Our Democratic Mission

Our
Democratic
Mission
Transitioning
The Greensboro Police Department
From
Double Standards and
Corruption
To
Accountability and Professionalism
We want Greensboro to become a much

more beloved community. We want to
learn how to be a help to one another in
order to live out our fullest potential.
This is the spirit in which we issue this
document.
The nonviolent resister must often express his protest

through noncooperation or boycotts, but he realizes that
noncooperation and boycotts are not ends in themselves.
The end is redemption and reconciliation. The aftermath of nonviolence is the creation of the beloved community, while the aftermath of violence is tragic bitterness.
-Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
A Testament of Hope, pp. 7-8
Despite having three different mayors, three different

city managers and three different police chiefs since 2006,
many citizens believe there continues to be a police culture in Greensboro that operates without transparency,
uses double standards, promotes inequality before the law
based on race or ethnic background, abuses investigatory
power, and protects police misconduct. As a result of this
culture, there are now over 45 civil and criminal lawsuits
brought against the Greensboro Police Department
(GPD) by current and former police officers, as well as
many uninvestigated or inadequately investigated civilian
complaints and cases.
In this the first of three discussion papers on crucial
aspects of democracyracial equity and social justice, sustainable economic justice, relevant education with community valueswe present 14 case studies that illustrate
the serious problems of police corruption, racism and
misconduct in our city. We also present a call for
Greensboro citizens to work together to craft a viable and
long lasting solution to the problems plaguing our police
department.
We have come together to work on difficult problems before. We can do it again. Later in this document,
we share an examplethe K-Mart struggle between 1993
and 1996that demonstrates what can be accomplished
when we work together as a community on a common
problem. We invite you to study this document and to
discuss it with others. Then, let us join together to make
our city great.
Letter from Beloved Community Center Board
January 21, 2013

Dear Citizens of Greensboro:
We believe Greensboro is on the front end of a major crisis that has the potential to hold our city
and its residents hostage unless definitive action is taken. We further believe that at the center of this crisis is the Greensboro Police Department (GPD). We have documented for your examination 14 cases
related to police misuse and/or abuse of power. Many of these cases reflect racial prejudices combined
with police powers. This is both a historical and dangerous combination. We ask you not to rush to judgment but take the time to read this document carefully, especially the cases.
There is urgency to this work, as there are over 45 civil and/or criminal cases brought by current
and former police officers now pending against the GPD. There are many other unaddressed complaints
brought by civilians. We do not need to wait for more wrongful imprisonment or loss of life. Certainly,
we do not need for this to spin into greater chaos and disruption.
We are convinced that it is time for Greensboro to fully face its long-standing police problem and
to work out creative democratic ways to resolve it. In the spirit of helping our city to face and resolve
these problems, we authorized and have worked with our staff to prepare this document. It is our hope
that the content of the pages offered will serve as a catalyst that draws our entire city into meaningful action.
The document speaks candidly and, we hope, clearly. You might not agree with every detail or
every suggestion; however, we hope that you agree with the basic direction it is urging us to take. The
document is calling on all of us to work together in a spirit of sincere truth seeking, with humility and determination, to help our city become the very best that it can be.
Finally, on page 39 there are suggestions of ways you can immediately get involved. We urge you
to examine that section carefully and choose to make the sacrifice of being actively engaged. Let us all
work towards building new bridges of knowledge, understanding and compassion. Let us, together, transition our city into a new era, characterized by greater justice, better human and race relations, and with
economic and social progress for all.
Sincerely yours,
Patricia Priest
Chairperson, Board of Directors
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PART I
WHO, WHY AND WHAT?
Introduction of Beloved Community Center (BCC) Board
Introduction What We Are Trying to Do .
6
7
PART II
A QUEST FOR TRUTH:
CASE STUDIES OF POLICE CORRUPTION AND DOUBLE STANDARDS
Our Use of the Terminology Sub-Culture of
Corruption and Double Standards
The Case of Mr. LaMonte Armstrong
The Case of Mr. Michael Slagle .
The Case of Mr. Lamont Pride
The Case of the Police Locker Room Incident .
The Case of Police Officer Robert Reyes
The Case of Police Officer Deborah Thomas .
The Case of Police Officer Ahmed J. Blake ....
The Case of Police Officer Joseph Pryor ....
The Case of 87 Year-old Ms. Eva Foster .
The Case of GPDs Ban on Faith Community Church .
The Case of GPD Accusing the
Beloved Community Center of Being a Drug Drop Site
The Case of Street Group Leader Jorge Cornell ....
The Case of Police Captain Charles Cherry ....
The Case of the 1979 Klan/Nazi Killings ....
9
9
11
12
13
14
16
17
19
21
22
23
24
27
29
PART III
TOWARDS TRANSITIONING OUR CITY:
TRUTH, RESTORATIVE JUSTICE, DEMOCRACY AND THE ROAD AHEAD
Framing an Inclusive Process That Can Lead to
An Inclusive Plan
Kmart- A Greensboro Story of Hope and New Possibilities ..
Reflections on Truth, Restorative Justice, Reconciliation
and Forgiveness
Part IV
Ways You Can Join in the Process and Become Involved
with and Supportive of this Initiative
APPENDIX
31
33
36
39
Our Democratic Mission Page 6
The Board of Directors of the Beloved Community Center of Greensboro, Inc.
Mrs. Patricia
Priest
Mr. Dale
Tonkins
Rev. Z. N.
Holler
Chairperson
Vice-Chairperson
Chairperson
Emeritus
Refugee Services Consultant
Retired Presbyterian Minister
Small Business Owner
Atty. Dayna
Cunningham
Mrs. Deborah
Underwood
Atty. Lisa
TonkinsJohnson
Asst. Treasurer
Treasurer
Secretary
University Transportation Researcher
Local Attorney
Dr. Kathleen
Casey
Dr. Maria
Palmer
Rev. Neils
Chapman
University Professor
Mr. Ralph
Shelton
Multi-Cultural Program Consultant
Labor Union Official
Mrs. Carolyn
Allen
Businessman
Mr. Edward
Whitfield
Rev. Alma
Purvis
Former Mayor of Greensboro
Retired Public School Educator
Mr. Steve
Sumerford
Ms. Mildred J.
Brown
Foundation President
Mrs. Debra
Tyler-Horton
Diversity Program Coordinator
University Economic Development
Community Volunteer
Bishop
Alfred C.
Marble
Librarian
Atty. Anita
Earls
Episcopal Diocese of North Carolina
Social Justice Lawyer
Part I
What We Are Trying To Do
A quality of interaction, ubuntu is a thread, which runs through peoples relationships with family members, neighbors, and strangers. The African proverb (which translates), a person is a person by means of other
people, suggests that ones own humanness depends upon recognizing the humanity of others and their recognizing yours. (Francis Wilson and Mamphela Ramphele, Uprooting Poverty: The South African Challenge)
The purpose of this document, produced by the Beloved Community Center (BCC) of Greensboro,
North Carolina, is to serve as a catalyst and a call to
the residents of Greensboro to immediately intensify and elevate the work of transitioning this city into a new era in which all of the citys 273,000 people
may thrive. We intend to inform, encourage, and
engage the residents of Greensboro, while seeking
the support of the nation, in order to construct a
process that allows a broad range of people to work
together towards the goal of making Greensboro the
best city it can be.
spoken candidly and, we hope, clearly in this document. Though painful for some, we believe it is
both helpful and necessary for Greensboro to face
its historical narrative.
We believe Greensboro is on the front end of a
major crisis. The crisis is growing both deeper and
broader as much of the leadership and a large segment of the population slumber in denial or are
stuck without a sense of what can be done. Trust
is declining while cynicism is growing. Our current predicament involves an economy that no
longer functions for many Greensboro residents.
We see this initiative as one consistent with BCCs

mission, to foster and model a spirit of community
based on Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.s vision of a
beloved community. In this spirit we work towards social and economic relations that affirm and realize the
equality, dignity, worth and potential of everyone.
We have taken the initiative to set out a vision and
suggest a process for moving forward. We are very
clear, however, that the work of changing our city
for the better is everyones work; moreover, it is
work that we must learn to do together. We want
to become a much more beloved community. We
want every single person to be affirmed and to be
helped to live out their fullest potential. This is the
spirit in which we issue this document. We have
A local town hall meeting on issues of democracy and

education sponsored by Community Dialogue on
Education
The crisis involves our education system, which is

not equipping our young people to rebuild neighborhoods and communities. It does not adequately
encourage the creative thinking and imagination
that we so desperately need at this moment. The crisis also involves a law enforcement/police culture
that is increasingly mistreating and abusing its most
vulnerable citizens and residents.
All of us, therefore, are
challenged to think afresh.
We are challenged to raise
disturbing questions. Are
we destined to continue
down this road? Do we
have to keep our heads buried in the sand, denying the
magnitude of human suffering and destruction, occurring daily all around us?
Do we expect this problem
to be solved in our city by
anyone other than the people of the city?
prisoned and even having their lives unjustly taken.

With such power, it is our view that the police must
be held to high standards with the highest integrity.
Regrettably, we are certain that this is not currently
the case. Given the citys structurally weak city
council, the public must itself play a greater and
greater role in correcting
this flaw within this critical
public institution. That is
part of the democratic process, and it is an essential
part of our democratic duty.
The work of greater police
professionalism and accountability is very important public and democratic work. As we do this
work together, helping each
other along the way, we are
convinced that the GPD will
become a better police department, we will become a
better people. We will also
strike a powerful blow
against all forms of racism,
as well as other forms of
domination, operating in the
culture of our city.
As we hope to show, the

pathway to a new progressive era in Greensboro is
blocked by the dehumanizBelieving as we do that
ing, debilitating, and danthere are other communities
gerous legacy of racism that
seeking to do similar work,
is deeply woven throughout
we have chosen to share this
the cultural fabric of our With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the
document not only with the
city and of our nation. mountain of despair a stone of hope. (Dr. Martin
people of Greensboro but
While racism is pervasive in Luther King, Jr. 1963 March on Washington speech)
also with friends and other
the culture of Greensboro,
interested parties around the
its headquarters, where it is
state and the nation. We
most deeply entrenched, is within the Greensboro
hope to develop partnerships with others, sharing
Police Department (GPD). It persists as a sub-culture
perspectives and projects, summing up lessons, and
of corruption and double standards.
borrowing from each others experiences, as togethThe police department (together with other
er we seek to live into the fullness of our human polaw enforcement entities) is not just any public institential.
tution. Among its duties is its directive to provide
public safety for the community. It is unique in that
In the spirit and words of Dr. Martin Luther King,
it is an institution that has been granted the power
Jr., let us move forward together believing that we
to make arrests, to bring charges against people, and
can carve out of this mountain of despair a stone
to use physical force. Misbehavior within the police
of hope, right here in Greensboro!
department can result in people being unjustly im-
Part II
A Quest for Truth:
Case Studies of Police Corruption

and Double Standards
We swallow greedily any lie that flatters us, but we sip only little by little
at a truth we find bitter.
(Denis Diderott, Le neveu De Rameau)
OUR USE OF THE TERMINOLOGY

SUB-CULTURE OF CORRUPTION
AND DOUBLE STANDARDS
In this document we consciously use the phrase
subculture of double standards and corruption. By
subculture we in no way mean to imply that all police officers are corrupt or engage in double standards when carrying out their duties. Nor do we intend to imply any lack of appreciation of the need
for good police work, especially the good and difficult work carried out daily by most Greensboro police officers.
We are convinced, however, that there has existed
for a long time a leadership element in the GPD
(GDP) that is corrupt and that systematically employs double standards. This leadership element
has evolved into a way of life over many years and
is now tarnishing and reducing the effectiveness of
the entire department. It is this subculture, or way
of life, and its leadership that we are addressing. As
residents of Greensboro, we are all undoubtedly concerned and troubled by the assertion of corruption
within one of our vital public service institutions. We
have summarized 14 cases that reflect the sub-culture of
corruption and double standards pervasive in the GPD. If
we, as individuals and as a city, can do our best to set
aside our preconceptions and read these cases carefully,
we believe the body of information presented will convincingly speak for itself.
THE CASE OF
MR. LAMONTE ARMSTRONG
On June 29th, 2012, Mr. LaMonte Armstrong
walked out of prison a free man for the first time
in 17 years. His freedom was largely the result
of the efforts
of the Duke
University
School of Law
Wrongful
Convictions
Clinic. While
i m p r i s on ed ,
Armstrong
missed
17
Ch ristmases
with his family, 17 birthday
celebrations,
17 years of
having
the
freedom to eat Lamont Armstrong, finally rewhat
h e leased in June of 2012, spent 17
chose, and 17 years in prison based on a flawed
years
of GPD investigation. Yet, incredisleeping
in bly, Chief Miller refused to investithe comfort of gate the discredited and flawed
a bed at home investigation.
rather than on
a cold prison cot. He missed much of the opportunity to further develop himself. Why did he
miss all of these moments? Armstrong missed

them because, in 1995, he was wrongfully convicted of the murder of North Carolina A&T State
University Professor Ernestine Compton.
In their initial investigations of the 1988 murder,
the GPD ruled out Armstrong as a suspect. The
GPD interviewed Armstrong repeatedly during
this period. They even used an informant to try to
draw general information about the crime from
Armstrong, without Armstrongs knowledge. After Armstrong demonstrated that he knew nothing about the murder, police realized that no evidence existed linking him to it.
You may wonder how Armstrong ended up charged with
this very crime seven years
later. When police subsequently charged the informant himself with Comptons murder,
the informant changed his
tune. He then testified that
Armstrong had murdered
Compton and took the plea
deal that the GPD had offered
him in an unrelated case in
exchange
for
his
cooperation.
and they worked in concert with the prosecution

to stop Armstrongs defense team from their legal
right to obtain evidence that suggested the possibility of their clients innocence. This calls into
question the departments integrity, and the nature of their priorities. Did the GPD, and does it
now, value their responsibility to uphold the law
above all else? Do they take seriously their supposed commitment to ethical behavior in investigations? The Armstrong case leaves us with too
much doubt regarding the answers to such questions. Moreover, the effects of this misconduct impacted, not only Armstrong and his family, but
also the family and loved ones
of Ernestine Compton. They
thought justice had been
served, but now they must relive the horror of her murder
and hope that this time, the
GPD conducts all aspects of its
work properly. If this lack of
professionalism occurred in
Armstrongs case, it could have
occurred in others.
The questions that arise with

regard to Armstrongs case get
at the heart of the source of
Greensboro can never grow into its full poten- community trust (or lack thereAfter the GPD charged Arm- tial of greatness until the scales of justice are of) in the GPD. How committed
strong, the prosecution and balanced. There must be equal justice for all. is the GPD to ethical, legal acpolice made the unlawful decition versus high arrest rates?
sion not to provide ArmWhich is more important to
strongs defense attorneys with documents and
them, solid police work and upholding the law, or
recordings that pointed to Armstrongs innocence.
closing high profile cases by any means necesAmong this evidence was a statement in which
sary? What values are emphasized within the culpeople acknowledged seeing Compton alive after
ture of the GPD, if they were willing to arrest
the police reported that Armstrong had killed her.
someone based on evidence that they knew was
Thus, not only did the GPD arrest Armstrong with
coerced from a person they knew had questionaquestionable evidence of his guilt, they also, along
ble connections to the murder in question? Given
with the prosecuting attorneys, withheld evidence
this case, how can we trust that other men and
that likely could have prevented Armstrong from
women have not also been wrongfully sent to jail
spending 17 years in jail for a crime he did not
by the GPD?
commit. The informant has since recanted his testimony, admitting that he testified against ArmPerhaps the biggest and most deep-seated failure
in the aftermath of the Armstrong case is that
strong to obtain the plea deal. Recent palm print
there still has been no investigation of the initial
analysis technology demonstrates that the informflawed investigation. What kind of police deant himself is most likely Comptons murderer.
partment would not investigate clear and intentional errors that took away 17 years of a mans
The GPD accepted the informants changing story
life? Who are the detectives and supervisory po-
lice personnel who worked on this case? Their unethical and seemingly illegal behavior draws into
question other cases, which they processed. Are
these same officers still a part of the GPD? How
long did each serve after the 1995 wrongful conviction? How many cases might these same officers have tainted? The current Police Chief, Kenneth Miller, has been silent on Armstrongs case.
Chief Miller fails to uphold his sworn duty to the
public by refusing to investigate those responsible
for the wrongful charging of and conviction of
Armstrong. The Guilford County District Attorney appeared to characterize the wrongful investigation by GPD as one where Mr. Armstrong was
framed. All of this information points not to just
one or two people in the department but to a culture of corruption and double standards within
the GPD. The citizens of this city deserve answers!
How can we trust that other men and women are
not also missing the opportunity to spend time
with loved ones and perhaps even working to better their own communities because they sit in prison for a crime that they did not commit? We must
hold ourselves and our police to higher standards.
The Case of
Mr. Michael Slagle
In May of 2012, District Attorney Douglas Henderson had Michael Slagle released from prison
due to the indefensible and unspecified actions of
the GPD. Slagle had been charged with the brutal
beating of Ms. Deborah Moy, the murder of her
boyfriend, musician William Billy Ransom
Hobbs, Jr., and then burning them inside their
home afterwards. In order to proceed with firstdegree murder and other charges, the investigating detective, his or her sergeant, lieutenant, captain, assistant chief, chief of police, and the prosecuting attorney must all agree on the merit of the
charges. In other words, multiple people had to
approve Slagles charge before the case proceeded
to court.
Disturbingly, neither DA Henderson nor the GPD
will publicly state the specific actions of the GPD
that led to the DAs decision to release Slagle.

Despite their not coming forward, a few clear
factors seem apparent in
DA Hendersons decision: 1) that the GPD
acted outside its realm
of authority; 2) that the
problematic actions of
the GPD stemmed from
more than mere procedural or paperwork errors; and 3) that the dis- DA Douglas Henderson,
turbing actions of the pictured above, released
GPD occurred on multi- Michael Slagle, who was
ple levels within the de- charged with a gruesome
partment. If these fac- murder and arson, from
tors were not true, it is jail in May 2012. Yet, DA
Henderson will not state
doubtful that Hender- publicly the indefensible
son would have any and unspecified actions in
compelling reasons to GPDs investigation that
worry about sharing prompted his decision.
more information with
the public about a mistake in such a high-profile
case.
This information leads
us to ask what factors
prompted DA Henderson to take this initiative in such a horrific
crime. Why would we
not be told something
about the behavior of
the GPD that is tied to
a crime of such magnitude? Evidently, at
least one area of the
GPD, an area with the
authority to investigate
murders and make ar- Chief Miller, pictured
rests and charges, faces above, will not publicly
a profound lack of eth- disclose the specific indefensible and unspecified
ics. Further, that entity actions by the GPD that
demonstrates question- explain the release of Miable commitment to the chael Slagle, once accused
law and to the well- of murder and arson.
being of the Greensboro citizens whom they are slated to protect.
In light of all of the above, the decision by the DA

to keep the wrongful actions unknown to the public points to a greater culture of corruption within
all branches of Greensboro law enforcement. Why
would Chief Miller and DA Henderson not come
forward and say clearly what errors were made,
who made them, and why they were made? We
can see no justification for silence. Instead, it
seems tied to unprofessional police conduct, at
best, and corrupt or criminal police conduct at
worst. Why has Chief Miller not investigated the
GPDs actions that led to Slagles release?
As Greensboro citizens, we must object. A culture
of corruption as profound and deep-seated as is
suggested by these hazy and troubling events
goes to fundamental issues of safety, justice, and
citizenship for all Greensboro residents. It even
affects the very fabric of family life. Will the family members of Moy and Hobbs ever have closure?
These people had to face cruel emotional ups and
downs unnecessarily because members of the
GPD could not uphold their duty to act within the
lines of professionalism and, possibly, the law.
The irony presented in this situation is whether
Slagle is himself a victim of police misconduct or
whether Slagle is a killer loosed back into the community because of the lack of professionalism and
corruption within the GPD?
The Case of
Mr. Lamont Pride
tempted to kill a Black Greensboro resident. Pride

faced charges of assault with a deadly weapon
with intent to kill, inflicting serious injury, felony
conspiracy, and possession of firearm by a felon.
In New York, officers arrested Pride on two occasions for possession of weapons and drugs, before
he fatally shot NYPD Officer Figoski. Both times,
NYPD informed the GPD that they held Pride and
requested that the GPD send officers to extradite
Pride to North Carolina. Pride could then be arraigned for his attempted murder of a Greensboro
resident. Both times, the GPD refused to extradite
Pride, allowing him to remain on the streets, ultimately a primary factor that led to the death of
Officer Figoski.
This tragic series of events leads one to wonder
why the GPD failed to extradite Pride. Surely, if
Prides warrants had involved the attempted
murder of a prominent citizen such as Mayor Perkins or former Mayor Jim Melvin, the GPD would
have sent officers to retrieve him immediately.
And yet, Pride did face charges for attempting to
murder a less noteworthy, African American citizen of Greensboro. Does the GPD not value the
lives of Greensboros lesser-known citizens?
Does it not value the lives of the Black men and
women in the city? Can we trust them to uphold
the law and justice no matter who is violating the
law or who is victim to its violation? It seems that
the answer to this last question is no. We hasten
to affirm that we value the lives of all. The specific example above was used only to help all of
On December 12, 2011, Mr.

Lamont Pride shot and killed
New York Police Officer Peter Figoski. Had the GPD
(GPD) upheld their legal obligation to apply the law
evenly, circumstances may
have differed greatly.
Pride had previously and
repeatedly encountered law
enforcement in both New
York City and Greensboro.
He fled Greensboro to New New York Police Officer Peter Figoski might still be alive but for the GPDs uneYork after he shot and at- ven application of the law that objectively left Pride in the position to kill him.
us see more clearly the double standards and corruption

within the GPD.
Moreover, it seems as though Figoski might still be
alive today, but for the GPDs uneven application of the
law that helped to ensure Prides ability to harm others.
We cannot hold the GPD entirely accountable for the
death of Figoski, but we can and must hold them accountable for uneven application of the law. Justice for
our city depends on it.
The Case of the

Police Locker Room Incident
ment that he pulled a gun on a fellow officer,

what might he do on the streets in a situation
with a few Black males he considers threatening?
Would he arrest them simply because he was angry? Would he shoot them and claim self defense? Nothing can be more serious than situations of literal life and death. Nothing can be
more serious than the mental state of a police officer armed with a gun and tasked with upholding the law and protecting others. Thus, this incident and the departments response are very,
very serious. What is his state of mind now?
Now that he was not charged, how dangerous is
Not all of our distress regarding the conduct and culture of the GPD has to do directly with misconduct on a
specific case. Some of our concerns stem from reported
incidents and interactions between officers themselves.
One such incident occurred in the locker room between
two officers, whose verbal disagreement suddenly became life threatening.
According to a GPD officer, he walked into the locker
room to discover two of his colleagues engaged in an
altercation. The situation escalated to the possibility of
physical violence when one officer pulled a taser and
the other officer pulled a loaded gun, pointing it at his
fellow officer. While such an extreme decision should
trouble anyone in Greensboro, the response of Chief
Miller and the GPD only adds to our concern.
Clearly, Chief Miller and the GPD should have required
the officer who pulled the gun to have a psychological
evaluation as part of a larger assessment of whether or
not he could perform his job with the calm coolness required in potentially life-threatening situations outside
of department walls. The GPD took minor disciplinary
action but did not charge the officer with a crime,
among other things, of assault by pointing a gun. In addition, the GPD attempted to disallow public
knowledge and awareness of the incident. After minor
discipline for the crime he committed, the officer was
allowed to return to patrolling the streets of Greensboro.
If this (White) officer felt so angry in a police environ-
One officer pulled his taser against a fellow officer, and

then the other officer pulled his gun inside a police environment. Yet, no psychological evaluations were conducted. What might be the actions of those same officers
on the streets at night when faced by a few Black males
they consider threatening?
he to unsuspecting citizens, even while off-duty?

We should not have emotionally unstable and
unsure men and women carrying a gun, with the
authority to kill. This man has the ability to
make life-or-death decisions about other people
and other peoples lives. Do we trust this man to
make those decisions on the street? The deeper
question is the internal investigative mechanism
that picks and chooses which cases to investigate
and how they will be investigated, not on the
merit of the case, but rather based on who is involved. Again we point to double standards.
Moreover, the actions of Chief Miller and the

GPD suggest that they feel that their department
has something to hide. Why did they not force
him to seek psychological help as they did former Captain Charles Cherry (discussed later in
this paper)? If appropriate charges had been
filed for the behavior of these officers this would
be a matter of public record. If these are the disciplinary decisions they are making, isnt the
GPD supporting an environment of violence
that trivializes the lives of fellow officers, let
alone other Greensboro residents? The unclear
answers to these important questions should
give us all great pause. Chief Miller, the GPD,
and the leadership of Greensboro must supply
answers.
The Case of
Police Officer Robert Reyes
Robert Reyes is a Latino
former Greensboro Police Officer who, on October 29, 2009, while he
was still a part of the
GPD, filed a misconduct
complaint. The content
of his complaint, as well
as the GPDs response
to it, further revealed
some of the ugliness of
the GPDs culture. Of- Latino Officer Robert
Reyes was unjustly
ficer Reyes verbally reterminated by the GPD
ported to his sergeant
that a White officer in the department verbally
threatened and used excessive force against an
African-American arrestee. Reyes wanted and
expected the supervisor to correct and redirect
the officers misconduct. Instead of taking corrective action, higher-ranking officers in the
GPD retaliated against Officer Reyes by harassing, intimidating, and embarrassing him. An
example of the retaliation was the lowering of
Reyes evaluation rating.
Officer Reyes did not take the bait and react to
the provocation, but, nevertheless, his evaluation rating was lowered. The lowering of his rating prompted Officer Reyes to file an appeal,
seeking information on the reasons for the unwarranted actions against him. The department
denied his appeal. Frustrated by the GPDs repeated retaliation, harassment, and intimidation
of him, Officer Reyes then filed a series of grievances and complaints.
The GPD intensified its retaliation against
Reyes, charging him with misconduct and suspending him. An investigation confirmed the
falseness of the misconduct charges, resulting in
the GPD reinstating Officer Reyes. Although
Reyes was reinstated, Chief Miller and the GPD
continued retaliating against him. This continued retaliation resulted in Reyes filing further
complaints of harassment, discrimination, and
intimidation. Chief Miller and the GPD then
performed the ultimate retaliation, terminating
Reyes for alleged insubordination.
Officer Reyes was terminated for two purported
reasons. The first was that he violated personnel
policies when he submitted two complaints in
2010. Second was that Reyes allowed, or permitted, Rev. Nelson Johnson to release personnel information to the media. Both of these
claims are false.
Once Reyes was terminated, he filed for unemployment compensation. The GPD objected and
sought to block Reyes from receiving unemployment benefits. A hearing before the North Carolina Employment Security Commission was
held on September 6, 2011. Present on behalf of
the City and GPD were city Attorney Jamiah
Waterman and GPD Captain Brian Cheek. The
Employment Security Commission found and
concluded that:
Claimant (Reyes) did not act with any malice or
substantial disregard of Employers policies when
he submitted the September 3 and 23 complaints to
Mr. Youngs office. Claimant had a reasonable reason for such submission. Furthermore, this cannot
be considered a deliberate violation of policy.(Par.
16 page 2)
Thereafter, after Claimant was told not to submit
The North Carolina Employment Security Commission found the reasoning of the GPD to be flawed
and without merit.
any further documentation to Mr. Youngs office,

Claimant did not. The complaints ending up in
Mr. Youngs office cannot be attributed to Claimant; Claimant submitted those complaints to the
proper chain of command. Claimant cannot be
deemed insubordinate in the manner, because he
did not act in defiance of orders given by Mr.
Young and Mr. Miller. (Par. 17 Pages 2&3)
The Employment Security Commission found
the reasoning of the GPD to be flawed and without merit. Although Officer Reyes got his unemployment compensation the decision of the
Employment Security Commission did not
cause the GPD to reconsider its decision to terminate him.
cial GPD investigation, with an absolutely false

assertion [lie] made against him. Rev. Johnson
has also requested that disciplinary action be
taken against those responsible. Yet, he has received no letter of acknowledgement regarding
his complaint. Mayor Robbie Perkins met with
Rev. Johnson in March of 2012 about this matter.
Privately the Mayor said he would follow up.
He has not as of this writing.
The sum of these actions demonstrates that if, as
the GPD claims, its investigation yielded the information that Rev. Johnson released personnel
information and if its investigation provided the
information that Officer Reyes was insubordinate, then the investigative methods of the GPD
are deeply flawed. Greensboro citizens have to
question all GPD investigations, whether internal assessments regarding employees or external inquiries regarding citizens. On the other
hand, if the investigation did not yield the results claimed by the GPD, then the GPD must
feel it has something to hide. In spite of repeated written and verbal requests, no investigation
has been produced. This pattern of lack of accountability is frightening.
The second allegation against Officer Reyes was

that his spiritual advisor, Rev. Nelson Johnson,
released confidential personnel information to
the press. Incidentally Rev. Johnson was present
at the Employment Security Commission hearing to refute any such claim. Neither the City
Attorney Waterman nor Captain Cheek raised
that claim at the hearing. Further, Rev. Johnson
stated that any such claim was unequivocally
and totally false with no basis in truth. He went
on to say that no truthful investigation could
validate the false claim that came out of the City
Managers office.
If the problems described above only involved a

few police personnel, those acting inappropriately could easily be corrected or dismissed and
the greater culture of the department would not
warrant any sort of massive overhaul. However,
the lack of response by Mayor Perkins and the
City Council, the City Managers office, and
Chief Miller points to deeper troubles. If the department continues to operate in this manner,
no citizen of Greensboro, especially the poor
and people of color, can rest assured that justice
is being served in their city. In the meanwhile,
former Officer Reyes must try to find a way to
survive without a steady means of income. Officer Reyes has been tremendously wronged.
The allegation against Rev. Johnson came from

former City Manager Rashad Youngs office, by
way of the flawed investigation of Chief Miller
and the GPDs Professional Standards Division.
Rev. Johnson wrote and submitted a complaint
to the Mayor and City Council on September 30,
2011. He has also made several recorded public
requests, asking for correction of an untrue offi-
It should be noted that Officer Reyes has a

daughter with cancer and has no health insurance as a result of the false and retaliatory actions by the GPD. Clearly, the treatment of Officer Reyes is not isolated but is symptomatic of
the larger sub-culture of corruption and double
standards deeply embedded in the GPD.
The Case of
Police Officer Deborah Thomas
Deborah Thomas is an African American female
and a former Greensboro police officer whose case
illustrates the culture of corruption and flawed
investigative methods of the GPD. In 2009 Thomas filed a complaint of a hostile work environment
in which she faced discrimination, retaliation, and
harassment. The department failed to investigate
her complaint. Failing to investigate complaints or
even to acknowledge receipt of complaints in
some cases is an entrenched pattern within the
GPD. When Thomas raised this issue, she was reassigned to a less desirable work assignment,
prompting her to file another complaint against
her supervisor. Thomas supervisor himself investigated this complaint. Thomas supervisor informed her that he received direction from the
City Managers office to investigate himself. Deborahs supervisor recorded the conversation in
which he plainly says that he was directed by Former City Manager Rashad Young to investigate
himself. The recording has been played for the

City Council and is currently on YouTube
[http://www.youtube.com/watch?
v=O5hoCuShIqg ] .
Not surprisingly, the supervisor cleared himself
and all other implicated parties and currently
refuses to answer any questions about the investigations validity. We ask you to think about
this just a little longer. He cleared himself!!
This is truly incredible. How can Greensboros
citizens trust an investigative method in which
certain people are allowed to investigate themselves for their own misconduct? Who decides
whether an officer is eligible to investigate himself? Furthermore, what does this mean when
former City Manager Rashad Young, current
City Manager Denise Turner-Roth, and Police
Chief Ken Miller all condone and support this
investigative method? What does it say that
once the Mayor and City Council are informed
of this outrageous behavior, they condone it and
do absolutely nothing? What other conclusion can
Greensboro citizens draw from this chain of events
except that the culture, especially the investigative
mechanism within the GPD, reeks of corruption?
How can any officer or person be expected to
honestly file complaints when all evidence
demonstrates that they will not be properly investigated, if investigated at all?
A recent report from the Police Chief about a
smaller number of complaints no longer seems
like a statistic Greensboro citizens should applaud. Instead, it seems possible that Greensboro police officers and citizens, who do have
complaints, are remaining silent because they
know such complaints are futile. Moreover, officers may fear losing their jobs if they voice a
problem or perhaps uncover some of the corrupt
actions within the department. If police officers
cannot trust the investigative methods of their
own department, how can we expect trust from
the citizens of Greensboro?
Should I convict myself or acquit myself? Sergeant

Daren Davis said he was authorized by the former
city manager to investigate himself. This sets up the
ultimate conflict of interest.
The Case of Police Officer

Ahmed J. Blake
A.J. Blake is a Latino former police officer whose
experience points to disturbing levels of both corruption and racial discrimination in the GPD. In
January of 2009, Blake and his fiance attended a
party at a police club, frequented primarily by
white police officers, where Blake and his fiance
were the only persons of color at the party. The
party degenerated into a drinking contest between
police officers with a scorecard on the wall recording the drinks. The local media reported that the
police club has a history of practicing
swinging (sexually exchanging wives and girl
friends). When former Police Chief Bellamy was
asked about the police club being a swinging club,
he said that as long as it did not affect the work of
police officers it was of no concern to him.
In any event, Blakes
fiance became upset with the character of the party and
demanded to leave.
Later in the evening,
as they went outside
to leave, the couple
began to engage in a
verbal disagreement.
An intoxicated white
woman
noticed
them arguing and Officer A. J. Blake was unjustly
for some reason felt terminated twice from the GPD.
compelled
to
defend
Blakes
fiance, as she and Blake headed to their car outside. Accordingly, the white woman onlooker aggressively approached Blake and tried to attack
him. In response, Blake extended his hand in front
of him, attempting to slow her down and stop her
attack. The GPD arrested Blake and charged him
with assaulting both his fiance and his attacker.
Tellingly, Blakes fiance stated she had not been
assaulted and, therefore, did not want to press
charges against Blake. Nor did she have a valid
reason to press charges against Blake. Blake, a

trained black belt karate teacher, was accused of
leaping in the air and kicking his fiance. Infrared tests on her clothing confirmed that there
were no signs of assault. Moreover, Blake vehemently denied assaulting anyone. No sober witnesses were present at the alleged assault who
could speak to any of the nights events, and no
one witnessed Blake hitting the intoxicated
white woman whom he allegedly assaulted.
Blake repeatedly related that he held out his
hand to stop her attack, but did not hit, nor level
any force against, the intoxicated woman.
Among all the reasons that Blake should not
have been charged, perhaps the most important
and compelling is that Detective Schwochow
who investigated the alleged assault affirmed
that there was no justification for the accusation
of assaulting his fiance. Detective Schwochow
thus supported Blakes fiances statement of
Blakes innocence. Nevertheless, ignoring the
evidence Detective Schwochows commander
ordered him to charge Blake with assaulting his
fiance. Without the assault charges on the fiance, the case for the other woman was without
legal merit, and nonexistent. After being
charged, Blake was suspended without pay and
later fired.
It is significant to note here that Latino Officer
Blake was suspended without pay. Contrast
that with the case of White Officer Earnest Tate,
who was charged with domestic assault on a
female. White Officer Tate was suspended with
pay. Officer Tate was found guilty in district
court and appealed his case to Superior Court,
where then District Attorney Douglas Albright
dismissed the charges. Through this sequence
of events Officer Tates pay was never suspended. Officer Tates case was prior to Blakes case.
Contrast this further with White Officer Thomas
L. Eastridges case that occurred after Blakes
case. Officer Eastridge was charged in Surry
County with assault on his wife. He was not
suspended but brought to work and put on administrative duty. Although charged with assault, Officer Eastridge never lost his pay.
Judge for yourself

whether these examples show a
pattern of double
standards or not?
manager for reinstating Officer Blake. Taking such

an action in uniform is insubordination. Absolutely nothing was done to these officers even after strong complaints were registered from the
African American community.
It is significant to
mention that Officer Blake had
made previous allegations that the
Greensboro Police
A.J. Blake pictured attending Gang Unit had
one of the many GPD hear- mistreated Latinos
ings that seemed predeter- and minorities in
mined to fire him.
the course of their
police work. Specifically, Officer Blake reported that these officers had used racist epithets, used double standards, and perhaps overused force. One of the
reasons that Blake apparently faced assault
charges is that the GPD used the charges as an
opportunity to discredit, quell and dispel Blake
and his allegations of discrimination against Latinos. By discrediting Blake the department did
not have to investigate his claims of racial discrimination within and outside the department.
The GPD was thwarted in its first effort to remove

Blake. Yet, Blake was terminated a second time,
allegedly for malicious gossip because of statements he made that were actually true and that he
had already been adjudicated for and found not
guilty. This action marked the second time Blake
was fired for essentially the same thing. The GPD
has subsequently blacklisted Blake at police departments all around the country, thus preventing
him from being able to get a good job and earn a
living in his chosen profession.
In a jury made up of six men and six women

with six blacks and six whites, Officer Blake was
found not guilty of the assault charge. What
happened to the commanding officer and the
chief of police who tried to frame Blake for assaults that he did not commit? Nothing. They
faced no disciplinary action whatsoever. However, after the whole ordeal Blake was unable to
return to work on his regular job. Blakes supporters within the community brought tremendous pressure on the interim city manager to
reinstate Officer Blake, especially in light of the
courts not guilty verdict. Blake was in fact reinstated to his job. Once Blake returned to work,
however, the hostility and retaliation intensified.
Capitan Wolfe, who was in Blakes chain of
command, greeted him in the presence of his
fiance and child by calling him a sack of sh-t.
Captain Wolfe was not disciplined. Later, a
number of uniformed white officers (some onduty) came to the city council meeting and publicly denounced the retiring white interim city
The actions of the GPD related to Blake are troubling for a number of reasons. Of all the negative
behavior towards police officers who stand up
and raise complaints, the treatment of Blake is
among the most devious, brazen, and painful. Officer Blake has lost his home. This ongoing ordeal
has put tremendous stress on his eight-year-old
daughter as he strives to make ends meet. Every
attempt to get a job with any law enforcement
agency or any other area that requires a reference
from his last job has been blocked by the GPD.
The GPD, working in the background, has been
successful in getting the State of North Carolina
to revoke Officer Blakes license to serve as a law
enforcement officer in the State. The revocation of
Blakes license is being appealed to Superior
Court.
A.J. Blake did his job as a police officer well. He
did nothing wrong; he, in fact, reflects the highest
level of integrity within the GPD. Because he
raised complaints about the anti-Latino prejudice
within the department, the GPD unleashed the
wrath of the sub-culture of corruption and double
standards against him.
No one close to the GPD can trust its internal
investigative mechanism, especially when the
sub-culture that controls the department is
threatened. The treatment of Blake has likely
instilled fear and discouraged other officers who
may have honest concerns about GPDs opera-
tions from speaking out. Everyone suffers in such

an environment. No institution, department,
agency, or even individual can move forward and
become better without addressing obvious and
exposed injustice, racism, corruption, and double
standards. The same goes for the GPD.
Regrettably, the overall culture of the current GPD
leadership appears to be more concerned that they
might be forced to address systemic issues related
to its investigative methods, racial discrimination,
and its secrecy related to police operations and
complaints than they are with safeguarding
Greensboro and providing transparent, evenlyapplied enforcement of the laws for all Greensboro citizens.
The Case of
Police Officer Joseph Pryor
Joseph Pryor is an African American former
Greensboro Police Officer. His experience in the
GPD underscores the intensely problematic investigative methods of the department and hints at
the profound level of corruption across multiple
areas and levels within the department.
While running after a African American suspect,
Terrance Jermaine Lipscomb, with two of his
white fellow officers (Officers Cox and Atkins),
Pryor fell and hurt his knee to such an extent that
Two white officers caught and arrested Lipscomb.

African American Officer Pryor never made contact
with Lipscomb. Yet, the GPD criminally and administratively investigated Officer Pryor and ultimately
terminated him on a fabricated technicality.
he had to take five

weeks leave to heal.
As Pryor lay on the
ground suffering from
the knee injury, Officers
Atkins and Cox caught
and arrested Lipscomb.
Mr. Lipscomb complained later that Officer
Pryor had kicked him in
the abdomen, resulting
in medical injuries. Former Officer Joseph
Pryor, along with his Pryor unjustly terminated by the GPD.
two fellow officers, all
denied that story; after his fall, Pryor was incapacitated, and could not run, let alone stand on
one leg and kick someone forcefully. Officers
Atkins and Cox acknowledged that they did, in
fact, use sufficient force to execute the arrest.
Strangely, however, the GPD did not investigate
the physical blows (knee strikes and closed fist
blows) the suspect sustained from the Caucasian
officers involved, but instead chose to perform a
criminal investigation of Pryor.
The investigation cleared Pryor of any wrongdoing, largely because the two white officers who
caught up with and arrested Mr. Lipscomb, testified that Pryor did not strike or make any
physical contact with the arrestee. Because a
criminal investigation of Officer Pryor had been
carried out, Professional Standards (IA or the
internal investigative mechanism within the
GPD) then had to perform a follow-up investigation of Pryor.
For unspecified reasons, the Internal Affairs (IA)
investigation (an administrative, non-criminal
investigation) omitted the testimonies by Officers Cox and Atkins. It, therefore, yielded supposedly inconclusive results as to whether or
not Pryor kicked the suspect. By ruling that
Pryors actions with regard to the suspect could
not be fully determined, the Internal Affairs investigation directly opposed the more stringent
criminal investigation and left an ambiguous
record for Officer Pryor.
In response to this bizarre and upsetting turn of
events, Pryor filed a grievance to clear his name

completely of any wrongdoing. The grievance
pointed not only to the gravity of Pryors knee
injury, but also pointed to other improprieties
(for example failure to consider Officers Coxs
and Atkins testimonies) in the GPD that enabled the incongruent results of the two investigations.
Investigators in the police department wrongfully used Pryors grievance to then fire him on
a fabricated procedural technicality. Pryor subsequently learned that someone or some people
in the GPD affixed Pryors signature (copied,
forged, or scanned) to a document that he was
accused of signing.
Mr. Lipscomb persisted in his claim that he was
injured as a result of his arrest. It should be noted that after Pryors grievance, the GPD reinvestigated Pryors case. The GPDs investigation
concluded that Lipscombs witnesses were lying
and Lipscomb was found to be in collusion with
his witnesses. In spite of the finding of the criminal investigation of Pryor, as well as the administrative investigation of Pryor, Mr. Lipscomb
brought civil charges against the City of Greensboro and former Officer Pryor. He did not bring
civil charges against Officers Cox or Atkins.
We know this is complicated and bizarre, but
bear with us as we weave our way through this
web of confusion. Pryor received a letter from
the GPD legal team. The letter stated that the
GPD legal team would represent Pryor regarding Mr. Lipscombs civil suit, but implied that
Pryors pending federal lawsuit against the City
(alleging discrimination) could be a conflict of
interest. Pryor, not trusting the GPD legal team,
chose to retain his own lawyer. Pryors lawyer
and the lawyers for the city jointly negotiated
with Mr. Lipscombs legal team. Unknown to
Pryor and his lawyer, the City settled on behalf
of the City of Greensboro, but left former officer
Pryor to defend himself at his own cost, even
though the citys own two investigations
(criminal and administrative) affirmed that Officer Pryor was not guilty of any inappropriate
action and that Mr. Lipscomb had lied.
This situation left Pryor not only fired, but also

saddled with a legal suit that arose from proper
performance of his duties as a police officer. Forcing Pryor to pay his own legal fees represents a
radical departure from police protocol and points
to the GPDs malicious intent and retaliation with
regard to Officer Pryor. It would have cost Pryor
over $12,000 to get the expert witnesses needed
and to pay other costs related to adequately defending himself in the civil suit. Pryor conducted
a cost benefit analysis and chose to settle the claim
and to pay the $5,000 Lipscomb was asking for in
the suit.
The community heard of this appalling turn of
events and demanded that the City immediately
repay Pryor the $5,000, which he spent to settle
the case. The community outcry, coupled with a
complaint of misconduct that exposed the Citys
retaliation and discrimination against Pryor,
forced the City to reimburse Pryor $5,000. The
complaint of misconduct raised specifically
against City Attorney Mujeeb Shah-Khan, Police
Attorney James Clark, and City Manager Denise
Turner-Roth has not yet been investigated.
Pryors experience as a black officer in the GPD
understandably raises profoundly troubling questions about the investigative methods of the GPD,
as well as the ethical values that guide the department. Moreover, this series of events calls into
question the process through which the department responds to internal and outside critiques, as
well as their commitment to racial equality both
within and external to the department.
These questions become all the more urgent and
necessary considering the statement made by the
Greensboro Assistant City Manager, Michael
Speedling, regarding the investigation of Pryor.
Mr. Speedling stated in a media publication that
the Professional Standards Division was either
discriminatory or incompetent when they investigated Pryors case. Why have no corrective
measures been taken to address these serious issues, especially in light of the facts of this case?
The informed citizens of Greensboro have the authority, power, and obligation to hold our elected
officials and police officers accountable to the
highest standards of operation and demand
meaningful, long-lasting changes in the culture

and operating policies of the city government.
The Case of
87 Year-old Ms. Eva Foster
The problematic practices within the GPD have
recently come to the forefront of public consciousness with the media reports on the negative experience of one of Greensboros former educators, 87
-year-old Ms. Eva Foster (an African American
woman of the community).
On September 21st, 2009, then-85-year-old Ms.
Foster, went to the store to cash a check and pick
up some items. Before the end of the night, a
White police officer with the GPD forced her to
the floor and handcuffed her with such force that
her wrist was fractured. Why, you ask? Ms. Foster
had committed no crime, she was not under arrest, she was not the subject of an investigation.
A white officer, yet to be identified, said he handcuffed and assisted then 85 year old Eva Foster to
the floor. Her wrist was cracked. The City made a
$15,000 settlement but has not investigated the incident and claims nothing improper was done.
She cooperated with police, but suffered purely as

a result of being an innocent bystander to an overzealous raid on an illegal gambling operation.
Simply put, Ms. Foster was in the wrong place at
the wrong time.
Following the raid, Ms. Foster, following the direction of then Mayor Yvonne Johnson, spoke
with then Chief

Bellamy. Ms. Foster raised concerns about the
medical bills she
faced
resulting
from her handcuffing. Chief Bellamy responded
to Ms. Fosters
concern in a way
that should trouble all of Greensboros
citizens.
First, any use of
87 year old Eva Foster
physical restraint
resulting in injury requires a follow-up investigation by the
GPD, according to GPD Directive 1.6. No such
investigation has occurred to this date over
three years after the incident. Second, instead of
recognizing Ms. Fosters concerns as a formal
complaint, Chief Bellamy directed her to the Insurance Advisory Board to assess whether the
city should pay her bills. In light of the fact that
no investigation had been done, how could the
Insurance Advisory Board know whether the
city should pay her bills?
Clearly, had Ms. Foster not received such abusive treatment by police, she would not have
had her wrist fractured or endured the humiliation of the entire situation. Moreover, it seems
fairly duplicitous that the GPD did not conduct
the mandatory investigation of this complaint.
Ms. Foster clearly sought out the department to
address a problem. They should have investigated her complaint to ensure her fair treatment
and as a measure of instilling trust that the GPD
exists to serve Greensboros citizenry.
Had the GPD investigated her complaint, there
would never have been a backlash and Ms. Foster and the community would not have had to
continually press for a substantive response to
her concern. Furthermore, the officers actions
were, at best, use of excessive force and, at
worst, an assault. In addition, Ms. Fosters 4th
Amendment Constitutional Right (Unlawful Seizure) and her 14th Amendment Constitutional
Right (Equal Protection Under the Law) were

violated.
One wonders why the GPD would create a
greater hassle for itself than necessary. Was it
purely the racial dynamics of the case, that a
White officer had used excessive force against
an elderly Black citizen? Had the officer been
excessive in the use of force before? Chief Miller
has refused to investigate the violations against
Ms. Foster, committed by an unidentified White
officer. Because Chief Miller will not investigate,
we cannot know anything beyond the fact that
the GPD haphazardly follows procedures for
investigative methods.
By January of 2010, the GPD had yet to substantively respond to Ms. Foster, and she followed
up with the Professional Standards branch of
the department. At this point, multiple officers
in supervisory roles should have recognized the
need to investigate the use of force, as well as
respond to Ms. Foster as a citizen complainant.
Yet again, the department directed her to the
Insurance Advisory Board and tried to sideline
Ms. Foster and her concerns.
After literally years of trying to rectify her situation, Ms. Foster filed a civil law suit on October
11, 2012. In choosing not to investigate Ms. Fosters claims as a legitimate complaint, despite
her repeated voicing of the issue, multiple people in the GPD knowingly and consistently violated Ms. Fosters 14th Amendment constitutional right to equal protection under the law
and due process; they failed to treat her as an
equal citizen of Greensboro, whose complaint
demanded and still demands an investigation
no matter the results.
Viewing Ms. Fosters experience in light of another case presented here that of former Officer Joseph Pryor only underscores the GPDs
corruption and lack of commitment to equality.
When Mr. Lipscomb complained about Officer
Pryor, a Black officer, Pryor was immediately
and almost obsessively investigated. Why was
the White officer (whose name we still do not
know more than two years later), involved in
Ms. Fosters injury, not at least perfunctorily in-
vestigated? Moreover, Mr. Lipscomb received a

settlement from the city despite the fact that Officer Pryor was cleared of criminal and administrative fault, without question.
After an outcry from the community and tremendous community pressure, Ms. Foster and
the City of Greensboro reached a financial settlement, awarding Ms. Foster $15,000. Of course
the GPD and city attorneys claim the GPD did
no wrong just as they did when the city was
found liable for wrongful death in the Klan Nazi Civil suit.
As of the writing of this document, Chief Miller
has yet to investigate the excessive use of force.
The uneven application of justice, both within
the department and among the citizens of
Greensboro, emphasizes the need for comprehensive reform of the culture and practices of
the department.
The Case of GPDs Ban on

Faith Community Church
Faith Community Church is located at 417 Arlington Street. Rev. Nelson Johnson and Rev.
Lucretia Middleton are co-pastors there. Although the Beloved Community Center (BCC)
owns a facility at 437 Arlington Street, used as
its Homeless Hospitality House, the BCC rents
space for its administrative offices from Faith
Community Church at 417 Arlington Street.
Though the church and the BCC are located in
the same building, they are separate legal entities. Rev. Nelson Johnson also serves as Executive Director of the BCC.
In October of 2010, Chief Kenneth Miller became
Greensboros third Police Chief in the last ten
years. Sometime in late 2010 or 2011 Chief Miller, without discussion with the church or the
BCC, banned GPD officers from conducting
interviews at the church building with citizens
about complaints against GPD. It is customary
for interviews of such complaints to be conducted at a place chosen by the person complaining.
To suggest that the

Faith Community
Church/BCC
is
banned as a
place for citizens
to speak with
Greensboro Police
Officers does not
make
sense.
Could it be that
the GPD is reacting to criticism of
its operations as
corrupt, racist and Faith Community Church was
abusive?
When banned by Chief Miller as a
Rev. Johnson en- place where GPD could interview citizens with complaints
gaged Chief Miller
on GPD. The ban was lifted later
after a city council without an official explanation.
meeting
about
this, asking why the Chief had imposed the ban,
the chief said because the location was not a
neutral site. When pressed on what he meant by
a neutral site, the Chief explained that he was concerned that his officers would be secretly taped and
put on YouTube out of context.
This statement is not logical because in police interviews of complaints both parties are free to record
the discussion anyway. There is no need for secrecy when both parties routinely tape each other.
Further, Rev. Johnson shared that the only secret
taping he was aware of at the church was conducted in his office by two female GPD employees.
These two women were later exposed in the public
press as not only secretly taping Rev. Johnson but
also several other African American leaders. None
of this has ever been explained by the GPD.
Rev. Johnson wrote Chief Miller a detailed letter
strongly objecting to the ban. The full text of the
letter can be accessed at [http://www.scribd.com/
doc/120456795/September-2-2011-Letter-to-Chief-KenMiller ] Without further ado the chief removed the
ban in late 2011. We have no idea what policy, law,

or investigation allowed the ban to be imposed in
the first place. Nor do we know what policy, law,
or investigation guided the Chief in removing the
ban. There was no justifiable reason for the ban in
the first place. The BCC has not changed its policy
with regard to expressing criticisms of the GPD, as

warranted.
The Case of GPD Accusing The

Beloved Community Center of
Being a Drug Drop Site
The Greensboro News and Record published a
news article March 6, 2012, alleging that Faith
Community Church/BCC was a drop site for a
drug delivery from Texas. Subsequent discussion
with Chief Miller confirmed that the GPD did, in
fact, allege that it had information that a drug
drop was scheduled to occur at 417 Arlington
Street. Chief Miller added that the GPD was planning to work with the US Postal Service to intercept the drugs.
The notion that the BCC serves as a drug drop site
is even more intriguing and troubling. Rev. Johnson was out of town when he learned that a news
article appeared alleging that the BCC office was
the site of a drug drop. The BCC Board was convened and a meeting
arranged with Chief
Miller. The Chief came
to the BCC office with
two assistants and put
before the BCC Board
three pictures of people that he said were
arrested in Austin, Texas with drugs and then
released. One of the
men in the pictures
was a member of Faith The GPD falsely claimed
that the BCC was a Drug
Community Church; Drop site.
the other two frequented the homeless hospitality house. These men
supposedly had information on them that the
drugs were to be delivered by the US Postal Services to 417 Arlington Street, the location of both
the church and BCC. The Chief said there was a
break down in communications, so GPD officers
failed to be at the drop off site to intercept the
drugs on the Saturday the supposed drugs were
to be dropped. The Chief said they were looking for these three men who may have already
received the drugs.
This was indeed troubling to all staff and Board
members, as we did not believe that a story with
such details would have been invented. Rev.
Johnson located the church member and learned
that he had not been to Texas since he was in the
U.S. Marines in 1979. Together with a lawyer,
Rev. Johnson took the man to police headquarters, where they met with the Chief. The church
member affirmed before the Chief that he had
not been in Texas since his 1979 trip while in the
Marines, had not been arrested there, and knew
nothing of what the Chief was talking about.
The lawyer asked the Chief for evidence. Was
there a report from Texas? Where was it? What
did it say? The Chief deferred to the Assistant
Chief. The Assistant Chief said he had gotten
the information from a certain GPD sergeant.
The sergeant was called in and said he had gotten the information from a certain GPD undercover agent. The undercover agent was also
called in and said he had talked to Texas law
enforcement officials but he did not write anything down so there was no written report. At
this point it became clear that nothing existed
from Texas. Furthermore, this discussion had
degenerated into absurdity.
In light of this meeting, Rev. Johnson asked
Chief Miller to write a letter of apology and
have it published in the local media. He agreed.
A watered down explanation, Beloved Center
Not Part of Drug Probe, Police Say, appeared
in the March 9th edition of the Greensboro News
and Record.
While the article provided some relief to the
BCC, it was objectively a cover up of the
depth of what had occurred. Deeply disturbing
questions remain. Were there ever any drugs?
How did the supposed GDP internal communications break down cause them to miss the time
and place for the so-called drugs to be delivered?
Was there an arrest in Texas? If these
events occurred there must certainly be a record.
If no arrest occurred, where did the BCC ad-
dress come from or, more to the point, where did

such a story come from? Was the entire episode
an invention of the GDP? Greensboro deserves
better. And, the public deserves to know the truth.
Ultimately the drug drop allegations proved
baseless. This bizarre incident reflects both unprofessional police work and, even worse, it
shows corruption within the Department.
Jorge Cornells issues with the GPD must be seen
in light of all that we have discussed thus far. His
arrest and recent conviction on federal racketeering charges have achieved a much higher level of
publicity than many of the other cases mentioned
thus far.
Precisely because of this publicity, which was, for
the most part, negative, there is great room for
misunderstanding as to the actual facts surrounding the actions and motivations of both Cornell
The Case of Street Group

Leader
Jorge Cornell
and the GPD. We will illuminate the sequence of
events that led the GPD to carry out an intense
three-year campaign of harassment, provocation
and arrests on false charges, with Cornell as the
primary target.
Cornell moved with his family from New York to
Greensboro in order to provide his children and
family with a new, better life. He worked for several years as a truck driver for a company that
installed burial vaults and as a forklift driver for
another company. Shortly after arriving Cornell
noticed the mistreatment of Latinos in Greensboro, particularly by the GPD. A deeply compassionate person, he felt compelled to respond in an
attempt to foster greater justice, especially for Latinos in the city. Therefore, Cornell started a chapter of the Latino organization he knew best, the
Almighty Latin King and Queen Nation
(ALKQN). He had been a part of this organization in New York.
Although the ALKQN has an unattractive national reputation, Cornell worked to ensure that his
chapter served a different purpose and forbade all

types of normally understood gang activity, including drug use or sale, provoking violence, and
stealing. In fact, many who refused to give up
such activities were asked to leave the organiza-
whether the Greensboro ALKQN was a violent

organization? The Chief answered, in this private meeting, that they were not known to be
violent in Greensboro. Yet, Cornell was personally charged with 18 felonies in Greensboro
without a single conviction.
This makes no
sense. How could such a
thing continue to happen
even with strong community protest?
In addition to his work

outside of mainstream
city politics, Cornell ran
for City Council twice and
filed a Title VI complaint
with the Department of
Justice against the GPD
for discriminatory treatment of Greensboros Latino residents, including
himself. Cornell, along
with 36 other Greensboro
citizens, whom he helped
Rev. Gregory Headen and Rev. Nelson Johnson, representing the Pulpit Forum,
unite in calling for higher
join Jorge Cornell at a press event announcing that he was constantly harassed, prostandards of justice in the
voked, and unjustly arrested on numerous occasions by the GPD. He submitted a
22 page Title VI complaint to the US Justice Department. The complaint has never city, went to Washington
to meet with officials in
been investigated.
the Justice Department.
tion. Given that many of the young people atThese citizens hoped to impress upon the Justice
tracted to Cornell and the ALKQN had been
Department the need for federal intervention to
abused, scarred, and had criminal histories, Corforce the GPD to end their longstanding tradinell had a daunting task. In addition, he retion of civil rights violations.
mained a part of the national organization and
sought to change the direction of the national orAmong the volume of evidence Cornell and othganization to mirror his more positive chapter of
ers presented to the Justice Department was the
the organization in Greensboro.
statistic that the conviction rate for felonies in
North Carolina is about 68 percent. The rate of
A charismatic and caring personality, Cornell
conviction of Greensboro ALKQN, however, is
achieved significant successes in Greensboro genonly 11 percent. For example, Cornell himself
erally through his leadership of ALKQN. He
was charged 18 times in Greensboro without
forged a peace treaty among street groups and
cause and without a single conviction. This
sought out clergy to try to stem the tide of street
speaks volumes about the systematic way in
violence in Greensboro. Cornell was frank, forthwhich the GPD targeted this group and other
right, and outspoken in his criticism of the GPD.
vulnerable communities. Despite the Justice DeFor this he incurred the wrath of the entire GPD.
partments assurances of a follow-up investigaFour African American clergymen, in one of nution into such issues, they took no subsequent
merous meetings with city and police officials,
steps and the Title VI complaint went unanasked GPD Chief Timothy Bellamy directly
swered.
One year following this effort, the Department

of Justice prosecutors charged Cornell and 13
other ALKQN codefendants with violating the
Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) statute. Members of the
ALKQN who have been called to testify against
Cornell have reported being coerced to do so in
and arrest on false charges created a record, the

Justice Department agreed to bring RICO charges
against Cornell and the ALKQN. The RICO charges were not only retaliatory and vindictive, they
also deflected attention away from the charges
brought to the Justice Department against the GPD
by citizens of Greensboro. Even after this threeyear long campaign by the GPD, now joined by
Justice Department, the jury deliberated four days
and reported several times that it
could not make a decision.
On Wednesday November 21st, (the

day before Thanksgiving) at approximately 2:30 PM, the jury again reported that it could not make a decision. The judge pressed the jury for
a verdict, telling them that the government had spent a great deal of
money on the case and another
would cost too much money. Under what we have termed a
A delegation of 37 people from Greensboro met with the DOJ in Washington thanksgiving eve pressure verdict, the jury hastily returned an
DC October 1, 2010. The multiracial delegation included seven clergy, ten
irrational verdict of guilty (i.e. constudents, several college professors, four current and former police officers,
Jorge Cornell and four member of his group as well as several neighborhood victions on charges for which no
and community leaders.
connection to the defendants was
made) for Cornell and two other
order to reduce their sentences for petty crimes
members of the ALKQN group of six being tried.
they did commit. Many of those who testified
Cornell now faces what could amount to a life senagainst Cornell had been expelled from the ortence. He will likely be sentenced in February or
ganization for not complying with the strict, non
March 2013.
-criminal practices that Cornell advocated.
In court it was disclosed that several Kings
were paid sums as high as $14,000 for their testimony. Moreover, Cornells lawyer learned
through the discovery process that the Justice
Department failed to investigate Cornells Title
VI claim even though they are legally required
to do so. Had the Justice Department investigated the 22 pages of Title VI complaint, as required of them by law, many of the false claims
about Cornell and the ALKQN, generated by the
GPD, would have been exposed. Thus there
would have been no basis for RICO charges.
Cornells lawyer, Attorney Michael Patrick,
learned that the GPD lobbied the Justice Department on several occasions to bring RICO charges but was refused. Apparently, after the GPDs
on-going campaign of provocation, harassment
It would take a 200-page plus book to adequately

tell the many episodes and full story involved in
the vindictive and malicious campaign waged by
the GPD against Cornell and the ALKQN. We will
share one additional story drawn from an eightpage paper, called a Paradigm Shift, developed
jointly by the Pulpit Forum (a citywide African
American clergy association), the BCC, and Cornell. The central theme of the document was stated on the front page in its title:
A Proposal to Engage Street Groups Or Gangs
as a Potential Resource for Safe Communities,
Justice Making and Community Building
The Paradigm Shift proposal put forth a plan on
how the community, the ALKQN, the school system, the clergy, the BCC, and the police could
work together to reduce violence and promote
community building. The plan was discussed

with then Mayor Yvonne Johnson, former City
Manager Mitchell Johnson, and former Police
Chief Timothy Bellamy. The Mayor expressed
support for the plan. The City Manager was
willing to consider it. The Police Chief, in our
opinion representing the sub-culture of corruption and double standards, strongly opposed the
plan.
In spite of the GPDs opposition to the Paradigm
Shift proposal, Cornell was appointed to the
Guilford County Public Schools Safety Committee, where he did good work. He was hard at
work developing a non-profit organization that
would provide jobs for unemployed youth. He
drew on his relationships with members of the
Greensboro clergy and fostered relationships
with other citizens of influence in Greensboro to
establish a innovative type of employment agency that would provide jobs for motivated young
people with criminal records. Working with
members of the clergy, elected officials, grassroots community leaders, college professors,
students and others, Cornell formed Community United Staffing (CUS). Board members included City Councilman Jim Kee, consultant
Randy Johnston, School Board Member Deena
Hayes, Rev. Nelson Johnson, and Rev. Randall
Keeney. Cornell had secured an arrangement
with at least two companies to hire felons, as
long as they were trained and recommended by
Community United Staffing.
We believe it can be safely said that, except for
the vindictive, three-year, unrelenting campaign
of harassment, provocation, entrapment and
false charges brought against Cornell by the
GPD and eventually joined by the Justice Department, Cornell would be a free man today.
Additionally, Greensboro would now have a
vibrant employment agency. Community United Staffing would be training and providing
jobs for young men and women, who may have
violated the law in the past, but who are seeking
to rebuild their lives and become productive citizens. This initiative would be effectively reducing crime and building the unity of our community. The implication is that the sub-culture
within the GPD, far from reducing crime, is
criminalizing our youth and actually blocking

efforts to help them.
Owing to police misconduct, press reports
and prejudices associated with the word
gang, it is understandable that there are
many questions in peoples minds about Cornell. However, as we work together in the
coming months, we intend to show not only
the truth of our assertions, but also, with your
help, to return Cornell to the community
where he can continue his positive community
work and his life with his two young daughters.
The Case of Police

Captain Charles Cherry
Some of the most recent public outcry about
problems within GPD have come from former
African American GPD Captain Charles Cherry, a 23 year veteran on the force. Gradually
realizing the depth of the problem, Cherry has
worked tirelessly to educate the community
about the police departments culture of corruption and double standards. Cherry has
dedicated himself to carefully document the
misconduct of the GPD in order
to promote a dialogue that will begin the process of change. This meticulous work of compiling the factual data will contribute to the
movement of Greensboro into a new era as a
more just, equitable and compassionate city.
Cherrys growing understanding of the depth
of the problem in the department, along with
his strong desire to realize productive change
was precipitated in large part by GPDs deplorable treatment of him, despite his excellent
record of service. Before Cherry began submitting what he thought were easily resolvable
grievances, he enjoyed an esteemed reputation
among Greensboros leading citizens, including current Mayor Robbie Perkins, for over 23

time consultants for this same psychologist.
However, the order to Cherry for a psychological
evaluation came only after he had written seven
grievances in three months, alleging discrimination within the department. Crotts and Holder
were both implicated in these grievances. Fearing
that he was in the process of being set up, Cherry chose to see another respected medical professional, outside of the Citys list. That person gave
Cherry a very positive evaluation and expressed
shock that anyone would question Cherrys sanity
or ability to perform his job to the high standards
he had always achieved.
Former Captain and former GPD Chief of Staff

Charles Cherry has been relentless in his quest to
expose and correct the double standards and corruption within the GPD.
years.
As Captain, part of Cherrys job involved assisting subordinate officers with any issues they
were experiencing in the department. As a command level officer, Cherry cared deeply for
those with whom he worked and the residents
of Greensboro for whom he worked. Cherry
made every effort to work things out between
officers and their superiors before filing official
grievances. He did not send up frivolous complaints. Above all, Cherry hoped to help facilitate a smoothly operating department committed to upholding its duties of justice and fairness, a commitment his record demonstrates.
Yet, those above Cherry in command responded
to his efforts to improve the department by requiring him to see a psychologist as part of a fit
for duty evaluation. Suddenly, after 23 years
of service, including a period spent as Chief of
Staff of the GPD, Cherry was told he needed a
psychological evaluation. He was directed by
his superiors to see a specific psychologist, designated by the City. However, Assistant Police
Chief Dwight Crotts (Cherrys supervisor) and
Assistant Chief Anita Holder, served as part-
Not satisfied with the first psychological evaluation, the GPD insisted that Cherry see their psychologist. Under threat of suit for conflict of interest the city-designated psychologist withdrew
himself from assessing Cherry. A third psychologist (not in Greensboro) was mutually agreed upon by the GPD and Cherry. This psychologist
evaluated Captain Charles Cherry as being fit
for duty and in excellent mental condition. He
also questioned why Cherry had been sent to him
in the first place. Even after Cherry saw two medical professionals, both of whom found him mentally fit for duty, the GPD persisted in a variety of
efforts to thwart Cherrys attempts to improve the
GPD from within by doing his sworn duty and
reporting misconduct.
One shocking example of such attempts by GPD
occurred at a command staff meeting. In the
meeting, former Chief of Police Timothy Bellamy
stood up and spoke in a threatening voice saying
that anyone who thought there was corruption in
the GPD should turn in their paperwork and get
the hell out. What a way for a police chief to respond to legitimate grievances. This move was
particularly aimed at Cherry who was the only
person in attendance who had filed grievances
pointing to departmental corruption. While Cherry sat there stunned, many white police commanders cheered in response. In a further demonstration of both desperation and corruption, Cherrys commanding officer, Assistant Chief Crotts,
sought Cherry out and told him (i.e., ordered him)
to stop filing grievances. Cherry responded by
asking if the quality of his work had dropped or if
he had broken any rules by filing the grievances.

While his commander said no, Cherry did not
miss his commanders larger goal of intimidation.
Another example of intimidation was Assistant
Chief Crotts assessment of Cherry as unprofessional because Cherry reported by email the criminal act of another commander. Instead of investigating the commander who was in violation, Assistant Chief Crotts placed a negative note of conduct in Cherrys personnel file for writing an
unprofessional email. The department finally
felt like it got what it needed to get rid of the
threat Cherry had become to them after Cherry
sent an e-mail previously approved by his superior, Assistant Chief Anita Holder. The e-mail, approved by Assistant Chief Holder, explained to
Cherrys subordinates why he was placed on administrative duty. The GPD used this email,
claiming it represented general misconduct to
fire Cherry. They pointed to Cherrys filing of seven grievances in three months as proof of his insubordination and attempt to cause dissent within
the department. However, Cherry persistently
tried to foster a just, ethical environment within
the GPD. That his efforts were met with such blatant intimidation and retaliation only underscores the
level of corruption within
the department and the
measures some will take to
maintain the current culture.
Cherry became a troublemaker in the eyes of the
leadership of the GPD and
GPD Assistant Chief
certain quarters of the city
Dwight Crotts was
when he began filing
Captain Cherrys sugrievances on behalf of
pervisor. Also, a grievother officers, himself and
ance has been filed
against him for violat- citizens. He called attening personnel privacy tion to racial discriminalaw while orchestrattion, retaliation and harassing a process to termi- ment in the department.
nate Officer Reyes.
Since Cherry was unjustly
and maliciously terminated, he became a regular presenter at the twice-a-
month public meetings of the Greensboro City

Council. Cherry has engaged in a relentless and
determined effort to expose in real time the double standards and corruption within the GPD.
Some would accuse Cherry of screaming fire
in a crowded theater. In one sense they are
right. When we consider careers being destroyed and lives being crushed, the fact is that
there is fire in the theater and someone must
sound the alarm. This has been the role of Cherry. In time, we believe this city will come to understand that it owes a great debt of gratitude to
Citizen Charles Cherry for his bold leadership and
passionate defense of justice.
Since the termination of Cherry, Chief Miller orchestrated a plan to entrap and arrest him in retaliation for Cherrys speaking out at public community meetings. Fortunately, officers who respected
Cherry for his years of service and current efforts
tipped him off about the plan to entrap and arrest
him. Cherry was, therefore, able to avoid the trap.
Over a year ago, Charles Cherry filed a complaint
about the plan to silence and discredit him by arresting and demonizing him; as has become normal practice, there has been no response to or investigation of his complaint.
As a former chief of staff of the GPD and respected leader in the community, we should heed
Charles Cherrys experience and listen to his ideas
for reforming the department. His ideas and his
experience can serve as starting points for a
healthy and much-needed discussion about how
to combat the corrupt culture of law enforcement
in Greensboro and move forward in a way that
benefits all of Greensboros residents.
The Case of the Klan/Nazi

Killings on November 3, 1979
On November 3, 1979, a bright, warm, sunny day,
pro-labor members of the Greensboro community
gathered to hold an anti-Ku Klux Klan march.
That same day, a KKK and Neo-Nazi caravan
drove into the predominately African American

public housing community where the march
was forming and attacked the marchers who
were just gathering. Five people were killed, 10
others were wounded and the neighborhood
was terrorized.
The leader of the Klan and Nazi terror squad
was also a GPD informant who had told the
Greensboro police of the planned attack and
specifically noted that the Klan-Nazi group was
well armed. The GPD, fully aware of the
planned armed attack, withdrew all its personnel from the area - leaving the legally permitted march unprotected. The police then invented a series of falsehoods to justify their behavior
while demonizing and blaming the marchers for
the attack that the police were legally bound to
prevent.
In a civil suit in 1985 Greensboro Police Officers,
Ku Klux Klan and Neo-Nazi members were
found jointly liable for the wrongful death of
one person. Although found liable for wrongful
death in a federal court, the GPD followed its
well known pattern by never acknowledging
any wrongdoing, not firing a single person, and,
to our knowledge, not disciplining any officers.
Instead, the GPD anchored the greatest cover-up

and demonization campaign the city has ever
experienced, resulting in great confusion and
bitter division. Twenty-two years later, initiated
by the Beloved Community Center and the
Greensboro Justice Fund, and with the support
of South Africas Archbishop Desmond Tutu,
former Greensboro Mayor Carolyn Allen, Rev.
Dr. Peter Storey, Dr. Vincent Harding, and
many others, Greensboro became the site of our
nations first Truth and Community Reconciliation Project and Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission drew from and collaborated
with international models and
engaged in intense work for
over two years
to produce a 529
-page report that
offered 29 recommendations.
The full Greensboro TRC Report can be accessed at http://
After two years of work the

Greensboro TRC produced a
529 page report. Even now, it
could help us understand our
current situation and how we
might move ahead.
www.greensborotrc.org.
Klan and Nazi shooters casually fired into a gathering crowd on November 3, 1979. The GPD,
with full knowledge that the Klan and Nazis
were heavily armed and planned to attack the
march, pulled all police personnel out of the area. In 1985, KKK, Nazi and GPD personnel were
found jointly liable for wrongful death. The
GPD has never apologized or acknowledged any
wrongdoing.
Although many regard the Greensboro truth

project as the most transparent and democratic
process ever undertaken in the city, the entire
process was, nevertheless, demonized from the
beginning. Some of its leaders were accused of
devious motives, and the white majority on the
City Council voted to officially oppose the process. The excellent TRC Report, which received
international praise, has never been promoted or
seriously studied by Greensboros city leaders.
None of its recommendations were ever consid-

ered for implementation by the City.
The main reason for including the tragic killings of 1979 is not to rehash the details of the
case, as that is well documented in the Greensboro TRC Report and several books. We include this case to help us face our history and
show the historical continuity of the subculture of corruption and double standards in
our city and the GPD in particular. Moreover,
we include this case to show an example of
how diverse and dissimilar elements can come
together to brainstorm and implement pathways to a better Greensboro.
mechanism of the GPD. Therefore, we do not

expect the GPDs files to agree with our accounts. Frankly, that is a great part of the reason
why citizens must fashion an open democratic
process that hears from all relevant voices and
draws appropriate conclusions.
We have made great efforts to accurately reflect the substance of truth in the cases we
highlighted here. We do not, at this point,
trust the integrity of the internal investigative
Part III
Towards Transitioning Our City,
Restorative Justice, Democracy and the
Road Ahead
Framing an Inclusive Process that Can Lead to an Inclusive Plan
What might the citizens of Greensboro do to help this City

Council transition the GPD from a sub-culture of corruption
and double standards to accountability and professionalism?
We come now to the question of what then shall

we do. We have tried to capture in this document the nature, history, and magnitude of the
problem of structural racism in our culture, especially as it is embedded in the Greensboro Police Department (GPD). We recognize that in
spite of our best effort to offer a different perspective on the history of our city, skepticism,
fear of motives and, in some cases, authentic differences remain among a significant part of our
city. Therefore, we wish to proceed with caution but also with determination to see what
others see and feel. We urge those with differ-
ent views to be open to what those who share

the perspective of this paper see and feel.
With the above concerns in mind, we do not feel
that we can or should put forward a developed
plan to correct the problems we have identified.
Rather, we want to set in motion a process that
we hope will grow into an inclusive plan. We
will sketch out an initial process that we hope
grows into an overall plan. This process will facilitate broad discussions between different
parts of Greensboros population that will help
us all to better understand each other. This is
particularly true in relation to the double standards and corruption within the GPD. The process should seek to hear voices that are usually
unheard and will include the following general
steps:
1. We will disseminate this document widely,
making it as easily available to as many of the
residents of Greensboro as possible. This effort
will include posting it online, placing 10 copies
in each city library branch, as well as circulating
it in hard copy as broadly as our means will allow. We will invite feedback on its contents and
welcome ideas on how to use it to change the
culture within our city and the GPD.
2. We will, in late January and February of 2013,
undertake a round of strategic discussions with
social, civic and political leaders in our city, ear-
nestly seeking their views and involvement on how

we might move forward. We also strongly encourage civic, social, political, and community/
neighborhood leaders to talk among themselves
about the issues raised in this paper.
3. We will invite a broad range of organizations,
neighborhood groups and individuals to embrace
the fact that we do have a problem within the GPD.
We hope this document will encourage a much
more actively engaged citizenry that will in turn
help change the GPD for the better.
4. Growing from the process above, we hope that
several anchor organizations or groups will emerge
that are respected in different quarters of Greensboros population to further guide the process and
devise a specific plan designed to include the broadest array of organizations and individuals to help
our city move forward.
These are initial steps that we are hopeful will grow
into an inclusive plan that will greatly expand the
knowledge base of our city, while promoting understanding and raising the general ethical standards of
Greensboros population. We believe that progress
in the area of engaging the culture of racism within
the GPD will help us make progress in many other
areas of our collective life as citizens who live in a
diverse, beautiful city with enormous unrealized
potential.
The likelihood that there will soon be 45 or more
civil and/or criminal cases unfolding against the
Greensboro Police Department by current or former
police officers requires a sense of urgency in addressing these problems.
Perhaps the citizens of Greensboro, using a restorative justice lens, can discuss and craft solutions to
the problem of police misconduct, corruption and
abuse including:
Making whole those who have been

wronged, damaged financially and endured
mental anguish; this should not be token but
substantial
Identifying and rooting out the leaders of

the current sub-culture of corruption and
double standards within the GPD
Recommending such measures, processes

and additional oversight mechanisms so as
to insure that such a sub-culture does not
take root again and that the GPD renders
high quality service to all of Greensboro
residents including equal protection of the
law.
Greensboro has experienced a rich store of initiatives recently, intended to help the city overcome
its history of conflict, prejudice and discrimination. Among those initiatives, which have all involved a broad range of Greensboro residents,
were the Mosaic Project, the Truth and Community Reconciliation Project, and Project Impact.
There is much that we can learn from each of
these efforts as we forge a democratic road to a
better future. One lesson we have learned thus far
is the importance of the City being officially involved in these initiatives. In addition to a broad
range of citizens, the City of Greensboro needs to
find a way to be officially involved in meaningful
collaboration with the development of any plan
that evolves.
As we grow a plan together, we do not want to
lose the present focus. To sum up, we contend
that there is a deeply embedded sub-culture of
corruption, racism and double standards within
the GPD. The internal investigative mechanism of
the GPD is the most pronounced
reflection of this culture; it is fundamentally flawed. As the cases
above and many others attest, this
is not a matter of understandable
human mistakes here and there.
Systematic double standards and
corruption, rooted in racism, exist
as troubling aspects of the GPDs
guiding culture. This culture translates into a fundamental lack of
equal protection of the law for
Greensboro and its residents, fostering greater division and bitterness within the city.
law has existed for a very long time. In fact, it

has operated with such continuity as to appear
normal. Experience over the last forty years has
shown that this problem will not be solved
merely by a change of the mayor or city council.
Nor will bringing in a new city manager or a
new police chief change it. In the last ten years,
Greensboro has had three different police chiefs,
three city mangers and three mayors; no substantial change has occurred. We are thus persuaded that only an informed and aroused citizenry will be able to compel the deep cultural
and systematic changes necessary for our city to
achieve greatness by treating its people justly
and equitably. We propose a process that will
engage the broad public, raise the knowledge
and ethical level of the broad public, and make
Greensboro the best city it can be.
Kmart - A Greensboro Story of

Hope and New Possibilities
We need positive examples to provide hope that
we can unite and overcome even the most difficult, stubborn obstacles. The Kmart story provides such an example. Over the last 50 plus
years there has been sustained grassroots organizing in Greensboro. We all know of the 1960 Sit
Led by workers and clergy, hundred of Greensboro residents, marched,
As the literature will show, this prayed, and deliberated together to hold Kmart accountable as a corporate
lack of equal protection under the citizen of Greensboro.
-In Movement, but, in truth, the organizing never

stopped. There are dozens and dozens of stories of
peoples struggles, some fraught with difficulty
and marginal success and many that have flowered into compelling success stories, loaded with
hope and new possibilities.
All these stories deserve to be told, especially
from the perspective of those closest to the lived
history. We hope to be part of compiling and telling these stories in the coming year or so. Peoples stories, properly told, inspire and strengthen
our resolve to press forward in the effort to forge a
more just and compassionate city, nation and
Clergy and community members are pictured above,

surrounded by GPD officers at a Pray-in at the Super Kmart on Bridford Parkway in Greensboro.
throughout the region. In 1993 Greensboro was

one of 13 such facilities in the US.
Between 1993 and 1996 there occurred in Greensboro one of the most significant and successful
labor/community struggles in the south during
the post-Civil Rights era. It involved the Kmart
Corporation, at the time a $35 billion international
retail chain with 200,000 employees.
Having gained more than $1 million in concessions from local and state governments, Kmart
built its facility in Greensboro and hired some
550 workers, approximately 65% Black and 35%
White. The work was mainly low skilled, involving a lot of moving, lifting, storing and
transporting of Kmart hard-goods. During its
first few years the management staff was overwhelmingly White. The work was hard and the
supervisors were harsh, intimidating, and unsympathetic. Over 200 injuries occurred during
the facility's first year of operations as Kmart
seemingly adopted the philosophy of making
more bricks with less straw. In addition, the
workers at the Greensboro warehouse were paid
$2.50 per hour less than the mostly white workers doing exactly the same work at each of the
other 12 Kmart facilities in the US. The Greensboro employees saw this as blatant discrimination, rooted in the southern legacy of racism and
Jim Crow. A 2001 Rockefeller Foundation report Louder Than Words, captures the spirit and
significance of the struggle, exemplified in the
quote below:
Kmart opened a regional distribution center in

Greensboro in April of 1992. The Greensboro facility supplied hard-goods stock for all Kmart stores
in five states, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia, and Tennessee. The distribution center was massive, approximately three stories high and roughly the size of 35 football fields.
Hundreds of tractor-trailers lined up, row after
row loading and unloading, shipping hard-goods
When they declared their intention to unionize, the workers locked horns with Kmart
management that was determined to keep the
workers intimidated and wages rock bottom.
The cause of the workers proved so compelling, it inspired the African-American community in Greensboro first to prayer vigils
and public protest and then to begin an edu-
Kmart workers and the broad Greensboro community

joined together for justice. The signs Dont Shop at
Kmart were part of a growing national boycott .
world. Accordingly, we have chosen to share just

one historical story in this document; it is the
Greensboro Kmart Story.
cational effort and dialogue with the Chamber of Commerce and the business community at large. The result was a union contract
guaranteeing more equitable terms for Kmart
workers. Greensboro developed a new sense
of selfone that demands greater accountability from the giant corporations that choose
to locate facilities there, and a more compassionate and clearheaded vision for community sustainability.
The unity and determination of the Kmart workers as part of the union (UNITE) was the driving
force in the Kmart campaign. The sacrifice and
persistence of the workers inspired the broader
community not only to join but also to claim the
struggle as their own. Thus a labor struggle became the communitys struggle for justice.
Working closely with Rev. Nelson Johnson and
the Beloved Community Center, a citywide coalition was formed that consisted of African
American and White pastors, the president of
the Greensboro Chamber of Commerce and a
broad range of business leaders, the mayor and
a few other socially conscious community leaders.
This group met weekly and worked
through the difficult questions facing the various interests represented as well as Greensboro
as a whole. The interest of the workers, however, was always center stage.
This effort also led to pray ins and protest
marches at Kmart stores in Greensboro and beyond. The education of the community gradually led to boycotts that spread to Atlanta, Norfolk, Houston and other cities. Through all the
ups and downs, the weekly meetings between
the diverse coalition members mentioned above
never ceased, even as the pray-ins, marches,
and boycotts continued. The support for Kmart
workers eventually included not only pastors,
churches, business and political leaders but also
an unusually broad range of individuals and
organizations, including Black and White students, neighborhood groups and many multiracial organizations.
At one point Mr. John Lauritzen, then President
of the Chamber of Commerce, and BCCs Rev.
Nelson Johnson did a joint editorial in the
Greensboro News and Record. All of these efforts

resulted in the best first labor contract in
North Carolina in the post Civil Rights era,
bringing to Greensboro $6 million dollars in additional income.
Most importantly, this struggle showed that the
antagonisms within our community are not so
deep as to be insurmountable. Many thought the
Kmart labor effort involving race in a southern
right to work state would lead to deeper division and bitterness. In fact, it brought the whole
city closer together. The Kmart victory was celebrated with a town hall meeting that brought
together a beautiful diversity of people that
packed the Greensboro Cultural Arts Centers
main downstairs gathering room.
The meeting featured a round table discussion
that included sitting Mayor Carolyn Allen; former Mayor Vic M. Nussbaum, Jr.; Alex Spears,
III, Chairman and CEO at Lorillard Tobacco
Company; Linda Jones, an African American
grassroots community organizer; Sullivan Hamlet, a K-mart receiving switcher and president of
UNITE Local Chapter 2603; Robin Barnes, former welfare mom and non-union employee of
Vanguard Cellular Systems; Bill Snider, retired
editor of the Greensboro News and Record; and
Rev. Nelson Johnson, Executive Director, Beloved Community Center. WFMY (Channel 2)
televised the program and set up telecast
screens in the hallway of the building to accommodate the overflow crowd.
Ultimately, the Kmart struggle may reflect the
most unifying moment in Greensboros recent
history. If we were to engage the problems
within the GPD with the same integrity, resolve,
and commitment, we would greatly increase the
prospects for justice in our city. The struggle to
improve the GPD is potentially even more unifying than was the Kmart struggle.
Reflections on Truth,
Restorative Justice,
Reconciliation and
Forgiveness
Without Truth, no Healing; without Forgiveness,
no Future. (Motto of The South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission)
We must find a way to humbly and honestly face

our past filled with racial conflict. Our past
could become a learning laboratory for the city.
If we can make this transition as a city, it will add
immeasurable meaning to all of our lives and to
the lives of generations to come. Ethnic and racial
relations are broadly seen as the prime motivating
force, undergirding social conflict and the need
for change in Greensboro and beyond. We understand racism as a particular form of social domination and exploitation that is woven through our
cultural fabric. Racism plays a major role in the
police subculture that sustains the pattern of corruption and double standards we have pointed
out in this paper.
It is our conviction that to solve the problems
posed by racism, corruption and double standards
we must raise the knowledge and ethical base of
our city. This can only be accomplished through
truth seeking, restorative justice, reconciliation,
and forgiveness. These four concepts are often
confused or understood differently by different
parts of our population. Clarity of meaning is
necessary to help insure that we are speaking a
common language. In an effort to clarify its own
understanding of truth and reconciliation, the
Greensboro TRC Report puts forward the following:
We all want to live in a loving, just and sustaina-
ble community, where the rights, dignity and

sacredness of all people are valued. When any
person has been harmed by the actions of another, we all need to work together in order to
find a way to help that person heal. This is
especially important when someone harms a
group of people. It becomes even more important when that harm has been both intentional and long lasting. (TRC Report, p.19)
We believe the
great majority of
people in our
city,
upon
thoughtful consideration,
would be committed to striving
toward
Greensboro
becoming
a Pictured: Archbishop Desplace where mond Tutu, South African
the rights, dig- TRC Chairperson and a strong
nity and sa- supporter of the Greensboro
TRC and the Greensboro
credness of all struggle for justice.
people are valued. How can we as a city make more progress towards affirming the rights, dignity
and sacredness of all people? The TRC Report continues:
Reconciliation means to bring together those
parts that were torn apart and make them
whole again, to repair the brokenness in our
community. Reconciliation does not happen
all at once. The first step is to investigate the
truth. What actually happened? This is not
an easy task. Each person involved will have
his or her own story about what actually happened. Each person may feel strongly that
they are telling the truth, even when one persons version differs from another persons
version. (TRC Report, p. 19)
No doubt, we could all agree that there are
different versions of factual truth related to
much of what we have shared in this report.
How do we overcome this impasse? The TRC
Report is again helpful as it continues:
However, when all the various versions of the
truth are told clearly, and carefully considered,

we can finally understand the whole truth.
Communities are made up not only of people,
but also of institutions. When people within a
community are hurt by violence or oppression,
institutions often play a role. This means that
institutions must be part of the truth-telling
and part of the reconciliation that follows.( TRC
Report. pp. 19-20)
The indispensable role of institutions in shaping
our culture is probably the strongest argument
as to why the city should be officially involved
in any process that grows out of this discussion.
The city houses major institutional players, including the GPD, that need assurances that any
process that emerges has integrity and is rooted
in fairness. Finally, the TRC Report asserts:
Once we tell and understand the truth, we then
can take the next steps toward reconciliation.
We can describe clearly the harm that was done,
to individuals and to groups. We explain how
the actions of the past caused harm, and can
show how that harm continues to cause problems in the community. (TRC Report, p. 20)
It seems clear that in order to effectively resolve
problems we have to face our past, which is also our present. As Duke Professor William
Chafe documents in his book, Civilities and
Civil Rights, and as we document in this paper,
Greensboro has not done very well in facing unattractive dimensions of our past. Greensboros
cultural/political response to unflattering and
unattractive parts of our past can be summed
up in three overlapping and interrelated patterns:
To ignore uncomfortable episodes or chapters of our history; simply act as if it did not
happen and hope that it goes away. In
truth, it never goes away. It simply soaks
into our cultural soil and becomes another
layer distorting and complicating good human relations.
To deny the existence of difficult aspects of

our history when raised; or to revise and
sanitize history to suit the desired image of
those in power.
To demonize and scapegoat a person, an
organization or a category (race, gang, immigrant, etc.) of people if neither of the
first two tactics works.
Ignore, deny, revise, demonize and scapegoat
if you follow the cases we have raised you
will find some version of this progression.
The last 50 years of Greensboro history is reasonably well documented so that the same
progression can be uncovered. We must
change this pattern. All Greensboro could benefit greatly from the words of Donald W.
Shriver, Jr. in his book. (An Ethic For Enemies-,
p 4)
The debris [of our conflicted past] will never

get cleaned up and animosity will never drain
away until forgiveness enters these relationships in some political form. To dismiss this
concern as a preoccupation with ancient history is to miss all the evidence for the truth that
William Faulkner put on the lips of one of his
characters: The past is not dead and gone; it
isnt even past. Americans, in general, find
this truth hard to comprehend, for ours is a
culture that disparages history in our drive to
get on with the future. We tend to forget that
memory, one taproot of civic peoplehood, can
also be a time bomb ready to explode into political conflict.
We have talked about truth seeking and reconciliation but what then shall we say about forgiveness? When the meaning of forgiveness is
allowed to extend beyond the limitations of
the religious meaning normally attached to it,
forgiveness can then play a powerful role in
resolving historical and contemporary political
conflict as that in Greensboro. Forgiveness is
about remembering; it is not about forgetting
as some might assume. In fact, forgiveness
begins with and is bathed in memory; inherent
in memory is a sense of right and wrong, or
moral judgment. Again, Shriver helps us with
this issue as he sets out four components of
forgiveness that might be relevant to Greensboro in the coming period:
Forgiveness begins with memory Popular

use of the word forgiveness sometimes implies that to forgive is to forget, to abandon
primary concern for the crimes of an enemy.
Quite the reverse: Remember and forgive
would be a more accurate slogan. Forgiveness begins with a remembering and a
moral judgment of wrong, injustice and injury...
...Forgiveness gets its real start under the
double impetus of judgment and forbearance
[patience and restraint] from revenge. Forbearance opens the door toward a future that
will not repeat the old crimes. Unaccompanied by forbearance in this very beginning,
moral judgment often fuels new enmity...
...Empathy for the enemys humanity...should be distinguished from sympathy.
The moral stance of forgivers usually precludes sympathy with the enemies cause
and their methods of pursuing it...This combination of moral judgment upon wrong
with empathy for wrongdoers may be rare in
human affairs, but in fact acknowledgement
of fellow humanity lays a groundwork for
both construction and repair of any human
community...
...genuine forgiveness aims at the renewal of
a human relationship. Not merely an act of
isolated moral high-mindedness, forgiveness
aggressively seeks to repair the fractures of
enmity. Therefore, forgivers are prepared to
begin living with the enemy again on some
level of positive mutual affirmation. In politics, that implies some form of co-existence.
(A Ethics for Enemies, pp. 7-8.
The above quotations allow us to draw the
conclusion that in a political context, forgiveness is an act that unites moral truth,
forbearance (or patience and restraint), empathy, and commitment to repair fractured
human relations. Fractured human relationships break down community. We desperately need community. In a real sense, authentic community is the context for growing our individual and collective humanity.
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. said:

He who works against community works against
history. He who works against community works
against the whole of creation. Therefore, if I respond to hate with reciprocal hate I do nothing but
intensify the cleavage in broken community. I can
only close the gap in broken community by meeting hate with love. If I meet hate with hate, I become depersonalized, because creation is so designed that my personality can only be fulfilled in
the context of community. (Testament of Hope, ,
p 20)
We envision collectively turning from the past
without ignoring the history of injustice or reducing its impact. This approach honors everyones
humanity, does not overlook or minimize injustice
and does not turn the quest for justice into a quest
for revenge. Such an approach allows justice to
restore political community instead of fostering
bitterness and divisiveness. We hope these ideas
will help all of us in the City of Greensboro, individually and collectively, to pursue our higher
humanity.
We note in conclusion that the word enemy as
used in the quotes from Dr. Shriver would not be
our word of choice. As used in the above quotes it
could suggest a permanent category. We would
prefer the word antagonist or adversary. We, of
course, used enemy to be faithful to the text.
Part IV
Ways You Can Support
This Initiative and
Become Involved in the
Process
Our basic approach to helping make Greensboro the best city it can be consists of seeking
greater democracy, greater truth, greater racial justice and equity, with reconciliation and
healing. We are convinced that a moment
has arrived in Greensboro for this mid-size
southern city to make a qualitative step forward, effectively transitioning the city into a
new era. This will require, however, more
and more citizens and supporters stepping
forward with the strength of humility, commitment, and dedication to help guide our
city along this exciting path. To that end, we
suggest the following opportunities for engagement and committed work.
Apply to Be a Part of the

Transitioning Greensboro
Planning Committee
We are looking for 20 - 30 Greensboro locals
who support the direction sketched out in this
document and who are able to commit to a six
-month period to help think through, in collaboration with others, how to further actualize this documents vision and potential. The
persons should embrace a spirit of democracy
and feel that they can make a meaningful

contribution to further constructing a working process that can mature
into a
p l a n . A p p l y
a t :
www.belovedcommunitycenter.org
Form a
Local Discussion/Study
Group
Often, it is more exciting to discuss the viability and desirability of a new vision and
direction with others. We would like to be
in touch with groups that are interested in
studying the issues and the potential presented in this document. The Beloved Community Center (BCC) will provide additional materials and need-based support from
staff. Contact our office at (336) 230-0001 if
you are interested in forming a group, or
contact
us
online
at:
www.belovedcommunitycenter.org.
Organize
a Discussion and
Presentation
in Your Community
The BCC is making available various staff
members to make presentations and to facilitate discussions, focused around the subculture of corruption and double standards
in the police department and how to move
the department forward from double standards and corruption to accountability and
professionalism.
If you are interested in
this option for your place of worship, neighborhood association, school, or community
group, contact the BCC office at (336) 2300001
or
via
the
Internet
at
Join the Conversation with

Us Online
The BCC hosts a blog to interact with the people in Greensboro and around the nation
about the contents of this paper and related
matters. If you would like to join in the online
discussion, then please visit our website at
www.belovedcommunitycenter.org, and click
blog.
Become the Contact Person

for Your Neighborhood
or Organization
We are seeking neighborhood outreach individuals to keep their communities connected
with this initiative. This will include old fashioned door-to-door contact and leafleting
within your neighborhood, campus, organization, or church in order to keep your group
connected to and engaged with this project. Contact our office if you are interested at
(336) 230-0001 or communicate with us online
at: www.belovedcommunitycenter.org.
Use Your Artistic Talents

We invite those who can provide artistic talents, including political theater, poetry, and
other creative techniques, to construct ways
that your special gifts might support this effort. Please contact our office to explore your
ideas
at
(336)
230-0001
or
Support the Project

We encourage you to help support this undertaking financially.
Contributions can be made
online at www.belovedcommunitycenter.org or
by mailing a check to Post Office Box 875,
Greensboro, NC 27402. Checks should be made
payable to the Beloved Community Center with
Transitioning Greensboro in the memo line. We
also invite you to share any ideas you might have
for fundraisers that you are willing to help organize. Contact our office to share your thoughts at
( 3 3 6 )
2 3 0 - 0 0 0 1
o r
Intern at the
Beloved Community Center
(BCC)
We invite youth and students to actively participate in this work. The Beloved Community Center offers internships during both the spring and
fall semesters, in addition to our Annual Greensboro Justice Summer Internship. Please visit our
website at www.belovedcommunitycenter.org for
more information and click on internships.
APPENDIX
Sources
Background
1) Beloved Community Center
http://www.belovedcommunitycenter.org/
2) Beloved Community Center-Police Accountability and Professionalism
http://www.belovedcommunitycenter.org/page/police-accountability-professionalism
3) Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report
http://www.greensborotrc.org
Scribd- Worlds Largest Online Library of Documents
http://www.scribd.com
4) William H. Chafe, Civilities and Civil Rights: Greensboro, North Carolina and the Black Struggle for Freedom, New York: Oxford University Press, 1980.
Case Studies
1) The Case of LaMonte Armstrong
Duke University School of Law Wrongful Convictions Clinic, Swedish Public TV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2ruQIecngNI
Travis Fain, Judge Releases Man in 1988 Slaying, Greensboro News and Record, June 30, 2012.
Editorial, The Way Things Are Done, Yes Weekly, Wednesday, July 4, 2012
http://www.yesweekly.com/triad/article-14444-the-way-things-are-done.html
2) The Case of Michael Slagle
Nancy McLaughlin, Suspect Freed On Murder Charge, Greensboro News and Record, May 18, 2012,.
Dioni L. Wise, Charges Dropped Over Shortfalls, Greensboro News and Record, May 19, 2012.
Sara Gregory and Dioni L. Wise, Suspect charged in 08 Slaying, Greensboro News and Record, July 2,
2011.
Brian Clarey, A Cold Case Heats Up, Yes Weekly, Wednesday July 13, 2011.
http://www.yesweekly.com/triad/article-12411-a-cold-case-heats-up.html
3) The Case of Lamont Pride
Scribd Documents
Greensboro Police Department, Greensboro Police Mourns Loss of NYPD Officer Figoski: Outline Warrant and Extradition Process, Greensboro Police Department Press Release Statement, December 13,
2011.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/75624652/GPD-Mourns-NYPD-Officer-Figoski-Explains-ExtraditionProcess-For-Alleged-Shooter-121311
Dioni L. Wise, Extradition is a Judgment Call, Greensboro News and Record, December 18, 2011.
Dioni L. Wise, Police Reveal Details About Arrest Warrant, Greensboro News and Record, December 15,
2011.
4) Locker Room Incident
The description of this incident is based on sources internal to the Greensboro Police Department. The
lack of formal investigation of this incident illustrates the problem of the GPDs culture of corruption
and protecting police misconduct.
5) The Case of Police Officer Robert Reyes

Scribd Documents
http://www.scribd.com/collections/3164128/Officer-Robert-Reyes-Complaints-Documentation
Dioni L. Wise, Suit: Race Basis for Firing Officers, Greensboro News and Record, March 6, 2012, p. A2
Dioni L. Wise, Activists Renew Call for Police Oversight, Greensboro News and Record, October 13,
2010.
6) The Case of Police Officer Deborah Thompson
Scribd Documents and Youtube Video
http://www.scribd.com/collections/3166720/Officer-Debra-Thomas-Complaints-Documentation
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O5hoCuShIqg
7) The Case of Police Officer A.J. Blake
Scribd Documents
http://www.scribd.com/search?query=%22AJ+Blake%22
WFMY-TV News
http://www.digtriad.com/news/local/story.aspx?storyid=146682
Taft Wireback, Disgruntled Officers Allege True Corruption. Greensboro News and Record, August 30,
2010.
8) The Case of Police Officer Joseph Pryor
Scribd Documents
http://www.scribd.com/search?query=%22joseph+pryor%22
Ryan Seals, Police Department Fires 2nd Officer, Greensboro News and Record, August 27, 2010.
Dioni L. Wise, Officer Waits to Learn If He Will Keep Job, Greensboro News and Record, August 25,
2010.
9) The Case of 87 Year-old Eva Foster
Travis Fain, City Reaches Settlement in Foster Case, Greensboro News and Record, December 19, 2012.
Travis Fain, Details of Greensboro Police Raid in 2009 Murky, News and Record, December 16, 2012.
10) The Case of GPDs Ban on Faith Community Church and the Beloved Community Center
Letter from Rev. Nelson Johnson to GPD Chief Kenneth Miller, September 2, 2011.
[ http://www.scribd.com/doc/120456795/September-2-2011-Letter-to-Chief-Ken-Miller ]
Letter from Rev. Nelson Johnson to GPD Chief Kenneth Miller, November 3, 2011.
[ http://www.scribd.com/doc/120456800/November-3-20011-Letter-to-Chief-Ken-Miller ]
11) The Case of Accusing The Beloved Community Center of Being a Drug Drop Site
Nancy McLaughlin, Area Nonprofit Puzzled by Word of Drug Delivery, Greensboro News and Record,
March 6, 2012.
Dion L. Wise, Beloved Center Not Part of Drug Probe, Police Say, Greensboro News and Record, March
9, 2012.
12) The Case of Street Group Leader Jorge Cornell
Scribd Documents
http://www.scribd.com/search?query=%22Jorge+Cornell%22
Greensboro News and Record Newspaper Coverage
http://www.news-record.com/news/329738-91/read-all-latin-kings-trial
Jordan Green, Jury Deliberates in Latin Kings Racketeering Trial, Yes Weekly, November 21, 2012
http://www.yesweekly.com/triad/article-15144-jury-deliberates-in-latin-kings-racketeering-trial.html
13) The Case of Former Police Captain Charles Cherry

Scribd. Documents
http://www.scribd.com/collections/3178219/Captain-Charles-Cherry-Complaints-Documentation
Dioni L. Wise, Activists Renew Call for Police Oversight, Greensboro News and Record, October 13, 2010
Amanda Lehmert and Robert Lopez, Series of Suits by Police Cost Taxpayers $1 M, Greensboro News
and Record, March 20, 2012.
Ryan Seals, Fired Police Captain Says He Plans to Appeal, Greensboro News and Record, August 31,
2010.
Amanda Lehmert and Robert Lopez, Series of Suits by Police Cost Taxpayers $1 M, Greensboro News
and Record, March 20, 2012.
Ryan Seals, Fired Police Captain Says He Plans to Appeal, Greensboro News and Record, August 31,
2010.
14) The Case of the Klan/Nazi Killing of Five People on November 3, 1979
Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission Final Report : Examination of the Context, Causes Consequence of the Events of November 3, 1979, (Greensboro, NC: Greensboro Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 2006) http://greensborotrc.org
Sally Bermanzohn, Through Survivors Eyes: From the Sixties to the Greensboro Massacre, (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 2003).
Signe Waller, A City of Two Tales: The Greensboro Massacre of November 3, 1979, in Fact, Context, and Meaning, (Greensboro, NC: Greensboro Justice Fund and Beloved Community Center, 2005)
Signe Waller, Love and Revolution: A Political Memoir: Peoples History of the Greensboro Massacre, Its Setting
and Aftermath, ( New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002).
Upcoming Discussion Papers

The Beloved Community Center will develop a series of discussion papers on the key issues
facing our city. These papers focus attention on problems and proposed solutions. There
must necessarily be concurrent engagement on many fronts including ,but not limited to, the
economy of the city, its educational apparatuses, and the health of its citizens. We are convinced, however, that the largest rock in the road that blocks the pathway to forging a healthy
and inclusive city, with an economy that benefits the citys people, and an empowering, transformative education process, is the existence of structural racism. In the next three to seven
years, the BCC will work closely with city leadership, other organizations, and the people of
this city, to focus on three key areas in Greensboro.
Economic Democracy:
Working together with others to re-localize our
economy such that most or much more of our citys needs, whether products or services, are produced locally. In addition, we will work toward living wage jobs (whether created by local and/or national/international entities) for all who need and are willing to work. We will also strive toward
greater equality and equity in the economic sphere.
Educational Democracy:
Collaborating with many others to equitably and
democratically reform education, we will strive for the full participation of
parents, grandparents, former and current teachers, school administrators,
and young people to revamp and reorient our school policies and processes.
Our hope is that Greensboro can create a learning environment that emphasizes high ethical values and allows us to rebuild local communities that
foster democracy. We need to begin with the public school system itself.
Racial and Social Justice Democracy:
Working together with others, we
will engage those negative prejudices and practices, both individual and
structural, that belittle, devalue, exploit, mistreat, bully, or in any manner
dominate or marginalize individuals or groups. Within this context our initial emphasis will be on structural racism that is entrenched in the Greensboro Police Department (GPD), reflected in its long history of corruption
and double standards.
The BCC and many other groups, organizations and individuals for many years have been and
are continuing to work in all of these areas. Though there exist different perspectives, we have
to learn to bring our positive energies together in such a way that our entire city benefits.
While the BCC will continue to work in all of the above areas (and more) the focus of this paper and our work in the immediate period will be on exposing, engaging and dismantling the
stubborn, difficult problem of what we term the sub-culture of corruption and double standards within the GPD, most practiced through patterns of structural racism.
Beloved Community Center

Our Work Beyond the
Struggle for Greater Police
Accountability and
Professionalism
The essential substance of Beloved Community

Centers (BCC) work is community building,
i.e. forging mutually affirming relations that affirm the dignity, worth and potential of everyone.
In this capacity we engage with individual institutions, structures and systems on a great variety of
concerns daily, some quite controversial. Below
are some of the programmatic components of our
work.
Homeless Hospitality House
Operating now for over 15 years the Hospitality
House provides showers, assists with obtaining
IDs, provides a mailing address to receive mail,
offers counseling, and serves breakfast to over
200 people four days a week.
Grassroots History Tours and Presentations
The BCC schedules history tours for groups from
Greensboro and from all over the country. These
tours go beyond well known historical sites and
highlight sacred sites of struggle in order to provide a much richer understanding of Greensboros social change movement. The tours are
guided by a person who has been active in
Greensboros movement since 1957. BCC also
schedules periodic grassroots history programs
and presentations, that highlight Greensboros
many unsung leaders.
Community Garden:
Now four years old, the BCC garden is maintained in partnership with Faith Community
Church and grows a variety of vegetables. A local restaurant manages one plot and BCC, church
members, volunteers, and the Homeless tend to
and make use of the remaining plots and produce.
Energy Efficiency Work

Working in cooperation
with the City of
Greensboro and NC A&T State University the
BCC focuses on five Grassroots neighborhoods
to help insure that homes are properly weatherized. In this process we also seek to build democratic neighborhood organizations that will
survive beyond the life of federal government
funded energy efficiency programs.
Farm Labor Support Work
The BCC has an ongoing working relationship
with the Farm Labor Organizing Committee
(FLOC) to support farm laborers in North Carolina. For the last five years this effort has been
focused mainly on farm laborers employed on
farms under contract with Reynolds America
Tobacco, Inc.
Black-Brown Unity Work
The BCC pays special attention to building unity
with immigrant populations from throughout
the world, especially our Latino and African
brothers and sisters. We work with others on a
variety of immigrant issues and, together with
others, sponsors an Annual Black Brown Unity
Week.
Civic Engagement,
Voter Registration and Voter Education
As a 501(c)3 not-for-profit organization BCC
does not engage in partisan politics. However,
we believe that an essential part of the democratic process is ethics and knowledge so that
citizens can have a more effective voice. In addition to voter registration, the BCC works with
other individuals and organizations get-out-thevote and to raise the level of knowledge among
citizens so the entire community can better address its concerns in the political process.
Wednesday Table
Join us every Wednesday from 1 to 3 PM. The
BCC Wednesday Table is open public space
where all are welcomed and any topic can be
discussed. All are urged to be respectful speakers and listeners.
Acknowledgements
Our Democratic Mission: Transitioning the Greensboro Police Department from Double Standards and Corruption to Professionalism and Accountability is the product of collective labor and could not have been
completed without the hard work and tireless efforts of many people. Time and or space do not allow us to
list all the persons who were helpful in the completion of this work but the authors remain grateful to all the
persons named and unnamed.
The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance from the editorial committee of the Beloved Community
Center (BCC) Board of Directors, consisting of Chairperson Mrs. Pat Priest, Dr. Kathleen Casey, Mrs. Deborah
P. Underwood, and Mr. Steve Sumerford. Editorial assistance was also provided by Mrs. Joyce Johnson, Jubilee Institute Director and Dr. Signe Waller Foxworth. Rev. Joseph Frierson, Jr., Truth and Reconciliation Process Coordinator, was responsible for the design and layout and provided valuable feedback. Mr. Lewis
Brandon, III, Grassroots History Project Coordinator, provided valuable assistance with photos and design
issues. Mr. Tim Gwyn, Media and Communications Coordinator and Ms. Elena Conley, Communications
Team Member and Intern and Volunteer Coordinator, were responsible for developing the website links that
support this document. In addition, other BCC staff and contributed important input for improving the final
product, including Mr. Wesley Morris, Youth and Student Initiatives Coordinator, Ms. Terry Speed, Homeless Hospitality Co-Coordinator and Jubilee Institute Administrative Assistant, Ms. Patsy Turner, Homeless
Hospitality Co-Coordinator, and Mr. Terence Muhammad, Civic and Voter Engagement Coordinator. The
authors also thank all members of the Board of Directors for their valuable feedback, inspiration, and support. Finally, the authors wish to thank Mr. Floyd Newkirk for the original artwork displayed in this document.
~
The Principal Authors
Rev. Nelson N. Johnson is the Executive Director of the Beloved Community Center and a longtime community activist in the movement for social and economic change. He also serves as co-pastor for Faith Community Church.
Dr. Claude Barnes currently serves as a Research Associate for the Beloved Community Center. Dr. Barnes
served as a political science professor for twenty seven years before retiring from North Carolina A&T State
University in 2009.
Ms. Gillet Rosenblith is a recent graduate of Duke University and is currently enrolled in the doctoral program in history at the University of Virginia.
Nelson N. Johnson, Claude Barnes and Gillet Rosenblith, Our Democratic Mission: Transitioning the Greensboro
Police Department from Double Standards and Corruption to Professionalism and Accountability, (Greensboro, NC:
Beloved Community Center, 2013)
Copyright 2013 Beloved Community Center, Greensboro, North Carolina
THE CITIZEN
An informed citizenry with high ethical standards
is the most powerful entity in a democracy.
As a government of the people, by the people and for the people, citizens are
more powerful than city councils, large corporations, courts, and the police. This
is only a theoretical statement until we believe it and act upon it. It is we the peoplethe citizensthat must claim and properly use our power. This document
is about exercising citizen power to clean up our police department. It is the first
of several such documents. The next two documents to come will focus on helping to build a powerful economy with good jobs for all and helping to grow an
educational system that can support a locally oriented economy and that can instill high ethical, democratic values, while equipping people to rebuild neighborhoods and communities. (For specifics on how to get involved see page 39)
The Beloved Community Center of Greensboro, Inc.

417 Arlington Street ~ Greensboro, NC 27406
336-230-0001 (office) ~ 336-230-2428 (fax)
www.belovedcommunitycenter.org

Our Democratic Mission

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Our

We want Greensboro to become a much

The nonviolent resister must often express his protest

Despite having three different mayors, three different

Letter from Beloved Community Center Board

January 21, 2013

Our Democratic Mission Page 6

The Board of Directors of the Beloved Community Center of Greensboro, Inc.

Refugee Services Consultant

Retired Presbyterian Minister

Small Business Owner

University Transportation Researcher

Multi-Cultural Program Consultant

Labor Union Official

Former Mayor of Greensboro

Retired Public School Educator

Diversity Program Coordinator

University Economic Development

Episcopal Diocese of North Carolina

Social Justice Lawyer

Our Democratic Mission Page 7

We see this initiative as one consistent with BCCs

A local town hall meeting on issues of democracy and

Our Democratic Mission Page 8

The crisis involves our education system, which is

prisoned and even having their lives unjustly taken.

As we hope to show, the

Our Democratic Mission Page 9

Case Studies of Police Corruption

OUR USE OF THE TERMINOLOGY

Our Democratic Mission Page 10

miss all of these moments? Armstrong missed

and they worked in concert with the prosecution

The questions that arise with

Our Democratic Mission Page 11

that led to the DAs decision to release Slagle.

Our Democratic Mission Page 12

In light of all of the above, the decision by the DA

tempted to kill a Black Greensboro resident. Pride

On December 12, 2011, Mr.

Our Democratic Mission Page 13

us see more clearly the double standards and corruption

The Case of the

ment that he pulled a gun on a fellow officer,

One officer pulled his taser against a fellow officer, and

he to unsuspecting citizens, even while off-duty?

Our Democratic Mission Page 14

Moreover, the actions of Chief Miller and the

Our Democratic Mission Page 15

any further documentation to Mr. Youngs office,

cial GPD investigation, with an absolutely false

The second allegation against Officer Reyes was

If the problems described above only involved a

The allegation against Rev. Johnson came from

It should be noted that Officer Reyes has a

Our Democratic Mission Page 16

himself. The recording has been played for the

Should I convict myself or acquit myself? Sergeant

Our Democratic Mission Page 17

The Case of Police Officer