0
/ -wat epc
horse
this very P3-be.good I.think
I think it is a very nice horse

2.2.6 k Intensifier (INTNS)

Expresses strong emotion of the speaker, indicating emphasis, am azem ent,
ridicule, irony, joking, teasing, surprise. It is homophonous with the adverb k
too, also, even as in example (22f) and it is frequently difficult to determine which
is intended. This may be an example of what Scott DeLancey (1997:33) has labeled
mirativity, the grammatical encoding of unexpected information.
(22a)

k--ya-p-pi
k
(P)1du-ST-A 2-hit- PL ko
hey! you (sg or pl) hit us!

(22b)

-ma-0
/ -yaku-
k
ST-P1s- A 3-take-NEG ko
he didnt pick me up (as I was expecting)!

(22c)

ta-
k
be.much-NEG ko
its not very much, its not even much

(22d)

tokhe ecm-kta k t
first
A 1s.do-POT ko be.invisible (as from the mind)
I cant think what I should do first; I hardly know where to begin

(22e)

ca
k 6
be.bad k
awful! ugly! yuk! (can refer to weather, someones outfit, a girl reacting to a
boy she doesnt find appealing, etc.)

(22f)

thni ko 0
/ -h-
never ko A 3-arrive.here-NEG
she never comes! she never even comes! (e.g., to visit)

The com mon word for bad is sca; ca as used here is an example of sound
symbolism, in which is more intense than s.

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2.2.7 ko anyway, nonetheless
This might simply be the particle k with adversative -, although it is unusual for
a suffix to be affixed to a modality particle. The meaning of the form is anyway,
despite; it has the same distribution as k.
(23a)

tken ecnu k
how
A 2.do
k
do it any way you can; do it somehow ; just do it!

(23b)

cetu k
mn-kta
be.thus anyway A 1s-POT
Im going anyway (no matter what)

(23c)

tket-
k
mn-kta
be.the.matter-NEG anyway A 1s.go-POT
Im going anyway

(23d)

mn-uh k
tket-
1s.have-NEG anyway be.the.matter-NEG
Im better off without it (lit: it doesnt matter if I have it anyway)

2.2.8 kos as if, pretending

(24)

na- kos nk
hear- NEG as.if A 2.CONT
youre pretending not to hear

2.2.9 otka ~ otyka ~ otka I think, it seems to me

otka is by far the most common form, attested at FB, CTK, Ocean Man, and
White Bear; otka is attested only at FB as a rare variant. All variants reflect a
speakers reasonable certainty based on past experience.
(25a)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

mna-pi ya-cke- otka

smell-NOM A 2-want- NEG I.think
I didnt think youd like the smell; I thought you wouldnt like the smell

328
(25b)

wanka teiya wa--yawa-pi

otka
long.ago hard.REDUP ST-1du-go.to.school- PL it.seems
it seems going to school was very difficult for us long ago (LgC1.95)

(25c)

mahn duw-
/ -wk
0
otka-c, 0
/ -ey-pi
that in
someone-SPC A 3-be.lying it.seems A 3-say-PL
there must be someone (in particular) lying in there, they said (NR T7.57)

2.2.10 te ~ ste as if, like; triggers e-ablaut

te ~ ste expresses a speakers belief based on observation.
(26a)

0 -ptak-kte ste n kkiya

/
/ -cyaka
0
A 3-kiss-POT
as.if there that.direction A 3-throw.oneself
she threw herself in that direction, as if to kiss her (NR: T7.164)

(26b)

0 -t-pi niy te
/
P3-be.fat- PL you like
they are fat, like you

(26c)

np pup
ste k--pi
hand be.chapped like 1du-stay/be-PL
our hands were always chapped like that (LgC1.42)

2.2.11 stya to seem, appear to be; triggers e-ablaut

stya expresses conjecture based on observation or knowledge of circumstances.
Deloria (1936:19) finds this to be the equivalent of Dakota se. stya usually occurs
in position 7, as in (27a)-(27b), but is attested in one instance before pi (27c),
where it functions as predicate.
(27a)

mna-pi ya-cke- stya

smell-NOM A 2-like-NEG CONJECTURE
I didnt think you liked [lit. wanted] the smell

(27b)

wy-pi
en 0
/ -m-pi
stya
woman-PL those P3-be.sleepy-PL CONJECTURE
some of those women look sleepy

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(27c)

ap
wacu
/ -stya-pi
0
some they white.person 3-seem.CONJECTURE-PL
some of them seem White

2.2.12 he Interrogative, used by both male and female speakers.7

In casual conversation, he is usually omitted and the distinction between
declarative and interrogative clauses is determ ined from context.
(28a)

tken --pi-kta
he, 0
/ -0
/ -ey-ka-pi
how
1du-act- PL-POT Q
P3-A 3-say-?-PL
how should we do/perform that? they asked him (NR T5.16)

(28b)

-n-tka
h /
0 -e-c-ya
ST-2-be.hungry Q 3-ST-DAT-say
are you hungry? she asked him (NR T7.114)

West (2003:38) reports a m ale interrogative particle hwo, but this particle does
not occ ur in my co rpu s. In narratives , dialogu e in the first person spoken by a m ale
character is always app ropriate to a male speaker, even w hen the n arrator is a female.
Male com m an d pa rticle s an d kin ship term s ar e un failin gly c onsiste nt w ith m ale
speakers and w hen a m ale character asks a question in th ese texts, the interrogative
enclitic used is he. Exam ple (a) was recorded in the m id-1980s. Exam ple (b) is from
Lowie (1909:267) (transliterated to my orthograp hy w ith glides inserted where they
wou ld appea r today). In b oth exa mp les the ch aracter s peakin g is m ale, and in both
cases the question is marked by he. The narrators of the texts from which th e examp les
are taken ha ppen to be m ale, although as noted, speech is approp riate to the character,
not t he n arra tor.
(a)

w tkecaka he -wca- 0
/ -wa.
tent that what.kind Q
S T - P 3p- A 3-ask
what kind of tent is it? he asked them (NR T7.58)

(b)

Kon tki[y]a he e[y] ht

comrad e where Q
A 3-say it.is.said
Wh ere is my comrade? he said, it is said (Lowie 1909:267)

For a t least the p ast ce ntu ry, he has been the only interr oga tive p article in
Assiniboine. Although I have h eard (male) partial speakers use hwo, I am in clined to
thin k th at occ urre nces of hwo in contem porary speech are either recen tly borrowed
from Sioux or , should d ocum ents ea rlier than Low ie show that Assiniboine once had
hwo (~huwo), reintroduced. It should be noted that Wests data in this case are from an
Ocea n M an sp eaker so it may be tha t hwo is in regular use there, but if that is the case,
I cannot say w hether its use there is conservative or innovative.

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2.2.13 kya ~ ka ~ kyapi Hearsay, they say
This undoubtedly derives from the verb used for indirect quotation, which has a
complete paradigm (see chapter 6:5.4). When used as an evidential it has the
approximate meaning, they say, regardless of whether it is third person singular
(full or reduced form) or plural. The reduced form ka results from glide deletion
with a resulting long volwe aa. It is often difficult to tell if a speaker has said kya
or ka. The antecedent of kya(pi) is indefinite, as seen in (29b), where yapi they
said has a definite antecedent, in contrast to the evidential kyapi.
(29a)

ktmi notta-ya
ecken 0
/ - kyapi
ktmi starve-P3-AUX always A3-be they.say
ktmi was always going around starving, they say

(29b)

cc--y-pi-kte
no,
ey-pi
kyapi
child-1du-CAUS-PL POT DECL-m A 3.say-PL they.say
we will consider her our child, they said, they say

(29c)

yuskska
/ -yuh-k
0
kya [or ka]
clenched.in.a.lump A 3-hold-come.back they.say
he returned clutching a lump of it, they say (NR T4.13)

2.2.14 m Gender neutral imperative, spoken to one or many

No overt pronominal prefix occurs on the host verb with the imperative. As noted in
2.1.3 above, imperative m is distinct from the phonologically reduced form of the
plural enclitic pi that surfaces as m, as evidenced by the fact that it may co-occur
with pi (30a). In this instance, pi is not required for plural meaning, since m may
be used as a plural imperative, but both pi and imperative m are required when the
negative enclitic intervenes.

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(30a)

Plural addressees, with negation:

0
/ -yun-p--m, 0
/ -ey
3-drop-PL-NEG -IMPER A 3-say
Dont drop it! he said (NR T3.33)

(30b)

Singular addressee:
m eth o-mci-yapta-m
/ -ey-
0
me some ST-BEN -leave.food-IMPER A 3-say-CONT
Leave some for me! he kept saying (NR T5.51)
In the following example, m occurs twice, in both cases as a reduced form of

pi, but in the first instance it is the nominalizing pi (a simple phonological

reduction: pi > p > m), and in the second instance it is the imperative.
(31)

tku azn-ci-ya-m
sp-wca-kiya-m, 0
/ -ey
thing ST-REFL-smudge- NOM ST-P3p-teach-IMPER
A 3-say
teach them to how to smudge themselves, he said
(tku aznciapi the act of smudging)

2.2.15 ok ~ k though; I mean

It is unclear whether these are variants of a single enclitic or two separate enclitics.
As spoken, the initial vowel is usually neutral or indistinct. Used in casual speech
as a tag, the sense is I mean (probably derived from k to mean) or though
(probably derived from counterfactual tuk). It is used by both men and women.
(32a) was said by a man, (32b) was said by a woman.
(32a)

naknia
wo
k-kiya-pi ok
Nakoda.language IMPER 1du-tell- PL I.mean
I mean, say it in Nakoda, as we would say it (LgC3.ms)

(32b)

nak eyya-keca ok, tuk cen et

ec-pi-kta ok
some too speak-sort.of I.mean but
thus
at.least do-PL-POT I.mean
some of them speak a little bit, though, but, I mean, they should at least be
able to do that (LgC1.202)

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Example (33) uses tuk with essentially the same meaning as ok ~ k,
suggesting that ok ~ k are derived from tuk.
(33)

n pa wak iykam mat-kta kyapi

tuk
this day holy beyond clear.up-POT they.say though
they say its supposed to clear up after Sunday, though (LgC1.28)

2.2.16 po Plural male imperative

po is said by a male when addressing more than one individual, regardless of the
sex of the addressees. po is a contraction of pi and wo, from columns 3 and 10,
respectively.
(34a)

n-t-kmukmus wac po
your-eyes-closed dance PL-IMPER
dance with your eyes closed! (NR T5.24)

(34b)

iyhana
po
all
come PL-IMPER
all of you come here! (NR T5.21)

When pi and wo are not contiguous, contraction does not occur. This can cause
confusion among speakers who do not regularly use the language, as seen in (35).
The speaker was referring to his experience in boarding school, where students
were forbidden to use their native language.
(35)

thni naktia
po... i-po-...
i-pi- po 0
/ -e-m-kiya-pi
never speak.Nakoda po... speak-po-NEG ... speak-PL po A 3-ST-1s.pat-tell- PL
never speak Nakoda, they told me (LgC3.ms)

Like pi, po is used in respect speech when addressing more than one person with
whom the speaker is in a respect relationship.
2.2.17 wo Male imperative (IMPER-m)
wo sometimes carries primary stress, but the mechanism by which it acquires

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primary stress is uncertain, as discussed in chapter 2:12.4.1. There is no female
imperative enclitic. Female speakers occasionally use the male form in very restricted
social contexts, usually within the family, as when giving their children an order
(ec wo! do it, or else!), or when joking. It does not have the same connotations
when used by men. (Interestingly, I have not heard women use the male plural
imperative contraction po.)
(36a)

Hu, mick, y wo!

e-0
/ -0
/ -c-ya
yes
my.son go IMPER-m ST-P3-A 3-DAT-say
Yes, my son, go! he told him (male speaking) (NR T2.14)

(36b)

tak-h
mnta cyaken m-caa w,
in!
something-SPC A 1s.eat could
P1s-make IMPER-M mother
Mother, make something for me to eat! (male speaking) (NR T2.7)

(36c)

stustna ma-k wo
salt
P1s-give IMPER-m
pass me the salt (male speaking)

2.2.18 hn isnt it so?; right?

This is a sentence tag that assumes the hearer agrees with the statement,
effectively, isnt that so? or right? It has a slightly lengthened vowel and falling
pitch. As example (37b) illustrates, hn is always sentence final, even following a
right displaced subordinate clause (see chapter 11:8). This expression has only
been found in use among a few CTK speakers, and appears to be restricted to
casual conversation.
(37a)

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cen n,
Ni-twe he? e-0
/ -0
/ -c-ye
sten, hn
so
this.one P2-who Q ST-P3-A 3-DAT-say DECL right?
so this one [indicating another woman in the room] says to him, Who are
you?, right? (LgC1.253)

334
(37b)

John 0
/ -ecya-pi
0
/ -kikm
-kn-pi
cn hn
John P3-be.called that A 3-resemble 1du-seem-PL thus right?
so it seemed to us that he looked like the one called John, right? (LgC1.265)

(37c)

ecya hn
that.way right?
it is like that, isnt it (LgC1.148)

2.2.19 ht Quotative: it is said; so they tell it.

ht is an evidential used in narratives. It indicates that the speaker has no
firsthand knowledge of the event. It is used primarily in narratives, especially those
recounting events in the distant past, in a time before living memory.8 It seem s to
overlap in meaning with kya and speakers use both evidentials interchangeably
in narratives.
(38a)

cen coyote -
cwm /
0 -iyya
ht
so.then coyote that-SPC Canada A 3-depart it.is.said
and so coyote left for Canada, it is said (NR T4.73)

(38b)

kin-kici-ya-pi ht
ST-RECIP -be.fond.of-PL it.is.said
they were sweethearts/loved each other, it is said (NR T7.2)

2.2.20 tuk Deontic modality (obligation or duty); counterfactual

This particle is homophonous with the conjunction tuk but. When used to
express deontic modality, it must co-occur with the potential enclitic ktA (39d).
(39a)

0 -hi-ke-sa
/
tuk
A 3-come.here-DUR-HAB COUNTERFACTUAL
he usually comes (but he didnt this time)

I recor ded a single exam ple of h t used conversationally to mea n I heard

(that); the examp le was given in isolation by an Ocea n M an speaker:

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

cp w akn-pi
h t
beaver one 3-bring.back.here- PL Q U O T
I heard they brought a bea ver hom e

335
(39b)

kahmni wacpi n now-pi-sa tuk

round
dance at A 3-sing-PL-HAB COUNTERFACT
they used to sing at round dances (but they dont anymore)

(39c)

tak-
ey-pi
wa-cka tuk
thing-SPC say-COMP A 1s want COUNTERFACTUAL
I wanted to say something (but I didnt)

(39d)

wan mn-kta
tuk
now A 1s.go-POT OBLIG
I ought to/should go now
The combination of sA and tuk can also simply attenuate the habitual

quality of sA, producing usually rather than always. Example (40a) without
tuk has strictly habitual meaning, whereas (40b) with tuk has habitual
meaning that allows for exceptions.
(40a)

pa npa hta 0
/ -h-sa
day two when A 3-come-HAB
she always comes on Tuesday

(40b)

pa npa hta 0
/ -h-sa
tuk
day two when A3-come-HAB tuk
she usually comes on Tuesday

Compare (40b) to (39a) where sA and tuk co-occur but where the meaning is
counterfactual. The difference is determined from context and non-linguistic cues
such as tone of voice.
2.2.21 Declarative markers
Declarative markers take several forms, no (male speakers only), sten (by a small
number of female speakers at CTK), and the gender neutral markers: glottal stop
[], and c. The latter three forms are in free variation. The glottal stop [] is clearly
different from the joking enclitic [] (glottal stop with strong release) in that []

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cannot co-occur with other declarative markers, whereas [ ] can (see 2.2.21.5
below). Nor is the declarative glottal stop simply a phonetic reflex; it may not follow
the enclitics no, wo, or po, but may follow other words or enclitics ending in o.
Declarative markers are optional; when they are absent, an unstressed vowel in
sentence final position becomes voiceless (see 2:14.1).
Deloria (1936:23) reports a female declarative particle ne, which has the
same syntactic distribution as the male declarative particle no, but the existence of
this particle is questionable because there is no evidence of it today at either CTK
or FB, nor have I found it in published texts.
The declarative particles are currently assigned variously to positions 10
and 11, but it is possible that they occur in a single position and position 11
should be split into two separate positions. These particles are particularly difficult
to elicit in combination with other postverbal elements and the data on which the
(provisional) determinations were made are drawn largely from chance utterances
in spontaneous speech recorded in narratives and the language circles.
2.2.21.1 c ~ ce Gender neutral declarative marker (DECL).
c is a reduction of the obsolete form ce 9 and consequently is frequently articulated
with mild aspiration, approximately c(h). The reduced form c is also falling into
disuse and tends to occur only with strong assertions or, especially for members of
the older generation, with verbs spoken in isolation. In its reduced form, it is

Significantly, declarative ce is unstressed and is not to be confused with the

str es se d fo rm c penis, although the declarative particle may acqu ire stress as a
resu lt of RSP (see 2:12.4.2).

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homophonous with the specific-marking suffix c.
The late James Earthboy (FB), who himself commonly used c as a
declarative marker, identifies ce as an obsolete female declarative marker and, in
fact, all occurrences of ce in Lowie (1909:266 and 269) are in statements made by
a female speaker, yet Deloria (1936) records many exam ples of ce, by both male
and female speakers. This seems to confirm Earthboys observation and suggests
that the restriction of ce to female speakers was lost between 1909 and 1936, with
obsolescence occurring more recently. This progression is illustrated in the
following examples.
(41a)

[Je 5 nixu5x narin`-kta-tce edjia 5-hucta.] (Lowie 1909:266-7, as written)

ni-na-kta ce, e-0
/ -0
/ -c-ya
ht
that P2-burn-POT
DECL ST-P3-A 3-DAT-say it.is.said
It will burn you, she said.
(Lowies translation: You will get burnt, she said.)

(41b)

[ey
ten om.nga ce] (Deloria 1936:20, as written; male speaker)
ey
ten o-mn-aka ce
A 3-say.that when ST-A 1s.report DECL
when he said that, I reported it

(41c)

nci
/ -kn-c
0
over.here A 3-come.back.here-DECL
he came back here, returned home (contemporary female CTK speaker)

(41d)

h
wkm ye-c-ci-ya-c
voice above ST-I/you-DAT-send-DECL
I send my voice up to you (said in prayers) (Earthboy, contemporary male
FB speaker)

2.2.21.2 no Male declarative marker (DECL-m); triggers e-ablaut.

no is used to indicate strong assertion. It is almost always omitted on emotionally
neutral declarative statements, neutralizing the distinction between male and

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female utterances. It may carry primary stress, as in (42c), but this is variable and
the principle governing stress assignment on monosyllabic modality particles is as
yet not understood.
(42a)

wa--kte
no
A 1s-come- POT DECL-m
Im going to come (male speaking)

(42b)

wan no,
micki
now DECL-m my.son
now, my son! (i.e., were ready, its time!) (male speaking) (SB.103)

(42c)

snok-w-ye-
n
ST-A 1s-know-NEG DECL-m
I dont know! (male speaking)

2.2.21.3 sten Female declarative marker (DECL-f)

This is used only by female members of a single extended family (and at least one
close friend) at CTK but recognized by all CTK speakers. For some speakers, sten
induces e ablaut, as in (37a) above, and for others it does not, as in (43b). (37a)
and (43b) were uttered by different speakers, but the two speakers are sisters.
(43a)

0 -na ok, 0
/
/ -ey-kte
0
/ -waypi-
ce
sten
A 3-hear I.mean A 3-say-POT that A 3-speak.well- NEG always DECL-f
he understands alright, but when he tries to speak he cant do it
(LgC1.203)

(43b)

in
pie plate twa hiy-wa-hi-c
e-m-0
/ -ki-ya sten
mother pie plate her
that ST-A 1s-come.after- DECL ST-P1s-DAT-say DECL-f
Ive come to get my mothers plate, she told me (LgC1.235)

2.2.21.4 Glottal stop () Gender neutral declarative marker (DECL).

Phonetically, is often weaker than a full glottal stop, especially following an
unstressed vowel. The weak glottal gesture following unstressed high vowels is [c ];
following unstressed low vowels it is simply aspiration, either [h], [ah], [], or [a].

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Although Deloria states that [t]he glottal stop is not employed to indicate a
statement of fact (1936:22), there is an abundance of examples dating from at
least the 1980s to the present, from all reserves in the United States and Canada,
including examples such as the following. It may be that the weaker realizations of
the declarative glottal stop described here were not perceived as such by Deloria.
(44a)

its scorched, burned on the surface

(44b)

nn a-ststa-ken
mk
here LOC-be.tired-rather A 1s.sit DECL
Im sitting here kind of tired

(44c)

[kok-b
ag-wi
t-bi
c]
kok-pi
ak-w 0
/ -t-pi

young.man-PL eleven
A3-live-PL DECL
there lived eleven young men (NR T3.1)

(44d)

[a-ci-cidaa-ga ]
a-ci-citaa-ka
LOC-REFL-look-DUR DECL
she kept looking at herself (NR T3.16)

2.2.21.5 Joking marker (JOKE)

This is a glottal stop with strong, audible release. Added to a sentence, it appears
to render a statement counterfactual and indicate that the speaker is teasing or
joking. More research is needed to confirm the existence of this morpheme since
speakers are not conscious of using it, yet a statement without the strong glottal
stop is interpreted as non-ironic. All of the examples below, when uttered without
, were interpreted as declarative statements. To gain a sense of the

conversational context in which these examples were recorded, it may be of interest

to note that (47a) below, as if she had any money!, was said in response to (45b).

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often collocates with ey say or eh I say; it may be that ey/eh . . . is a
joking construction.
(45a)

ma-w-n-kta epc

ST-A 1s-steal- POT I.think-JOKE

Im thinking of stealing it (said as a joke while admiring something
belonging to another) (LgC1.400)

(45b)

mzask ha m-cu-0
/
eh

money purse P1s-give-IMPER A 2.say JOKE

Give me your change purse! you said (speaker is teasing) (LgC1.315)

(45c)

p ma--n-pi-sa
eh
ko no

potato ST-1du-steal- PL-HAB A 2.say EMPH decl-m JOKE

you said we always stole [your] potatoes!
(female speaker using no as a joke) (LgC1.398)

2.3 Enclitics of uncertain position

The two particles described in this section do not receive primary stress and are
therefore classified as enclitics, but there are insufficient data to establish their
position in relation to the other enclitics.
2.3.1 cna~cuna Repetitive (REP); triggers e-ablaut
Probably derived from ec do, cna~cuna describes repeated action in which
each repetition has greater temporal length than the rapid iterativity implied by
reduplication. For instance, compare the examples below to the reduplicated forms
kaksksa to chop or appa to knock, rap, as at a door. Only third person
forms are attested. When pluralized, pi is inserted between cu- and -na (46d),
suggesting that this is a diachronically derived form. The combination of verb +
cuna is often repeated, as in (46a)-(46b), but the repetition is not required for
repetitive meaning, as seen in (46c)-(46e). It receives secondary stress in some

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instances, as in (46c), and possibly in (46a), although the vowel is rhetorically
lengthened by the speaker in these instances so it is difficult to tell if stress is
present also.
(46a)

cen 0
/ -pat-iyye-cuna,
/ -pat-iyye-cuna
0
so
A 3-spread.out AUX-REP A 3-spread.out- AUX-REP
so he kept spreading it out and spreading it out (NR T4.26)

(46b)

0 -tok-cuna, 0
/
/ tok-cuna
A 3-haul- REP
he kept hauling it and hauling it

(46c)

0 -pamnska-cna
/
A 3-flatten-REP
he kept flattening it out

(46d)

a-0
/ -te-c-pi-na
LOC-A 3-shoot- ST-PL-REP
they kept shooting

(46e)

w-hih-cuna
snow -fall- REP
it keeps snowing (day after day); it snows and snows

2.3.2 kaca as if; bad; triggers e ablaut; k palatalizes10

Implies something is unlikely, not true, or not correct; carries a connotation of
ridicule or joking. (The example in (47a) was said in response to (45b) above.)
(47a)

mzask yuh
caca
money A3.have as.if
as if she had any money! (LgC1.317)

10

As the example in (47a) shows, ablaut precedes palatalization: yuh + kca

> yuh + kca > yuh-caca

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(47b)

wacu
waypi-pi
kca11
white itself A 3.speak.well- PL as.if
as if they could speak good English! (LgC1.319)

(47c)

wan-wat-kca (wacu > wac- >wan-)12

White-bad-as.if
bad English (LgC1.320)

2.4 Modality particles of uncertain position

The three particles described in this section bear primary stress and are classified
as modality particles, although they have not been found with other enclitics or
particles so their position in the template cannot be established. Boas and Deloria
(1941:75) classify two of them , kinca and wci as dependent verbs. However, in
their examples, kinca is inflected whereas in Assiniboine the preceding verb is
inflected. Their examples, for wc, as well as those in the present corpus, are
exclusively third person so it is not possible to determine where inflection would
occur. It may be that these two particles may eventually be found to be dependent
verbs.
2.4.1 kinca just about, almost
There are no attested examples in which kinca co-occurs with any other enclitic.

11

This migh t be followed by the joking morp hem e , but it is not clear on the
tape, where several people are speaking at once.
12

The te rm wacu designates white people, but has no reference to color. The
origin and m eaning of the term are issues of debate even of som e controversy, wh en
folk etymologies are taken into account. A plausible explanation is found in B uechel
(1970:551). The entry for wac indicates that the word refers to any person or thing
that is wak [having sacred or incomprehensible powers] and that the white man
seemed to be wak so they [the Lakota] called this new comer among Indians, coming
from across the ocean mni-wa ic (mni water). In Assiniboine, the ter m gen erally
refers on ly to Ang lo-whites; th ere is no sp ecific term for French . Whe n com bined w ith
i speak as wania it m eans Eng lish lan gu ag e.

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In (48c) kinca functions as an adverb.
(48a)

0 -taska kinca
/
A 3-freeze almost
he almost froze (to death)

(48b)

ma-hpaya kinca
P1s-slip.and.fall almost
I almost slipped and fell

(48c)

wikcmna ymni kinca mitkai

/ -t
0
ten
three almost grandfather A 3-die that
it has been almost thirty years since my grandfather died (LgC3.ms)
(lit. my grandfather died almost thirty years ago)

2.4.2 ka ~ k Optative: I wish; if only (also a conjunction)

Known to follow pi, there is no further evidence regarding template position; it is
included in 9 by analogy to semantically similar evidentials with which it cannot
co-occur. Inherently unrealized, it does not induce overt potential marking on the
host verb.
(49a)

mau ka
rain
if.only
if only/I wish it would rain!

(49b)

kanza n kicni k
wind this quit
if.only
if only/I wish the wind would stop blowing!

(49c)

nkh Regina ekt mn k

now
Regina to
A 1s.go if.only
I wish I could go to Regina today

2.4.3 wc Prospective, intentive (triggers e-ablaut)

Despite referencing a potential event, wc does not co-occur with the potential
marker ktA, probably due to semantic incompatibility.

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(50a)

kna
wc
be.angry PROSP
it looks like hes about to be angry

(50b)

whih wc
snow PROSP
its about to snow, it looks like snow

(50c)

ku-wc
come.back.here PROSP
to wish to return home, to be thinking about returning home

2.5 Degree of certainty

Several of the modality particles reflect the speakers relative certainty of an event,
although there is not enough evidence to propose a hierarchy of certainty. hn I
wonder appears to reflect the least certainty, while declarative particles indicate
certainty. In between, the particles ca, cowna, and otka may all be glossed I
think; it may be that they vary in degree of certainty, but it might, instead, reflect
the basis on which one asserts something, for example, observation or hearsay.
Further research is needed to determine the criteria for use of these particles. From
observation, otka is the most commonly used of the three.

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Chapter 10
Determiners, Quantifiers, and Partitives

1. Introduction
Assiniboine determiners include demonstratives, quantifiers, partitives, and the
cardinal and ordinal numbers. There are no determiners specific to definite,
indefinite, or possessive marking. The demonstratives m ay function as definite
articles; the number one and the particle ca serve as indefinite articles. Several
strategies exist for marking possessed nominals.
2. Definite and indefinite marking
Assiniboine has neither a definite nor an indefinite article. Sentences with no
determiners, like the following, are very common.
(1a)

tasp awtapi akn 0

/ -yk
apple table
on
A 3.sit
the apple is on the table

(1b)

hokna tpa a-0

/ -0
/ -p
boy
ball ST-P3-A 3-hit
the boy hit the ball
In addition to the definite readings given for the examples in (1), indefinite or

mixed definite/indefinite readings are also possible. For example, (1b) also means
a boy hit a ball, a boy hit the ball, or the boy hit a ball. Technically, generic
readings are also possible, since inanimate nouns are not marked for plurality;
thus, ?a boy hit balls or ?the boy hit balls, although for those meanings balls
would probably be modified by a partitive. The appropriate interpretation is usually

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easily determined from context but when m ore clarity is desired for the speakers
purpose, a demonstrative (see 3 below), usually that but also n this, serves
as a definite article and the number one (for singular reference) or the particle ca
such (for singular or plural reference) may serve as indefinite articles. These ersatz
articles may be glossed in English either as demonstratives or as articles, but it is
usually more appropriate to gloss them as articles, since the literal translation is
highly marked, as shown in (2). English does not have a plural reference indefinite
article so ca is omitted in free translation, as in (3).
(2)

[hokna ] [tpa w] a-0

/ -0
/ -p
boy
that ball one ST-P3-A 3-hit
the boy hit a ball
?that boy hit one ball

(3)

[wanka onw ca
] [wackiyapi onw ca ] mitkai
long.ago song that.kind prayer
song such 1.POSS-grandfather
wanka ahyaye-sa
long.ago A 3.sing- HAB
long ago, my grandfather used to sing old songs, prayer songs (NR T1.1)
ca is used as an indefinite article when an indefinite token of a specific type

is referenced, as in the previous example, where ca modifies a plural noun, and in

the following examples, where it modifies singular nouns.1

Rood and Taylor (1996:456) describe nouns modified by ca as emp hatic,

translated in to E nglish as It w as a /th e NOU N w ho/w hich V ER B. T his an alys is is
possible in Assiniboine for the examples in (4)-(5), i.e., it was an Indian wh o helped m e
and it was a white man who helped me, respectively, but is less felicitous for the
examp le in (3): ?long ago it was old songs, it was prayer son gs that m y grandfather
san g.

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(4)

Nakta ca
-ma-kiya
Indian such.a.one ST- P1s-help
an Indian helped me

(5)

wacu
ca
-ma-kiya
white.man such.a.one ST-P1s-help
a white man helped me
Of the dem onstratives, is the preferred, and therefore unmarked, choice

for use as a definite article, but the availability of two different demonstratives as
articles allows a distinction between proximal and distal reference:
(6)

wy
0
/ -hska
wom an that A 3-be.tall
the woman (over there) is tall or that woman is tall

(7)

wy
n 0
/ -hska
woman this A 3-be.tall
the woman (close by) is tall or this woman is tall
Apparently, the demonstrative, k yonder, is not used as a definite article; I

have not been able to elicit it as such, nor have I found it in any texts.
3. Demonstratives
Assiniboine demonstratives function in various ways. Their use as determ iners is
considered here; the other uses, as pronouns and relative and complement clause
markers, are discussed in chapter 11.
There are six demonstratives (table 10.1) that express three degrees of
distance with respect to the speaker and morphologically distinguish singular from
plural.

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Table 10.1. Dem onstrative articles
n

this
that
that yonder

nen
en
kan

these
those
those yonder

Plural demonstratives may only modify plural nominals, but the

morphologically singular demonstratives m ay modify both singular nominals, as in
the examples in (6)-(7) above, and plural nominals, as in the following examples.
The nouns modified by morphologically singular n in (8) and in (9) are overtly
marked as plural by means of number agreement on the verb. When such
disjuncture occurs in number agreement between demonstratives and the nouns
they modify, the more likely interpretation is the rather than this or that.
(8)

ok-pi n eth 0
/ -h-pi-
singer-PL this some A 3-arrive.here-PL-NEG
some of the singers havent arrived

(9)

tc-pi wcna-pi-
leader-PL that agree-PL-NEG
the leaders did not agree to it (NR T7.76)
When plural demonstratives modify animate beings, the verb has the plural

enclitic pi with subject NPs (10) and wca with object NPs (11)-(12); when they
modify inanimate things, the verb is unmarked for number (13).
(10)

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en tku-pi
he
those be.what- PL Q
what are those (animate)?

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(11)

kckana e 2
wahheya ec
coyote
such-SPC mole
such-SPC

oknusena ec
badger
such

en wc-kico
cn
those P3p-A 3-called thus
so he called a coyote, a mole, and a badger (NR T6.45)3
(12)

tuktm
inne
eh pata en p-wca-wa-ya
somewhere A 2.depart while duck
those be.cooked-P3p-A 1s-CAUS
while you were gone, I cooked those ducks

The particle i ~ is often tran slated as also but on e consu ltant repo rts
instead th at it just m akes it stron ger, th at is, in this exam ple, ca has essen tially
the sam e indefinite meaning as ca but is slightly more specific. She gives the sequence
ap < api < api ko, all meaning some, som e of, but progressively more
emphatic, approximately, some of them < some of those < some of them (with
emph asis). I believe that the appropriate gloss for ~ i in phrases like these is SPC
specific .
Na kniapi
wayp i
k ap

Nakoda lang uage S P C A 3.speak.well even som e SPC

some of them dont even speak Nakoda very well (LgC1.206)
This expla nation of i also works w ell for situations wh ere i occurs but there is no
element in the discourse that would serve as antecedent to also, as in the following
examp le, a grace said before meals. In this example, the dem onstrative n is a
complementizer, augmented by i. A tr an slation of this, als o m ake s no sense in this
context.
n w-wa-t-kta
ni
pin-ma-ya
this S T - A 1s-eat- P O T this- SPC please- P 1s- C A U S
thank y ou for w hat I am about to eat
The compound tk ui is described by a consultant as narrowing down tku to
refer to what the con versation is about. The context for the following example is a
conversation about things taught at boarding school; the speaker makes the following
comment, in which refers to the current topic of conversation.
tku sn ok-w -ye ca-
thing-SPC S T - A 1s-know be.that.kind- N E G
I dont know any of that stuff! (LgCl.157)
3

This sentence could also mean so he called coyotes, moles, and badgers, but
in the context of the story from w hich this exam ple is taken, it is clear that one of each
is called.

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(13)

nen tku
he
these be.what Q
what are these (inanimate)?
Choice of definite or indefinite marking is determined from discourse

context. First reference to a nominal element in discourse is indefinite and typically

has no determiner, while non-first reference will typically be marked as definite,
since the referent has been uniquely identified. Second reference is often not only
definite, but demonstrative. Since the singular demonstratives have several
possible interpretations, a more specifically demonstrative meaning is achieved by
using two identical singular demonstratives, one preceding and one following the
nominal expression.4 In (14), both the speaker and addressee were previously
aware that the addressee had an injured knee. The use of two demonstratives gives
the question the approximate force of the English colloquial question, does that
knee of yours still hurt?.
(14)

tken n take n nah nna ni-yz

he
how this knee
this still
very P2-be.painful Q
does your knee still hurt? (NR T.6.20)

In (15) young woman is a second reference in the narrative and is bracketed by n

. . . n, but the older sister is referenced here for the first time and so no article is
required in the noun phrase that references her.

In fact, I have referred elsewhere (Cumberland 2005) to the use of two

dem onstrative s to m odify a single nou n ph rase as instan ces of a specific definite,
bor row ing a term from Givon (198 4).

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(15)

n wkke
n, tk-ku
cn,5 i
ca-c
this young.woman this older.sister-3.poss thus
monster that.kind-SPC
this young womans older sister was one of those monster-kinds (SB.6)
The use of two identical determiners to modify a single noun phrase is also

a re-focusing device that is used once a character (or characters) has been
introduced but unrelated information intervenes between references. Between the
first references to a young man and a young woman in (16a) and the second
reference in (16b), the narrator gives some explanatory information about the
custom of favored child. In the second reference, one of the nouns carries the
double determ iner m arking. There are no instances in the corpus of double
determiners occurring on two successive noun phrases, so the choice of which
noun phrase receives the double marking appears to derive from semantic
conditions.
(16a)

wkke
kok
te-0
/ -0
/ -na
young.woman young.man ST-P3-A 3-treasure
a young woman loved a young man (NR T7.1)

(16b)

knhha [kok
] [n wkke
n ] wyk-0
/ -
all.at.once young.man that this young.woman this see-A 3-arrive.there
all at once, the young man went to see this young woman (NR T7.3)

In another example, a narrator introduces characters in a story, eleven brothers,

with predictably indefinite reference (17a) and follows with additional information
about individual members of the group. When she next references the brothers
collectively four sentences later (17b), the reference is bracketed by determiners.

cn is a subor dinating conjun ction, in th is case crea ting a stru cture sim ilar to
a pa rticip le ph ras e. A more pre cise translation of this sente nce is appr oxim ately, th is
young w om an, h avin g an older s ister, th at siste r w as on e of th ose m onster-cr eatu res.

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(17a)

kokp
akwi 0
/ -t-pi
young.men eleven A 3-live-PL
there lived eleven brothers (NR T3.1)

(17b)

k
iyme-0
/ -iy-pi n kok-pi
n
over.there A 3.go.hunting-PL this young.men-PL this
these young men had gone off hunting (NR T3.5)
The use of dual demonstratives is not required in these circumstances, and

exceptions are easily found, but it seem s that when dual determ iners do occur, it is
usually when unrelated information intervenes between references.
4. Quantifiers
Quantifiers give a relative or indefinite indication of quantity. The quantifiers are
listed in table 10.2. As indicated in the table, most of these forms may refer to both
count nouns (e.g., trees, people, apples) and mass nouns (e.g., sugar, water, sand).
ank, npn and wki modify only count nouns on semantic grounds.
Quantifiers are positioned after the noun and after any stative verbal modifiers,
when present, in the noun phrase.

Table 10.2. Quan tifiers

ank
cnana
iyha
iyhana
kwa
now
n pn
tA

both (count)
few, a few (count or mass)
all (distributive) (count or ma ss)
all (collective) (count or ma ss)
all (count; ?mass)
all (count or mass)
both (count)
many (count or m ass)

4.1 ank both

Most of the quantifiers and partitives may also function as pronouns and in the
case of ank, only a pronominal example is available, given in (18).

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(18)

ank sk-ku
kicya-pi
both younger.brother-3.poss RECIP -say-PL
they both called each other younger brother (NR T4.42)

4.2 cnana a few; a little bit

cnana may modify both count and mass nouns.
(19)

tasp cnana yaku

apple a.few A 3-take
he took a few apples

(20)

wap cnana mnuh

tea
little.bit A 1s.have
I only have a little tea; I dont have much tea

4.3 iyha and iyhana all

Both of these universal quantifiers mean all, but iyha is distributive (21a, 22a),
while iyhana is collective (21b, 22b). 6 The distributive/collective contrast is
indicated in parentheses.
(21a)

wy-pi
iyha 0
/ -h-pi
woman-PL all
A 3-arrive.here-PL
all of the women came (one at a time or a few at a time)

(21b)

wy-pi
iyhana 0
/ -h-pi
woman-PL all
A 3-arrive.here-PL
all of the women came (all at once, in a group)

(22a)

tasp iyha yaku

apple all
A 3-take
s/he took all the apples (one at a time or a few at a time)

The distributive/ collective distinction of iyha/iyhana is parallel to the same

distinction made in Lakota by iyh a/oys. A cerem onial phrase, mitk uy e ows all
my relatives, is reported in Assiniboine, but those w ho use it say that it is borrowed
from Siou x (cf. La k. mitk uy e oy s). Unlike Lakota, Assiniboine has no sepa rate term
for all of an un differen tiated mass; iyha is used for b oth c oun t an d m ass n oun s (cf.
Lakota ataa all of an u ndifferentiated m ass).

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(22b)

tasp iyhana yuaku

apple all
A 3-take
s/he took all the apples (all at once, as when taking a whole bag of apples)
The distinction between iyha and iyhana is also seen in the textual

exam ples in (23) and (24). In (23) iyhana, used in this instance as a pronoun, cooccurs with the rare collective verb a arrive there, collectively; in (24) a variety of
berries is referenced and, as predicted, the distributive form iyha is found.
(23)

iyhana n
a
all
there come (coll.)
they all went there (all together) (NR T5.16)

(24)

tku waskyeca okknk[a] iyha cwm ca-ha

thing sweet
all.kinds
all
Canada grow-?
all kinds of berries grow in Canada (NR T4.75)
Because iyha is distributive, it can also mean every, as in (25). By

comparison, the notion all summer is created by the adverbial suffix -eyas all,
throughout, as in (26).
(25)

mnoktu iyha 0
/ -h
sum mer all
A 3-arrive.here
s/he comes every summer

(26)

mnok-yas 0
/ --kta
sum mer-all A 3-stay-POT
s/he will stay all summ er
iyhana may form a contraction with n as nyuhana, as in (27), in which

the speaker is referring collectively to all the women in the community.

(27)

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wy
nyuhana
wn-a-0
/ --pi
cen
woman all.these(coll.) food-ST-A 3-take-PL thus
all the women would take food [implies for a feast] (LgC1.99)

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4.4 nwa, kwa all
nwa is a contraction of n and the pronoun ow all.
(28)

tku twa nwa -0

/ -knka cn
thing his all
ST-A 3-put thus
so he put all his things on it (NR T4.4)

(29)

kok-pi
nwa kknyk-tiwk wnow-pi-sa
young.man-PL all
ride.around.camp
sing.love.songs-PL-HAB
all the young men used to ride around camp singing love songs (NR T1.25)

kwa all of them is also derived from ow, probably a contraction of ow and k
even; also. The initial velar is aspirated so k cannot be a due to a contraction of
ow and the demonstrative ka.
(30)

mitkoapina
kwa wac-wca-wa-kiy-kta-c
1poss-grandchild-PL all
dance-P3p-A 1s-CAUS-POT-DECL
I will make all my grandchildren dance (NR T5.112)
kwa can also mean also and refers to plural entities.

(31)

wcpaha kwa yaku ht

scalp
also
A 3-take it.is.said
he also took (many) scalps, it is said (NR T7.50)

4.5 npn both7

From the available evidence, this word appears to be synonymous with ank.
(32)

ist npn 0
/ -paks
arm both
A3-break
he broke both his arms

There is a pronoun um neither, d er ived fr om um other, but there are no

examp les in which this w ord is used as a quan tifier.

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m tkun i k-kihi-
neither noth ing 1du .get- N E G
ne ith er of u s got an ything

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4.6 tA many, a lot; much
This quantifier modifies both animate (33) and inanimate (34) nouns. It also
functions as a stative verb meaning be many, be a lot, be much, which lacks first
or second person singular form s for semantic reasons. An example of tA as a
stative verb is given in (35).
(33)

ka ta
wc-mnuha
dog many P3p-A 1s.have
I have many dogs; I have a lot of dogs

(34)

pa hotna wtka ta 0
/ -t
chicken
egg many A 3-lay
the chicken laid many eggs; the chicken laid a lot of eggs

(35)

te-
k
be.much-NEG even
its not very much; there arent very many

(36)

katka nna- 0
/ -ta
kki
0 --pi-
/
horse
very- P3-be.many over.there A 3-be-PL-NEG
there arent very many horses over there

5. Partitives
Partitives (table 10.3) describe a part of a whole. There are affirmative and negative
partitives. The negative partitives are formed by adding a suffix -ni ~ -na to the
corresponding affirmative partitive. Like the quantifiers, partitives are not
differentiated for count or mass nouns, other than for semantic reasons: tuwni ~
tuwna refers to humans only; w and wni derive from the number one
and have singular (hence count) meaning. Partitives are positioned after the noun
and any stative verbal modifiers, when present.

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Table 10.3. Partitives
ap
cokn
eth ~ eth
tku
tna
tkuna ~ tkuni
tuwna ~ tuwni
w
w ni

some, some of (count or ma ss)

half (count or ma ss)
some, some of (count or ma ss)
any
some; several; how m any; how mu ch (count or mass)
none (animate-non-hum an, inanim ate)(count or mass)
none (hum an anim ate)
any
not one, n ot any (count)

Partitives are often omitted when a definite/indefinite distinction is

irrelevant. With m ass nouns, omission of the partitive tends to give an indefinite
reading, while use of the partitive tends to have more specific meaning, although
both readings are possible in either case, as seen in (36a)-(36b). (Recall that the
question enclitic is optional.)
(36a)

tasp ya-cka (he)

apple A 2-want ( Q )
do you want some apples?
do you want some of the apples?

(36b)

tasp eth ya-cka (he)

apple some A 2-want ( Q )
do you want some apples?
do you want some of the apples?

(37a)

wap mnuh
tea
A 1s.have
I have some tea
?I have some of the tea

(37b)

wap eth mnuh

tea
some A 1s-have
I have some tea
?I have some of the tea

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5.1 ap some, som e of
As shown in the examples, ap may be used with count nouns (38)-(39) or mass
nouns (40). It appears to be synonymous with eth, but within the corpus, it
occurs more frequently with count nouns.8
(38)

tpi ap t
house some be.blue/green
some of the houses are blue

(39)

wcta ap iyya
man
some A 3.depart.from.here
some of the men have left

(40)

ayapiskna ap wa-kna
flour
some A 1s-empty.by.turning.over
I spilled some flour

5.2 cokn half

cokn is related to the adverb meaning middle. It may modify both mass and
count nouns.
(41a)

cokn hiyya ma-k

middle pour P3-give
give me half (as of a cup of tea)

(41b)

ka cokn 0
/ -spa-pi
dog that half
P3-be.black
half of the dogs are black (as of a pack of dogs)

The Nakoda Language Lessons (Parks, Ditmar, and Morgan 1999, Un it 10:8-9)
describe ap as restricted to count nouns and eth as restricted to mass nouns. My
data sug gest t hat this is a tend ency rather than a r igid ru le. In fac t, eth is freely used
with both types of nouns and only ap has a tenden cy to be re stricted, in pa rticular, to
count nou ns. One C TK speaker p erceives ap as indicating a larger portion than eth,
giving ap when most is elicited, as in the following exam ple:

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kitzi ap hska-ska-pi
kids tha t most be.t all- R E D U P - PL
mo st of the childre n are ta ll

359
(41c)

wwapi cokn mn-aw

book that half
A1s-read
I read half the book

5.3 eth ~ eth some, som e of

There seems to be no phonological reason for the variation in the second vowel, so
the two forms are considered doublets; both forms are correct, and individual
speakers may use either one on different occasions.9 eth may modify count
nouns (42) and mass nouns (43) (see note 9). It may also function as a predicate as
in (44). As a quantifier, it appears to be synonymous with ap, although eth
seem s to be more common in general.
(42)

kokpena eth wa-cka

banana
some A 1s-want
I want some bananas (count noun)

(43a)

wahpi eth ma-k

soup
some P1s-give
give me some soup! (mass noun)

(43b)

ayapi skya eth yacka (he)

bread sweet some A 2-want ( Q )
do you want some cake? (mass noun)

(44)

ca kna
e-m-tah
kettle carry-NOM ST-P1s-be.from
Im from Carry The Kettle (LgC1.8)

5.4 tna some; how much, how many

tna is used both affirmatively (45) and interrogatively (46) to refer to an
unspecified number.

This might be evidence of anticipatory nasal assimilation but no strong

evidence has been found to suggest tha t this is a regular process. Also, the feature
[nasal] has not been foun d to cross the glide h. See chapter
nasal assimilation.

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a discussion of

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(45a)

katka tna op-wca-wa-t

horse
some ST-P3p-A 1s-buy
I bought some horses

(45b)

ka tna 0
/ -wta-pi
dog some A 3-eat
some dogs are eating

(46a)

ayapi mnna tna

ya-cka he
flour
how.much A 2-want Q
how much sugar do you want?

(46b)

aspi tna
yatk
he
milk how.much A 3.drink Q
how much of the milk did he drink?

5.5 tkuni ~ tkuna none (inanimate reference)

tkuna occurs only in the CTK data, but it might also occur elsewhere in Canada;
it is not used at FB. tkuni ~ tkuna must co-occur with a negative verb.
(47a)

tasp tkuna tem-0

/ -y-pi-
apple that none
ST-A 3-eat.up-PL-NEG
they didnt eat any of the apples; they ate none of the apples

(47b)

tpi tkuna tke-

house that none be.big-NEG
none of the houses are big

(48a)

um-ni-
tkuni k-kini-pi-
both-NEG -AUG nothing 1du-PL-NEG
neither of us got anything; neither of us got anything

(48b)

tkuni mnuh-
nothing A 1s.have-NEG
I dont have anything; I have nothing

tkuna ~ tkuni is also used for reference to non-human animate beings.

(49)

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ka tkuna wap-pa-pi-
dog that none bark-REDUP-PL-NEG
none of the dogs are barking

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Another means for indicating none is to use eth some with a negative verb. If
eth is intensified and used with a negative verb, the meaning is not a single one,
as shown in the following example.
(50)

Edh n, eth-
kninpa-pi-.
some this some-INTNS come.back.out- PL-NEG
not a single one of these came back out (Seven Horses.11)

5.6 tku any (negative reference)

The indefinite pronoun tku may also occur as a quantifier. When it has the
meaning any, it must occur with a negative verb. Like tkuni, it is restricted to
inanimate reference but it is unclear whether there are circumstances under which
tku is preferable to tkuni ~ tkuna or if these forms are simply in free variation.
(51)

Rob tasp tku op-0

/ -0
/ -t-kte-
Rob apple what ST-P3-A 3-buy-POT-NEG
Rob wont buy any apples

(52)

tkukna tku wic-mnuh-

child
any P3p-A 1s.have-NEG
I dont have any children

(53)

wahpapi tku snok-0

/ -ya-pi-
respect
any ST-A 3-know-PL-NEG
they dont have (lit. know) any respect (LgC1.200)
The notion none is also conveyed by the verbs nca and wanca to lack

and the pronoun tkuni none. No partitive is used with the nominal argum ents
of these verbs. There are very few examples of these verbs in the corpus. It is not
clear what determines whether nca or wanca is used. From the examples, it
seem s clear that it is not a difference between transitive and intransitive, despite
what appears to be the detransitivizing indefinite prefix wa- in the form wanca.

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(54)

mzaska ma-nca
money P1s-lack
I have no money

(55)

wcta cec 0
/ -wanca
man
that leg
P3-lack
that man has no legs

(56)

tkuni k snok-wa-ye-
nothing even ST- A 1s-know
I dont know anything! (LgC1.156)

5.7 tuwni ~ tuwna no, not any (human reference)

These modify singular or plural human reference nouns, with plural reference
marked on the verb. tuwni ~ tuwena must co-occur with a negative verb. The
variant tuwna is attested at CTK but not at FB.
(57)

Nakta tuwna nn 0
/ --
(singular reference)
Indian no.one here A 3-stay-NEG
no Indian lives here

(58)

Nakta tuwna nn 0
/ --pi-
(plural reference)
Indian no.one here A 3-stay-PL-NEG
no Indians live here

5.8 w any; a single one

Although derived from w one, w somewhat surprisingly occurs with a
plural-marked verb in (59), where it modifies a human-reference noun. In (59),
w modifies a human-reference object NP and the verb carries the third person
animate plural object pronominal wca (in this example seen as its non-nasalized
variant wica). It is not possible to judge from this example, the only one in the
corpus with human reference, whether the lack of plural marking on the humanreferencing noun is a requirement of w or due to the fact that such plural

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marking is optional. In (60) w functions as an indefinite article.
(59)

wcta hska w w-wca-naka he

man
be.tall one-AUG ST-P3p-A 3.see Q
did you see any tall men?

(60)

ona n owte tpi w h

he
town in caf
one
stand Q
is there a caf in this town?

5.9 wni no, not one

This is derived from stem wni (w one and a negative suffix -ni), followed by
augmentative . wni is not attested without -. It must co-occur with a verb
marked with negative . In contrast to w, where a plural verb occurs with a
hum an-reference argument, wni occurs here with a singular verb.
(61)

wy
wni i-
woman none
A 3-speak-NEG
not a single woman spoke

6. Numbers
6.1 Cardinal num bers
The cardinal numbers often function as quantifiers. The numbers are given in table
10.4. The numbers 1-10 are identical to those in Sioux with the exception of
iyna seven. I have heard Sioux akw seven used by some Assiniboine
speakers at White Bear and Fort Peck but it does not seem to occur at FB or CTK.
Cardinal numbers follow the noun and may either precede or follow any stative
verbal modifiers present in the noun phrase.

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Table 10.4 Cardinal nu mbers
w
npa
ymni
tpa
zpt
kpe
iyna
akn
npcwka
wikcmna
akw
. . .
wickmna n pa
wikcm na n m sm w
wikcm na n m ak w
. . .
opwe
opwe sm w
opw sm akwi
. . .
opw sm wikcmn a npa
opwe sm wikcm na n m sm w
opwe sm wikcm na n m ak w
koktpawe
wwayatka

one
two
three
four
five
six
seven
eight
nine
ten
eleven
twenty
tw en ty-on e or
twenty-one
one hundred
one hundred on e
one hundred eleven
one hundred twenty
on e h un dred tw en ty-on e or
one hundred tw enty-one
thousand
million

The teens are formed by prefixing ak-, i.e., akwi eleven, aknpa
twelve, etc. The decades are formed by the word wikcmna ten followed by the
appropriate cardinal number, e.g., wikcmna npa twenty, wikcmna ymni
thirty, etc. Numbers between decades are formed either by adding sm more,
beyond to the decade term , followed by a cardinal number, e.g., wikcmna nm
sm w twenty-one, or by adding ak to the decade term, followed by a cardinal
num ber, e.g., wikcmna nm ak w twenty-one. These two methods appear to
be in free variation. The numbers two and four are shortened to nm and tm,

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respectively, when followed by another element in a numeric compound, and may
sometimes be shortened when they occur phrase finally.
Numbers beyond 100 are formed by the word opwe followed by sm and
the unit or decade numbers, as in the examples listed in table 10.4 and glossed
below.
(62)

opwe sm
w
hundred beyond one
one hundred one

(63)

opwe m
akwi
hundred beyond eleven
one hundred eleven

(64)

opwe m
wikcmna
hundred beyond ten
one hundred ten

(65)

opwe sm
wikcmna nm sm
ymni
hundred beyond ten
two beyond three
one hundred twenty-three
When cardinal numbers are used as determiners, they are indefinite unless

followed by a demonstrative.
(66)

katka iysna wwca-0

/ -yaka (indefinite)
horse
seven ST-P3p-A 3-see
he saw seven horses (Seven Horses: ms)

(67)

katka iyna min n 0

/ -iyyaa-ka (definite)
horse
seven DET lake there A 3.go-DUR
the seven horses kept going into the lake (Seven Horses: ms)
Cardinal numbers can also be used as predicates, as in (68), where the

number is inflected for animate plurality.

(68)

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mi-cca-pi
/ -iyna-pi
0
1poss-child-PL P3-be.seven-PL
I have seven children (lit. my children are seven) (LgC1.103)

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6.2 Ordinal numbers
Other than the word for first, which has the unique lexical term tokhe, the
ordinal numbers are formed by adding a prefix - to the cardinal numbers: npa
second, ymni third, tpa fourth, . . . kewi the eleventh, and so forth to
nineteen. I have not found ordinals higher than nineteen. Nominal forms of the
ordinal numbers are derived by a similarly productive process. A prefix c- is added
to the cardinal numbers: cnpa the second one, cyamni the third one, etc.
In the following example, both types of ordinals are used.
(69)

cyamni n ehn 0
/ -tma ht;
nn hhpi tpa n . . .
third.one there then
A 3-sleep it.is.said; this night fourth then
he slept through the third one, it is said; so on the fourth night . . .
(NR T7.91)

7. Summary comparison of quantifiers and partitives

There is one pair of corresponding affirmative and negative partitives, w any
(one)/wni (. . .) not a one. Otherwise, the quantifiers and partitives
correspond equally to the negative partitives. A hum an/non-hum an distinction is
made among the negative partitives such that tuwni (. . . ) none refers to
humans and tkuni (. . . ) has both non-human animate and inanimate reference.
tku (. . .) has inanimate reference but there are at present no data indicating
whether it may refer to non-human animate beings as well. The question of
number agreement for human-reference arguments modified by w and wni
requires further research.
8. Order of demonstratives relative to quantifiers and partitives
A quantifier or partitive may co-occur with a demonstrative in a noun phrase, but

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the order in which they occur affects the meaning. The order noun+quantifier (or
number)+demonstrative specifies the size of the group, as illustrated in (70a) and
(71a). The order noun+demonstrative+quantifier (or number) designates a portion of
a larger group or whole, as illustrated in (71b) and (72b).
(70a)

katka iyna
horse
seven that
the seven horses

(70b)

katka iyna
horse
that seven
seven of the horses

(71a)

wwapi iyha mnaw

book
all
that A 1s.read
I read all of the books

(71b)

wwapi iyha mnaw

book that all
A 1s.read
I read all of the book, the whole book
When used without a demonstrative, partitives may have either definite or

indefinite meaning.
(72)

tasp eth
apple some
some apples; some of the apples
When used with a demonstrative, only a definite reading is possible; the

demonstrative precedes the partitive.

(73)

tasp eth
apple that some
some of the apples
(*some apples)
Also, when a noun is modified by a quantifier or partitive without a

demonstrative, the noun phrase may have generic meaning:

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(74)

Nakta iyha 0
/ -wac-pi
Indian all
A 3-dance- PL
all Indians dance also all of the Indians danced

(75)

Nakta eth 0
/ -wac-pi
Indian some A 3-dance-PL
some Indians dance also some of the Indians danced

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Chapter 11
Syntax

1. Introduction
The basic constituent order in Assiniboine is SOV (subject-object-verb). As
discussed in chapter 10, there is neither a definite nor an indefinite article; it is not
uncommon for NPs to lack a determiner, with definiteness or indefiniteness
determined from context. Other major syntactic features discussed here include
negative and interrogative clauses, noun phrases, verb constructions,
postpositions, coordination, subordinate clauses (complement, adverbial, and
relative), right dislocation of various constituents, ellipsis, and comparative
constructions.
Like all the languages in the Sioux-Assiniboine-Stoney dialect continuum,
Assiniboine is a head-marking language, as illustrated in (1). For example, in a
clause, which is headed by a verb, subject or object number is marked on the verb
rather than on the noun phrase.
(1a)

ka wappa-pi
dog bark-REDUP-PL
the dogs are barking

(1b)

John ka w-wica-0
/ -ku
John dog ST-P3p-A 3-feed
John fed the dogs

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Possessive prefixes, when they occur, are affixed to the possessed noun and
indicate inalienable possession, as in (2). 1
(2)

mita-npsona
1 POSS-ring
my ring (NR T1.24)
There is some disagreement about the configurationality of Dakotan

languages. For example, Williamson (1984) argues that Lakota has flat structure
while West (2003) argues that Assiniboine has asymmetrical clause structure. The
view taken in this study is that Assiniboine is configurational, i.e., the language
can be analyzed as having VPs in surface structure, with asymmetry between
grammatical subjects and objects. This will be discussed in more detail presently.
By some criteria, Assiniboine might be viewed as what is termed a
pronominal argum ent language, that is, a language in which syntactic arguments
of the verb are exclusively pronominal, with lexical NPs analyzed (in some versions
of the theory) as adjuncts to the clause. Although Assiniboine has not been
specifically identified as a pronominal argument language, the closely related
Lakota has been (Mark Baker 1996:18). One reason for proposing such an analysis
for Assiniboine is that, as in Lakota, NPs are optional elements in a clause and
when they are present, they co-occur with (rather than replace) the pronominal
affixes on the verb. In the example in (3a), both the object NP three horses and the
third person plural animate object pronominal affix wca them are present in the
clause and agree with each other for case and num ber. But (3b) oph-wca-wa-th

The exam ple in (2) is an exam ple of the type of inalienable possession in which
an item is closely associated with an individual (see 3:5.1)

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'I bought them' (without the lexical NP) is also a well-formed clause.
(3a)

katka ymni oph-wca-wa-t

horse
three ST-P3p-A 1s-buy
I bought three horses

(3b)

oph-wca-wa-t
three ST-P3p-A 1s-buy
I bought them
West (2003) addresses this question in detail for Assiniboine and concludes

that the person affixes are agreement markers rather than syntactic arguments,
while Rood (p.c.) is inclined toward a pronominal argument analysis for Lakota,
and, by extension, for Assiniboine. The arguments for either position are complex
and will not be reviewed because they are not essential to a basic description of
Assiniboine syntax.
Returning to the question of configurationality, West argues that
Assiniboine has asymm etrical clause structure. To support her claim, she subjects
data to an array of syntactic tests including coordination, word order restrictions,
and binding conditions. An example from West is given in (4); her orthography is
given in italics.2
(4)

Hokina [ta - kna -gu

ap ] h kn [cey] kta
Hokna [ta -kna -ku
ap] hkna [cy] kta
boy
POSS-friend -3 POSS hit
CONJ cry
POT
they boy will hit his friend and then will cry
*the boy will hit his friend and then he (the friend) will cry (West 2003:34)

She explains,

Althou gh W est m arks th e secon d readin g in (4) as un gram ma tical, it is, in fact,
acceptable (see the examples in [110a-110c] below). The crucial point for her argument
is that the first reading is acceptable.

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The subject is structurally higher than the object, because it is the
object of the first verb that is included in the conjunction structure,
excluding it from being understood as the subject of the second
clause. The subject of the first clause is not included in the
conjunction, so it must be structurally higher than the object. [West
2003:34]
Examples like that in (4) are offered as further evidence of a VP in that
postverbal enclitics may have scope over multiple conjuncts. The potentiality
enclitic ktA in (4) occurs only once in the sentence but has scope over both hit and
cry. West (2003:39) argues, If there were no VP, and the structure were flat . . .,
the enclitic would not be expected to have scope over all the conjuncts. I will not
attempt to evaluate Wests arguments but I will assume Assiniboine to be
configurational, although whether it is or not has little impact on the analysis in
the remainder of this chapter.
2. Simple Sentences
2.1 Canonical word order
The basic structure of a simple declarative sentence with a transitive verb is
subject-object-verb (SOV):
(5)

John Mary 0
/ -0
/ -ap
John Mary P3-A 3-hit
John hit Mary
* Mary hit John
Note, however, that Assiniboine allows right dislocation of a grammatical

subject or object, creating NP-final clauses (see section 8, below).

For ditransitive verbs, the order of direct and indirect objects does not seem
to be rigid. However, the order in (6a), in which the direct object precedes the

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indirect object, is more common and is always the order given in elicited sentences.
(6a)

John tasp Mary 0

/ -0
/ -k 3
John apple Mary P3-A 3-give
John gave Mary [an/the] apple

(6b)

John Mary tasp 0

/ -0
/ -k
John Mary apple P3-A 3-give
John gave Mary [an/the] apple
The order of subject and object NPs may not be varied when both

participants are animate nouns, but may be inverted when the subject NP is
animate and the object NP is inanimate. Thus, (7b) is ungrammatical for the
meaning John hit Bob but (8b) is allowed for the meaning John hit the ball.
(7a)

John Bob a-0

/ -0
/ -p
John Bob ST-P3-A 3-hit
John hit Bob

The argu m ent s truc ture of k give is a m atte r of som e debat e. It is

semantically ditransitive but apparently has the argument structure of a transitive verb;
that is, it appears to be only bivalent. It appears to allow only one agent pronominal and
one patient pronominal, and when used with k , the an im ate plural object pronom inal
wca may only correspond to the recipient (indirect object) rather than the thing(s)
given (direct object). The following sentence is considered ungrammatical because it has
two patient pronom inals:
*pza-pi-na wc-ma- 0
/ -ku
cat- PL - DIM P3p - P1s - A 3 -give
(s/ he ga ve me the kit tens )
The accepted expression does n ot have wca:
pzapina ma- 0
/ -k
kittens
P1s - A 3 -give
s/he gave m e the kittens
Howe ver, Re gin a Pu stet (p.c.) offer s a L ako ta exam ple in wh ich two pa tien t pronom inals
are attested on k , a reference to a wom ans being given to a m ans family in marriage:
wc-ma- 0
/ -ku
P3p - P1s - A 3 -give

t he y gav e m e to th em
I wa s not able to elicit a sim ilar e xam ple in Ass iniboine. An exten ded discuss ion of th is
problem may be found in the archives of the Siouan List at
h ttp:/ /lis ts er v.lin gu is tlis t.o rg/archives/siouan.htm l

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(7b)

*Bob John a-0

/ -0
/ -p
Bob John ST-P3-A 3-hit
(John hit Bob)

(8a)

John tpa
a-0
/ -0
/ -p
John ball that ST-P3-A 3-hit
John hit the ball

(8b)

tpa John a-0

/ -0
/ -p
ball that John ST-P3-A 3-hit
John hit the ball
Similarly for ditransitive verbs, the order of animate nouns does not allow

movement within the clause but an inanimate noun may be moved. Thus (9c) is
ungrammatical for the meaning John gave Mary the/an apple because the indirect
object precedes the subject.
(9a)

John Mary tasp 0

/ -0
/ -k
John Mary apple P3-A 3-give
John gave Mary [an/the] apple

(9b)

tasp John Mary 0

/ -0
/ -k
apple John Mary P3-A 3-give
John gave Mary [an/the] apple

(9c)

*tasp Mary John 0

/ -0
/ -k
apple Mary John P3-A 3-give
(John gave Mary [an/the] apple)
Variations in the order of full NPs does not affect the order of pronominal

affixes (10). Recall that the order of pronom inal affixes is fixed (see chapter 6:8.8.6).
(10a)

John Mary pzapna wc-0

/ -ku
John Mary kittens
P3p-A 3 -give
John gave Mary [the/some] kittens

(10b)

pzapna John Mary wc-0

/ -ku
kittens John Mary P3p-A 3 -give
John gave Mary [the/some] kittens

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The maximum structure of the simple sentence is given in (11). Four of the

375
positions (pre-sentential adjuncts, pre-verbal adverbial phrases, enclitics, and
modality particles) may be multiply filled.
(11)

(Pre -S(s)) (AP) (Su bj. N P) (O bj. N P) (O bj. N P) (PP ) (AP(s)) V (EN CL (s)) (PA RT (s))

Pre-S represents a variety of pre-sentential adjuncts, such as interjections,

vocatives, sentence launchers, and discourse markers, that do not form a coherent
gram matical class but often precede the clause. Discourse m arkers are typically
adverbs or conjunctions that associate a sentence with preceding elements in the
discourse, and interjections express emotion. The following is an example of
multiple pre-sentential adjuncts.
(12)

cen A! hhpi n 0
/ -tma-
ht
n.
so
ah! night
there A 3-sleep-NEG it.is.said this.one
ah! so that night he did not sleep (NR T7.85)
It is unclear if a non-subordinate clause can end in a conjunction. There are

two types of clauses that appear to end in conjunctions. First, clauses often end
with cn thus, therefore, because. Sometimes cn functions as a subordinating
conjunction, as in (13).
(13)

ca cn wakmapi k o-wa-kihi-
be.that because write even ST-A 1s-be.able-NEG
thats the reason that I cant even write (LgC1.15)

Sometimes cn occurs at the end of a simple sentence, functioning as a sentencefinal discourse marker, tying a statement to earlier information in the discourse, as
in (14), which is a complete sentence. Here, cn relates the statement to the
imm ediately preceding sentence in the text, which says he knocked him down.
The example in (14) is a series of simple sentences. The first sentence ends in the
quotative kya. The second sentence, as spoken, is followed by an audible pause

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before the third sentence is uttered, indicating that the two statements are
separate sentences, and therefore, cn cannot be a conjunction in this instance.
(14)

Kaptya-0
/ -0
/ -pya kya.
Kat
k pya cn.
strike-P3p-A 3-fall
they.say P3-A 3-knock.dead even fall
thus
0 -Kisn-ceh.
/
3.REFL-recover-past
He (ktmi) knocked him down, they say. He even knocked him dead. He
(Fox) recovered. (app.2: ktmi and Fox.22)

At other times cn seem s to be adverbial and in still other instances, it seems to

be a modality particle, indicating that an action is taken with a particular purpose
in mind, as in (15); if a simple sequencing of actions were intended, the narrator
would be more likely to have used cen then.
(15)

0 -kn
/
cn ht-0
/ -kza
k cn
A 3-return.here thus be.lame- A 3-pretend also thus
so he came back; so he also pretended to be lame (app.2.11)

The second occurrence of cn is adverbial. (cn is discussed further in 7.2 below.)

The second type of sentence that appears to end in a conjunction is
probably a compound sentence in which an interjection follows the conjunction.
Several sentences in the corpus are like the example in (16), which appears in the
Nakoda Reader as two separate sentences (the division is marked in the example
by a square bracket), but which I am now inclined to analyze as a compound
sentence interrupted by an interjection. There is a noticeable pause after the
conjunction hk, but this is expected because conjunctions cliticize to the first of
two conjuncts.

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(16)

. . . nce
wc-0
/ -yuza hk,] a! huphu kosks ey iwte-
. . . this.way P3p-A 3-hold and] ah! wing
waving so slowly-come
mkce n a-0
/ -0
/ -kn-pi
kyapi
earth
there ST- P3-A 3-bring they.say
. . . he held them like this and,] oh! then with wings flapping, they slowly
brought him down to the earth, they say (NR T2.39)
Although more study is needed, at this point it appears that any element

that seems to be a sentence-final conjunction can either be analyzed as some other

gram matical elem ent or as sentence internal.
2.2 Negation
A finite or non-finite clause is negated by adding one of the negative enclitics, or
ken, to the verb (see chapter 9 for additional discussion of these enclitics). The
word order is the same as for a simple declarative statement. Examples are:
(17)

John tasp 0
/ -yte-
John apple A 3-eat-NEG
John didnt eat (an/the) apple

(18)

tku sicya k-ya-pi-ken

thing bad 1du-say-PL-NEG
we werent saying anything bad (LgC1.51)
Negative imperatives are formed by adding to a non-finite verb, as in (19).

There are no examples of negative imperatives with ken so it is not clear whether
ken may be used in imperatives.
(19)

tasp yte- wo
apple that eat- NEG IMPER-m
dont eat the apple! (male speaking)

2.3 Yes-no questions

Formally, yes/no questions are formed by adding the interrogative particle he to a

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declarative sentence, although the interrogative particle is frequently om itted in
informal speech (see chapter 9:2.2.12). No other syntactic or morphological
changes occur.
(20)

tasp 0
/ -yta he
apple A 3-eat Q
did he/she eat (an/the) apple?

The intonation is the same as for declarative sentences, unlike English, in which
this type of question typically has rising intonation at the end of the clause. In (20),
the peak of the sentence is the first syllable of yta. However, the interrogative
particle may be stressed, in which case the sentence has two peaks, as in (21),
where he is stressed for emphasis.4
(21)

i-n-tka
h
ST- P2-be.hungry Q
are you hungry? (NR T7.114)

2.4 Wh-questions (t-questions)

Assiniboine has a set of interrogative words that begin with the letter tpossibly a
remnant of a historical indefinite morphemethat Siouanists refer to as t-words.
The t-words are used to construct what in English are referred to as wh-questions,
similarly identified by their onsets. Unlike English wh-words, however, Assiniboine

This kind of emp hatic stress occurs with im perative and declarative particles

also:

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

hiy, ec w
no do- NEG IMPER-m
no, do not do it! (NR T7.77)
kon o-w-ki-ne-kte

friend ST-A 1s-DAT-look.for DECL-m

I will go look for my friend! (NR T2.6)

379
t-words remain in situ, rather than being fronted.
(22)

John tuw -0
/ -ya
he
John who ST-P3-A 3.ask Q
Whom did John ask?

In form al speech, t-words require that the verb be marked with the interrogative
particle he , although he is often omitted in informal speech.
As indicated in table 11.1, three of the pronominal interrogative pronouns
can also function as stative verbs. The fourth pronominal adverb should logically
also do so, e.g., ? tukt he which one is that?, but I have no examples to support
this hypothesis. Only the concept when? is differentiated for realized and
unrealized events, as th and tohn, respectively. In this, Assiniboine differs from
Lakota, which systematically differentiates realized and unrealized forms for the
notions what?, when?, and where?. Lakota has the realized/unrealized pairs
tku/takl what?, th/tohl when? and tukt/tuktl where?, but as may be
seen in table 11.1, Assiniboine tukt which? is not semantically related to tuktn
where?. Neither tuktn where? nor tku what? have distinct forms for realized
and unrealized events (see exam ples (22) and (34) below).
The list of t-words in table 11.1 is not exhaustive but it includes the basic
forms, many of which have a variety of derived forms that are not listed here. The
list of corresponding non-interrogative forms is also not exhaustive, but is provided
for several reasons. First, in the case of the interrogatives that function both as
pronouns and verbs, the table shows that non-interrogative correspondences are
the same whether the interrogative form is used in a particular instance as a

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pronoun or a verb. Second, the correspondence between interrogative and noninterrogative forms is not always obvious from English glosses because the
Assiniboine non-interrogative forms often make different distinctions than similar
English forms. Finally, some forms are related by their morphology, and a
comparison of the interrogative and non-interrogative forms provides some insight
into appropriate use of the forms, although the correspondences are not rigid. That
is, one need not reply to tkiya where to? which way? with a form in -kiya, e.g.,
nciya over this way; nci over here could also be used. I suspect that there is a
subtle difference in meaning depending on which non-interrogative form is used,
but further research is needed on this question.

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Table 11.1 Interrogative words

t-word

Gloss

Pro.

Vb.

tku

wh at?

tku thing, something

n, , k, nen, kan, en
(this, th ese, etc.)

tna

how m uch, many?

tna some

tukt

which?

(x)

n, this one
that one

tuw

who?

n this one
nen these (ones)
that one
en th ose (ones)

tkucen

why?

cn, s, s because

tsko

how b ig? what size?

nsko this size

sko that size

th

wh en? (in th e past)

hta when , when ever

h th en (in th e pa st)

tohn

when ? (in the future)

ten wh en (in th e future)

tken

how

cn that is why
s bec ause of
s beca use of th at

tki

where? (stationary or
dire ction al)

tuktm somewh ere

nci over here
ci over there
kki over yonder

tkiya

where, which way

(dire ction al)?

nciya this way

ciya that way
kkiya, that way yon der
tkiyacen some direction

tuktn

where? (stationary)

nn here
n there
kn yonder
tuktna (at) some place

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Adv.

Some corresponding noninterr ogative form s

382
(23)

tku what?

(23a)

tku 0
/ -yta he
what A 3-eat Q
what is he/she eating?
what did he/she eat?

(23b)

tku yt-kta
he
what A 3-eat-POT Q
what will s/he eat?

(23c)

tku
he
that be.what Q
what is that?

(24)

tna how much? how many?

(24a)

tna
ya-cka he
how.much/many A 2-want Q
how much/many do you want?

(24b)

ni-tna-pi
he
P2-be.how.many-PL Q
how many are you? how many of you are there?

(25)

tukt which?
(often occurs as m tukt or tukt m which of two; m other)

(25a)

(m) tukt ya-cka he

(other) which A 2-want Q
which one do you want?

(25b)

tukt wat-wc-ya-na he
which ST-P3p-A 2-like
Q
which of them (animate) do you like?

(26)

tuw who?

(26a)

tuw 0
/ -h-pi
he
who A 3-arrive.here-PL Q
who (pl) came?

(26b)

ni-h
/ -tuw
0
he
2.poss-mother A 3-be.who Q
who is your mother?

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(27)

tkucen why?
Q: tkucen n-
he? A: mau cn
why
A 2.go-POT-NEG Q
rain-POT thus
Q: why didnt you go? A: because its raining/ it rained
No example is available for the adverb tsko, but a derived verb tskoka be

how big, is attested in Parks 1985-1999:12.229:

(28)

tsko-ka he
that be.how.big Q
how big is it?

(29)

th when (in the past)?

th 0
/ -h
he
when A 3-arrive.here Q
when did he/she arrive?

(30)

tohn when (in the future)?

tohn 0
/ -h-pi-kta
he
when A 3-arrive.here PL-POT Q
when will they arrive?

(31)

tken how?
tken ya-h
he
how
A 3-arrive.here Q
how did you get here?

(32)

tki

(32a)

tki 0
/ -t he
where A 3-live Q
where does he/she live?

(32b)

tki n
he
where A 2.go Q
where are you going?

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where, where to?

384
(33)

tkiya where, in what direction?

iy
nit
oyte tamkoce tkiya he
prairie.chicken lower.back people reserve
where Q
where is Pheasant Rum p Reserve (from here)?

(34)

tuktn where (stationary)?

(34a)

tuktn ya-t he
where A 2-live Q
where do you live?

(34b)

tuktn ya--kta he
where A 2-stay-POT Q
where will you stay?

3. Noun Phrases
The NP consists minimally of a simple noun (35a) or noun substitute, such as a
pronoun (35b) or quantifier (35c)-(35d).
(35a)

wcta /
0 -mnih
man
P3-be.strong
the man is strong

(35b)

/ -mnih
0
that.one P3-be.strong
he/she is strong

(35c)

zpt 0
/ -yuh
five A 3-have
he has five (inanimate)

(35e)

zpt wc-0
/ -yuh
five P3p-A 3-have
he has five (animate)

Other elements may be included in positions relative to the head noun as

schematicized in (36).
(36)

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(det) noun (stative modifier(s)) (quantifier) (det) (quantifier)

The head noun of an NP determines the number (singular or plural) of the

385
entire NP. This is illustrated by the examples in (37), where the verb agrees in
number with the head noun dog rather than with the possessor.
(37a)

ka mi-twa
0
/ -spa
dog P1 S-be.ones that P3-be.black
my dog is black

(37b)

ka mi-twa-pi
0
/ -spa-pi
dog P1 S-be.ones-PL that P3-be.black-PL
my dogs are black
The head noun may be modified by a stative verb.

(38)

ka z
dog brown
(a/the) brown dog
Stative verbs follow the noun and precede demonstrative articles within the

noun phrase.
(39)

[ka z
]
dog brown that
the/that brown dog
Note that if the demonstrative preceded the stative verb in (39), only the

demonstrative would modify dog, placing the stative verb in predicate position,
and the expression would be a clause.
(40)

[ka ] 0
/ -z
[dog that] P3-be.brown
[the/that dog] is brown
Partitives follow a stative verb modifier.

(41)

[ka z
nm] wc-mn-uh
[dog brow n two ] P3p-A 1s-have
I have [two brown dogs]
Here again, if the order of the partitive and stative verb are reversed, the

stative verb is not within the NP and is in the (sentence-final) predicate position.

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386
Compare the subject NP in (41) above to (42).
(42)

[ka nm] 0
/ -z-pi
dog two
P3-be.brown-PL
two dogs are brown
Multiple stative verb m odifiers in an NP are rare in spontaneous speech. In

fact, none occur in the narrative or language circle texts used for this study. All
such examples of this type are elicited, and speakers have difficulty producing
them, frequently giving conflicting responses. Consequently, I have not been able to
find a pattern in the construction of NPs of this type, despite coming back to the
question several times over a period of three years. In some examples, it appears
that stative verb modifiers may simply be concatenated.
(43)

ka spa-pi tka-pi wic-0

/ -yuh
dog black-PL big-PL P3p-A 3-have
he has big, black dogs

In other examples, determiners may occur, albeit inconsistently.

(44a)

ka tka hinka c yuh

dog DET big
mean DET A 3.have
he has a big, mean dog

(44b)

ka z
tka ca 0
/ -yuh
dog brown big
DET A 3.have
he has a big, brown dog

(44c)

ka tka hinka ca
/ -0
0
/ -yatka
dog DET big
mean be.that.kind P3-A 3-bite
a big, mean dog bit him

Phrases like those in (45) were rejected.

(45a)

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*ka tka ca
ca
dog (def) big (indef) brown (indef)
(a big, brown dog)

387
(45b)

*ka z
ca
tka
dog brown (indef) big (def)
(the big, brown dog)

(45c)

*ka ca
tka z
ca
dog (indef) big
brown (indef)
(a big, brown dog)
Comparing the example in (43) to those in (45), I draw two conclusions.

First, the head noun in an indefinite NP does not require a determiner, but when a
determiner is present, as in (44a) and (44c), the determiner modifying the head
noun must be definite, while the determiner that modifies the entire NP is
indefinite. Second, a maximum of two determiners may occur in an NP, one definite
and one indefinite.
There is one example in the corpus of a spontaneously uttered noun
described by two stative verbs. In this instance, however, the stative verbs are not
in an NP, but occur in sequence at the end of the sentence, where they provide,
instead, an exam ple of two verbs conjoined by juxtaposition (see 6.1, below).
(46)

st pk,
tka
tail that be.spherical be.big
its tail was big [and] round, a big, round ball (app.1: Big Snake.32)
Number agreement on the stative verb within the noun phrase is also

inconsistent. In (43) above [he has big, black dogs ], the stative verbs in the NP
agree in number with the head noun but in (47) the stative verb modifier does not
agree in number with the head noun, which can be seen to be plural because of
the plural-marked matrix verb.
(47)

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ka z
e iyha 0
/ -ca-pi
dog brown that all
P3-be.bad (ugly)- PL
all brown dogs are ugly

388
More consistent is the case of cardinal numbers functioning as partitives in
NPs. These appear never to be marked for number.5
(48a)

ka nm spa-pi tka-pi wic-0

/ -yuh
dog two black-PL big-PL P3p-A 3-have
he has two big, black dogs

(48b)

ka zpt 0
/ -z-pi
dog five P3-be.brown-PL
five dogs are brown

(48c)

katka, iynA, /
0 -sap-spa-pi
n wi-0
/ --pi
horse
seven P3-be.black-REDUP-PL there graze-A 3-CONT-PL
seven black horses were grazing there (Seven Horses.5)

3.1 Possessive modifier

When used in a noun phrase as a noun modifier, Itwa must be followed by a
demonstrative.
(49a)

ka m-itwa
0
/ -spa
dog P1s-be.ones that P3-be.black
my dog is black

(49b)

hokna ka 0
/ -twa
kic
/ -kta
0
boy
that dog P3-be.ones that together A 3-play
the boy is playing with his dog

3.2 Stative verbs as nominals

Stative verbs may be nom inalized by the addition of a determiner and a shift in
syntactic position to one of the argument positions. No other nominal element is
present in NPs with nominalized stative verbs. spA in (50a) and tkA in (51a) are
verbs but in (50b) spa is the object NP and (51b) tka n is the subject NP.
When used as an NP, this construction can be viewed as a headless relative clause,

The corollary to this fact is that cardinal numbers a re only inflected when
functioning as predicates.

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389
meaning, the one who/which is V, as in (50b, 51b).
(50a)

spa

be black:

ka 0
/ -spa
dog DET P3-be.black
the/that dog is black
(50b)

spa the black one

[spa ] wat-wa-na
[black DET] ST-A 1s-like
I like [the black one]

(51a)

tka be big
y
n tka
stone DET be.big
this stone is big

(51b)

tka n

the big one

[tka n ] tk
[big
DET] be.heavy
[the/this big one] is heavy
4. Verb constructions
Several constructions consist of a verb and at least one other element that bears a
particular relationship to the verb to create a specialized meaning. These include
passive-like constructions and three types of constructions of verbs with verbal
complements.
4.1 Passive-like constructions
There is no distinct passive morpheme, but passive-like meaning is achieved by
adding the plural enclitic pi to an active transitive verb with an indefinite agent.
This has the effect of deriving a stative verb from an active verb; verbs in passive-

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390
like constructions use the patient pronominals, agent pronominals are absent, and
pi is glossed as passive rather than plural.
(52a)

ma--pi
P1s-shoot-and-wound-PSV
Ive been shot; Im wounded

(52b)

ho en awtapi akn 0
/ -knka-pi
fish those table
on
P3-put- PSV
the fish are (i.e., have been put) on the table

(52c)

wc /
0 -pak-pi
cyaka
man that P3-respect- PSV ought
that man should be respected
There is a large degree of overlap between passive-like constructions and

third person plural subject forms, and for some expressions it is debatable whether
the appropriate interpretation is passive or plural. In some instances, a plural
reading is not possible, e.g., tpi be born; in others, a passive reading is as
appropriate as a third person plural reading, e.g., pusppi plastered, as a house
or they plastered it; and in still others, a plural reading is possible but either
unlikely, e.g., in ayzapi a beaded shawl (beading is typically done by a single
person) or sem antically implausible, e.g., snohna kakpi the snake is coiled
(*they coiled the snake). Passive-like constructions tend to function like adjectives;
where the function of noun modification is generally accomplished with stative
verbs, a passivized active verb may also function as a modifier.
(53)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

acpapi

tacked, as in quilting (cap stab)

ayzapi

beaded (ayza to bead)

ecpi

to be hexed, to have bad medicine put on one (ec

do)

391
kt-pi

be fastened, be tied to something with twine, rope, etc.,

as a dog tied to a pole or tree (kt put a handle
on)

kakpi

be coiled, as a rope or snake (kak to coil)

opspapi

be patched, sealed (pusp to glue)

It may be noted that it is often difficult to distinguish between passive-like

verbs and verbs nominalized with pi (see chapter 3:3.2.2). The difference is
determined from the syntactic position of the expression.
(54a)

pe pat-pi
grass bind-PL/ NOM / PSV
they baled the hay/a bale of hay/the hay is baled

(54b)

pe pat-pi kki yk
grass bind-NOM yonder sit
the bales of hay are over there; the bale of hay is over there

4.2 Compound verbs

Compound verbs as used here will refer to verbs with verbal complements.
Compound verbs form a single constituent; a compound verb is negated by a single
occurrence of the negative enclitic following the matrix verb; the complement verb
is not negated.
(55a)

mni-pi 0
/ -cke-
walk-pi A 3-want- NEG
s/he doesnt want to walk

(55b)

*mni-pi- c ka

(55c)

*mni-pi- cke-
Three types of complex verb constructions are considered: modality verbs

and their verbal complements, auxiliary verbs and their verbal complements, and
verbs whose complements are adverbialized verb stems. Three criteria are used to

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392
distinguish among the three types of compounds: whether the complement is a full
surface form or a root; whether the complement carries an additional
morphological marker; and whether the matrix verb is semantically rich or empty,
that is, whether the matrix verb contributes to the semantic meaning of the
compound or simply modifies the semantic content of the complement verb. The
distinction among these types, both semantically and morphologically, is not
always sharply drawn, and some of the verbs could arguably be assigned to a class
different from the ones to which I assign them here.
4.2.1 Modality verbs
Members of the class identified here as modality verbs are listed in table 11.2. The
three verbs below the dashed line are marginally members of the class, for reasons
discussed below.

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393
Table 11.2 Modality verbs

Modality verb

Gloss

Complement
marking

cka

want

pi

ec

do

pi

ec wac

feel like doing

pi

kap

hate to do

pi (~ 0
/)

snoky

know

pi

taw ka

hate to do

pi

sp-

learn

pi

wahya

promise

ktA

watna

like

pi

waypi

be skilled at saying

pi

waypi

be skilled at doing

pi

kza

pretend

/
0

okhi

be able

/ (~ pi)
0

try

ktA

Marginal

Modality verbs share at least two of three characteristics. Semantically, they

reflect notions of degree of certainty or probability, obligation, desire, permission,
or ability. Morphologically, verbal complements of modality verbs acquire a
complement marker pi (or ktA in the case of verbs that express semantically
hypothetical events). Finally, the subject of the complement verb may refer to the
same person(s) as the subject of the matrix verb. When the implied subject of the
complement verb is identical to the subject of the matrix verb, the complement
verb does not carry subject inflection. For example, in yaku-pi wa-cke- I dont

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394
want to take it (56c), the transitive complement yaku does not have subject
inflection (*mnaku-pi). Similarly, the intransitive complement y go in y-pi
wacka I want to go (56a) is not inflected. When they do not receive subject
inflection, it seem s reasonable to call overtly marked verbal complements
infinitives.
Most speakers mark verbal complements of kap hate to, be reluctant to, so
it is included in the modality verb class. The examples in (59) for kap present an
interesting contrast. When pi is present, the complement is not inflected; but when
the verbal complement is not marked, the complement is inflected.
Three verbs are m arginal members of the modality verb class. okhi and
kza typically do not mark their verbal complement with pi but otherwise meet the
stated criteria; only one example of okhi has a verbal complement in pi, and verbal
complements of kza appear never to be marked. k and okhi allow subject
inflection on the complement verb.
Examples of each of the modality verbs with verbal complements are given
in (56)-(70).
(56)

ckA 'want

(56a)

y-pi wa-cka
go pi A 1s-want
'I want to go'

(56b)

kiyka-pi ya-cka
go.to.bed-pi A 2-want
do you want to go to bed?

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395
(56c)

yaku-pi wa-cke-
take-pi A 1s-want. NEG
I don't want to take it

(57)

ec

do

way-pi ecena 0
/ -ec
read-pi only
A 3-do
all she does is read
ec wac feel like doing is itself a compound verb, only the second member of
which is inflected.
(58)

ec wac

feel like doing

now-pi ec wacm
sing-pi do A 1s -feel.like
I feel like singing
(59)

kap hate to do

(59a)

knk-k-pi
wa-kp
move.around-REDUP-pi A 1s-hate.to
I hate to move around

(59b)

m-knkk
wa-kap
P1s-move.around A1s-hate.to
I hate to move around

(60)

snoky know
tken ec-pi snok-w-ye-
how
do-pi ST-A 1s-know-NEG
'I don't know how to do it'

(61)

tawka

(61a)

-0
/ -knkk-pi
/ -tawka
0
LOC-A 3-move.around-pi A 3-hate
's/he hates to move around'

(61b)

t-pi tamka
die-pi A 1s-hate
'I hate to die'

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hate to do

396
(62)

sp- learn

(62a)

iy-pi 0
/ -sp-c
(of iyyA go; depart from here)
go-pi A 3-learn-DECL
s/he learned to walk (on her/his own)

(62b)

mni-pi sp-wa-kiya-c
walk-pi ST-A 1s-teach-CAUS-DECL
Im training him (child, horse) to walk

(63)

wahya promise (verbal complement marked by ktA)

ec-ktA 0
/ -wahya
do.that-kta A 3.promise
's/he prom ised to do that'

(64)

watna 'like to do'

wta-pi wat-wa-na
eat-pi ST-A 1s-like.to
'I like to eat'

(65)

waypi be skilled at, using the mouth (usually a reference to speaking)

(65a)

i-pi
waypi
speak-pi A 3.be.skilled
s/he is a skilled speaker

(65b)

i-pi
wa-mn-pi
speak-pi ST-A 1 S-be.skilled
I am a skilled speaker

(66)

waypi 'be skilled at' (also waypi be verbally skilled)

w n pas-pi
wa-mn-pi-
snow in drive-pi ST-1s-skilled.at. NEG
'I don't know how to drive in snow'
(lit. Im not good at driving in snow)

(67)

kza pretend (triggers e-ablaut; verbal complement is unmarked)

(67a)

cye wa-kza
cry
A 1s-pretend
Im pretending to cry

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397
(67b)

hut 0
/ -kza
be.lame pretend
he pretended to be lame

(68)

okhi be able (verbal complement is usually unmarked)

(68a)

ecm o-w-kihi
A 1s.do ST-A 1s-be.able
I can do that

(68b)

tuw-ko
ec o-0
/ -khi
someone-indef. do ST-3-be.able
anyone can do that

(68c)

John katk yza o-0

/ -khi-
John horse
that catch ST-A 3-be.able-NEG
John cant catch the horse

A rare example of okhi with a verbal complement marked with pi is the following:
(69)

John wapya-pi o-0

/ -khi-
John cook-pi
ST-A 3-be.able-NEG
John cant cook

(70)

(70a)

0 -kz-kta 0
/
/ -k
P3-fight-kta A 3-try
'she tried to fight him' (SB.18)

(70b)

ci-cz-kta
wa-k
I-you-fight-kta A 1s-try
I tried to fight with you

(70c)

ma-y-kiz-kta ya-k
P1s- A 2-fight-kta A 2-try
you tried to fight with me

(70d)

0 -kum iytk-kta k 0
/
/ -k
P3-beside sit-ktA
even A 3-try
she even tried to sit right beside him (SB.29)

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'try to do' (verbal complement marked by ktA)

398
4.2.1.1 Quasi-modality verb kn find to be; to sense
kn is semantically modal and requires a verbal complement. However, its verbal
complement is finite and is often an impersonal verb, and the subject of the matrix
verb always differs from the subject of the complement verb.
(71a)

nkh n osn -kn-pi

now
this be.cold 1du-find-PL
these days we find it cold; it seems cold to us (LgC1.36)

(71b)

ya-kn-kte
n teke
ya-kn he
A 2-return.there-POT this be.difficult A 2-find Q
will you find it hard to go back?

(71c)

John 0
/ -ecya-pi
0
/ -kikm
-kn-pi
John P3-be.called-PSV that P3-resemble 1incl-find-PL
we thought (it seemed to us) he looked like that one called John (LgC1.265)

4.2.1.2 Quasi-modality verb to order to do; triggers e-ablaut

As with the other modality verbs, verbal complements of do not carry subject
inflection but differs from the modality verbs, first, in that it forms a phonological
unit with its verbal complement. Stress is assigned to and its complement as if
the boundary between them were a morpheme boundary. A single prim ary accent is
assigned to the entire compound by the DAR. Secondly, both active and patient
inflection that correspond to the subject of are placed on . However, its verbal
complements are full surface forms (i.e., CVC verbs receive stem-a), so it is more
like the modality verbs than the auxiliaries, which are separated from their
complements by a word boundary, or verbs with adverbial verbal complements
that have verbal roots (CVC stems do not receive stem-a) as their complements.

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induces ablaut to e on a preceding A-word and ablaut precedes affixation.

399
Recall that pronominal affixes do not induce ablaut, yet in each of the examples
(72b-72d) the A-word complement of has undergone ablaut, induced by before
the pronominal affix was added.
(72a)

ye-
go order
to order/tell to go

(72b)

omnciya ekt ye-c-i

meeting to go-I/you-order
Im ordering you to go the meeting

(72c)

ca-c
w n ahyaye-ma-0
/ --pi
that.kind-SPC one this sing
P1s- A 3-order- PL
it is one of that kind (of song) that they told me to sing (NR T1.26)

(72d)

k wc-0
/ -i
dig P3p-A 3-PL-3 AG -order
he told them to dig

4.2.2 Auxiliary verbs

There are a number of dependent auxiliary verbs that are semantically modal but
that exhibit different morphological behavior from the modality verbs just described.
In auxiliary verb constructions, the verbal complement occurs either in the root or
citation form and is non-finite, i.e., there is no subject inflection on the verbal
complement. The auxiliary verb is the head of the verb phrase and although it is the
auxiliary verb that is inflected, the verbal complement is the semantic core of the
construction while the auxiliary verb modifies the activity indicated by the
complement. These differ from the dependent causative auxiliary verbs -kiyA and
-yA in that they receive stress independently of their verbal complements, that is,
they are separated from their verbal complements by a word boundary, whereas the

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dependent auxiliaries are linked to their hosts by a morpheme boundary.
4.2.2.1 do continuously
can simply be continuative, as in (73) but often carries a connotation of going
around; meandering, as in (74)
(73a)

ey

he kept saying (ey say)

(73b)

tkpata
tiypa ys 0
/ -
outside.from door that hold- A 3-CONT
she was holding the door from the outside (LgC1.118)

(74a)

kaww keep gliding in circles (kawa glide in circles, soar, as an

eagle or hawk

(74b)

nni wa

Im lost; Im going around lost (nni be lost)

(74c)

nw -pi

theyre swimm ing around (nw swim)

4.2.2.2 kya Causative (CAUS)

The causative kiy can mean either make someone do something (75) or let
someone do something (76).
(75)

c-kksa-ksa
-kya-pi ce
wood-chop-REDUP 1du-CAUS-PL always
they always made us chop wood (LgC1.410)

(76)

min ekt a-0

/ -0
/ --pi
ci knaa-0
/ -0
/ -kiya-pi
water to
ST-P3-A 3-take-PL there wash.REFL-P3-A 3-CAUS-PL
they took him over to the water and let him bathe (SB.79)

4.2.2.3 kuw keep doing

kuw has several meanings, including chase, treat, handle, behave towards, fix,
and busy oneself with something. When used as an auxiliary verb, it indicates
frequent repetition of an action over time.

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401
(77)

e-0
/ -0
/ -cya kuw
ST-P3-A 3-tell REPETITIVE
she kept telling him (SB.9)

(78)

p kaks ma-0
/ -kwa-pi
cn spe-m -kya-pi
head strike P1s-A 3-REPETITIVE-PL thus learn-P1s-CAUS-PL
they kept hitting me in the head to make me learn (LgC1.109)6

4.2.2.4 wka ~ wka Repetitive

Indicates repetition of an action in a more compressed time frame than that
indicated by kuw. Notice in (79b) and (79e) that wka can co-occur with the
continuative enclitic h.
(79a)

pa wka
cry.out.noisily A 3-REPETITIVE
she kept calling out noisily (NR T6.49)

(79b)

ka-wka-h
thunder-clap-CONT
thunder, one clap after another

(79c)

owta wka
lightning REPETITIVE
lightning, one flash after another

(79d)

u wka
clatter REPETITIVE
be clattering, as wagon wheels or a train

(79e)

kan wka-h
rattle REPETITIVE-CONT
continuously rattling, as the rattling of a rattlesnakes tail

4.2.2.5 yA
There are two auxiliary verbs with the phonetic shape yA. One follows stative verbs
and is inflected using patient pronominal affixes; its meaning is to become. The

The speaker is referring to her teachers at the boarding school she attended at
Brandon, Manitoba.

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402
other follows active transitive verbs and is inflected as a y-stem verb; its meaning is
to continue doing. This distribution suggests that the verbs have different
etymologies, although the active y-stem auxiliary may be related to the motion verb
yA take along, which is also a y-stem verb.
4.2.2.5.1 Stative yA become
Stative yA takes stative verbs as its verbal complements. Two methods of inflection
are attested for verbal compounds with stative yA. An older speaker inflects the
verbal complement, as in (80a), while younger speakers inflect the auxiliary, as in
(80b). This difference is neutralized in third person forms, as in (80c).
(80a)

ma-ststa ya-c
P1s-be.tired become- DECL
Im getting tired

(80b)

stust a-m-ya
be.tired ST-P1s-become
Im getting tired

(80c)

wy

t ya
woman that be.fat become
that woman is getting fat

Other examples of stative yA are:

(81)

c-wpe ow t
ya
tree-leaf
all green become
the leaves are turning green

(82)

h-th
ya

evening-far become DECL

its getting late at night

(83)

wc pah-s-s
ya

man that hair be.off.white-REDUP become DECL

that man is getting gray-haired

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403
(84)

mnih
a-m-ya
be.strong ST-P1s-become
Im getting strong

4.2.2.5.2 Active yA continue doing

Active yA implies a regularly, continuously repeated action. Active yA takes active
verbs as its verbal complements. As for stative yA, there is variation in mode of
inflection. In (85a)-(85b) both the auxiliary verb and its verbal complement are
inflected. In (86a)-(86b), only the auxiliary verb is inflected.
(85a)

mnukm
mna
A 1s.pull.plants A 1s.CONT
Im weeding; Im pulling weeds (one by one)

(85b)

a-w-pakmkma
mna
ST- A 1s-roll.by.pushing A 1s- CONT
Im rolling it along

(86a)

passa
mna
sew.by.hand A 1s-CONT
Im sewing along (by hand)

(86b)

-cka-ka
mna
LOC-tie-REDUP A 1s- CONT
I laced it up; I did macrame; I tied on lots of little ropes

4.2.2.6 hkna sudden and sharp

Because this is an impersonal verb, inflection occurs on the verbal complement, as
seen in (87a). Stress occurs only on the complement (noted also in Lakota by Boas
and Deloria 1941:75). It may be that this is better analyzed as a modality particle.
(87a)

i-w-a-hkna I burst out laughing (i laugh)

(87b)

own-hkna be a flash of lightning (owta be lit up)

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(87c)

kk-hkna be the sound of an object striking surface (kka make a

clattering or tapping sound)

4.2.2.7 iyyA gradual

The relationship between the auxiliary iyyA and the homophonous verb of
departure is very close, and the departure verb also enters into compounds that
closely resemble those formed with the auxiliary, but these are, in fact, different
verbs. The auxiliary is stative (A 1s imyaya, A 2 inyaya) and the departure verb is
an active y-stem verb (A 1s imnmna, A 2 inna).
(88a)

tma i-m-yaya
sleep ST- P1s-GRADUAL
I fell asleep

(88b)

t-a-yena
i-m-yaya
face-be.red-like ST- P1s-GRADUAL
I blushed also, my face became red, as from working in the sun

An example of the departure verb used in a compound similar to the auxiliary is the
following.
(89)

ozz
imnmna
weaving A 1s-depart
I staggered

The verb iymeiyya go hunting is a lexicalized form for which the meaning of the
first member of the compound is unclear, nor does it occur as an independent word.
The full form inflects as a y-stem verb: A 1s iymeimnamna, A 2 iymeinana.
4.2.2.8 yk ~ yk ~ hk continuous
These three forms appear to be variants of each other. Although the auxiliary verb
yk is homophonous with the positional verb yk sit, and speakers will often

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405
translate phrases with this auxiliary as Im sitting here doing X, the example in
(90b) illustrates that it is, in fact, a different verb, since it co-occurs with stand.
Nonetheless, the notion of sitting is often compatible with situations described by
yk and its (presumed) variants.
(90a)

wakt mkc
expect P1s.CONT
Im (sitting) waiting for him

(90b)

n n 0
/ -yk
there stand A 3.CONT
he was standing there a long time

(90c)

wknk 0
/ -hk
recount- CONT
he sat telling stories

(90d)

nam-man w-0
/ -kici-knak yk-pi
privately-REDUP ST-A 3-RCP-discussAUX-PL
they were (sitting) talking together privately (LgC1.195)

4.2.2.9 yey propel

This is the verb throw, used as an auxiliary verb. It often seems to be redundant
with the verb it modifies and probably serves to intensify the action referenced by
its verbal complement.
(91a)

kan ye^y

dump out, throw out of a container (cf. kan pour a

fine substance; A 1s kan ye-w-ya)

(91b)

katkam ye^y

separate, drive apart, as one horse from a herd

(91c)

mokm ye^y

to shoot and hit a target while it is in motion (mokpa

shoot at or strike a flying object

(91d)

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yunk-ye^y

to pull out quickly, to yank out (yunka extract)

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4.2.3 Adverbial verbal complements
This type of compound is structurally similar to auxiliary verb constructions. Verbal
complements are non-finite and CVC stems often do not receive a stem-forming a.
In these constructions, however, each verb in the compound describes a different
action, which combine to describe a single event, unlike modality and auxiliary
verbs, which modify the action referenced by their verbal complements. The head
verb in an adverbial verb construction is fully inflected, but the complement is
marked for patient arguments only.7 For example, in (92), the agent pronominal
occurs only on the head verb, and the transitive verbal complement is m arked only
with the patient pronominal.
(92a)

w-n-yk wa-h
ST-P2-see A 1s-arrive.here
I cam e to see you (sg.)

(92b)

wa-n-yka-pi wa-h
ST-P2-see-PL A 1s-arrive.here
I came to see you (pl.)

In informal speech, the patient pronominal is occasionally placed on the intransitive

head verb, i.e., wyk-nih he came to see you.
Usually, the first member of an adverbial verb compound does not acquire
the stem-forming a, in which case the final consonant of the verbal complement
undergoes the expected phonological changes for consonants in codas (see chapter
2.13).

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This occurs in Lakota, as well (Rood and Taylor 1996:461).

407
(93)

pta napm-tk
fire pop-burn
a crackling fire was burning (NR T7.93)

(94)

kmza be squeezed shut

t-kmu-kmus
wac-po
eye-be.closed-REDUPdance-PL.IMPER(m)
dance with your eyes closed! (NR T5.24)
When a verb retains its final a as first member of an adverbial verb

compound, if the a is changeable, it usually ablauts to e, although in the example in

(95d), the changeable-a of yuh has not undergone ablaut.
(95a)

wac-pi
akte-0
/ -h
dance-NOM that look.at- A 3-arrive.here
he came to watch the dancing

(95b)

iykipe- 0
/ -n
wait- A 3-stand
he stood waiting

(95c)

tku wat nyuhana napsn-yeye ecna ht

thing good all.these burst-propel-do
it.is.said
all kinds of good things popped out, it is said (NR T6.81)

(95d)

0 -0
/
/ -yuh 0
/ -kninpa
P3-A 3-hold A 3-come.out
he came out holding her (NR T6.62)

5. Postpositional phrases
Postpositional phrases minimally contain a postposition and a noun, and may
contain other elements. Postpositional phrases follow their complements and
typically provide spatial information. The postposition is the final element in a
postpositional phrase.

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408
(96)

in

otime akn 0
/ -yk
blanket DET bed
on
A 3-sit
the blanket is on the bed (folded up)

(97)

ona ekt wa-

town to
A 1s-arrive.there
I went to town

(98)

wakp kakn c yuk

creek
that beside tree be
there are trees along the creek (c6.21)

(99)

iyckamani en w mahn yk
car
those snow inside sit
those cars are buried in snow, are snowed under

(100)

tpi twa
ocku sm h
house be.ones that road
across stand
his house is across the street
A distinction is made in human reference between with one other (kic) and

with more than one other (m).

(101)

mi-ki
kic wa--sa
1s.POSS-grandmother with A 1s-stay-HAB
I used to live with my grandmother (LgC1.180)

(102)

mi-tkai
mi-ki
m wa--sa
1s.POSS-grandfather 1s.POSS-grandmother with A 1s-stay-HAB
I used to live with my grandfather and grandmother (LgC1.181)
A postposition and the noun it modifies may be contracted as a single term

by the phrase level rule of vowel syncope but still constitute a postpositional phrase.
(103a) [pahgasam]
pah aksam
hill
across
over the hill; on the other side of the hill
(103b) [wakpgasam]
wakp aksam
river across
across the river

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There is also an instrumental postposition by means of, with, which has a
variant form s.
(104a) iype n
tiypa yup
key
this with door
open
this key opens the door
(104b) tku

h knuka
something with leg SUUS-scratch
he scratched his leg on som ething, e.g., a nail
(105a) k
y s aknyaskin-ya-pi
around stone with weight.down-CAUS-PL
they weighted it down all around with stones (NR T7.47)
(105b) in iykiye-,
a-0
/ -0
/ -kpa-pi
s
shawl that A 3-recognize-INTNS ST-P3p-A 3-cover- PL with
he recognized that shawl, they had covered her with it (NR T7.67)
6. Conjunction, coordination
Coordination, the linking of syntactically equivalent constituents, may be
accomplished in two ways, by a coordinating conjunction or by simple juxtaposition.
6.1 Juxtaposition
Examples of coordination by juxtaposition include the following.
(106)

Juxtaposed clauses:

(106a) nam-man w-0

/ -kici-knak yk-pi, [0
/ ] inna w--ta-pi sten
privately-REDUP ST-A 3-RCP-discussAUX-PL quietly ST-1du-eat-PL DECL-f
they were talking together privately [and] we ate in silence (LgC1.195)
(106b) cen k ky-0
/ -iyya stena 0
/ -kn
so
crow that fly-A 3-depart soon A3-return.here
so the crow flew off [and] soon returned (NR T4.23)
(106c) n akd a
woknti copa pwya
cokn t
this look.at pie
ST-A 1s-cook middle disappear
look at this! I baked a pie [and now] its half gone!

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410
(107)

Juxtaposed noun phrases:

(107a) mi-tkai
mi-ki
m wa--sa
1s.POSS-grandfather 1s.POSS-grandmother with A 1s-stay-HAB
I used to live with my grandfather [and] grandmother (LgC1.181)
(107b) mi-hkna
wacu ahya
1.POSS-husband English Cree
my husband [speaks] English [and] Cree (LgC1.252)
(verb omitted because this is an elliptical reply to a question)
6.2 Coordinating conjunctions
The coordinating conjunctions hk ~ hkna (in free variation) and, nak and more,
in addition, and et or may conjoin noun phrases or verb phrases. The
conjunction k is only found to conjoin noun phrases, although it is possible that
instances of verb phrases conjoined by k may eventually be found since it is
semantically plausible. The conjunctions keca and then and tuk but appear
only to conjoin verb phrases. A coordinating conjunction cliticizes to the conjunct
that immediately precedes it; that is, an intonational pause follows the conjunction.
6.2.1 hk ~ hkna and
This is a simple coordinating conjunction. The two forms are in free variation; a
White Bear speaker explains that the choice is governed by the rhythm of the
sentence or phrase; from this one may conclude that the choice is intuitive. A CTK
speaker rejects hkna and uses only hk.
Noun phrases conjoined by hk(na) are frequently followed by a particle ,
which in coordinate constructions is adverbial, meaning approximately also, and is
felt by some speakers to be obligatory after the last noun in coordinate expressions.
Although also is comm on and idiomatic in Assiniboine noun coordination, it is

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411
not idiomatic in English and so the word also is not included in the glosses.
(108)

kuks-w hk wkta

bacon and eggs

wwapi hk iwkm a

paper and pencil

w hk wy

a man and a woman

atkku hk hku

his/her father and mother

atkku hkna hku k

his/her father and mother

Compare the exam ples above to the following equally acceptable constructions, in
which hk(na) is omitted:
(109)

atkku hku k

his/her father and mother

wwapi wokma

paper and pencil

Clauses conjoined by hk(na) generally do not include (110), but when is

included, it precedes the final verb in the coordinated construction (111).
(110)

coordinated verb phrases

(110a) John 0
/ -iytka hk tak-0
/ -ye-
0 -yk
/
John A 3 -sit
and thing-A 3-say-NEG A 3-sit ( CONT)
John sits and says nothing
(110b) /
0 -wta hk 0
/ -kikn
A 3-eat and A 3-depart.to.return.there
he ate and went home
(110c) aktk--h-pi
hkna -ststa-pi
run-1du-arrive.here-PL and 1du-be.tired-PL
we came running and we are tired
(110d) aktk-hpi
hk w--0
/ -yka-pi
run-1du-arrive.here-PL and ST-1du-A 3-see-PL
we came running and they saw us
(110)

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wccana
i-0
/ -
hk hokna 0
/ -cya
girl
that ST-A 3-laugh and boy
that A 3-cry
the girl laughed and the boy cried

412
(111a) John ayapi yta hk aspi 0
/ -yatk
John bread A 3.eat and milk also A 3.drink
John ate bread and drank milk
(111b) hhpi-ceh nna osn
hk nah nna osn
night-past
very be.cold and still
also very cold
it was very cold last night, and its still very cold (NLL)
6.2.2 k also
The adverb k may function in place of a coordinating conjunction in coordinating
expressions. k always follows the final conjunct in a sequence.
(112a) at-kku
h-ku
k (but not *atkku k hku)
father-3.poss mother-3.poss also
his/her father and mother; his/her parents (NR T2.11)
(112b) mi-tkai
mi-twna k wa--sa
1.poss-grandfather 1.poss-aunt also A 1s-stay-HAB
I lived with my grandfather and aunt (NR T1.2)
The exam ple in (113) suggests that a determiner follows, rather than precedes, k.
This is the only example I have found in which k co-occurs with determiners.
(113)

h-ku
at-kku
k
mother-3.poss that father-3.poss also that
his mother and father (NR T2.5)

6.2.3 nak also, and more, in addition

nak is a flexible word that may function as both a coordinating conjunction and an
adverb; and, as seen in (116), it also functions as an adjective, apparently the only
non-derived word in the language to do so (passive-like forms also function as
adjectives, as discussed above [4.1]). When used as a conjunction, nak implies a
supplemental connection between the conjuncts and occurs between them.
Exam ples of each function are given in (114)-(116).

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413
(114)

As a coordinating conjunction:

(114a) wc nak wy
man and woman
a man and a woman
(114b) kuk wa nak w kta
pig
fat and egg
bacon and eggs
(115)

As an adverb:
nak kapya wa-cka
more surpass A 1s-want
I want more (in the sense of adding to what is already there, e.g., tea)

(116)

As an adjective:
nak wap wa-cka
more tea
A 1s-want
I want more tea

6.2.4 et or, either

Typically, et follows the last conjunct.
(117a) wy-pi
kok
et
woman-PL young.man or
whether m ale or female (NR T7.44) (generic reading is from context)
(117b) ktkeca kckana et
wolf
coyote
or
wolves or coyotes (NR T7.46)
Less com monly, et may occur between conjuncts.
(118)

wy
et wc h
woman or man Q
was it a woman or a man?

6.2.5 keca and then

keca implies a temporal sequence to the events referenced by the conjoined

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414
clauses.
(119)

-0
/ -0
/ -ya keca
na-0
/ --
sten
that.one ST-P3-A 3-ask and.then ST-A 3-hear- NEG DECL-f
she asked him and he didnt understand (LgC1.258)

(120)

e-cm keca
cet-
that- A 1s.do and.then be.that.way-NEG
I did it, but it wasnt right, it didnt turn out right

6.2.6 tuk but

(121)

Wa--ic-kta
-k-pi tuk k-kihi-pi- h
ST-1du-White-POT 1du-try- pl but
1du-be.able-PL-NEG JOKE
were trying to be White but we cant (were making a mess of it) (LgC1.44)

(122)

na-0
/ - tuk ey-kta
waypi
cee
ST-A 3-hear but
A3-say-POT that A 3-speak.skillfully-NEG always
he understands but when he speaks, he never speaks well (LgC1.203)

(123)

in
nen nna
/ -waywa-pi-,
0
tuk tku crochet ecpi
mother these very-INTNS A 3-go.to.school- PL-NEG but things crochet A 3-do-PL
our mothers didnt go to school much but they crocheted things (LgC1.302)
A sentence may begin with a tuk to introduce a statement that contrasts

with a previous statem ent or, as in the case of the exam ple in (124), to contrast with
information assumed to be known by the listener. In (124), the speaker contrasts
the past, which she has been discussing, to the present day, without directly
referencing the present day.
(124)

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Tuk h
wanka hkta
wcke n tok
cn
but
at.that.time long.ago back.there customs
this be.different thus
Nakta tku
tok-m
ow
c-wca-0
/ -kiya-pi
Nakoda thing SPC different- PL all SPC ST-P3p-A 3-pray-PL
But way back then, since customs were different, Indians prayed to all those
various ones [i.e., all of the spirits]. (NR T1.16)

415
7. Subordinate clauses
7.1 Complement clauses
Complement clauses are nominal clauses that fill an argument position of a verb.
The most common marker of complement clauses is the demonstrative determiner
that, but n this may also be used. The com plementizer follows the verb and all
inflectional elements in the complement clause.
(125)

[wa-nci-caa-pi-
] wat
[INDEF-2.REFL-make- PL-NEG COMP] be.good
its good you didnt make it happen; its good it wasnt your fault

(125)

[mnokyas kanza-kte
n ] ty-
[all.summer be.windy- POT COMP] be.well-NEG
its not good [that it will be windy all summer]
(free translation: unfortunately, its going to be windy all summ er)

Two readings are possible for statements with the verb cka want because this
verb also m eans like (something or someone).
(127)

[-w-cu
n ] 0
/ -cke-
[ST-A 1s-smoke COMP] A 3-want- NEG
he doesnt want [me to smoke]
he doesnt like [that I smoke]

When a complement clause is the object of a transitive verb, the complement clause
may precede or follow the subject NP.
(128a) John [mnatk-kte-
] snok-0
/ -y
John [0
/ -A 1s-drink-POT-NEG COMP ] ST-A 3-know
John knows [that Im not going to drink it]
(128b) [mnatk-kte-
] John snok-0
/ -y
[0
/ -A 1s-drink-POT-NEG COMP ] John ST-A 3-know
John knows [that Im not going to drink it]

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416
(129a) wan [tuw
] snok-0
/ -0
/ -y
now [be.who that] ST-P3-A 3-know
now he knew [who it was] (NR T7.60)
(129b) cen snok-0
/ -0
/ -ya [tuw
]
then ST-P3-A 3-know [be.who that]
then he knew [who it was] (NR T7.69)
Non-finite complement clauses are not followed by a complementizer.
(130)

[tkn kta] -0
/ -k-ya-pi
[outside play ] (P)1du-A 3-DAT-say-PL
they told us [to play outside] (LgC1.188)

7.2 Adverbial clauses

Adverbial clauses are nominal clauses concluded by an adverb and modifying the
full main clause. Adverbial clauses may precede or follow the main clause.
Examples are the following:
(131)

[nppi
ns za
otka] tki ye-ma-0
/ -ya-pi
[running.away very because.of I.think] away ST- P1s-A 3-send-PL
[I think] they sent me away [because of all the running away] (LgC1.167)

(132)

[tuktm
inne
h ] pata en p-wca-wa-ya
[somewhere a2.depart while] duck those be.cooked-P3p-A 1s-CAUS
while you were gone I cooked those ducks

(133)

wy
yza, [wat-0
/ -ya-na h]
woman that marry [ST-P3-A 2-like if ]
[if you love that woman], marry her

(134)

[mnta tn] ma-yz-kta

[A 1s.eat if ] P1s-be.sick-POT
[if I eat it], Ill get sick

(135)

[n wa-
tn ]w--t-kta
[there A 1s-arrive.there when] ST-1du-eat-POT
[when I get there], we (two) will eat (NLL)

(136)

[tohn wa-cka hta

] o-m-wa-ni
[when A 1s-want whenever] LOC-ST-A 1s-walk (= travel)
I travel [whenever I want]

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417
7.3 Relative clauses
Relative clauses are nominal clauses that modify a noun. Relative clauses are
usually marked by but may be marked by n or cn. They are internally headed,
as in (137), in which the head noun duck is internal to the relative clause, that is,
preceded and followed by overt material clearly belonging to the relative clause.
(137)

[Edith pata p-0

/ -0
/ -y
] yta-pi wat
Edith duck
ST-P3-A 3-cook REL eat- PSV good
[the duck Edith cooked] tastes good (Drummond 1976a:25)

Within the relative clause, the head may take any of the following syntactic roles.
(Heads are underlined.)
(138)

Subject of an intransitive verb:

[wcta timni 0
/ -h
] mi-nki
/ -
0
man
visit
A 3-arrive.here REL 1.POSS-uncle A 3-be
[the man who came to visit] is my uncle

(139)

Subject of a transitive verb:

[wcta katka op-wca-0
/ -t ] snok-w-ya
man
horse
ST-P3p-A 3-buy
REL ST-P3- A 1s-know
I know [the man who bought the horses]

(140)

Object of a transitive verb:

in
[wy
John 0
/ -0
/ -yze
] wat-0
/ -0
/ -na
my.mother woman DET John P3-A 3-marry REL ST-P3-A 3-dislike
my mother doesnt like the woman John married (Drummond 1976a:25)

(141)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Object of a postpositional phrase:

[S[PP wicta w iypa ] 0
/ -0
/ -wke n] 0
/ -sn
hum an.corpse one against P3- A 3-lie REL P3-be.cold
this corpse that he lay beside was cold (NR T7.86)

418
7.4 Subordinating conjunction cn
I have not yet found a general meaning or function for cn. As a subordinating
conjunction, it is amazingly versatile, serving as the functional equivalents of four
types of English subordinate clauses: participle-like clauses (verb form in -ing),
adverbial clauses, small clauses (infinitival verb). and relative clauses. In
Assiniboine, cn clauses in Assiniboine always have finite verbs, but cn itself is
often not directly translatable and the most idiomatic English translation is as a
non-finite clause. In other instances, cn can be translated as because or
therefore. Sometimes it means for a purpose, and it also serves as a discourse
marker that ties a statement to information occuring earlier in the discourse.
cn clauses frequently follow the main clause, as in (142a) but they are
mobile. (142b, 142c) are paraphrases of (142a), in which the cn clause has been
moved and meat can be analyzed as being outside the clause (142b) or inside the
clause (142c). In these examples, glossing cn as because would not accurately
represent its meaning in the sentences because here cn points to a sequence of
events rather than a causative relationship between the clauses.8
(142a) tan 0
/ -0
/ -yta [p-0
/ -0
/ -y cen]
meat P3-A 3-eat cook-A 3-CAUS therefore
[having cooked it], he ate the meat
(142b) tan [p-0
/ -0
/ -y cen] 0
/ -0
/ -yta
meat cook-P3-A 3-CAUS P3-A 3-eat
[having cooked it], he ate the meat

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Note th at cen is not stressed in (144a-144c) due to RSP (12.5).

419
(142c) [tan p-0
/ -0
/ -y cen] 0
/ -0
/ -yta
meat cook-P3-A 3-CAUS P3-A 3-eat
[having cooked the meat], he ate it
In the following examples, both participle-like and because translations are
plausible.
(143)

[wamnnca emca
cn], mitka mitwna wa--sa
orphan
P1s-be.that.kind thus grandfather aunt
A 1s-stay-HAB
[because I was an orphan], I lived with my grandfather and aunt
[being an orphan], I lived with my grandfather and aunt (NR T1.2)

(144)

[nna tohkeca te-c-ina cn] wah-ci-ya-c.

very long.time ST-I/you-care thus ST-I/you-attached-DECL
[because I have cared very much for you for a long time], I am very attached
to you
[having cared for you for a long time] . . . (NR T7.16)

(145)

kok
n, [okcizapi pa cn], wc wat o-0
/ -kni ht
young.man this fight
join thus
deed
good ST-A 3 -get it.is.said
the young man, [having joined the fight], earned good deeds, it is said
. . . [because he joined the fight] . . . (NR T7.49)

(146)

tuk t
[cen ecpi 0
/ -cka cn] ec.
but instead this.way do-pi A3-want thus A 3-do
but nevertheless, [wanting to do this], he did it
. . . [because he wanted to do this] . . . (NR T7.87)

(147)

[pt
w -pi
cn] tan owteke ec
ma- 0
/ -ks
buffalo one shoot-PSV thus meat best
be.such st- A 3.slice
[a buffalo having been shot], he cut the best parts of the meat (NR T7.52)

In (148), an infinitival translation is the more idiomatic in English:

(148)

[m
-wa-p-kta
[o-c-ci-mnak-kta
cn]] wa--c
myself ST-1s-join-POT COMP ST-1s.AG /2.PA -DAT-tell- POT thus A 1s-come-DECL
I came [[to tell you] that I, too, will join it] (NR T7.10)

The examples in (149) were elicited as non-restrictive relative clauses, but an

adverbial reading is possible in each case as well.

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420
(149a) at-kku
[0
/ -kn
cn] h-ku
w-0
/ -0
/ -yka
father-3.POSS A 3-return.here thus mother-3.POSS ST- P3-A 3-see
his mother saw his father, who was returning home
(also possible: his mother saw his father [as he was returning home])
(149b) h-ku
[0
/ -kn
cn] at-kku w-0
/ -0
/ -yka
mother-3.POSS A 3-return.here thus father
ST-P3-A 3-see
his mother, [who was returning home], saw his father
(also possible: [as his m other was returning home], his father saw her)
8. Right dislocation of constituents
Old or non-essential information is often moved rightwards to the end of the
sentence. Any major constituent other than verbs, which are already sentence-final
in canonical word order, can undergo this form of movement, as illustrated in the
following examples.
(150)

Of a subject NP:

(150a) csinana- [n hokna n]

small- AUG this boy this
this boy was the smallest (NR T3.4)
(150b) iymeiya-pi,
n kok-pi
n
A 3-go.hunting-PL this young.man- PL this
these young men went hunting (NR T3.5)
(151)

Of an object NP:

(151a) wmnka [min ]

ST-A 1s.see lake that
I saw that lake (app.1: Big Snake.3)
(151b) s
tap-kc--pi
ht,
[n wkke n]
using ball-with-CONT-PL it.is.said, this woman this
they were playing ball, using this woman for the ball, it is said (NR T6.48)
(152)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Of an adverbial phrase:
Amno-c n nn -yk-kta-c, [maka tm], ey
kya
ridge-SPC at here 1du-sit- POT-DECL
A 3.say they.say
we will sit here on this ridge for four years, he said, they say (NR T4.48)

421
(153)

Of a relative clause:
wikcmna ymni kinca, [mitkai /
0 -t ]
ten
three almost grandfather A 3-die that( REL)
it has been almost thirty years since m y grandfather died (LgC 3, ms.)

9. Ellipsis
One or more elements may be omitted from a clause when the omitted information
can be recovered from previous discourse. When the original clause contains an
auxiliary verb, the response may omit the verbal complement, as in the question
and answer in (154a)-(154b), where ecm I do is omitted.
(154a) ecnu o-y-kihi he
A 2.do ST- A 2-be.able Q
can you do it?
(154b) hiy, o-w-kihi-
no ST-A 1s-be.able-NEG
no, I cant (do it)
Responses to existential questions may omit the noun phrase. The following
elliptical response was given to the question, Are there cranberries around here?
(asked in English).
(155)

yuk, tukt-kten
be
where-REDUP
there are, here and there

In the following example, the elicited phrase concluded, . . . but now he doesnt
think so, that is, now he doesnt think hell go. The speaker in this instance
omitted think in preference to go. There is no Assiniboine equivalent of English
pro-verbal so .

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422
(156)

tnih ona ekt y-kta

/ -kc tuk nkh-
0
y-kte-
yesterday town
to
go-POT A 3.think but now-ADVERSE A 3.go-POT-NEG
yesterday he thought he would go to town, but now hes not going
When the requested information is a noun phrase, the verb may be omitted

in the response. In (157), the question was about what languages the respondent
spoke at home. (Since they were speaking Assiniboine at the time, the response
means in addition to Assiniboine.)
(157)

miy- wacu, mi-hkna

wacu ahya
me- AUG English 1.POSS-husband, English, Cree
Me, [I speak] English, my husband [speaks] English [and] Cree (LgC1.252)

10. Comparison
10.1 More than/less than
There are several means of indicating comparatives. One is to use a postopositional
phrase with beyond or behind, as in (158).
(158)

Adverb
wc [wy
ykam] 0
/ -hska
man that woman that beyond P3-be.tall
the man is taller than the woman

Another is to use two contrasting clauses, as in (159).

(159)

Opposing clauses

(159a) wy
0
/ -hska, wc 0
/ -ptcena
wom an that P3p-be.tall man that P3-be.short
The woman is taller than the man.
(lit: the woman is tall, the man is short)
(159b) nk- pa nn osn,
tnih ehke- osn-
now-SPC day this 3.be.cold yesterday ended-SPC 3.be.cold-NEG
its colder today than yesterday
(lit: this very day is cold; yesterday, (the day just) ended, was not cold

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423
A third method is an absolute comparative, in which the comparative meaning
derives from context, as in (160).
(160)

Absolute comparatives

(160a) cnana mnuh

a.little.bit A 1s.have
I have less/fewer (than x)
(160b) miy cnana mnuh
myself less
A 1s.have
I have less/fewer (than x) (as if complaining)
(160c) miy ta
mnuh
myself many A 1s.have
I have m ore (than person x) (lit. I am the one who has many/a lot)
(160d) miy kapya mnuh
myself more
A1s.have
I have more (than person x)
A fourth method is to use a stative, i.e., intransitive, verb as a ditransitive verb in
which the thing being compared is in a sense the object of the thing being compared
to.
(161)

Stative verb used as transitive

wcta
wy
0
/ -tokpa
man
that wom an that P3-be.first-born
the man is older than the woman

An adverbial clause may be used in opposition to another clause for comparison, as

in (162).
(162)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

[zitkna hokn makce n 0

/ --pi
] [iykam ta c n 0
/ --pi]
bird
below ground
at A 3-be-PL that beyond many tree at A 3-be-PL
there are more birds in the tree than on the ground

424
10.2 Alike/different
(163)

Alike

(163a) nen s
kickma
these both 3.recip.resemble
these two are alike; these two are the same
(163b) n cetu
this same.way+specific
this one is like that one; this one is the same as that one
(163c) n
ceya
this also (or SPC ) be.like.that
these are like those (this is like that)
(164)

Different

(164a) nen s
tok
these both be.different
these two are different (from each other)
(164b) nakn-now-pi
um wan-now-pi
ci-tok
Nakoda-song-NOM other English-song-NOM that self-different
Indian songs are different from non-Indian songs
11. Agency
As stated earlier, active verbs may only take animate subjects so the question arises
of how inanimate agency is referenced. The following examples are not exhaustive,
but are provided to illustrate how the grammar allows for inanimate agency.
Example (165) has an animate subject. (166) has an implied animate subject in a
prepositional phrase, and (167) uses the instrumental prefix ka-, one meaning of
which is by force of wind.
(165)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Logan tiypa 0
/ -yup
Logan door
A 3-open
Logan opened the door

425
(166)

iype n
tiypa 0
/ -yu-p
key
DET by.means.of door
A 3- INSTR (by hand)-open
this key opens the door

(167)

kanza cn
tiypa ka-p-yeya
wind
therefore door
INSTR (by force of wind)-open-AUX.send
the wind opened the door; the door blew open

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426
Appendix 1
BIG SNAKE (Snohna Tga)
Narrated by Bertha O'Watch, Carry The Kettle

(1) N

nak

ak

owknkec, e

(1) This.SPC and.m ore an other sto ry

makce ntu

tha t. SPC

wicpae1

oyte n,

Ca Kna

Skeleton Hill

people this

Carry The Kettle people

min tka, wanka n,

lake.big

long.ago

there

this.place

oyte. (2) Netm

min tkasa.
lake

reserve

min,

(2) from.here lake,

(3) Wmnka min .

big.used.to.be (3) ST-A 1s.see

lake

(4) n n, n, kic-wa ,2 taknaku kic n nuwpi

(4) there this, um,

m y.husband that his.friend

(5) Kki

th pi,

(5) over.there

far

ey

that A 3 -said

ahtw

with

middle

water in

yk, ey

look.this.direction A 3 -sit

down

look

kya.

(6) Taknaku

they.say

Kon, min n hokn tw wo.

friend

kya.

there they.swim they.say

min cogm kya.

A 3 -arrive.there -PL lake

th at

IM P E R -m

(6) his.friend

N tku

this som ething such

(7) cen hokn tw

that- A 3 -say they.say (7) then

below

A 3 -looked

An old name for Carry The Kettle Reserve that literally means scalp hill. The
reserve was, indeed, called Skeleton Hill in English (Tales of the Red Fox, Sintalu ta
and Distr ict History B ook 1 985), a history of Sintaluta , SK .
His [Joe Runn s] father, Rattling Eagle, told Joe that when they first
arrived here the reserve was called Skeleton Hill because of the many
skeletons left from what they called the Black Death. These skeletons
were where a Buffalo pound had been made, east of the land owned at
one time by the late Maurice Osment and is now farm ed by the Greys, as
they were celebrating th eir success in the hun t. Peddlers brought flour,
tea, etc. to trade to them, but also brought a disease that caused the
many deaths. A m edicine man was told by the spirit to boil skunks an
drink the broth. It gave great relief and the black death eventually ended.
[para.] The reserve was later called Hurricane Hill and then Carry The
Ke ttle. [198 5:22]
2

The narra tor mean t to say my h usbands dad and his friend (friend of
hu sba nds dad). W hen she corrects h erself in (8) sa ying, w ait, I m isspoke , sh e is
referring to this error.

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427

kaca, (8) Hinka, waknna

then

atkku

his.father

that

my husband's dad ,

n n,

A 1s -misspoke - there this

(8) wait

taknaku kic,
his.friend

my husbands dad

Kok

that together

that

ecyapi,

Not-A-Young-Man he.is.called

(9) taknaku , keca. (10) Tku

, eyaa, H, kon,

(9) his friend

that

that

then

k yuk.

horns also

(10) thing

there.are

w eeell,

hokn tw

he.too

friend

(11) Awcakn-yk

A 3 -look

below

yes

(11) LOC- P3p - A 3 -look- CONT

mnimhen (12) eecen eyaa np min iwkatkan -yeciya3

water.in

(12) sooo,

min
lake

iwkam yeciya

min hute ekt nppi knpi

tha t LOC-over ST-A 3.RFL-jump lake

hk haypi k

owcekiy kiknka,

thus

knpi.

(13)

n nkh

aaand

this now 4

wicti kyapi.

there, there

village

they.say

(15) Hk, ow

over.there A 3 -arrive.back.here -PL

oykapi kya
ST-A 3 -tell- PL

A 3 -flee-PL A 3 -arrive.here-PL

to

A 3 -flee-PL

wackiya n, n

church dive (i.e. Mormon) church

(14)

sh ore

iykipyapi cn nappi. (13) Hk,

and clothes yond er A 3 -grab-PL

(14) ci

upwards.from A 3 - REFL- throw

A 3 -flee lake

theeen

(15) a nd

wcta nc,

t he y.s ay

m an

zca

tha t all (everyth ing)

that.kind

wcta wakpi yna

um - SPC ,

man

holy

Mountain Man

ecypi.

(16)

okciyakapi.

(17) cen wackiya. (18) Hnka,

he.is.called

(16) tha t

ST-P3-A 3 -tell- PL

(17) then

mitko,

wacwakiyktac

my grandchild, ST-A 1s-pray POT- DECL

(20) A! mitkoana
(20)

Ah! my.grandchildren

ey

ST-A 3-pray

kya.

wackiya.

(19) that.one

ST-A 3-pray

yusyewic-ya-ye no, ey.

DECL

A 3 -say

tn

hiynihpiktac

days

when

retrieve-P2 - A 3 -arrive.there-DECL A 3 -say (22) then

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

ey.

w ait,

(19)

A 3 -say they.say

frighten-P3p - A 2 - CAUS

(18)

(21) Tpa
(21)

four

(22) cen iy:ha

everyone

The narratror translated this as jumping; perhaps a reduplication of wktu.

n nkh these days; nowadays

428

wakt-pi.

(23) eh

watchful-they.w ere

(23) back.then

tikac.
I.think- DECL

nen

cetu

trees(brush) these

be.that.way- NEG - AUG

(24) knhan
ewcakiya. (25) Wan
(24) all.at.once that.one ST-P3p-A 3-tell (25) now

hiy

- pi

depart.from.there-they.are

etwpi

ey

kya.

DECL

A3 -say they.say

ampiya csina

ST-A 3-look clou d

everyone th ere

above

this lake

above

always

knhna, ownwan-hkna. (28) Ey k

there w hen

ownwan-hkne

(26) Then

ekt

iwkam, n min wkam ce.

be .sm all- INTNS stay

(27) ce(n) n hta

(27) then

(26) cen iyha

sudde nly

lightn ing-bolts

(28) then

cen, hoknpakiya iyha cn

lightning.bolts.repeatedly thus

coming.down

all

thus

there

waky
Thunder being

, min tasy

ata. (29) Hk yuwkam-aknpi kya.

that lake that w ith.a.ban g shoo t
(29 ) and pull.up-they.take.it they.say
(30) Snohna tka

ca.

(30) snak e

th at.kind

be.big

(31) P

(32) St pk tka kyapi

(32)

t ail

th at sph ere

be.b ig

(3 3) P3 -moved.it [his tail]

ow,

again

it.was.still

that

w hen

aga in

P3-be.visible-NEG

(33) Piciya

th ey.s ay

ak own-hkna hta ak
lightning

nay.

(31 ) head th at that. SPC

ehka

hta
when

wkmpakya
upward s

akyaknapi.

(34) e

P3-A 3-take.back.there -PL

(34) that. SPC be.the.end that

owknka.
story

Free translation:
(1) This is another story about this reserve, the Skeleton Hill people, or Carry The
Kettle people. (2) Long ago there used to be a big lake down here [narrator indicates
an area some distance behind her house]. (3) Ive seen that lake. (4) There, uh, my
husband[s father] and his friend were swimming, they say. (5) They had gotten way
out into the middle of the lake, they say. (6) His friend said, Friend, look in the

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429
water, theres something there, he said, they say. (7) So then he looked down. (8)
Wait, I misspoke it was my husbands father who was swimming with his friend;
his name was Not A Young Man. (9) It was his friend who looked in the water, and
then. . . (10) So then that thing, well! Yes, Friend, it has horns, too. (11) It was
looking at them, in the water. (12) Then, well! How he ran! He scrambled over the
lake! He hurled himself through the water and they fled back to the lakes shore and
they grabbed up their clothes and ran away. (13) And, where the Mormon church is
nowadays, there was a village there back then, they say. (14) They went back there.
(15) And, they told everything, they say, to a man, uh, he was a holy man, called
Mountain Man. (16) They told him about it. (17) Then he prayed. (18) Wait,
Grandson, I will pray, he said, they say. (19) That one prayed. (20) Ah! You
frightened my grandchildren! he said. (21) Four days from now they will com e to
get you. (22) Then everyone was waiting expectantly. (23) Back then all this brush
wasnt here, I think [indicating the trees behind the house]. (24) All at once he told
them. (25) They are coming now! he said, they say. (26) Then they all looked to
where there was a small cloud hovering over the lake, constantly. (27) So there
where it was, there were lightning bolts. (28) Then there were many bolts of
lightning like that, all because of the Thunder being smacking the lake with a loud
cracking sound, he shot it [the snake]. (29) And they pulled it out, they say. (30) It
was a big snake. (31) Its head wasnt visible. (32) Its tail was a big round ball, they
say. (33) When it moved its tail again, there was another bolt of lightning and it was
still; they lifted it up taking it back. (34) Thats the end of this story.

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430
The narrators telling of the same story in English:
This is shorter than her Assiniboine language version. It is included here because it
makes an interesting comparison and is interesting in its own right. This is a
verbatim transcription; commas indicate pauses. Note that the narrator, 87 years old
at the time this story was recorded, did not learn English until she was in her 20s.
Based on the narrators age and the fact that her husband was 17 years older than
she, and assuming that her husbands father was a teenager at the time, the event
probably occurred in the late1870s, shortly after this group of Assiniboine people
were moved to the present location of Carry The Kettle Reserve, about sixty miles east
of Regina.
This story is about a big snake, a monster, I guess, something like that.
Here, north of here,5 there's a biiig lake that time, long ago. I've seen that lake, too.
My husband's dad and another boy man that's his friend, they went to swim
in that water there, and that other one said, Look down, look in the water, there's
something, looking at us, I guess he said. So he look in that water and he see that
something looking at them. So they took off, they, jumping . . . They must be that
scared, he, jumping over the water coming towards the shore. And he grab all his
clothing and they run. And they come back where the Mormon church is. There's a
village, I guess. They went there, and that old man, and they told that old man
what they see, and all that, and the old man is a holy medicine man. And he said,
he told them, You scared m y, scared my grandkid, my grandch, my grandkids, I
guess he said, mitgoabina [grandchildren], I guess he said, and they gonna come
and get him, get that snake, in four days they gonna com e and get him. So they're
all expecting, watching, and the fourth day, they said they look, I guess. They come
already and there's a little cloud above the lake there. All at once lightning, thunder,
and they come down, I guess, I don't know. Anyway. They caught that big snake

For th e record, th e narr ator indica tes an a rea bey ond th e cem etery to th e north
of OWatch road at CTK.

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431
and they take him up. They didn't see the head, but they see the tail, a biiig, round
tail, like a ball, and they took him up. That's all.

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432
Appendix 2
ktmi and Fox
Narrated by Bertha O'Watch, Carry The Kettle

(1) N

ktmi

owknaka

twa

(1)

kt m i

story

A 3 -be.ones D E T

DET

(2) ktmi
(2)

ktm i

n
DET

knkwa.

(3) Pt

A 3 -deceive-L O C - F R E Q

(3) buffalo

hk ty

P3 - A 3 -bu tch er

owtke nwa

yku

be.best

P3p - A 3 -take thus

h.

A 3 -be.that.kind-SPC

at

A 3 -arrive.here

tan n

we ll- A U G

(5) "Micn,

(6) M

eth mak wo,"

(6) 1s - EMPH

some

me at

DET

P1s -give IM P E R -m

hk

paks

COMP

finally

P3 - A 3 -cut at

yua
P3 - A 3 -wash

en

and

(7) so

k.

D E C L -m

omasum

(8) N, "Min

(e xas peration)

hk yta

n.

S T - P 1s -be.hungry

(7) cen tiha

P3-A 3-tell

P3 - A 3 -take

mtka

(5) older brother

ecya.

eypi3

A 3 -go and

and

DET

cn. (4) Ecn n kana

(4) L A U N C H at fox

ecc

to

S T - A 1s .tell- P O T

all these

and

hk

another

who

P3-A 3-shoot.and.hit

omnkkta.1

nwa2

hk pta

ekt

ak

tuw

all.these

w.

P3 - A 3 -eat IM P E R -m

(8)

this.one

water

(9) Ak
(9)

P3p -bring.back

Secondary stress is not phonemic, but is marked in the text where it can be
discerned because of its intrinsic interest. The interaction of primary and second ary
stress patterns has n ot been work ed out, but it is a word- and clause level phenom enon
that can add or displace primary stress. See, for example, sentence (7), in which the
postposition n has lost its primary stress and (15), in which hta becomes ht to
maintain a n iamb ic pattern across two conjoined clauses.
2

tuw nwa everyone

eypi: the narrator confirm s th is for m but I cann ot accoun t for it. One wo uld
expect yaku take. I find no other instances in which ey m ean s take; pi marks
plural, so eypi elsewh ere mean s they said (a ltho ugh th at does not m ake sen se h ere),
but the narra tor insists that it means he took it in this case.

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433

wo,"

ey

kya.

IM P E R

A 3 -say

the y.sa y

wakp ci
river

kana

(10 )

fox

there

LAUNCH

DET

ktaka hk, ci
temy

(11) Kn
A 3 -run
and over.there P3 - A 3 -eat DECL (11) A 3 -return.here

over.there

cn ht-kza
thus

(10) cen ekt

be.lame- A 3 -pre ten d

cn. (12) Kn

als o

th us

hk,

(1 2) A 3 -return-here

and

"Micn,

ho-ana

makpi

n,"

ey

kya.

older.brother

fish-red(REDUP)- N O M

P3 - A 3 -grab-PL

D E C L -m

A 3 -say

they.say

(13)

ak w k(wa).

(13)

again

that.one

P3p - A 3 give-(?) (14) ag ain

one

temy.

(15) Kn

P3 - A 3 -con sum e

(15 )

ht

akn

(16)

P3 - A 3 -take

A 3 -go

ci

asiyya

over.ther e be.out.of.sigh t

(18) ktmi tkm

(18) ktmi

tha t- A 3 -say-D U R - SPC

hk ak, !
and

again

cn. (17) Tiha

yta.

thus

DET

P3 - A 3 -eat

(1 7) om asum

knyot ka. (19) kana

over.here

A 3 - REFL -sit

(19)

cn.

(23) Kisnceh.

for.a.reason

(23)

thcna pciya

even

much

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

3. EMPH

A 3 -say

DET

fish

P3 - A 3 -strike.dead

A 3 -recover- IN . T H E . P A S T

(25) Piy

they.say DECL

k iy;

DET

["n ho

(2 2)

A 3 -fall

kya

ey,

(22) Kat

pya

P3 -be.hungry

fox

kya.

even

(24)

DET

th ey.s ay

(24) tka

we ll- A U G

A 3 -stand

(21) Kaptya-pya
(21) P3p - A 3 -strike-fall

P3-A 3 -grab-PL

ty

IN T E R J

knika.
(20) Wan ak, "Micn,"
A 3 -return.here- D U R (20) now
again older.brother
makpi."]4

A 3 -go and

nci

back.again

there

hk

eyakac.

A 3 -return .here w hen ever

(16) tpa n
fourth there

(14) Ak ekt y

S T -3.REFL -sate

ok

(25) P3-be.proper- N E G

hk, wka
and

A 3 -lie.down

L O C - A 3 -give-N E G

DECL

This phrase was added later by the narrator, after listening to the recording.

434

(26) "Mis,

tan

awmciyka5

p.

(26)

meat

DET

L O C - S T -1.B E N -look

PL . IM P E R -m

1. P O S S -buttock

(27) Tuwna

temcic,"

(27) someone- N E G

S T - B E N -consum e- N E G - D E C L

ecn wka.
A3 -lie.down

then

ty tku
we ll

ey

(29) Wan
(29) now

wanyapi

(28) Ey

A 3 -say (28)

kana n
fox

(31)

tku

pt

that.also

(31) that.one

som ething

buffalo

z
buttocks

opni.
P3 - A 3 -stuff

DET

cn. (30) Pispzana

P3p - A 3 -invite

INSTR -P3 - A 3 -be.bald

A 3 -say and

P3-sleep-IN . T H E . P A S T

all

yan

hk

tmaeh

iyha wckco

thin gs sm all.anim al- PL

(r espect form )

thus

(30) mouse

iyha

DET

fur

that-be all

(32) c ka

cn.

(32) that- A 3 -do- D U R

thus

(33) Ty cen tan

iyha temypi.

(34) cn

(33)

the y.all P3 - A 3 -consum e- PL

(34)

w-ell

thus

meat

DET

hk iyha

iymnkiya

iyyapi.

and

in.all.directions

A 3 -depart.from.here- PL

they.all

that-do

(35) ktmi kikt

(35)

ktm i

A 3 -get.up

hk

tan kiknken

akta

kya.

(36) Iyha temypi.

and

me at

A 3 -look

the y.sa y

(36 )

A 3- S U U S -put

(37) E!

kn!

(37)

that.one

A 3 -be.angry

IN T E R J

n. (39) N
DECL

(39)

DET

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

LOC

scapi

(38) 1.P O S S -buttocks P3-be.bad-PL (r espect fo rm)

ep

iyha

me at

IM P E R -m

A 1s .say

all

S T -1.B E N -consum e- PL

a-

(38) "Mis,

tan awmciyka

temciypic,"6

the y.all P3p - A 3 -consum e- PL

L O C - S T -1.B E N -see

ey.
A 3 -say

(40) n

pt

(40)

buffalo

fur over.there buttocks

there

ci

+ wyka see > look at; w atch ; mici for me

tem^y + mici

435

opnipi

cn

P3 - A 3 -stuff- PL

thus

(41) nka7

kce okhi.
A 3 -be.able-N E G

fa rt

(42) cen ty:

knap.

(42)

buttocks

A 3. S U U S -bea t

LAUNCH

very well

(41) be.the.end

(43) N,
(43) this.one

"Awmiciyka

ep.

(44) Ecn

hk

iyha

L O C - S T -1.B E N -see

IM P E R -m

A 1s .say

(44)

A 2 .do- N E G

and

all

temciyapi

n,"

S T -1.B E N - A 3 -consum e- PL

D E C L -m

knap

kya.

(45)

A 3 . S U U S -beat

they.say

(45)

ey

hk

A 3 -say and

ty

we ll. A U G

buttocks

Nak8

pt

mean while

buffalo

h
fur

e
DET

opnh

snok-kye.

(46) nka.

be.stuffed.with-C O N T

S T - A 3- D A T -know-N E G

(46) it.is.the.end

ty
we ll- A U G

Free Translation
(1) This is one of ktmis stories that I will tell again. (2) ktmi always fooled
everyone. (3) He shot a buffalo and butchered it, and took all the best parts.
(4) So then a fox came along. (5) Older brother, Im hungry. (6) Give me
some of that, he said. (7) So he took tripe and finally he grudgingly cut some off.
(8) He said, Take this over to the water and wash it and eat it! (9) Bring it back

In this telling, the narrator ended the story at this point but I had heard (and
seen, with accompanying gestures are amusing to the audience) her tell more in an
earlier telling. So, at my request, she a dded sentences (42)-(46), which are appen ded
h er e. This cr ea te s a slight ly artificial flow at the conjunction as w ell as som e
redundancy, but the last part is, in effect, the punch line and, in my judgement, an
impo rtant p art of the te xt.
8

Narrator translates this as mean while but I have not confirmed th is with other
speakers.

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436
here! he said, they say.9 (10) So the fox ran over there to the creek and ate it up
there.10 (11) As he came back, he craftily pretended to be lame. 11 (12) He came back
and said, Older Brother, the salmon snatched it away from me, he said. (13)
(ktmi) gave him another piece.12 (14) Again, he got up and went and ate it up. (15)
When he came back, he said the same thing as before. (16) The fourth time,
therefore, he took it and again, oh! so over there, (ktmi) went and stood out of
sight. (17) (Fox) ate the omasum. (18) ktmi [came] back again over here and sat
down. (19) That fox was coming back. (20) Now he said this [same thing], Older
Brother, he said, the fish grabbed it away from me. (21) (ktmi) knocked him
down, they say. (22) He even knocked him dead. (23) (Fox) recovered from it.
(24) (ktmi) was hungry, they say. (25) He was not good (i.e., behaved
in a manner contrary to proper behavior); he didnt even share; all by himself, he
ate until he was full and he lay down. (26) My Buttocks, watch over this meat for

The order seems to be inverted here. ktmi is telling Fox to wash the meat and
bring it back and eat it, but Fox eats it at the river and then claims that the salm on
have snatch ed it away from him, to explain wh y he has n ot brought it back (and, of
cou rse, to tr ick k tm i into givin g him an oth er piece).
10

ci over there refers to a place tha t is out of sight.

11

cn links verb p hrases an d ca rries a resu ltativ e conn otation , approxim ately
therefore, thus, or for a purpose. It does not always directly link one verb phrase
with another but often relates the action of the verb it follows to an action in an
adjacent clause. It follows the verb and any enclitics. In (11) the first occurrence means
as he cam e back or com ing bac k, . . .; the second o ccurren ce m eans he preten ded to
be lame for a purpose, with something in mind. Compare this with (12) in which the
conjunction hk and is used to simply con vey a sequence of actions.
12

Antecedents of the demonstrative pronouns are understood through shifting

between n this one and that one, or, as in this case, that one is used to shift the
focus from the one who was speaking to the one who is about to speak. Lacking such a
device in English, the anteceden t is given in parentheses.

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437
me. (27) No one is to eat it up on me, he said. (28) He said it and then he lay
down. (29) Now he was sleeping, so the fox called for all the small animals. (30) [He
called for] the mouse, too. (31) That one pulled fur from the buffalo hide with his
mouth and stuffed it all into (ktmis) rump. (32) So he kept doing that. (33) Oh!
so then they all ate up the meat. (34) They did that and they all headed out in
different directions. (35) ktmi got up and kept looking around for where he had
put his meat. (36) They had all eaten it up. (37) Oh! he was angry! (38) My
Buttocks, you are bad! (39) I told you to watch over this meat for me; they all ate it
up on me, he said. (40) They had stuffed his rump with buffalo fur so that he
couldnt fart. (41) That is all.13 (42) So then he really beat his own rump. (43) He
said, I told you to watch over it for me. (44) You didnt do it, and they all ate it up
on me, he said, and he really beat his own rump, they say. (45) He didnt know
that they had stuffed it full of buffalo fur meanwhile [while he was sleeping].
(46) That is all.

13

In this version, the narrator ended th e story at this point but I had heard h er
tell the story once before and realized that she had left out the conclusion, in w hich
ktmi beats his rum p. Rather tha n ask her to tell the entire story again, I asked her
just to tell tha t part, wh ich I h ave a ppen ded. In requ esting the con clusion of the story , I
asked about h er use of respect speech w hen ktm i addresses his rum p, which
unfortunately appea rs to have impa ired her spontaneity; upon reflection, she decided
that respect speech should have been used and carefully did not use respect speech in
the addend um . However, w hen telling this story again m ore than a yea r later, she used
respect speech th rou gh out . It ap pea rs th at h er in tuition is to c lassify th e relationship
between ktm i and his rum p as being an a voidance relationship. The lack of respect
speech in (39) and (43) may be due do the fact that these are indirect speech.

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438
Appendix 3
Ella Delorias The Red Fox (Boas and Deloria 1941:182-83),
edited to reflect the grammar presented in this study

There is a paucity of reliable published Assiniboine texts and, of those,

Delorias The Red Fox is possibly the best known because of its inclusion in Boas
and Delorias widely read Dakota Grammar (1941). It is also the only phonemically
transcribed Assiniboine text in print. (See Chapter 1 for a complete list of
published Assiniboine texts.) Here, I re-cast Delorias transcription according to the
principles outlined in the present grammar of Assiniboine.
In the re-written version, changes from the original are underlined. Delorias
punctuation and glosses have been retained but capital letters have been added at
the beginning of sentences and sentence numbers have been added. Delorias
original text, including her diacritics, is shown in italics. Underlined units in the
transliterated text mark changes from the original and are footnoted.
Form at:

First line:
Second line:

Transliterated text
Original text (Deloria)

Third line:

Translation (Deloria)

The two most frequent changes are the elimination of Delorias word initial
glottal stops and rewriting voiced stops as voiceless. A careful reading of the
rewritten text reveals that not all simple stops that appear in my version of the text
are marked as having been changed; that is, Deloria records some simple stops as
voiced and some as voiceless. All voiced stops are rewritten as voiceless because in
contemporary speech they are voiced by rule between vowels. It does seem that in
the speech of the older generation, stops were not always voiced intervocalically,

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439
but this is simply evidence that stops are underlyingly voiceless, as is the fact that
in running speech, if a simple stop is preceded by a pause it will be voiceless. Since
pauses are unpredictable, it is not possible to judge where voicing may have
occurred in the narrative as Deloria heard it. If, in fact, Deloria was able to
faithfully reproduce stop voicing as she heard it, we may assume phrase breaks
where she records voiceless simple stops. This seems unlikely, though, because
this would imply strange phrasing in some instances and there are several wordinternal voiceless stops in her text, for instance, in (13), where she writes wk
rather than the expected wg.
The general lenition of stops in Assiniboine (prominently between vowels
and intermittently in clusters) is one of the striking auditory features of the
language for anyone familiar with other Siouan dialects, and there has always been
a strong tendency to write these stops as voiced in Assiniboine. But because the
voiced segments are phonetic variants of underlying voiceless segments, they
surface inconsistently. The representation of stops is a perennial challenge for
researchers as well as for Assiniboines, and is one of the primary reasons why no
consensus has been reached on a single, perspicuous orthography (Cumberland
2004).

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440
The Red Fox
(1) _t kn tiwcota tp i.1 (2) Tiwcota tuk wna hk 2 ca
(1) t kn tiwcota tp i.
(2) tiwcota
tuk wna hk ca
witka
Well yonder
now

families
many

lived.

They were
many families

but

only one

...

witka

it being tent large

so

_ ot, ht. (3) Cwtku nm wkkapi3 ht (4) ca kaana 4

ot
ht. (3) cuwtku nm wikkebi
ht. (4) ca ga-ana
he lived
in

it is
said.

His daughters two

were young
girls

it is said

That way fox red

hykena hiyya ht. (5) tuw 5 yza ten cwtku npn kkta
haykena hiyya ht. (5) tuw yza ten cuwtku nupn kkta
early

passed

kya.6 ht
gey. ht
he said
that

it is said.

it is said.

(6) cen hykena kok [*] 7 _iyhana kiktpi

(6) cen hykena kok k iyhana kiktbi
Thus

ht (7) Kuwpi
ht. (7) kwabi
it is said.

That whoever caught it when his daughters both

early morning youth

ke
ke

the

all

arose

tuwni yze. (8) ci _ihke

tuwni yze. (8) ci ihge

they chased it but never nobody

caught it.

There end of camp

give will

kuwpi
kuwbi

[and] they chased it

_ekt wkkna
ekt wggna
at

old woman

Deloria precedes all vowel-initial words w ith a glottal stop, all of which I have
omitted.
2

hk (hg in Delorias transcription) is not translated, but I assume it means

chief, here and in (15). The youn g wom en in the story are the ch iefs daughters.
3

I have never found an e in th is w ord an d m y consulta nts do n ot re cognize it. (I

have also changed b to p.)
4

Deloria glosses kaana (her ga-ana) as fox red. In fact, the literal
mean ing is do g-red , and the c om pou nd s imp ly m eans fox.
5

tuw is not attested in Assiniboine. The accepted form for both the pronoun
who and the verb to be wh o is tuw, unlike Lakota, where a distinction is made
between the pronoun (tuw) and the verb (tuw).
6

Here, Deloria writes gey although in (17) she w rites gya (kya). kya is the
accepted form for this quotative. To m y know ledge, the Lakota quotative key is not
attested in Assiniboine.

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

The definite article ki does not occur in Assiniboine.

441
w takakpaku 8 hokna kic t. (9) caknyape-kuwa. (10) Hokna
w takakpagu
hokna kic t (9) caknyape-kuw. (10) hokna
a

her grandchild

ecen
ecn

boy

with

_ec. (11)
ec
(11)

that according did.

kaana _akn ipya

ga-ana akn ipya
ana
on it

kuwpi
kuwbi

That with a trap pursued it.

one

fell

it

that killed
one

Meat

Early

there he placed it

it.

t. (13) Hykena kikt hk

ta. (13) hykena kikt hk

[and] died.

Boy

hokna kt. (12) Tan 9 n _knka

hokna kt (12) tan n knka

That they chased boy

one

fox red

lived.

wan kaana
wan ga-

he arose and then now

fox

t wk. (14) cen 10 tta _ak ht. (15) cen ktku yupa cen
ta wk (14) ced
tta ak ht. (15) ced ktku yu ba ced
dead lay.

And so

to his he took it is said.

tent
it

And so

his grandmother

skinned it then

Deloria records the k of takakpaku as unaspirated. This is probably a

typographical error.
9

The un iversally attested word for meat is tan. The acoustic distinction
between u and o is very fine but the underlying vowel is demonstrably u.
10

With on e exception (sentence 6), Deloria writes this as ced. Th is w ord is

d er iv ed fr om c etu , where I assum e a derivation in which th e u is dropped and the t
undergoes coda nasalization to become cen . There was at one time a widespread
phonetic tenden cy to post-occlude n (see chapt er 2:3.2.1). S ince Deloria alt ern ately
records ced as cen in (6), it may be tha t she w as respo nding to occasion al postocclusion. A ll exam ples of ced in her text are rewritten ph onem ically as cen. My
reasons for chan ging Delorias ced in (15) to cen are the sam e as those discussed for
cen.

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442
hk t
hg t
...

_opmni11 _a.12
opm.ni
a

_ekt tku
ekt tku

that lived to

something wrapped
in

she took
it.

watkina. (17) cen wan cwtku

watkina.
ced wan cwtku
he liked his own.

And so

now

(16) cen yumnya; wan

(16) ced yum.nya; wan

his daughters

And so

npn hokna
npn hokna
both

boy

kya ht. (18) Wikicizipam cen _owa m

gya ht (18) wikicizipam ced owa m
he said it is said.
that,

(19) _m
(19) m
The other
one

They erected a
tipi for him

bedding

one of
the two

hknypikta
hknypkta
they were to have him
for a husband

_ekt _kiknk a.
ekt kiknaka.
to

watna. (20) Hokna _owa kiyna y

watna (20) hokna owa kiyna y
despised him.

Boy

(21) Hkt y! Hkt y! Nn

(21) hkt y! hkt y! nn
Go away,

and so

he unfolded it; now

go away!

Here

bed

yaktec_
yaktec

near

14

you will not come

_ey
ey

he went

she took and

left it.

hta 13 _iyki.
ht iyki.
if,

she forbade
him.

ht. (22) cen

ht (22) ced

she said, it is said

And so

11

Deloria writes this as m.n here and in (16) and (27), using the same con vention
used in Boas and Deloria (1941) to indicate the slight vocalic separation between the
cognate b.l cluster but this kind of separation in mn clus ters doe s not oc cur in
contemporary speech.
12

Although Deloria scrupulously adds glottal stops before words with initial
vowels, she om its them before w ord-internal syllables that begin with a vowel. This is a
con ven tion em ploy ed in Boas a nd Deloria (194 1). G lotta l insertio n is a ph onetic
phenomenon and could be omitted entirely from written Assiniboine but for reasons
explained in chapter 2:11.1, I separate word-internal adjacent vow els by a glottal stop
bu t do n ot write the m befor e vow el-initia l w ords, effec tively inverting B oas and Deloria s
prac tice.
13

Th is w ord is not attes ted with a fina l , nor is there anything in the
environm ent from w hich the vow el could assimilate nasalization; nasalization does not
assim ilate across a stop. N ote a lso th at th is is anothe r instance in wh ich Deloria
records a word-internal voiceless stop.
14

De loria wr ites t he fina l c as a spirated an d th is is prob ably phonetica lly

accurate. The declarative particle c is a reduction of an obsolete enclitic ce or ci tha t is
recorded occasionally in the dialect survey data (Parks and DeMallie: n.d.). Although the
fina l vow el has b een lost, for som e speak ers the asp iration rem ain s. Th is is th e on ly
aspirated segment that occasionally appears in coda position, because it is in transition.

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

443
hokna nna ctica 15 ht. (23) _m
hokna nna ct ca ht
(23) m
boy

very

heart bad

it is said.

h
h

cke.
cge

The one came that he did not want

one

watna c_ nna cka.16 (25) cen wikneye

watna ec nna c.
(25) ced wikineye
despised him

y
y

that only very

he wanted.

mann _omni.
mann omni

not going in the

wilds

he wandered.

And so

(26) _ika ht.

(26) ika ht
He was
pitiable

it is said.

(24) _m
(24) m
The other

wikicizipam _n
wikicizipzm n

having intercourse not they erected a

tipi for him

there

(27) (_Inm-yah ehn _ak

(27) (inm-yahi ehn ak
(A second time
you come

then

again

_occimnakkta.)
occim.nakkta.)
I shall tell you.)

15

De loria wr ites a nd glos ses this as two wo rds , eac h w ith p rim ary stre ss. It is
more likely a noun -incorporated verb mea ning be broken-hearted; be sad in a n angry
wa y. I have heard it w ith secondary stress, ctca, as well as with prima ry stress
only. Note that in the text Deloria never w rites j, the v oiced c oun terpa rt of c even though
it is subject to the voicing rule. In her Notes on the Assiniboine (1936) she shows that
she has considered that the affricate might be voiced, often writing j and crossing it out
and writing c. This ambivalence is in evidence throug hout that w ork, with m any crossouts in both directions. It should be kept in mind th at the Notes were produ ced after a
very brief visit of only a few weeks and without the benefit of audio recording equipment
and d espite such obvious u ncerta inties, it is an im pressive ac com plishm ent.
16

Deloria writes the Lakota word c but the Assiniboine w ord is cka. De loria
writes the full word in (23) as cge he did not want her, so there is no question that
she wa s aware of the A ssiniboine form of the word . The c in (24) may reflect the near
inaud ibility of voiceless final syllables occas ioned by devoicing o f the final vow el with
anticipatory assimilation combined with Delorias reflex arising from her native Sioux
language.

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Appendix 4
Instrumental Prefixes - Comparative Table

Assiniboine

Dakhota

Lakota

(Deloria 1936;
Parks; Cumberland)

(Riggs 1890)

(B&D 1941;
Buechel 1983;
R&T 1996)

ka-

ka-

ka-

Gloss comparisons

Asb: by striking with an instrument; implies a sharp blow

Riggs: by striking, as with the han d, or with an ax (sic), club or other
instrument; or by the action of the wind or water (1890:245)
Buec hel: by strikin g, as w ith the h and, or with a n ax, club or other instrum ent;
or by the action of the wind or water (1983:269)
B& D: im plies rapid ity of a ction m ay be tran sla ted very ofte n a s by striking ,
som etim es also as ac tion by the w ind, c urre nt or othe r na tura l forces .
(1941:46)
R&T : by m eans of a blow . . . also used in verbs that refer to action of wind or
other more or less spontaneous actions (1996:463)

na-

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

na-

na-

Asb: by action of the foot

Riggs: comm only indicates that the action is done w ith th foot; but it is also
used to express the effects of frost, heat, etc. (1890:319)
Buec hel: with the foot; bu t less com mo nly it is also used to express the effects
of frost, heat etc., as well as to suggest rapid m otions e.g. of machines or
spontaneous motions (1983:341)
B&D: with the foot or leg (1941:45)
R&T: by foot action (1996:463)

444

na-

na-

na-

Asb: of itself; from inside

Riggs: [see previous]
Buechel: [see previous]
B&D by inner force . . . corresponding to our impersonal verbs (p.46)
R&T: action accomplished by heat. It is also used when the action occurs by
spontaneous inner force (1996:463)

pa-

pa-

pa-

Asb: by pushing
Riggs: by pushing or draw ing, rubbing or pressing w ith the hand s or arms
(1890:402); also by striking . . or punching as in patka to break in two by
striking; to break in two by pushing or punching (1890:416)
Buechel: by pushing or dra wing, rubbing or pressing with the h ands or arm s
(1983:422)
B&D: by pushing along (1941:45)
R&T: by pushing or by pressure with the hands or the body (1996:463)

(pu-)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

(pu-)

Asb: not p rodu ctive; frozen form s only, e.g., pusp to glue by pressing onto a
surface
Riggs: not cited as an instrum ental p re fix , alt ho ugh t he fo rm pusp to stick on,
glue; to seal (p1890 :428) exists, sug gesting th at pu- ha s th e same sta tus in
Dak. as in Lak. and Asb.
Buechel: not cited as an instrum ental pre fix , alt ho ugh t he fo rm pusp to stick
on, glue; to s eal (1983:449) exists
B& D (ob solete, n ot fre e) b y pressur e pusp to glue, seal down (1941:46); The
feeling for pu as a prefix h as d isap pea red (1941:46).
R& T: by generalized pressure ; rathe r rare prefix; pusp to glu e, to seal
(1996:463)

445

ma-

wa-/ba-

wa-

Asb: with a knife or saw; by sawing motion (although yu- by hand, by pulling
is also used to convey saw; compare cmakse saw and cyukse saw [LOC, c w ood , ksA sever, cu t] )

Riggs: by a sawing motion, as with a knife or saw (ba- 1890:65; wa- 1890:488;
e.g. baks saw ; baksksa slice )
Buechel: by a sawing motion, as with a knife or saw (1983:509)
B&D: by a sawing motion, with a knife (1941:45)
R&T: by cutting with a blade (1996:463)
mo-/po-

wo-/bo-

wo-

Asb: by shooting, by action from a distance; by a point; by force of wind or

water [note extension to amkiya car]
Riggs: by shooting, punching, pounding with the end of a stick, or by blowing;
also u sed w hen the a ction of rain is expr essed (bo- 189 0:73; wo- 1890:584, i.q.)
Buechel: by shooting, punching, pounding with the end of a stick, or by
blowing. It is also used when the action of rain is expressed (1983:593-94)
B&D : action from a distance (1941:45); indicates primarily impact from a
distance, refers often to actions done with a point, such a s arrow, lance, or also
with the end of an implement with a long handle. It also expresses action of the
wind or a current of water. (1941:46)
R&T : by piercing w ith a pointed object. . . also used in verbs that refer to action
by blowing (1996:463) [note lack of reference to action by water/rain]

ya-

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

ya-

ya-

Asb: with the mouth, with the teeth; indirectly, by speaking

Riggs: w ith the m outh, b y biting, talkin g, etc. . . . to speak o f as such , or to
make so with the mouth (p1890:600)
Buec hel: with th e m outh b y biting, talkin g etc. . . . to speak of as such , or to
make so with the mouth (1983:617)
B&D: with the mouth (1941:45)
R&T: by means of the mouth or the teeth; by speaking (1996:463)

446

yu-

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

yu-

yu-

Asb: by pulling; by hand

Riggs: expresses the idea of causation in some w ay not conveyed by ba, bo, ka,
na, pa, and ya; . . . . Som etimes it conveys the idea of pulling. . . . to mak e or
cause to be (1890:620)
Buechel: expresses the idea of causation in some w ay not conveyed by ka, na,
pa, wa, wo, ya; . . . . Som etimes it conveys the idea of pulling. . . . to mak e or
cause to be (1983:633)
B&D: by pulling (1941:45); Since almost all pulling has to be done by hand,
yu- is often best translated by hand or even as a general instrumental when no
specific matter of action is prominently implied (1941:46)
R&T: by means of the hands . . . also used in verbs that have a general
causative mean ing (1996:463); change being caused is one of degree, n ot of
kind (1996:464)

447

Appendix 5 - Orthographic Equivalencies

Key:

ECD

Deloria Notes on the Assiniboine (1936) [essentially as in Boas and Deloria Dakota Gramm ar (1941), but includes j]

EB
FBO
IDD
IPA

Bu ech el Lak ota-E nglish D ictionary (1970, 1983)

Fort Belknap Orthography (1997)
Indiana Dictionary Database (Parks and DeMallie 1996)
American usage International Phonetic Alphabet (Pullam and L adusaw 1996:298 and 301-302)

KR
LC

Ryan Nakon a Language (1998)

Cum berland (present study)

RH

Hollow A Note on A ssiniboine Phonology (1970)

RL
SICC

Lowie The Assiniboine (1909)

Saskatchewan Indian Culture Centre, Saskatoon, SK (c.1999)

TR
~
/

Taylor and Rood Be ginn ing L akota (1976); Rood and Tay lor Sk etch of La khota (1996)
indica tes tw o sym bols u sed in terch ang eably for sin gle ph onem e.
indicates single phonem e interpreted and represen ted as separate phon emes

Vowe ls

voiceless
ablauting-[a]

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

LC
i

IPA
i

ECD
i

IDD
i

TR
i

EB
i

i0

e
a

e
a

e
a

e
a

a0

o
u

o
u

o
u

o
u

o
u

o
u

u0/o0

V
;
-

V ~
-

V
-

RL
i

i ~
e
E
a

a ~a
o / u
u / o
u
V

~u

SICC
i

FBO
i

RH
i

KR 1
i

i
e
a

e
a

e
a

a ~am~an

o
u / o

o
u

o
o

o
u

u /o

448

Con sonan ts

LC

IPA

ECD

IDD

TR

EB

Low ie

SICC 2

unaspirated

p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
b
d
j
g
s

p
t

k
p
t

k
p
t

k
b
d
d
g
s

x
s

x
z

p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
b
t3
j
g
s
s-dot

p
t

k
p
t

k
ph
th
h
kh
b
g
s

p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
p ~ p
t ~ t
c ~ c
k ~ k
b
g
s
s`

s
s`

z
z
j

b ~ p
t
tc
g ~ k
t
p
t
tc
k
b
d
dj
g
s
c
x
- (uses [s])
z
j

2~b
p
2t ~ d
c2
2k ~ g
p3

s-dot

p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
p
t
c
k
b
d
j
g
s

ejective

aspirated

voiced

fricative

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

FBO

RH

KR

b
d
j
g
p
t
c` 3
c
k3
k
p ~
p
t
c`
c
k
b
d
c2
j
g
g
s
s
s`

[bk], [front]
s
s` 3

z
z
j

b
d
j
g
p0
t0
0
k0
p
t

k
b
d
j
g
s

x
s0
0
x0
z

b
d
j
g
p?
t?

-g

g3

k?
p
t
ch
k
b
d
j
g
s
sh
x
z
zh

449

LC

IPA

ECD

IDD

TR

EB

Low ie

SICC

FBO

RH

KR

nasal

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

m
n

glide

w
y
h

w
j
h

w
y
h

w
y
h

w
y
h

w
y
h

w
y
h
-

w
y
h
-4

w
y
h

w
y
h
-

w
y
h
?

glottal
Notes
1.

In Ryans orthography, when a n asalized vowel is followed by a bilabial or alveolar stop, the corresponding homorganic nasal
stop is inser ted to geth er w ith th e na salized vow el, e.g. hmba moc casin s, chnde heart (Ryan 1998:2). Sometimes the
inserted nasal stop replaces nasalization on the vowel, e.g. chhamba shoes (w ood + m occasin s) (Ry an 199 8:40).

2.

Much of the variation in the SICC orthography derives from its attempt to represent Lakota, Dakota and Assiniboine with a
single symbol set, producing am biguity amon g the stops and a ffricates. Voiceless vowels are not represented. SICC s j
represents (IPA ), for which SICC sometimes also uses c-macron (c2 ). The var iation in th e m id and h igh vow els appea rs to
derive from following Riggs and Buechel, although the distribution of these symbols in SICC publications differs in practice,
e.g. Buechels ayapi bread is written aoyabi (Aoyabi Hok s` ina SIC C: 1 998 ).

3.

Although D eloria frequently writes b g j for intervocalic p k c, respectively, she does not w rite d for intervocalic t. He r on ly
reference to the possibility of an intervocalically voiced t is in respect to kut (Deloria 1936:18): In this particular word, the
t seems to be so like a d that I was tem pted to write it Kud, at first. She then gives the forms as wakte, y akte ( A 1s and
A 2,

4.

respectively), both with t.

SICC treats hiatus as g lottalization of a preceding consona nt, e.g. [g, z] creating voiced glottalized segm ents that are then
included in their inventory. One of their exam ples is mazipame
2
file; metal file is actu ally a com pound o f mza metal and
pme rasp, file, sandpaper. The older generation gives this word as mazpama in which z is resyllabified as an onset and
remains voiced intervocalically; the younger generation gives maspame in which z is in coda position and therefore
devoiced. Voiced glottalized segm ents, such as those sh own in th e SICC inven tory, do not occur in Assiniboine.

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450

451
Appendix 6
Idioms
There are many expressions for which direct translation does not reveal the
meaning of the expression. Examples include the following.
aknt

to lose through death

micki awknut my son died (*micki t)

ayskapa

to be stuck on someone, infatuated with someone

(ayskapa be glued onto)

kaptya

have a car accident (lit. knock over by striking; car is

implied)

maskwa

prostitute (lit. chases m oney)

mastst mat ya Im so tired I could die

ni tahsaka

little children (lit. rawhide bellies)

ne kp

be unheedful, as a child who doesnt do as told (lit. deaf)

osn tinpa

the cold took shelter in the house said when it is warmer

outside than inside the house

sm iy

shoo! get away! (lit. go beyond)

tken mitwac t

I didnt know what to think (lit. my thoughts

disappeared to somewhere, were confused)

tokyata t cn

not know which way to go (lit. the direction

disappeared somehow)

wapya opet thrift store (lit. hard-up store)

wapi stya

said of a situation in which no headway is being made, as in a

meeting to resolve some issue (lit. like berry pudding)

yumkutiyemac

he made me feel low, little (slang) (cf. kutyena be low, as a

doorway)

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

Appendix 7
Consultants
Cum berlands consultants are in bold type 1; all consultants are fully fluent, first-language-Assiniboine speakers except where noted.
An asterisk (*) in dica tes m em ber s of the group designated in this wo rk a s th e old er generation . Fo rt B elkn ap r eservation is in
Montana, all other reserves are in Saskatchewan.
Consultant

Birth-Death

Source(s)2

Relationships

Carry The Kettle

Violet (Walker) Ashdohonk3

c.1920 - 2003

C, P, DS, RD

Angeline Eashappie4

c.1926 (gave age as 74 in 2000)-

Gary Eashappie
Ida Eashappie

??-

C
C

Nancy Eashappie
Sarah Eashappie
Sadie (Eashappie) Heywahe
Wilma (Thomson) Kennedy

1936c.1928 (gave age as 72 in 2000)1933c.1928-

C
C
C
C

sister of Kay Thompson and Herb Walker

(descended from Takes the Coat)
sister of Sarah Heywahe and Velma OWatch;
mother of Gary Eashappie
son of Angeline Eashappie
sister of Sadie Heywahe and Nancy Eashappie
(eldest of the Eashappie women)
sister of Sadie Heywahe and Ida Eashappie
sister of Angeline Eashappie and Velma OWatch
sister of Ida and Nancy Eashappie
(daughter-in-law of Chief Dan Kennedy )

Signed informed consent forms (Indiana University Human Subjects Committee, study #00-3790) are in Cumberlands possession.

Sources: C=Cumberland field notes; D=Drummond; DS=Dialect Survey (Parks and Jones); F=Farnell (1995); NLL=Nakoda Language Lessons
(Parks et al.); RD=DeMallie, including Nakoda Reader; P=Parks field notes
3

Said to be from anh to sneak up on, as prey or an enemy; English pronunciation of Ashdohonk is [0doh] k]

From iapi they cheer for them; English pronunciation of Eashappie is[0ipi], also [0ic pi]

UZ-TRANSLATIONS.NET

452

Consultant

Birth-Death

Source(s)5

Relationships

Carry The Kettle (cont.)

Bertha (Ryder) OWatch6
Dean Marlow OWatch (partial)

19141963-

C
C

*Douglas OWatch
Velma (Eashappie) OWatch

1913-1992
1927-2004

P, RD
C

Joyce Prettyshield (partial)

*Charles Ryder
Kay (Walker) Thompson

?
1889-d.?
1926-2000

C
DS, D
C, P, DS, RD

Herb Walker

c.1924-

mother of Dean; niece of Charles Ryder

grandson of Bertha, but she raised him from
infancy; he calls her mother
husband of Velma OWatch
sister of Angeline and Sarah Eashappie; wife of
Doug OWatch
related to Kay Thompson
Berthas paternal uncle
sister of Violet Ashdohonk and Herb Walker
(descended from Takes The Coat)
brother of Kay Thompson and Violet
Ashdohonk; lives in Regina (descended from
Takes the Coat)

Ocean Man
Peter Bigstone (partial)

?-

Leona (Big Eagle) Kroeskamp

?-

son of Percy Nahbexie; cousin of Armand

McArthur
Assiniboine language instructor at First Nations
University of Canada (FNUC; formerly SIFC)

Sources: C=Cumberland field notes; D=Drummond; DS=Dialect Survey (Parks and Jones); F=Farnell (1995); NLL=Nakoda Language Lessons
(Parks et al.); RD=DeMallie, including Nakoda Reader; P=Parks field notes
6

From wwai worker. According to Bertha (Birdie) OWatch, this was a nickname given to her father-in-laws ?father, whose Indian name she
does not know. He did not have a family name and when agents were assigning family names, the nickname was misunderstood by the English
speaking agent as OWatch (accent is in the first syllable). There are occasional references in local newspapers and in Rodnick (1936)to a name,
Old Watch, a variant of OWatch. Bertha OWatch adopted Cumberland as a daughter in June 2001.

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453

Consultant
Percy Nahbexie 8

Birth-Death
?-

Source(s)7
C

Relationships
father of Peter Bigstone

Pheasant Rump
Armand McArthur (partial)

?-

cousin of Peter Bigstone9

White Bear
Eldon Lone Thunder
Victor Sammy

??-

C
C

Fort Belknap
*Estelle Blackbird
Selena Ditmar

?-?
?-

RD
C, P, NLL, RD

*James Earthboy
Josephine Mechance
Thomas Shawl (near-fluent)

1917-?
??-

P, F
C, P, RD
C

*George Shields
Evelyn Speakthunder
*Juanita Tucker
*Jim Walking Chief
*Rose Weasel
*Isabelle Wing
*Leo Wing

1899-?
?189?-1997
?-?
?-d.199?
?-?
?-?

P, RD
P
P, RD
RD
P, NR, F, RD
RD
RD

distant relative of Bertha OWatch

Assiniboine language instructor at Fort Belknap
College until 2003
daughter of Rose Weasel
Assiniboine language instructor at Fort Belknap
College 2003-present

mother of Josephine Mechance

wife of Leo Wing
husband of Isabelle Wing

Sources: C=Cumberland field notes; D=Drummond; DS=Dialect Survey (Parks and Jones); F=Farnell (1995); NLL=Nakoda Language Lessons
(Parks et al.); RD=DeMallie, including Nakoda Reader; P=Parks field notes
8

From npksa hands cut off; English pronunciation of Nahbexie is [naUbeksi], also [n c Ubeksi].

Although logically Armand is Percys nephew, this has not been confirmed.

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454

455

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Buechel, Eugene, S. J.
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Bybee, Joan
1985 Morphology: A Study of the Relation between Meaning and Form.
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1974 Teton Dakota Phonology. Ph.D. diss., University of New Mexico.
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1980 Systematic Obfuscation of Morphology in Dakota. Linguistic Inquiry
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1985 Lexical Nominalization. In Language Typology and Syntactic Description,
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2002 Sound Symbolism and Semantic Reference in Assiniboine Verbs of

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2004 When One Size Does Not Fit All: The Assiniboine Orthography Debate in
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Linda Ann Cumberland

417 N. Indiana Ave.
Bloomington, IN 47408
[email protected]
Education:
2005

Ph.D.

2002
2000

M.A.
M.A.

Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN (anticipated). Inside minor:

Cultural Anthropology, outside minor: Linguistics
Linguistics, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN
Anthropology, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN

Field Research:
Summer 2004 Carry The Kettle Reserve and White Bear Reserves, SK
Summer 2003 Carry The Kettle Reserve, SK
Summer 2002 Carry The Kettle Reserve, SK
2000-01
Carry The Kettle Reserve, with additional work at Pheasant Rump, Ocean Man and
White Bear Reserves, SK and Fort Peck, MT
Summer 1999 Carry The Kettle Reserve, SK
Summer 1998 Fort Belknap Reservation, MT
Teaching Experience:
Fall 2005
Instructor, Anthropology Dept., Butler University, Indianapolis, IN
Course:
AN 364
Native American Cultures
1999-2000

Associate Instructor, Anthropology Dept., Indiana University, Bloomington, IN

Courses:
L310 - L510 Introductory Lakota
L311 - L511 Introductory Lakota

2001-2003

Associate Instructor, Anthropology Dept., Indiana University, Bloomington, IN

Courses:
E 320
Survey of North American Indians
E105
Introduction to Cultural Anthropology
L310 - L510 Introductory Lakota
L311 - L511 Introductory Lakota
L312 - L512 Intermediate Lakota
L313 - L513 Intermediate Lakota

Professional Experience:
2004-2005
Language Consultant, New Path Language Project. White Bear First Nation, Carlyle, SK
1998-2000
Research Assistant, American Indian Studies Research Institute, Indiana University,
Bloomington, IN
1998-2000
Student Liaison to the Faculty, Anthropology Graduate Students Association, Indiana
University, Bloomington, IN
Fellowships and Grants:
2000-01
Fulbright Student Award
2000-01
Wenner-Gren Foundation Award
2000
Canadian Embassy Graduate Student Fellowship
2000
Yale University Endangered Language Fund Award
1997-2000
American Indian Studies Research Institute Fellow, Indiana University

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1998, 1999
Publication:
2003

David C. Skomp Fund for Summer Research, Indiana University

IDD: An Introductory Guide to Using the Indiana Dictionary Database for the Assiniboine
(Nakoda) Language Version in the Fort Belknap Orthography. Bloomington: American
Indian Studies Research Institute.

Papers and Presentations:

2004
When One Size Doesnt Fit All: The Assiniboine Orthography Debate in Saskatchewan,
Canada. 103rd Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Atlanta, GA,
November
2004
Specificity and Definiteness in Assiniboine. 24th Annual Siouan/Caddoan Conference,
Wayne, NB, June
2003
Reduplication in Assiniboine. Annual Meeting of the Society for the Study of the
Indigenous Languages of the Americas (joint meeting with the Linguistic Society of
America), Atlanta, GA, January
2002
A Locke on the Land: The Legacy of the Enlightenment in the Language of Canada's
Treaty 4 Negotiations. 101st Annual Meeting of the American Anthropological
Association (AAA), New Orleans, LA , November
2002
Documenting Assiniboine Language: The Role of the White Linguist. Second Annual
No Borders Gathering of the Nakoda People, Pheasant Rump Reserve, Kisbey, SK, July
2002
Sound Symbolism and Semantic Reference in Assiniboine Verbs of Movement. 22nd Annual
Siouan/Caddoan Conference, Spearfish, SD, May
2000
The Stop Phonemes of Assiniboine: Evidence from Spectrographic Analysis. 20th Annual
Siouan/Caddoan Conference, Anadarko, OK, June
2000
Designing Multi-Media Language Lessons: A Modular Approach. Poster Session,
Stabilizing Indigenous Languages Conference, Toronto, ON, May
2000
Astride Our Own Mythology: Four Accounts of the 1873 Cypress Hills Massacre. 77th
Annual Meeting of the Central States Anthropological Society, Indiana University,
Bloomington, IN, April
1999
Obstruent Alternation in Assiniboine: An Optimality Theoretic Account. Society for the
Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas Summer Session, University of
Illinois, Champagne-Urbana, IL, July
Professional Workshops:
2003
Co-Presenter (with Douglas R. Parks and members of the American Indian Studies
Research Institute, Indiana University), Language and Cultural Preservation Conference II:
Journeying Home: Creating Our Future from Our Past. Bureau of Indian Affairs Office
of Indian Education Programs. Minneapolis, MN, March
2003
Workshop Organizer and Leader, Indiana Dictionary Database, for a delegation of
Canadian Nakoda (Assiniboine) Bands. Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, February
2002
Co-Leader (with Selena Ditmar, Fort Belknap College), Nakoda Language Workshop of
the Pheasant Rump Nakoda Culture/Traditions Committee. Saskatchewan Indian Federated
College, University of Regina, Regina, SK, February
Professional Associations:
American Anthropological Association, Linguistic Society of America, Society for the
Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas

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