title:

Islam and the West : The Moriscos, a Cultural and

Social History
author: Chejne, Anwar G.
publisher: State University of New York Press
isbn10 | asin: 0873956060
print isbn13: 9780873956062
ebook isbn13: 9780585063652
language: English
subject Moriscos.
publication date: 1983
lcc: DP104.C45 1983eb
ddc: 306/.089927046
subject: Moriscos.
Islam and the West The Moriscos
A Cultural and Social History
Anwar G. Chejne
STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK PRESS
Albany

Published by
State University of New York Press, Albany
1983 State University of New York Press, Albany
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever
without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in
critical articles and reviews.
For information, address State University of New York
Press, State University Plaza, Albany, N.Y., 12246.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Chejne, Anwar G.
Islam and the West.
Bibliography: p. 216
Includes index.
1. Moriscos. I. Title.
DP104.C45 306'.089927046 82-703
ISBN 0-87395-606-0 AACR2
ISBN 0-87395-603-6 (pbk.)

Page v
Contents
Preface vii
Acknowledgments ix
1. The Moriscos in a Hostile Environment 1
2. Morisco Reaction: A Self-Image 17
3. Morisco Education and Literature 31
4. Religion, Beliefs, and Observances 51
5. The Polemics of the Moriscos 69
6. History, Legends, and Travel 96
7. Sorcery, Talisman, and the Sciences 115
8. Secular Literature 132
9. Morisco Poetry 150
10. Conclusion 167
Notes 173
List of Abbreviations 214
Bibliography 216
Index 239

Page vii
Preface
Shortly after the conquest of Granada in 1492 by the Catholic kings, their
Muslim subjects in Spain became known derogatorily as Moriscos (little Moors),
Moros, Muhammadans, Hagarans (bastards or descendants of Hagar), and
Saracens, despite the fact that they were forced to accept the sacrament of
baptism. Such appellations remained in use throughout the sixteenth century,
applied indiscriminately to all Moriscos regardless of the degree of their
devotion to Christianity. The appellations differentiated between the new
converts and the Old Christians, believed to be of pure Spanish stock and
possessing purity of blood (limpieza de sangre).
Born and reared in the Iberian Peninsula of mixed ancestry (Spanish, Jewish,
Berber, Arab, and other ethnic groups), the Moriscos were considered aliens in
their own land, heretics who presented an imminent danger to both church
and state. Edict after edict reinforced this attitude and relegated the Moriscos
to the margin of Christian society. In turn, the Moriscos developed their own
attitude, accompanied by passive resistance and sporadic revolt, and
expressed in an extensive clandestine literaturesthe Aljamiado literaturewhich
was written in Romance in Arabic script. Although they preserved a
sentimental attachment to Arabic as their own language, the Moriscos were no
longer able to use it, speaking native Romance dialects that were given the
derogatory designation of "foreign" (Ar. 'Ajamihence, 'Aljamiyyah, Aljamia, or
Aljamiado). This literature was for the most part inspired by Arabic models that
not only expressed defiance toward the oppressor, but reiterated Islamic
values. At the same time, the Moriscos could no longer write in Arabic or recite
the Qur`an * in the Arabic original. A new perspective had developed, causing
the Morisos to draw closer to their Christian neighbors despite disavowal and
reservations on their part and despite Old Christians' rejection.
It is for these and other reasons that the Moriscos and their literature are

Page viii
significant for the study of cultural change, offering valuable data for the
historian, religious scholar, sociologist, anthropologist, philologist, bellelettrist,
and civil and human rights advocates who would gain insight into the fate of a
deprived and persecuted minority living in a hostile environment. Aljamiado
literature, written mostly during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
supplements much of the external documentation in the form of edicts, official
correspondence, memoranda, records of the tribunals of the Inquisition, and
contemporary histories.
The present work is the outgrowth of several years of research. A substantial
amount of material was gathered in Spain. Contemporary histories, archival
material, modern scholarly books and articles, and a variety of published and
unpublished Aljamiado manuscripts, found largely in the National Library of
Madrid, the Institute of Asin Palacios, the Royal Academy of History, and the
Royal Palace. Morisco writings are classified here into such broad categorategor
religious works, polemics, history and legends, divination and the sciences,
epic, wisdom sayings, and poetry. In view of publication costs, the available
data have been treated as concisely as possible without sacrificing the
essentials of the literature.
This book is intended to survey and analyze the self-expression of the Moriscos
as contained in their own literature, the Aljamiado literature. Simultaneously, it
assesses the status of a minority struggling for survival, with reference to
ideological conflict, the clash of religions and cultures, and differing mutual
perceptions. It is hoped that this work will be of use to Hispanists, Arabists,
comparativists, medievalists, and other students. The author would be amply
rewarded were it to inspire the reader to pursue further research and reading
from the bibliography.
A. G. C.
Minneapolis, 1980

Page ix
Acknowledgments
I wish to express my gratitude to the John Simon Guggenheim Foundation for
granting me a Fellowship during 1979-80 which enabled me to finish this work
at this time. I also wish to thank the Graduate School and the Office of
Research and Development of the College of Liberal Arts at the University of
Minnesota for their financial assistance during the preparation of the
manuscript. A special word of thanks goes to my good friend Ann Harbour for
her assistance in editorial matters. I am equally indebted to the officers of the
National Library of Madrid, the Royal Academy of History, the Institute of Asin
Palacios, the Royal Palace, the Escorial, the National Archive of Madrid, the
Archive of Aragon, the Central Library of Barcelona, and the Archive of the
Alhambra for their generous assistance in supplying me with the necessary
material and help during my several trips to Spain. Finally, I wish to thank my
colleague Asaad Busool for reading the galley proofs and for his valuable
suggestions. I also wish to thank my daughter Cecilia for the preparation of the
index. It is of course understood that these people are in no way responsible
for whatever defects or inadequacies may be found in this work.

Page 1
1
The Moriscos in a Hostile Environment
For centuries the Moriscos have had apologists and critics, the former pointing
indignantly to the Moriscos' inhumane treatment from Christian masters 1 and
the latter attempting to show that however harsh, such treatment was dictated
by the necessity of securing the unity of church and state.2 From the time of
Mrmol Carvajal in the sixteenth century to Boronat y Barrachina in the
nineteenth century, the former approach to the Morisco question was often
advanced by foreigners, who might be expected to view the situation with
some detachment, whereas the latter was traditionally held by Spanish
scholars, often influenced by national, ethnic, and religious considerations.
However, modern Spanish scholarship has approached the subject of the
Moriscos with great objectivity, thereby contributing to its better
understanding.3 Nevertheless, the Morisco question still evokes emotional
views, often passionate, and philosophical speculations and moralistic
judgments whose consequences are reflected in similar situations affecting
minorities in every time and place.
However interpreted, the ultimate solution of the Morisco problem is amply
documented, giving a pattern over centuries of an ascendant majority

Page 2
of Christians and a declining minority of Muslims attributable to complex and
multiple causes. The imbalance prevailing between the two societies with
respect to power tempts the researcher to accumulate data favoring a given
interpretation or simply to moralize on what should have been. This parallels
the imbalance between Europeans and Indians or between whites and blacks
in the United States in the similar complexity of reconciling Christian doctrine
with the attitudes and practices of Christians.
This kind of parallel perhaps may explain why the Moriscos received scholars'
attention from the time of their emergence as a minority at the mercy of a
powerful majority. The abundant literature consists of contemporary or near-
contemporary histories, archival materials in various major Spanish cities, and
numerous scholarly studies and monographs. However, this literature is based
largely on Christian sources; until recently, little attention was paid to the
Moriscos' own, Aljamiado literature. The present study will look at the Moriscos
from within, drawing upon their experiences recorded and viewed in Aljamiado
literature.
The Moriscos must be viewed within the broad context of the Arab conquest of
the Iberian Peninsula in 711 and the subsequent reconquest by Christians from
1085 to 1492. These processes of conquest and reconquest, lasting almost
eight centuries, had enormous repercussions on the two contending societies,
affecting attitudes, religious affiliations, language, customsindeed, a whole
identity and way of life. These fluctuated with politico-military ascendance and
accompanying institutions. The Arab conquest of Spain and consolidation of
the occupied areas superimposed Arabic as the language and Islam as the
religion of the majority, replacing Latin and Christianity in Spanish society.
Arabization and Islamization included other sociocultural changes which made
Arab Spain, known as al-Andalus, a cultural sphere quite different from that of
Christian Spain to the north, thus presenting a challenge to be met in the
battlefield in centuries to come. The challenge to Latindom and Christendom
transcended the Iberian Peninsula: the struggle between Islamic and Christian
Spain was but part of a wider struggle between Christianity and Islam,
producing the Crusades and many casualties, among them the Moriscos.
To Spanish Christians, Muslims in general were known as Moros, or Saracens,
whether living under Christian rule or outside it. Although this usage did not
cease even after their forced conversion to Christianity, the term Mudejar (Ar.
Mudajjan), 4 "the one allowed to remain" became current in the fifteenth
century. Mudejars were Muslims living under Christian rule while preserving
many Arabic customs along with their religion. The history of the Mudejars
began in 1085 with the fall of Toledo to Alfonso VI. Thereafter, a large
segment of the Islamic community lived under Christian rule. Christian rulers
grew accustomed to their presence during the Reconquest, which made great
headway with the conquest of Saragossa in the twelfth century, and that of
Cordova, Valencia, Seville, and other major cities over the thirteenth century.
The fall of Granada in 1492 marked the culmination of the Reconquest,

Page 3
ending Muslim rule in the Peninsula. Only a few years after the fall of Granada,
the history of the Mudejars can be said to have ended, giving rise to the history
of their descendants, the Moriscos.
The Mudejars inhabited cities, towns, and rural areas throughout the
PeninsulaAragon, Castile, Valencia, Estremadura, and Andalusia. They lived in
separate communities as protected minorities whose status was determined by
the terms of capitulations contracted upon surrender. These capitulations were
similar to those granted by Muslims to non-Muslims living under their rule and
often guaranteed the freedom of worship, freedom of movement, and the use
of language and custo custoreturn for tribute paid in money or in kind. In
cities, the Mudejars lived in ghettos, or moreras, having jurisdiction over their
own affairs, maintenance of their quarter, and places of worship. They
associated with their Christian masters daily through commerce, agriculture,
administration, industry, and other pursuits. 5 The Mudejars' fortune and role
in a Christian environment may be compared to a degree with those of the
Mozarabs6Christians living under Muslim rule who were protected by the
religious law (shari'ah*) that designate them as the people of the Covenant
(ahl al-dhimmah) or "people of the Book" (ahl-al-kitab*).
Religious sanction guaranteed the Mozarabs freedom of worship and
jurisdiction over their own affairs in return for the payment of a poll tax (
jizyah) and a land tax (kharaj*). These provisions emanate from the religious
law; only a heretic or an unjust ruler deviated from their implementation. In
consequence, the Mozarabs as well as the Jews were able to preserve their
religious identity within a spirit of tolerance allowing them to interact with
Muslims, to become arabized in language, customs, and taste to the point of
becoming indistinguishable from their Muslim neighbors. Although Christian
policy toward non-Christian subjects in Spain appears to have been inspired by
the Islamic model, there was, however, a major difference in the contractual
nature of minority protection with respect to durability and implementation.
This difference may have been the major cause leading to the ultimate tragedy
of the Moriscos. Protection of minorities in Islam was conferred by God through
his Shari'ahthat is, it was immutable and inviolate, binding for all times, and
beyond all human power to amend. Except for occasional aberrations, the
provisions of the law regarding religious minorities have been upheld even to
the present day. In contrast, the protection of minorities in a Christian
environment was conferred by a treaty whose provisions were often influenced
by political and military expediency and by other circumstances. Treaties were
apt to change, and actually did, subject to the whims of rulers or to the ever-
changing politico military situation. Moreover, agreements between the
Christian conqueror and the subject people were more often than not opposed
by the clergy, which endeavored to annul them by all available means. Among
numerous instances of such interference is the conquest of Valencia by James
I of Aragon. James I, who had ambitions of conquering the eastern shores of
Spain, showed magnanimity toward the subject people by entering into
treaties guaranteeing their safety, freedom of movement and of worship, and
protec-

Page 4
tion of individual rights in return for payment of a tithe on wheat, barley, and
other produce. 7 However, this seemingly benign treatment had its
disadvantages, as Burns points out in a thorough study of the Kingdom of
Valencia: ''Where two exclusive systems exist, this dilemma is native to the
concept of tolerance, no matter how sympathetic its framers may be toward
the minority; the tolerance that fully preserve an alien group's existence also
condemns that group to a life apart, inverted, and undernourished, so strange
to the other community as to seem repugnant and even inimical."8 In fact,
even this uneasy accommodation was soon altered through restrictions,
pressures, and confiscation of property at the behest of the local clergy and
the papacy. Upon the conquest of Murcia in 1265, James was congratulated by
the Pope, who added: "It is necessary that you exterminate all Saracens."9
This policy became almost a pattern throughout the Peninsula, carried out
through the office of the Inquisition.10 The policy became official upon the
accession of the Catholic kings, Isabella (1474-1504) and Fernando (1479-
1516), who, after consolidating their power in Aragon and Castile, decided to
pursue the goal of total reconquest of the Peninsula.
This notwithstanding, the Spanish monarchy often resisted the pressure of the
clergy and allowed the Mudejars to participate in economic life, contributing
their skills and labor in the crafts, agriculture, and other professions. The
Mozarabs and Mudejars served as intermediaries between Islamic and Christian
societies, contributing to the integration of many Arabic elements. Estimating
their numbers is difficult, since many of them either emigrated at the time of
the Reconquest or underwent the process of latinization and Christianization,
making them almost indistinguishable from the rest of the Christian population.
A sizable segment of Mudejars retained Islam as their religion and were
attached to Arabic and Islamic values as long as circumstances allowed, but
gradually became latinizedlike their counterparts the Mozarabs, subject to the
ever-increasing change of language, customs, and even religious practices.
Many Mudejars may have adopted Christianity out of conviction or
convenience. There is no indication that they were coerced before the policy of
forced conversion that was instituted early in the sixteenth century. They were
labeled Christian Mudejars, to distinguish them from Old Christians. This
differentiation grew more pronounced as the Reconquest gained impetus. The
Mudejars were placed in a vulnerable position during the thirteenth century
when the major Muslim citiesCordova, Valencia, Sevilleand othersfell to the
Christian kings. Their importance, along with that of the Jews, gradually
declined as Christians assumed the skills and functions hitherto associated with
them. In fact, they remained separated from the mainstream of Christian
society, whether they converted to Christianity or adhered to Islam. This
segregation increased in the fifteenth century. In 1476 the Courts (Cortes) de
Madrigal petitioned the monarchy that Jews and Mudejars be obliged to wear
distinctive clothing.11 At the same time, the role of the Inquisition was
expanded for the purpose of punishing heretics,12 who often were newly
converted Jews and Mudejars. The Inquisition had been established in the
thirteenth cen-

Page 5
tury to prosecute heresy and "did not care to impress the minds of men with
magnificence, but rather to paralyze with terror." 13
During the fifteenth century, the Spanish monarchy and church appear to have
had a united policy for their conversion, differing only in timing and approach.
Influenced by politicomilitary circumstances, the Catholic kings often found it
expedient to enter into contracts that promised a great deal to the subject
people, but they, like the clergy, were pledged to eliminating Muslims.14 Thus,
their contractual pledges to Jews and Mudejars were temporary, rescinded as
will. Before the conquest of Granada, enormous pressure was placed on the
Jews, who were expelled in 1492. The explusion of the Jews was to be
reenacted with respect to tt to tiscos.
An international dimension exacerbated the status of the Mudejars. The
zealous monks of Cluny in the south of France, reinforced by papal bulls, added
more pressure on the Spanish monarchy to resolve the Moorish problem
through more radical means. They called for sweeping crusades to eliminate
the infidels, accompanied by bitter polemics against Islam and its founder. The
double-edged war of pen and sword appeared inconclusive to Bishop Juan
Segovia (ca. 1400-1458), who perceived a stalemate in the struggle between
Islam and Christianity and proposed peace and open forum with Muslims (per
viam pacis et doctrinae) to reach a modus vivendi.15 However, his peaceful
approach was unheeded; the Mudejars remained vulnerable to the ever-
changing conditions. The decisive moment came in 1481, when the Catholic
kings attacked Alhama, a fortress in Granada, looting, pillaging, and putting
many to death:
Hombres, nios y
mujeres
Men, children and
women
Iloran tan grande
prdida
lament such a great
loss.
Iloraban todas las
damas,
All ladies lamented
cuantas in Granada
haba
As many as were in
Granada
Ay de mi Alhama! Alas, my poor Alhama!
Por las calles y
ventanas
In the street and
windows
mucho luto pareca Great mourning was
seen
y llora rey como
fembra
And the king crying like
a woman
que es mucho lo
que perda
For the much he had
lost.
Ay de mi Alhama16 Alas, my poor Alhama!
The fall of the Alhama led to the capture of other Granadan townsRonda,
Marabella, Almera, Mlaga, Baza, and othersfollowed by the siege and
surrender of the capital city of Granada in 1492. The fall of Granada had
enormous religious signficance, described vividly in the following poem:
En la ciudad de
Granada
In the city of
Granada
grandes alaridos
dan
Great outcries are
heard
Unos llaman a
Mahoma
Some invoke
Muhammad

Page 6
otros a la Trinidad
Others invoke the Trinity.
Por un cabo entran las
cruces
Crosses enter from one
end
de otro sale alcoran
And the Qur'an * leaves
from the
donde antes oan
cuernos
other;
campanas oyen
sonar.17
Where horns were heard
before
Now the sound of bells
are heard.
The fall of Granada added the last independent Muslims to the body of
Mudejars and had grave implications for their future status. The Granadans
were granted generous terms guaranteeing their safety; the preservation of
their law, mosque, and religious foundations; respect for their privacy; general
amnesty for all prisoners; freedom to emigrate; freedom of travel and worship;
and the use of their language and customs.18 However, they were soon
subjected to strictures in violation of the terms of capitulations granted under
solemn oath.
The procedure of the Catholic kings may be viewed as part of a pattern that
dated from the beginning of the Reconquest. In similar, earlier surrenders, the
Catholic kings had proceeded cautiously, with all the appearance of
implementing the terms of capitulations. They appointed over Granada two
fair-minded men: Iego Lpez de Mendoza as its governor and Hernando de
Talavera as archbishop. These were men of goodwill who appeared to
understand the sensitive situation within two communities long at war.
Although Talavera was committed to converting Muslim subjects, his peaceful
and persuasive method was to establish communication and to attain
conversion through education. Talavera encouraged his subordinates to learn
Arabic in order to facilitate the process of conversion. He enlisted rural priests
of mixed, Moorish-Christian ancestry who were familiar with the language and
customs of the subject people. Arabic catechisms were to be used, and to
facilitate the task of the priests, Pedro de Alcal composed his Art for Learning
Rapidly the Arabic Language, a grammar of the colloquial language whose
purpose, stated in the prologue, was "to bring these recent converts out of the
darkness and many errors induced by that evil, vile, and accursed
Muhammad*."19
Talavera's approach appeared too slow to the Catholic kings, who sent
Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros, Archbishop of Toledo, to Talavera's
assistance.20 Cisneros came prepared with expensive gifts for Muslim leaders
whom he hoped to employ in converting the masses. He succeeded in
baptizing some of them and three thousand other Muslims in a single day
(December 18, 1499).21 Emboldened by initial success, Cisneros pushed on
with mass conversion, arousing great protest from staunch Muslims. He
imprisoned many, among them their proud leader, Zegri, who was starved until
he begged for conversion under the name of Gonzalo Fernndez Zegri.22 Zegri
was rewarded with a pension of fifty thousand maravedis. Cisneros ordered the
main mosque of Albaicn to be converted into a church, had all Arabic religious
books burned, and transferred Arabic books in philosophy to the University of
Alcal de Henares, which he had founded.

Page 7
Cisneros's high-handed methods of conversion constituted a gross violation of
the terms of capitulations. 23 Granadans reacted violently, precipitating the
revolt of Albaicn and the murder of one of Cisneros's agents. The revolt was
harshly quelled in 1501, and revolt gave the monarchy an excuse for declaring
the terms of capitulations null and void, thus placing the Granadans and
Mudejars elsewhere at the mercy of the authorities. In 1501 a royal ordinance
was issued calling for the conversion of the Muslims of Granada, followed by
another in 1502 calling on the Muslims of Castile to choose between baptism
and exile.24 These and similar ordinances were followed by harsher measures
leaving no doubt about the direction of state policy toward Granadans in
particular and Mudejars of the Peninsula in general. In 1516, Cisneros not only
insisted on forced baptism, but instituted an ordinance calling for the
abandonment of Moorish dress and customs. Although the ordinance was
rescinded thded ththe intervention of influential people, it had enormous
repercussions among the Mudejars of Castile, Argon, Valencia, Estremadura,
and elsewhere, starting a cycle of mutual resentment and suspicion which
lasted until the final expulsion in 1609-1614.
After the forced conversions of 1501, the neophyteswhether baptized by force
or free willcame to be called Moriscos (little Moors), placing them in a special
category within the Christian faith. They were differentiated from Old Christians
not only by the recency of their conversions, but also by race. The label
"Moriscos," or sometimes "Christian Mudejars," placed them at a great
disadvantage vis-a-vis their Christian fellows in that they were considered
Arabs or Berbers and, thus, inferior to ''Old Christians," who enjoyed "purity of
blood" (limpieza de sangre).25 These claims could not, of course, be justified,
since Old Christians were as much a mixture as the Moors. In fact, it was
almost impossible to distinguish one from the other at this juncture of history,
notwithstanding claims to the contrary. The Arab conquest of Spain had been
achieved by a small band of Berbers and Arabs who intermingled with the
overwhelmingly larger native population steeped in Christianity and Latin
culture. Subsequent to the conquest, this native population underwent
linguistic, religious, and cultural changes, but hardly an ethnic or racial
transformation. The neo-Muslims, mostly of Spanish stock and known as
Mulades (Ar. Muwalladun*), constituted the bulk of the Muslim population of
the Peninsula preserving Islamic values and culture. They were the ancestors
of the Mudejars and Moriscos, whether of Spanish, Berber, Jewish, or Black
ancestry. Castro, who has been criticized for his Moorish-Jewish sympathy, may
be close to the mark when he says: "The Moriscos constitute a part of Spain
and an extension of its people."26 In fact, they were as Spanish as Indians are
American.
Be that as it may, the Moriscos came into the spotlight following the
establishment of forced conversion. Subsequently, they were at the mercy of
church, state, and Old Christians, and were subjected to all sort of strictures
with regard to their persons, family life, and associations. The Inquisition
punished any infraction or any appearance thereof severely with long impri-

Page 8
sonment, confiscation of property, exile, or even death. 27 For example,
Moriscos could be brought before the tribunal of the Inquisition on charges of
not eating pork or not using bacon in a frying pan.28
Finally, the Moriscos were singled out as a thorn in the side of Spanish society.
Moriscan utterances, deeds, behavior, customs, dress, food, and very manner
of doing things were abominable and ought to be eradicated. Edict after edict
was issued to correct or eliminate all features associated with Moriscos. As a
people, they not only lacked purity of blood, but were crude and ignorant.29
They were often ridiculed as peasants, peddlers of figs, almonds, and other
produce.30 Although they were considered industrious, hard working, thrifty,
and family men, these virtues were read as competitive, greedy, avaricious,
with a fecundity that would eventually upset the population balance.31 Except
for some Frontier Romanceros where he appears cavalier, loving, and
courageous,32 the Morisco was generally represented in the literature as
mezquin and ridiculous.33 In sum, he was an undesirable stranger in his own
land, denied the opportunity to adjust within the new religious order.
Furthermore, church and state were alarmed by the Morisco's practice of
divination, use of amulets,34 and beliefs in prophecies that foretold the doom
of Christianity and the ultimate triumph of Islam.35 These attitudes and images
made any future accomodation between Old Christians and Moriscos almost
impossible.
While much of this antagonism toward the Moriscos may be attributed to
internal factors resulting from a long contract marked by conquest and
reconquest, religious friction, and conflict of language and culture, there were
other external factors that exacerbated ChristianMorisco relations. The Moriscos
were considered a fifth column, not only an obstacle to the unity of Spain but
also potentially a force colluding with North Africans, Egyptians, French, Turks,
pirates, Lutherans, and other Christian heretics.36 This was part of Spanish
national posture during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The discovery of
America and the subsequent Spanish expansionism with designs in Italy, the
Mediterranean, and North Africa brought Spain face to face with France,
England, and the Ottoman Empire, resulting in expensive wars and humiliating
defeats. Wars between France and Spain were recurrent throughout the
sixteenth century, and France did not fail to exploit Morisco discontent. Spain
also had encounters with England, which defeated its Great Armada in 1588.
But the Turks were the most fearsome and formidable enemy, not only to
Europe in general, but to Spain in particular. After their conquest of
Constantinople in 1453, the Turks threatened Europe, besieging Vienna in
1529 and making inroads into Egypt and North Africa, where they conflicted
directly with Spain, which had established its presence in Oran, Bougie, and
Tripoli as early as 1509-1511. The Muslim Turks were regarded by Christendom
as the scourge of God for Christian sins,37 to be fought by all means possible,
including an all-out Crusade. They were of immediate concern to Spain as a
potential conqueror, who would be aided by the oppressed and disaffected
Moriscos. In their desperate situation, the Moriscos entertained the

Page 9
hope that their fellow Muslims, the Turks, would sooner or later deliver them
from oppression. In fact, they appealed to both Turks and North Africans for
assistance, 38 thus giving some substance to the concern that the Moriscos
constituted a fifth column set to destroy both church and state. Concomitant
with the ever-increasing presence of the Turks in the Mediterranean was the
increasing piracy that long ravaged the eastern shores of Spain and other
coastal areas of the Mediterranean. The pirates were well organized and
indulged not only in intercepting and robbing ships on the high seas, but in
taking men, women, and children to be sold as slaves. Their excesses were
more manifest in coastal areas where a large number of Moriscos lived, in a
position both vulnerable and suspicious.
Finally, the rise of Protestantism in the first half of the sixteenth century also
had its adverse effect on the Moriscos. Spain viewed Protestantism as the
gravest threatthreattional unity and was committed to eliminate it. As
Protestantism spread into southern France and Spain, Spain saw the danger of
collusion between Moriscos and Protestants, and set the Inquisition to deal
severely with any religious deviation, whether inspired by Muslim traditions or
Christian reformers. Though the Moriscos remained faithful to their own
traditions, they saw in Protestantism certain elements that conformed with
some of their religious thinkingsuch as the denial of the supremacy of the
pope, the frowning on images, and the freedom of the individual to scrutinize
the Scriptures. Furthermore, the Moriscos had hoped through their contact
with France to shake off the yoke of oppression along with the persecuted
Protestant minority. In sum, Spanish international involvement with France and
Turkey, concern with piracy, and preoccupation with Protestantism
compounded the already tenuous position of the Moriscos.
The attitudes toward the Morisco and his ancestors, a long time in the making,
became articulated in the course of the sixteenth century. The Catholic kings
had achieved the territorial unity of spain, but still ruled over many Muslim
subjects, a legacy of several centuries of granting generous terms of surrender
and rescinding them as circumstances permitted. They acquiesced in
Cisneros's policy of forced conversion, which remained in effect during
subsequent reigns.39 Charles V (1516-1558) of Austria was faced with the
disadvantage of being a foreigner amid the internal and international pressures
surrounding the Morisco question. In 1519, he had to cope with the
controversy over whether forced conversion actually turned Moriscos into
Christians.40 After some time, it was decided that forced converts were
Christians and, hence, subject to the Inquisition, which could sentence them
for any religious infraction. In 1524, Pope Clement VII requested Charles V to
end the Moorish question by means of baptism, upon which the monarch gave
the Moors of Valencia and Aragn a choice of conversion or exile. Shortly
thereafter, an edict was issued prohibiting the Arabic language, clothing,
amulets, jewels, circumcision, manner of slaughtering animals, and Morisco
practices.41 The edict was rescinded in return for a payment of ninety
thousand ducados.42 These and similar measures provoked the Moriscos of
Valencia to revolt in

Page 10
1526. The revolt ended in an agreement guaranteeing Moriscos' rights.
However, the agreement was soon revoked on charges that some Moriscos
were flirting with Lutherans, while others were aiding and abetting pirates in
the Levant, led by the brothers Barbarossa. Piracy remained rampant for
decades in the Mediterranean, on eastern shores of Spain inflicting enormous
damage and taking Christian and Morisco captives for sale as slaves in Algeria.
Another grave concern of Charles was the actual or imagined Turkish threat to
the Peninsula, thought to have been encouraged by Moriscos. All this led to
further restrictive measures on the Moriscos, believed to be as Arabic as ever.
As late as the nineteenth century, a Spanish scholar could state: "This was a
war of religion and race, making a fusion impossible. Thus, it was futile for the
Monarchy to offer the Moors any benefit." 43
After the death of Charles V, his successor, Philip II (1555-1598),44 attempted
to pursue a policy of moderation toward the Moriscos but could hardly afford to
antagonize the local clergy and the papacy, which often pointed to the
persistent piracy, the danger of Protestantism, and the threat of the Ottomans.
The papacy had invested the Inquisition with enormous power. The Inquisitor
General could condemn to death anyone who confessed error or was involved
in the Protestant movement. In 1559 sentences (auto-da-f) were issued in
Valladolid, Saragossa, Seville, Valencia, and Murcia against heretics of
Protestant and Muslim persuasion. The Moriscos were charged with not taking
Christianity seriously, practicing their Muslim religion, observing circumcision,
assuming Arabic names, fasting in Ramadan*, working on Christian holidays,
and in general, showing contempt for Christian sacraments and practices,
along with the usual charges about Moriscos' involvement in piracy and intrigue
with Turks and North Africans. These charges emanated mostly from clerics,
who demanded swift, corrective actions.
In 1563 the authorities disarmed the Moriscos of Valencia and sentenced nine
Moriscos. In 1564 the Courts of Monzn petitioned the monarchy to institute
indoctrination of the Moriscos through teaching, constructing new churches,
and appointing honorable and capable priests to guide and instruct them. The
petition was a fresh attempt to persuade the Moriscos, but asked also that no
mercy be accorded to religious scholars (alfaquies) and proselytizers
(dogmatizadores).45 However, this peaceful approach did not last long and led
to stiffer measures in the ordinance of 1566, prohibiting the Moriscos the use
of the Arabic language, annulling of all contracts written in Arabic,
surrendering all Arabic books within thirty days, and prohibiting any Moorish
rite, Moorish clothing, and the use of Arabic names and customs. The edict
also called for destroying all public baths, requiring Moriscos to leave the doors
of their houses open, unveiling women and requiring Castilian dress, and
ceasing to dance the zambra and sing.46 The decree created great
consternation among the Moriscos, who attempted to have it repealed, without
avail.47 The Moriscos of Granada launched the Revolt of the Alpujarras (1568-
1570), ending in disaster and grave repercussions for Moriscos throughout the
Peninsula. The Revolt of the Alpujarras was savage on both

Page 11
sides, demonstrating the intense animosity between Old Christians and
Moriscos. The Granadans burned churches, forced people to secede from
Christianity, and killed clerics and innocent people. The government response
was equally intense, characterized by pillage, rape, indiscriminate killing, and
enslaving of people whether implicated or not in the revolt. 48 Some fifty
thousand Granadans were rounded up and redistributed throughout the
Peninsula among Christians in Seville, Cordova, Toledo, Castile, Len, and
Aragn, who kept them under surveillance.49 Their presence resulted in acute
mistrust and tension between Old Christians and Moriscos. Many Moriscos in
fear or despair chose the road of self-exile (monfies), and indulged in brigandry
in Andalusia, Castile, Aragn, and elsewhere, leading to unrest and
recriminations.50 This antagonism was exacerbated by the fear of an imminent
Turkish invasion, which persisted despite the Turkish defeat at Lepanto in
157151 and increased when Tunis fell to the Turks in 1574.52 Moreover, the
defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588 and the subsequent coalition of France,
England, and Holland placed the Spanish monarchy on edge, and contributed
no small share to endangering the position of the Moriscos.53
Throughout the reign of Philip II and that of his successor Philip III (1598-
1621), the Morisco question remained alive, producing a deluge of complaints
not only against the religious beliefs and customs of the Moriscos, but against
the danger they presented to church and state. For example, a report about
the Moriscos of Valencia, Aragn, and Catalua was presented to Philip II
complaining, among other things, that the Moriscos circumcized their children,
erased the Christian sacrament of baptism through washing, and gave their
children Arabic names. Further, it was charged that the Moriscos continued to
observe their holidays; failed to go to church, did not confess, did foolish things
during mass in contempt thereof, disrespected rectors and preachers, ate meat
on forbidden days, were polygamous, and said blasphemous things about God
and the Catholic faith. More grievous still, they conspired with Turks to come
and conquer Spain.54 Gregorio de Miranda, Inquisitor General of Valencia,
complained in 1561 that the Moriscos continued to live as Moors and presented
a great danger to church and state: the Moriscos were as Moorish as their
brethren in Algeria, in practicing their rites and customs, possessing mosques
where they met to offend God; they were traitors and rebels, took Christians
into captivity, hid pirates, and spied for the Turks.55
Such charges contributed to an image that time and conditions translated into
reality in the mind of Old Christians. It became clear in time that the policy of
forced conversion instituted at the beginning of the sixteenth century had
failednot so much from the stubborn resistance of the Moriscos as from the
many obstacles placed on its way by the Christians themselves, whose anxiety,
perhaps, did much to make it fail. Pressures on all sides were mounting, while
the Inquisition multiplied its trials of Moriscos on frivolous charges that resulted
in harsh sentences. Pleas for Christian charity and understanding proved
unsuccessful in face of more powerful forces calling for a speedy and

Page 12
radical solution. The Moriscos were often unreceptive to overtures of
"clemency," since they had more than once been betrayed by broken promises
and violated treaties. Thus, following the Alpujarras revolt, the two
communities could no longer function, and a call for explusion was set in
motion.
A memorandum by the bishop of Segorbe dated July 30, 1587, testifies
eloquently to the mood of the day. The bishop reviews the Morisco question
from the time of the fall of Granada, pointing out: (1) the Moriscos were told
from the outset to embrace Christianity, or leave the country; (2) they refuse
to confess their sins, preferring instead to wash their heads, hands, and feet
for the remission of their minor sins while believing that their major sins will be
forgiven through repentance; (3) they practice polygamy and divorce; (4) they
believe killing Christians will secure them salvation; (5) they commit murder,
theft, and other illicit acts; (6) they have complete contempt for the church
and its rites; (7) they circumcize their children and, when questioned, answer
that they were born that way; (8) they use Moorish names after being given
baptismal names; (9) they refuse to receive the sacraments of confirmation,
unction and penitence, and mock them; (10) they perform their own prayers,
ablution, and other rituals; (11) they refuse to bury their dead in consecrated
ground, preferring virgin land in the Muhammadan * custom; (12) they do not
contribute to the church, work for its improvement, in spite of the fact that
they are rich and powerful; (13) they abhor representations of saints and
refuse to have them in their homes; (14) they do not drink wine or eat bacon;
(15) they do not pursue Christian professions at the university; (16) they abhor
Christianity; (17) they conspire with Turks and north Africans for the conquest
of Spain; (18) they kill priests, profane sacred places, and organize revolt; (19)
they take jobs away from Christians; (20) the church and state did much for
them, but this has been of no avail, since they persist in following the
abominable sect of Muhammad*; (21) the evidence is overwhelming that
conversion did them no good: they remain as Moorish as the north Africans;
and (22) distributing them among Christians also failed, since they remain as
Moorish as ever.
The Bishop concludes that the Moriscos are indeed heretics, enemies of the
church, and blasphemous against the Trinity and all the articles of the Catholic
church. They are worse than the Jews, who were expelled for lesser crimes.
Thus, they should be expelled, thereby cleansing these kingdoms from this
abominable sect of Muhammad. He is calling the king's attention to this
problem as a matter of duty to God and to His Majestyalthough such expulsion
may mean the loss of more than three thousand ducados to the archdiocese.56
Philip II was by now used to these complaints about the Moriscos and to the
suggestion of expulsion, but he was unwilling to settle the Morisco question by
this means. Philip Ill, who lacked the ability and the leadership of his father,
also appears to have been reluctant at first to implement such measures.
However, he fell under the influence of his courtiers, and especially his wife
and the Duke of Lerma, who pushed for expulsion. Expulsion had

Page 13
been discussed as early as 1582, 57 and was delayed by considering
alternatives, such as settling Moriscos in ghettos and forbidding intermarriage,
or castration for preventing increase in Morisco population.58 More humane
proposals were also advanced, some calling for patience and charity and for a
better attempt at educating the Moriscos.59 Their advocates pointed to the
exemplary conduct and devotion of some neophytes and to those who had
intermarried with Old Christians. The push for expulsion was renewed at the
accession of Philip III in 1598, and in 1609 he issued a royal decree calling for
explusion.60 The order of expulsion exempted only a small number of farmers,
children under four provided that their parents consented, children of Old
Christians married to Moriscos, and other bonafide baptized Moriscos, who had
given proof of their faith and who never had any political association with
Moriscos.61 The order was kept secret to avert serious obstacles, and was to
be carried out piecemeal in Valencia, Granada, Murcia, Jan, Andalusi'a,
Hornachos, Castile, Mancha, Estremadura, Aragn, and Catalua. Orders were
issued to landlords (seores) to deliver Moriscos working for them to the port of
depof dep, allowing them to carry portable things. Although they were
guaranteed a safe conduct to the port of departure, many Moriscos were
robbed, injured, or killed on the way. Except for such mishaps, the expulsion
was carefully organized and proceeded until 1614.
The Moriscos of Valencia were of immediate concern by virtue of their numbers
and geographical position on the Mediterranean, vulnerable to pirates and a
potential Turkish invasion. Moreover, the Moriscos of Valencia had been
restless and in constant conflict with Old Christians. Valencia and its
surrounding areas had a population of about half a million, of which 160,000 or
thirty-four percent were Moriscos.62 Of this number, it is estimated that
125,000 were sent to North Africa in boats prepared for them, while a small
number had managed to flee to France.63 It may be assumed that some
35,000 managed to remain according to the terms of expulsion or simply went
into hiding. Similar conditions prevailed elsewhere. It is estimated that 110,000
left Andalusa, Murcia, and Hornachos;64 some 50,000, Catalua,65 120,000,
Aragn;66 250,000, Castile, Mancha, and Estremadura. Altogether, it is
estimated that the number of exiles was about half a million, although there is
no general agreement upon the exact number.67
The orders of expulsion had, for all intents and purposes, been accomplished
by 1614. However, there remained the preoccupation of cleansing the land of
the remaining infidels and those who managed to return from exile. The Duke
of Lerma, on the sideline until the final vote for expulsion, became a staunch
exponent of eradicating the last Moriscos, "so that all the kingdoms of Spain
will remain pure and clean from this people."68 This sentiment was echoed by
his contemporaries, as reflected in the works of Aznar Cardona, Marcos de
Guadaljara, Gaspar de Aguilar, and others, who saw great benefit in the
expulsion.69 Even the word Morisco was decreed to be forgotten, for its use
would constitute bad taste.70 Furthermore, Salazar de Mendoza exclaimed: "In
order for Spain to stay clean, it remains to do the same with the

Page 14
Gypsies." 71
Nevertheless, it appears that an unspecified number of Moriscos remained
clandestinely, some of them hiding, others returning from exile. Orders for
bringing them to justice were issued, but the frenzy subsided, allowing them to
settle down peacefully and integrate with a society that had persistently
rejected them. Although there is no agreement among scholars concerning the
number who remained on Spanish soil, contemporary accounts suggest that
many stayed. This is corroborated by later travelers, such as Swinburne,72
Townsend,73 Ford,74 and Irving,75 who felt the presence of their culture still
permeating the landscapes of Spain.
The exiled Moriscos were scattered throughout the Mediterranean basis: the
Balearic Islands, France, Sicily, Italy,76 Constantinople and other Eastern cities,
but with the greatest concentration in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis. Their
fortunes varied from place to place with their numerical strength. They were
quite visible in Morocco, Algeria, and Tunis,77 which had hosted large numbers
of Andalusians from the beginning of the Reconquest. In these countries they
participated actively in administration, agriculture, crafts, art, and architecture,
leaving an imprint of their culture. Those who settled elsewhere appear to have
become fused, by virtue of their small number, into their host countries,
leaving little or no trace of their legacy. By and large, the Moriscos were not
welcomed, even in the Islamic countries of North Africa. They endured great
hardship and alienation. Their North African hosts labeled them "Spanish
Christian,"the same who only recently had been called "little Moors" by the
Spanish. They were ill treated and robbed in Algeria, making many of them
wish that they were back home.78 Their lot was more tolerable in Morocco,
where they could be seen in large numbers in Ceuta, Tangier, Tetuan, Fez,
Rabat, and Sal. In Tunisia, they appear to have enjoyed an atmosphere
conducive to a cohesive community life and established several towns that still
bear Andalusian names.79 Some Tunisians' Andalusian names still indicate their
place of origin. Although they have been fused into North African society, a few
can still be found who look nostalgically to the land of their ancestors in Spain,
preserving the keys to their old homes with the expectation of returning one
day.
The Morisco question has given rise to a number of studies concerning their
treatment by Christians, the manner and causes of the expulsion, and its
impact on the economy of Spain. Because of the complex implications of the
question for history, religion, culture, and language, there are no simple
answers. Although the Moriscos faced different problems in different regions,
there appears to have been a general pattern in their treatment, molded by
church and state almost from the time the Reconquest began in earnest at the
fall of Toledo in 1085. Even the staunchest critics agree that the Moriscos
received harsh treatment at the hands of their Christian peers. On the reasons
for such treatment, there is no general agreement. Braudel,80 who views the
Morisco question in a Mediterranean context, is inclined to think that lack of
assimilation and continued adherence to Morisco customs and beliefs are at

Page 15
the root of the harsh solution. For him, the question is basically a clash of two
cultures, the oriental and occidental. Lapeyre 81 studies the geographic
distribution of the Moriscos, comparing the relationship between Moriscos and
Old Christians with that between French Colonials and native Algerians. Caro
Baroja82 in an incisive study of the social structure of the Moriscos of Granada
emphasizes their occupation and customs and, at the same time, shows the
conflict in policy between the Spanish bureaucrats and clergy, on the one
hand, and the aristocrats, on the other. Regla83 examines the diffe diffe
between the Moriscos of Castile and those of Aragn, discussing the Morisco
problem at the international level with respect to the French and the Turks.
These and other modern views contrast with some earlier interpretations.
Writing in the nineteenth century, Dnvila84 speaks of the incompatibility of
the Christian and Moorish races. While admitting the harsh treatment of the
Moriscos and the negative consequences of the expulsion on the revenues of
church and state, he considers their treatment as "part of . . . a religious war,
a war of extermination of the opposite race."85 Moreover, their expulsion was
favored by Spaniards and was justifiable and unavoidable. He states
elsewhere:
The expulsion of the Spanish Moriscos was carried out without regard to young and
old, fit or unfit, guilty or innocent. The question of political unity was a sequel to the
necessity of church unity. it was initiated by the Catholic kings. Charles V and Philip
II attempted to accomplish it, but had to fall back in face of its consequences. Philip
III, exercising the power through his favorites, made it easy through the
combination of religious and political power. The religious war was much alive
against the Moorish race, and the sweetest sentiments of the soul came face to face
with the political question. Humanity and religion fought, but religion emerged
victorious. Spain lost its most industrious sons; children were separated from the lap
of their mothers, and from paternal love. There was no pity or mercy for any
Morisco, but religious unity appeared radiant and luminous in the sky of Spain.
Happy is the nation that is united in all its sentiments.86
The economic consequences of the expulsion have also received the attention
of scholars. Relying on contemporary accounts and recent research,
Dominguez87 gives a balanced assessment of the situation. He states that the
expulsion constituted a "human hemorrhage" and "an impressive loss of
vitality"88; he considers that the effect must have been enormous, particularly
where there was a high concentration of Moriscos, as in Granada, Valencia,
and Aragnentire villages depopulated, irrigation and cultivation of rice and
other produce neglected, not to mention the loss to industry and crafts.
Church and state lost considerable revenue; there was shortage of manpower,
and drainage of currency. He concludes that the impact was disastrous in
Valencia and Aragn, and appreciable in Castile.89
In sum, the Moriscos must be viewed within the context of the long history of
Muslim Spain, marked by interminable conflict between two societies vying for
religious supremacy, territorial hegemony, and economic advantages. The
internal confrontation characterized by conquest and recon-

Page 16
quest was further compounded by religion and international politics. Clerical
and papal intervention from beyond the Peninsula led eventually to crusades
and jihads * involving the major powers of the Mediterranean. The initial
success of the Reconquest following the fall of Toledo inspired an all-out
crusade, which in turn animated the process of Reconquest, making Spain the
center of crusade and countercrusade. The Moriscos became the casualty of
this situation, particularly after the fall of Granada in 1492. The Granadans,
who had preserved an Islamic entity in the Peninsula and were proud of their
Islamic heritage, were caught in the web of international politics as had been
the Mudejars elsewhere in the Peninsula. Events moved very fast. Following
the humiliation of defeat, they were confronted with forced conversion, with no
choice other than almost total effacement of their identity overnight. Little time
was allowed for accommodation that could lead to assimilation; instead,
differences of religion, language, and culture were accentuated. The end result
was alienation, with grave sociopsychological consequences that led to the
tragedy of the Moriscos.
It would be misleading to attribute all the bitter antagonism toward the
Moriscos to rulers and the clergy. The populace had deep feelings, though
these may have been manipulated from above. On the other hand, the
landowners, who counted a large number of Moriscos in their service as peons
and farmers, showed sympathy for the Moriscos to the point of overlooking
some of their religious practices. In addition, a good number of highly placed
people, including clergymen, objected to the harsh methods employed against
the Moriscos, preferring a more moderate and humane approach for the total
latinization and Christianization of the Moriscos. Indoctrination through
education was believed to accomplish the goal of total and sincere conversion;
manuals were even written in Arabic to facilitate such a task, as attested by
the works of Alcal, Ayala, Ribera, and others. Other methods of social fusion
through intermarriage and social conviviality were often suggested, but failed,
as did the many edicts of "grace" calling upon the Moriscos to confess and
repent, whereupon all their past sins would be forgiven. Such approaches were
advocated by a concerned minority and never constituted an established policy
of either church or state. However well intentioned, these efforts were sporadic
and often intended to ameliorate grave injustices. Moreover, even the policy of
moderation appears never to have deviated from the main objective of
eradicating the whole Morisco personality in both external and internal aspects,
giving little or no option of preserving the Morisco's identity as an individual or
as a member of the social group to which he had been bound by history,
religion, and culture. In addition, occasional humane overtures were
insufficient to dispel Moriscos' fear and mistrust after long repression. The
Morisco could never be sure that any act, however innocent, would not lead to
grave consequences, including trial before the tribunal of the Inquisition. The
conflict between the two societies, powerful Christians and suppressed
Moriscos, had reached a point of no return.

Page 17
2
Morisco Reaction: A Self-Image
To complete the general picture of the Moriscos in a hostile environment
requires an evaluation of the Morisco's view of himself and the world, his
problems and hopes for their solution, basing this evaluation whenever possible
on his own writings and expressions. Whether living in Granada, Andalusia,
Valencia, Aragn, Castile, Estremadura, or Catalua, the Morisco and his
forerunner, the Mudejar, had historical consciousness about his past Islamic
ascendancy and, by extension, about his place in history. This produced not
only strong pride in past Islamic accomplishments and faithfulness to Islamic
values and practices, but also the unshakable belief in the Morisco's ultimate
deliverence. This consciousness of a glorious past and present tribulations
strengthened belief in a future redemption through the triumph of divine
power over the deeds of man. Untutored and relegated to a low place in
society, aware of his shortcomings and difficulties, the Morisco's hope for a
brighter future did not falter. This unshaken confidence and its underlying
expectations emerge from his literature on religious matters, polemics, history,
legend, and even novels. The writings are for the most part didactic and often

Page 18
deal with the theme of hopelessness and despair which end in triumph and
bliss within a divine plan.
The Morisco, like his Mudejar ancestors, witnessed abrupt and shattering
changes within a lifetime. His mosques were destroyed or converted to
churches; his estates and homes were taken away and occupied by military
commanders, noblemen, and church leaders under whom he served in a status
below a slave. 1 He worked in the fields with little or no return, under ''the
Christian bossing him with an ecstacy of self-magnificence."2 He was conscious
of the perfidy of his Christian oppressor, who reneged upon the terms of
capitulation accorded to him under solemn oath. Moreover, when he was
forced to embrace Christianity, he was rejected even within the fold of
Christianity, and placed in the position of upholding a religion that from the
outset denied him any hope now or in the future. Hence, the Morisco felt a
strong sense of betrayal and, inspired by his heritage, resisted. The Granadans,
in particular, had a vivid memory of their past. Although it was demeaning to
them to live under christian rule, they had little choice but to accept terms in
1492 that were both generous and benign, hoping to coexist peacefully among
Christian compatriots with whom they were bound by history and geography,
besides other, linguistic and cultural factors. No sooner had the peace terms
been concluded than they were revoked, leaving Granadans frustrated and
humiliated.
Following the conquest of Granada, the Moriscos became increasingly alienated
and ultimately ostracized. They lacked local organization and had little or no
rapport with fellow Moriscos living elsewhere in the Peninsula. This lack of
social cohesiveness made them more vulnerable and contributed to their
inefficacy in crisis. The landowners among them were fearful of confiscation by
greedy secular adventurers and clerics; they often would sell their property at
bottom prices and emigrate to North Africa. Those who remained had to settle
for whatever they could get. Some became domestic or menial workers, often
as slaves purchased in the free market or captured during wartime; others
were a migratory group of merchants, peddlers, transportation workers, and
civil servants; a third group was engaged in the crafts and industries as bakers,
butchers, goldsmiths, carpenters, weavers, tailors, dyers, and similar kinds of
work;3 and a fourth group manned agriculture as small farmers or as vassals of
the Christian nobility. To these may be added the scholars and religious men,
who appear to have presided over the religious life of the Moriscos. All
together, the Moriscos constituted a social group separate from Old Christian
society. They lived for the most part in rural areas and in moreras on the
fringes of towns and cities.
To the lack of social cohesiveness may be added the internal dissension within
the Morisco communities. This fragility was inherent in Muslim society of al-
Andalus, where loyalties were ethnic and regional rather than national or
religious. This can be seen repeatedly during the Reconquest, when town after
town fell to the Christian conquerors with little or no help from neighboring
Muslims. This vulnerability is expressed eloquently by Burns, referring to the

Page 19
situation in Valencia: "Religion so rented with cliques and factions always
rested on unstable equilibrium. It might fragment in a dozen different patterns
according as the winds of new doctrine or political opportunity blew . . . No
common bonds, no deep political allegiance, bound this diversity into more
than an accidental unity. Religion could not always be counted on to rally these
forces." 4
This divisive, traditional pattern evident throughout the Reconquest was visible
also during the siege of Granada in 1491, the Morisco revolt in Valencia in
1526, and the Alpujarras revolt in Granada in 1568-1570. Factionalism
following tribal affiliation or blood relationship5 played havoc in Morisco ranks
and was a major factor in their ultimate downfall. The edict of 1566 calling
practically for the self-effacement of the Moriscos might be imagined to have
caused them to unite and meet the challenge by any or all means, yet the
course of the Revolt of the Alpujarras indicates malaise in the social structure.
The Alpujarras revolt was beset by serious problems from the outset. Response
to the call of arms was lukewarm; the heterogeneous army of some 15,000
was made up of exiled brigands (monfies),6 corsairs,7 and other groups with
little support from town dwellers. Moreover, the struggle for leadership revived
old animosities based on genealogical affiliation: Hernando de Valor, known as
Ibn Umayyah, and Faraj Ibn Faraj of Banu* Sarraj* contended during the
revolt until both were assassinated. Besides, popular support was lacking and
treason was rampant,9 placing the Morisco population at the mercy of the
Christian army. Moriscos were aware of the malaise, as is attested by this
complaint: :"Some Moriscos boasted of being descendants of the Helpers;10
others of being migrs;11 a third group of being descendants of 'Abd al-
Manaf*.12 They also boasted of other exuberances and ambitions decomposing
and causing them to fall into error."13
Moreover, the Morisco was aware of other shortcomings, among them the
erosion in his beliefs and customs, lack of education, neglect of the Arabic
language, and diminution of his social, economic, and political power. The
exodus of many intellectuals during the Reconquest had left the Mudejar
community without leadership. Arabic culture had been declining in al-Andalus
at the time of the Reconquest, and intellectual leaders found new horizons in
the Muslim countries of North Africa and the East, leaving their fellow
Andalusians intellectually impoverished. Muhammad* al-Raqili*, who lived in
Aragn at the turn of the fourteenth century, lamented that he had to live
among polytheists and coreligionists who were ignorant and ill equipped to
defend their religion against vilification.14 Another complained that al-Andalus
"had become a dark Island because of the loss of scholars to maintain the
Islamic religion . . . Those who continue residing there by the grace of the
Almighty God have lost the light, schools, and the Arabic language."15 Another
Morisco scholar complained that not even one of his co-religionists knew
Arabic, in which the Qur'an* was revealed, or undor undd the verities of the
Islamic religion, which are not explained in the language of the Christian
tyrants. He felt it demeaning to write in Aljama (Romance), apologizing for
expressing

Page 20
what is in the heart in such a vile language. 16 Morisco scholars ('alimes*), rare
and with limited education, had to function in secrecy under the constant
surveillance of secular and ecclesiastical authorities who regarded them as
troublemakers deserving no mercy.17
In spite of Christian strictures, the Mudejars continued to practice their
religion, to use the Arabic language, and to practice their customs.18 Visiting
Spain in 1494-1495 shortly after the fall of Granada, the traveler Munzer gives
glimpses of the Muslim presence in the call of the muezzin at the time of
prayer.19 In 1499, things changed swiftly, particularly when forced conversion
was put into practice, silencing once and for all time the voice of the muezzin.
The Islamic community in Granada and elsewhere in the Peninsula went
underground. Moriscos' protests that such action violated the terms of
capitulation were ignored, and the Moriscos had to accept a religion considered
inferior to their own, for which they had neither inclination nor conviction. On
this account alone, the new imposed religion was doomed to failure. Yet the
choice was this or exile. As a result, the Morisco began to lead a dual life, one
appearing to be what he was not and the other, in secrecy, conforming to his
inner feeling and real being.
Imposed Christianization did not stop at adopting external religious
observances and rituals, but aimed at eradicating all visible differences in the
Morisco, which required changes in his customs, language, vestments, food,
and entertainment. Decree after decree called for these radical changes, and
met with passive resistance and, occasionally, open revolt. Appeals were often
made to repeal the decrees, resulting in some success until 1567, when both
the monarchy and the church had apparently decided to implement them. The
last plea to rescind the edict of 1567 was made by Francisco Nez Muley, a
Morisco of great sensitivity and insight, who appeared to inspire respect as a
loyal Christian. Nez, who had deep knowledge of Islamic customs and
religious observances of the Moriscos, questioned the wisdom of the ordinance
of 1567, which called for the summary abolition of Morisco customs and
Arabic.20 Nez systematically reviewed and refuted the terms of the edict,
arguing that the measures affected only customary and regional practices and,
thus, placed a great burden on unhappy people. He implored the governor to
rescind them, reminding him of precedents of tolerance. He also pointed out
that the measures of the ordinance not only violated the terms of capitulation
of 1492, but also the edicts of conversion, which did not obligate the Moriscos
to abandon their language, customs, feasts, dancing, singing, and the like. He
claimed such measures were the doing of clerics, who advocated them since
1501. He then takes up the measures of prohibition one by one:
1. Our women's clothes follow local traditions (traje de provincia), as
Castilians and other provincials wear their own traditional clothing. Our
women keep their dresses from year to year, and cannot afford to buy new
ones. On the other hand, men dress modestly la Castilian, yet they are set
apart as well and abused to the point that if a Morisco were caught with a
knife, he would be sent to the dungeon. Moreover, not all

Page 21
Muslims dress alike; the Turks dress in one way, and other Muslims in
another. This is true of Christians, who dress according to their nationality and
speak local languages without knowing any Latin or Romanceyet are
Christians, nevertheless. Such measures are simply persecution of people who
have been loyal vassals and obedient servants of His Majesty, always ready to
serve him, and therefore deserving of his consideration and esteem.
2. Wedding ceremonies, singing, dancing, and other entertainments are not
obstacles to being good Christians, nor do they constitute Moorish
ceremonies. In fact, pious Muslims and learned men (alfaquies) frown upon
them. The zambras (dancing) are provincial customs, not found in Turkey or
North Africa. Thus, it follows that they cannot be considered the peculiarity of
any particular denomination.
3. Requiring the doors of homes to remain open is unfair since that invites
thieves and molesters. If the purpose is to prevent performing Moorish
ceremonies, it will not work because people could perform them at night.
4. The allegation that public baths are used for Islamic rituals is without
foundation since public baths are full of Christians. Moreover, they are filthy
and not suitable for Moorish rituals that require cleanliness and privacy. More
important, they are places for washingand if they are closed, where do people
wash?
5. The veil is not required by religious law, but has customarily been used to
prevent moral laxity and inequity in marriage. Without the veil, men would
only choose the beautiful women, leaving the ugly ones unwed.
6. Prohibition of the use of old Arabic names is unreasonable, since names are
used for ascertaining the genealogy of people. Thus, what good does it do to
forget them?
7. Exiling gacis (unbaptized Moors) presents a great problem, since the
majority of them are natives and married. Thus, it is a matter of conscience.
The same can be said of the prohibition of having black slaves, whose number
has been exaggerated beyond recognition.
8. On the Arabic language, he inquires, "How is it possible to take away from
people their native tongue with which they were born and brought up?
Egyptians, Syrians, Maltese, and others speak, read and write Arabic, and are
as Christian as we. Moreover, no writing, contracts, or wills have been
executed in Arabic from the time of conversion. There are many people in
towns and places from within and outside the city who cannot use the Arabic
language correctly and speak in so many dialects that one can identify a
person from the Alpujarras by his accent. Many were born and reared in small
places where Aljama (Romance) was never spoken or understood, except by
priests or sacristans, who also speak Arabic. All Moriscos wish to learn
Castilian, but it is difficult, if not impossible, to learn Castilian in their
remaining years even if they

Page 22
were to spend all their time going to and from school. In any case, there is no
one available to teach Aljama. In sum, the ordinance was contrived to ruin
us. Imposing it by force causes pain to those natives who cannot meet such a
burden: they flee the land as self-exiles (monfies) in fear of penalty. 21
Nez's analytical and reasonable approach to the Morisco problem went
unheeded, and the edict of 1567 was implemented. Vociferous protests
followed, and old and new grievances were aired. Lead. Leancited people to
revolt, and one of them, Muhammad* Ibn Muhammad Ibn Dawud*, composed
a provocative ballad not only expressing the injustices to which the Moriscos
had been subjected but ridiculing Christian beliefs and practices. After praising
God and exalting his attributes, Ibn Dawud* tells his audience about the once
peerless Andalusia now dominated by heretics, who sent Jews to force
Moriscos to practice the unclean rites:
To adore their painted idols,
mockery of the Great Unseen
When the bell tolls, we must
gather to adore the image foul;
In the church the preacher rises,
harsh voiced as a screaming owl.
He the wine and the pork
invoketh, and the Mass is wrought
with wine;
Falsely humble, he proclaimeth
that this is the Law divine.
Yet the holiest of their shavelings
nothing knows of right or wrong,
And they bow before their idols,
shameless in the shameless throng,
Then the priest ascends the altar,
holding up a cake of bread,
And the people strike their bosom
as the worthless Mass is said.
All our names are set in writing,
young and old are summoned all;
Every four months the official
makes on all suspect his call.
Each one of us must show his
permit, or must pay his silver over,
As with inkhorn, pen, and paper,
on he goes from door to door.
Dead or living, each must pay it;

Page 23
young or old, or rich or poor;
God help him who cannot do it,
pains untold he must endure. 22
The authorities' refusal to rescind the edict heightened tension among the
Moriscos. Hitherto leaderless, disorganized, and without military training and
ammunitions, they opted for revolt, expecting to receive the general support of
the populace and support from North Africa and Turkey. Ibn Dawud* wrote to
North Africa for help but his letter in Arabic was intercepted.23 The Moriscos
amassed an army of fifteen to twenty-five thousand, among them were
included Berbers and Turks,24 but the army was ill equipped and beset by
divisions. At a meeting in Granada, contention for leadership arose between
Hernando de Valor and Faraj Ibn Faraj. Hernando was elected and assumed
the genealogical name of Ibn Umayyah.25 The rebels did not receive the
expected help from the urban dwellers and had to gather around them
villagers, self-exiles (monfies),26 corsairs,27 brigands28 and vagrants
(gandules). The undisciplined army burned churches, forced people to secede
from Christianity, and killed clerics and innocent people.29 The great damage
alarmed Philip II, who entrusted the campaign to his brother, Juan of Austria.
The royal army quelled the revolt after enormous loss in life and property,
unleashing fury as intense as that of the Moriscos, manifested in pillage, rape,
killing innocent people, and enslaving many others indiscriminately.30
The Moriscos lost the Revolt of the Alpujarras through internal conflicts, and
lack of genuine popular support, not to mention the indifference of fellow
Muslims in North Africa and Turkey.31 The aftermath was disastrous not only
for the Granadans but for Moriscos throughout the Peninsula. The savagery of
the war rekindled old suspicions and led to an impasse between Old Christians
and Moriscos with attendant hatred and unwillingness to compromise. The
repatriation of some fifty thousand Granadans in the northern provinces merely
acted as a reminder of how distant and separate the two communities were.
The Moriscos, who had hoped to regain their lost position through the help of
North Africans and Turks, continued to entertain such expectationsbecoming
more vulnerable to attacks from Old Christians, who clamored for the
elimination of the Moriscos by any means available, including mass expulsion.32
Christian mistrust of the Moriscos was so deep and generalized that it did not
spare even those who had accepted Christianity in good faith. The term
Morisco evoked perfidy in the mind of Christians, and similarly, the Moriscos
equated Christianity with calamity, widening the polarization between the two
communities. Each group was convinced that God was on its side.
The Morisco was in a predicament. Were he to say that he was truly a devout
Christian, no credence would be given to him; were he to say that he was a
staunch Muslim, he would be put to the stake. Thus, he had scarcely any
choice except resignation and passive resistance, adhering covertly to old
religious beliefs and customs that were under constant attack. Adhering to

Page 24
them at least gave him a sense of belonging. In an uncertain environment, he
shared his hopes and beliefs with his family and was instructed in the true faith
by romanized scholars (alfaquies), who kept the Islamic traditions alive through
an extensive literature, the Aljamiado literature. Through this literature the
Morisco found solace and hope for the future, and discreetly but defiantly, he
continued to observe fasting, prayer, ablution, and other religious obligations.
As a convert, however, he felt obliged to attend church, to have his children
baptized, and to participate in Christian feasts. This dual behavior only
accentuated the difference between him and Old Christians. He perceived
Christianity as the religion of his oppressors, and Islam as that of hope and
salvation. He mistrusted priests as his persecutors and avoided confession,
believing that God alone is the Confessor.
The Morisco found ingenious ways of annulling or washing away Christian
rituals. After the child was baptized, he could be taken home, washed with hot
water to remove the oil and annul the sacrament of baptism. 33 Similarly, a
Church wedding was nullified by having the bride undressed at home, and
given a Moorish dress and Moorish nuptials.34 Nevertheless, this dual life
presented a problem of conscience for the Morisco. He felt in limbo, neither
genuinely a Muslim nor a confirmed Christian. As a result, appeals were made
to Islamic authorities requesting a legal decision on the validity of such
conflicting religious practices. They ruled that a double religious life was
condoned by religious law under the umbrella of taqyah (disguise or
simulation), permitting a Muslim to dissimulate his religion under duress or
threat to life.35 This dispensation is attributed to the Prophet Muhammad*,
allowing a Muslim to forego religious obligations under compulsion as long as
the faithful continues to entertain true belief in the heart and to make up his
religious obligations at a more appropriate time or in secrecy.36 Such
dispensation was contained in a legal decision (fatwa*) by the Mufti of Oran in
reply to an inquiry of 1563 made by concerned Moriscos.37 The Mufti's
response, originally in Arabic, was soon translated into Aljamiado.38 The good
Mufti suggested ways of altering the manner of religious performances but
nevertheless upholding them, recommending the maintenance of prayer even
if made by signs; almsgiving; performance of the required ablution; glorification
of the name of God in the heart when compelled to pray in churches and face
idols; imbibing wine if compelled but with the intention of not committing a
vice; this also applies when eating pork or being forced to do other forbidden
things. Most significantly, if the faithful is forced to believe in something other
than Islam, it could be said with the tongue but denied by the heart, and the
same when asked to denigrate the Prophet Muhammad. However, this facile
way of avoiding reality was denounced by another North African jurist, al-
Wansharishi* (d. 1508), who charged those who remained in Spain as infidels
for living under Christian rule instead of returning to the land of Islam.39
The ambivalent posture under the taqiyah* was difficult both for the Morisco's
peace of mind and for his relationship with Christians within the Peninsula and
with fellow Muslims overseas. His Christian neighbors were

Page 25
aware of his religious dualism 40 through espionage and frequent accusations
among quarreling neighbors, including the Moriscos themselves, as attested by
reports to the authorities and numerous trials before the Inquisition. As for
Muslims overseas, al-Wansharishi* wrote that North Africans considered the
Moriscos "Spanish Christians" rather than bonafide co-religionists. In response,
the Morisco developed his own attitude amid lawlessness, defeat, and
rejection. Jose Venegas, a farmer in Andalusia, lamented to the Mancebo of
Arevalo: "In my view, no one bewailed such calamity as the sons of Granada.
Don't doubt my saying, for I am one of them, and an eyewitness. I saw with
my own eyes noble ladies, and married women naked, and three hundred girls
sold at auction. I do not cry for what had happened, for nothing can be
brought back, but I cry for sensible men . . . And if the conquering king does
not observe an oath, what do we expect of his successors?"41 This state of
despondency is reflected also in a poem by the exiled Morisco Juan Alfonso,
who resided in Tetuan:
Cuerbo maldito
espaol
Accursed Spanish
raven
pestifero cancerbero Pestiferous Cerberus
q'estas con tus tres
cabezas
With your three
heads
a la puerta del
infierno42
Stands at the gate
of Hell.
In the Morisco's world view, not only were kings and people in general cruel
and evil, but the chief prelates of Spain had violated an oath, as had the
pharaoh of Egypt.43 Spanish priests were wolves, merciless thieves,
characterized by haughtiness, vanity, sodomy, laxity, blasphemy, apostasy,
pomp, vainglory, tyranny, brigandry, and injustice.44 Christians were mere
infidels, "worshippers of the Cross and eaters of pork."45 The Inquisition
inspired fear and was considered the tribunal of the devil, "where the demon
presides having deceit and blindness for council."46 The inquisitors were
infidels, who, ''in their diabolical way and prompted by the demon, wanted to
be judges of souls, forcing people to follow their accursed, bedeviled, and
unfounded sect."47 A Morisco refugee in Tunis recalled that the Christians
brought prison, torment, and death to al-Andalus, making us firmly sustain the
true faith (Islam) by beholding it in the heart while making display of
Christianity and laughing at their lies and weak sect.48 Spurious prophetic
traditions were invented regarding the consequences of being associated with
Christians. It was said on the authority of Muhammad* that if a Muslim
associates himself with a Christian for forty days by virtue of friendship, and
dies during that period, he will die an unbeliever and will go to Hell.49 Finally,
Muhammad Alguazir, a refugee in North Africa, stated confidently that the
Christians had failed during more than one hundred years to make the Muslims
abandon their religion in spite of the threat of being burned at the stake by the
Inquisition.50
In spite of despondency and despair, the Morisco had the conviction that his
trials and tribulations were part of a divine plan beyond human power to

Page 26
alter or control. Thus, he placed his fate in the hands of God and the stars,
developing certain messianic ideas about the future and attributing his
desperate plight to divine punishment for past sins. He was comforted in the
belief that the day of redemption would come when God will inflict retribution
on misguided and cruel Christians. Even the forced exile was part of the divine
plan by means of which God delivered them from pharaohs, accursed heretics,
and inquisitors. 51 In addition to reliance on God and the stars, the Morisco
made profuse use of amulets and figurines for chasing away bad spirits and
attracting good ones. These expectations were expressed in writing in the form
of anecdotes, legends, divination, and prophecies.
The expectation of the Morisco's ultimate deliverance and triumph was inspired
by his unshakable belief in Islam as the only true religion. One polemic
treatise52 refers to a secret letter kept by a pope which reaffirms Islam as the
true faith. Upon the pope's death, the letter was discovered by the king of
France, who became concerned and summoned the clergy to give them the
ominous news that the Muslims would conquer the land unless Christians
threw them out along with the Jews. The anonymous author of the treatise
concludes triumphantly that though the Christians succeeded in expelling the
Jews, thws, the not been able to do the same with the Muslims, who one day
will be victorious.
Furthermore, the Moriscos were reassured by a number of traditions going
back to Muhammad* which extol the merit of remaining in al-Andalus and the
reward accruing therefrom.53 Examples of such traditions are: Blessed is the
one who maintains Islam (el-din* del alisallam*) in al-Andalus, for he will
always have an angel beside him. He who maintains a frontier in Tortosa for
one hour will receive pleas for his forgiveness from all creatures, dead and
alive. He who stays in Saragossa for one day is better than the one who seeks
penance for his sins in Mecca or Jerusalem. He who does two prostrations of
prayer in Tortosa is more meritorious than the one who does them in Mecca or
Jerusalem. God will forgive all those in Tortosa and al-Andalus for just knowing
and confessing that there is no God but God and Muhammad is His messenger.
Finally, God will protect all Muslims from any evil, and those living in al-Andalus
are better than those living in Mecca.54 However spurious, these traditions had
the dual purpose of legitimizing Moriscos' stay in Spain even under Christian
rule and of answering the criticism of Muslims overseas, who maintained that it
was demeaning, if not heretical, to live under such conditions.
The planets were also thought to be on the Morisco's side. In The Book of
Omens,55 which deals with physical phenomenarain, thunder, eclipses, motion
of the stars, the zodiac, dreams, and so onthere are some interesting
predictions that favor the Moriscos. It is maintained that if an eclipse of the sun
takes place in June, there will be many wars among the unbelievers and God
will facilitate the victory of Muslims over Christians.56 The same will happen if
an eclipse of the moon falls in July.57 If the New Year falls on a Tuesday, many
Christians will die.58

Page 27
The strength of Moriscos' belief in a future deliverance is based on a number of
prophecies that foretell not only their desperate plight, but the ultimate
triumph of Islam over Christianity. 59 Some of those prophecies became known
to the Inquisition, giving an added pretext for harsher measures against the
Moriscos.60 It is of great significance that two prophecies are attributed to San
Isidoro, which give added strength to Morisco expectation. One prophecy61
says that one cannot change what Allah has ordained: In the year 150162
Spain will be so chaotic that no one will know whether he is coming or going;
there will be great evil and corruption. In that year the Muslim faith will decline
and will be followed by conversion of Muslims into Christianity. However,
Christianity will soon be overtaken by evil and will be finished at the hands of
Moors, who will conquer all of Spain. A destructive war will continue until the
will of God is fulfilled. The second prophecy63 of Isidoro is filled with
admonition and lament: Spain is depicted as boiling in the passion of its evil
deeds, beyond salvation because of the enormity of its sins. It will become like
a herd without a shepherd, a corpse without a head, and widows and people
without a leader.64 Its governors will be thieves; famine, war, and death will
overwhelm it; knights will be hypocrites, and the clergy vainglorious, sinful, and
lecherous. Religious men will lack conviction, truth, and charity; and the anger
of God will fall upon them. All this will come about after the fall of
Constantinople, when the Moors will give the final blow.
A third prophecy65 is attributed to Muhammad* himself, and may have formed
the basis for other prophecies. It is related that Muhammadwas asked about
the end of the world and what would happen thereafter to his community.
Muhammad replied that the world will come to an end when the most perverse
and worst people appear at a time when a part of his community will still be in
an island situated in the extreme west which is called Andalusa. The people of
his community will be the last of its inhabitants. All calamities will befall them
because of their neglect of the religious law and their worldliness, neglecting
prayers and indulging in luxury. The minors among them do not respect the
elderly, nor do the elderly have compassion for the minors; injustices and false
oaths abound among them; merchants purchase and sell with usury and deceit
and covet properties. These and other evil things will become manifest, and
God will subject them to people worse than they. They will be tormented; cruel
governors will rule over them; their property will be confiscated for no reason;
they will be captive and subject to killing and conversion and will worship
images and idols; they will be obligated to eat bacon, and will endure other
oppressions to the point of hopelessness and despair. God will punish their
sins, but He will also have pity on them and will forgive them when those evils
are eradicated and when they return to the practice of the religious law. The
cruelty imposed will be so intense that the angels will become vexed and will
appear before Almighty calling His attention to their plight. It is then that God,
the Avenger, will send someone to rescue them from their miserable condition.
This will take place when the New Year falls on a Saturday. God will then send
a sign consisting of a cloud of birds, two of

Page 28
which will represent the angels Gabriel and Michael. The first cloud of birds will
be followed by other birds of the earth to announce the coming of the king of
East and West, who will take Andalusa. The conflict between Islam and
Christianity will end with a return to the law of the Moors. There will be much
cloud in that year, scarcity of water, trees bearing extra fruits, and other signs.
There is a fourth prophecy 66 which reiterates the same points but is more
specific with respect to names and dates when the calamities befalling the
Moriscos will begin and end. The prophecy bears the title "Scandals" (los
escandalos) and consists of a dialogue between two men in Damascus. The
scandals or calamities will take place when people abandon prayer, fail in
almsgiving, neglect fasting, and lose faith. The result will be that "people will
sow much, but harvest little, and will work hard but with little benefit."67
Elsewhere in the world "there will be little shame, much adultery, and brothers
will not know brothers.''68 Nor do sons recognize parents, nor minors respect
elders. Great animosity will prevail among people in cities and towns; and God
will send them rain when it is not needed. In 902 A.H. (1514) there will be
discord between two Christian kings, "worshippers of the cross and eaters of
pork."69 They will fight each other, and they will fall under the Muslims when
God will send a king named Ahmad*, who will become the lord of land and
sea.70 The sign of his coming will be a star, when the Turks will rise against
Christians and overtake them. This will coincide with the suffering and
tribulations of Spanish Muslims at the hands of Christians. Men, women, and
children will be homeless; their mosques will be burned or converted into
churches; and they will be forced to become Christians. Then God will move
the hearts of Muslim kings, who will engage in battle under the leadership of
the Turk and will defeat the Christian enemy at sea, recouping Sicily, the
Balearic Islands, Valencia, and other towns. It will be a sweeping victory over
the worshipers of idols, who, great and small, will become Muslims.71 The
Qur'an* will then be read in public, and peace will prevail. The anonymous
author concludes: "Have good hope, for the time is near."72
For their part, Christians had parallel prophecies which foretold the fall of the
Ottomans and the ultimate expulsion of the Moriscos from Spanish soil.73 Such
attitudes in the two communities contributed to continued strife. The Morisco
prophecies did not materialize. Instead, mass expulsion was carried out in
1609-1614, forcing the Moriscos to leave their homeland and settle wherever
they could. To their former suffering was added exile in inhospitable lands.
They could see the folly of events, but not without bitterness and a sense of
betrayal:
Razon duerme
Reason sleeps
Trayzion bela Treason Vigilant
Justicia falta Justice falters
Malicia reina74 Malice reigns
In fact, there were common factors that could have facilitated the peaceful
coexistence of two communities bound by blood relationship, inter-

Page 29
marriage, common interest, and similar outlooks on lifenotwithstanding their
differences. Little was heard about the possible fusion of the Moriscos into the
mainstream of Spanish life, except scattered calls for moderation,
understanding, and tolerance. It is futile to point to mistakes or suggest how
things should have been. On the other hand, one may be justified in bringing
out some of the historical processes if only to illuminate the actual course of
events. The vanquished Muslims, though not fully resigned to their defeat in
the course of the Reconquest, were practical about having to live in a Latin
Christian environment that was not wholly alien to them. Many of them actually
did make the transition from an Arabo-Islamic to a Latin-Christian base, and in
time probably more would have done so had it not been for the undue
harshness of forced conversion and the obstacles to acculturation and
assimilation. This process of cultural change, of acculturation and assimilation,
was not unknown in the Peninsula, having occurred under the Romans and
subsquently under the Arabs. Perhaps, the difference after the Reconquest lay
in emphasis on a religious ideology, to which the factors of language, culture,
politics, and economics were subordinated. The Moriscos were singled out as
needing an instant, radical transformation. in this, church and state policies
were doomed to failure; they were demanding a historical process and ignoring
the sensitivity of a proud people steeped in a deeply ingrained tradition. The
Mudejars or Moriscos, who had been reassured by solemn treaties preserving
their legacy and traditions, could hardly conceive giving up everythingproperty,
institutions, language, beliefs, customsfor nothing. Theirs was a bitter
experience of broken promises and betrayal. Even when they were willing to
make the necessary accomodation of becoming Christians, they were looked
upon with suspicion and were exploited by clerics who appeared to be more
concerned about acquiring the possessions of the Moriscos through levies and
confiscation than about the purity of their souls. This raises the question
whether church and state were genuinely desirous of facilitating the process of
acculturation and assimilation which would bring about the eventual unity of
the state. The authorities' policies of forced conversion and numerous
prohibitions led to the Moriscos' open revolt and passive opposition. Passive
resistance acquired a significance that can be gauged from the literature
discussed in the following chapters.
Again, Morisco resistance was a reaction not only to the negative attitude of
the Old Christians toward the Moriscos but also to the oppressive methods
employed. Christianity was not an alien religion for the Morisco; it shares many
common elements with Islam and could have been espoused in time under the
proper incentives and circumstances. In this lies, perhaps, the great past
success of Islam in attracting many Jews and Christians to its ranks. The
reverse could have happened under proper conditions, and in fact, many
conversions of Moriscos to Christianity were quite successful. Many examples of
zeal in the adopted religion are known, and many others have escaped notice.
Juan Andrs 75 was a neophyte who defended Christianity with zeal. Nez
Muley was another Morisco whose Christian beliefs were accepted and

Page 30
respected to the point that he took issue with the authorities on the injustices
to other Moriscos. 76 Nez shared this quality of courage with two other
Moriscos, Alonso del Castillo and Miguel de Luna. Both were cultured men and
knew Arabic and Romance well. They served at the court as interpreters and
translators. Miguel de Luna, who appears to have led a good Catholic life, was
appointed by Philip II as servant and interpreter at court, attaining the coveted
rank of hidalgo, which conferred the privileges of nobility.77 In such a sensitive
position, he could not voice his concern about the Moriscos openly. However,
he used the legendary, novelistic approach in his History of the Conquest of
Spain by the Moors,78 contrasting the conduct of Christians and Muslims
toward the subject people and arriving at the implicit suggestion that Muslims
were far more benevolent. It appears that Luna was not so much interested in
writing a reliable history as in offering a lesson in tolerance and virtue: "Luna's
book is something more than just a blatant attempt tompt to a falsified Arab
history on the public; it is a defense of tolerance, and as such, it belongs in the
class of novels of the sort of the Abencerraje which also attempts to show how
on the level of virtue and tolerance, both Muslims and Christians could coexist
in perfect harmony."79
His contemporary and friend Alonso del Castillo (ca. 1520-1607)80 was the son
of a converted Morisco. He studied medicine at the University of Granada and
knew Arabic well, becoming an interpreter and translator for the monarch and
the Inquisition. He appears to have been a loyal Catholic with a sensitivity for
the underdog. His writings include translation of some inscriptions of the
Alhambra, documents, official correspondence, and a catalogue of the Arabic
manuscripts in the Escorial Library. But his most interesting task was
deciphering the Libros Plumbeos (Leaden Books) of the Sacro Monte
discovered in 1588-1607.81 These books written in Arabic comprise
aprocryphal gospels and religious texts showing the great affinity between
Islam and Christianity, supposedly genuine gospels allowing for a harmonious
coexistence of Muslims and Christians. The question of their authorship and
authenticity has engendered heated controversy, but it is generally admitted
that they were the works of Moriscos, possibly of Luna and Castillo as
Canabelas suggests.82 This suggestion is quite plausible considering the
situation, the role of the two men as a bridge between two cultures, and their
familiarity with the two religions whose differences rather than common bonds
had been accentuated hitherto. Their attempts came, perhaps, too late. The
passion of reactionaries prevailed in causing the expulsion of a substantial part
of Spanish society.

Page 31
3
Morisco Education and Literature
After the Reconquest, the Christian community was able to express itself
openly with the encouragement of the secular and ecclesiastical authorities,
whereas the Morisco community was impelled to develop its education and
literature clandestinely. Thus, there are no data about educational institutions,
curriculum, educational goals, literary expression and its impact, and the
professions in general. Only scattered statements remain from which the
researcher may attempt to reconstruct a possible system of education.
However, owing to the survival of manuscripts, he is on more solid ground in
assessing Morisco literature and, through it, education and intellectual
perspective.
Although education and literature are interrelated, and, in the case of the
Moriscos, sufficiently intertwined to suggest the extent of their dissemination, it
must be emphasized that Morisco education and literary expression were
subjected to the harshest strictures and prohibitions. Thus, the Morisco's
artistic and intellectual development was limited from the outset by the same
historical circumstances that brought about a gradual dislocation of his total
society, the loss of his traditional institutions of learning, and the loss of the

Page 32
intelligentsia. The intelligentsia, which had given shape and direction to Islamic
society in the past, dwindled as the Reconquest progressed, moving at first to
Granada and, after its fall in 1492, to north Africa and the East. This exodus of
Andalusian talenteducators, poets, historians, religious scholars, grammarians,
and scientistsis amply documented by Arab writers, who left an impressive list
of talented people who sought new horizons elsewhere. 1 With their departure,
educational institutions such as the mosque, private instruction, libraries,
publications, and book-making came to a standstill and eventually stopped
altogether through neglect or official measures. The major Islamic educational
institution, the mosques, reduced in number by destruction or conversion to
churches, were never replaced by educational centers.
Long before the prohibitions imposed on them by Christian rulers, the
Mudejars, and later the Moriscos, were robbed of intellectual leadership,
remaining basically untutored and struggling for subsistence as farmers,
vassals, craftsmen, and workers in other occupations that left no leisure for
study and literary pursuits. However, before the fall of Granada limited liberties
allowed them to pursue a rudimentary education and to preserve some of their
institutions, including the mosque. Furthermore, they were able to have some
contact with Granadan and North African scholars who assisted them in
preserving some of their cultural heritage. Men such as al-Raqili*,2 al-Qaysi*,3
and Turmeda4 contributed their writings and even undertook to preserve the
Mudejars' religious fervor through showing the superiority of Islam over both
Christianity and Judaism. Their treatises written in Arabic had enormous impact
on the Moriscos, who appear to have translated them into Romance.5 The fall
of Granada and the subsequent policy of forced conversion gave Morisco
education and intellectual life a blow from which it never recuperated. Arabic
education, rudimentary as it was, soon disappeared and was replaced by
Romance education of a quality below that offered to Christians at established
educational institutions. In sum, the exit of talent, lack of contact with the
outside world, the limitations of the Moriscos themselves, and Christians'
persistent attempts to eliminate cultural, linguistic, and religious traditions
were all devastating factors against preserving the essentials of Morisco
culture, let alone encouraging its resurgence. Further, the absence of an
atmosphere conducive to the pursuit of learning and the concomitant decline
of Arabic culture in general militated against the traditional quest of knowledge
that was almost taken for granted in the great periods of Islamic culture.
One can scarcely name a Mudejar or Morisco who possessed the traditional
encyclopedic education expected of an adib* (a cultured man), who would
have studied lexicography, poetry, religious sciences, and the secular sciences
and who would have written on them. Prolific Andalusian men of letters of the
stature of the theologian Ibn Hazm* of Cordova (1064), the philosopher Ibn
Rushd (1198), or the historian Ibn Hayyan* (d. 1075) could not be found
among the Mudejars/Moriscos, indicating that Arabic culture was giving way to
the process of latinization. Although the Mudejars/Moriscos appear to have
followed Arabo-Islamic cultural traditions, they lacked literary

Page 33
productivity, even in writing regional histories, biographical dictionaries, and
chronicles, all of which had been basic to Arabic literary production. Literary
developments among the Moriscos in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
were highly selective and slavishy dependent on Arabic materials, expressed in
Romance dialect. In place of the totality of the traditional Arabic
disciplinesArabic grammar, lexicography, Arabic versification, Arabic poetry,
Qur'anic studies, prophetic traditions, jurisprudence, theology, the natural and
speculative sciences, the ideal liberal arts curriculum expected of the adib
*came the study or memorization of selections of a discipline. This tendency
toward selectivity rather than systematic study of a total discipline is quite
apparent in Morisco literature, the Aljamiado literature.
The limitations in Morisco education must be viewed not only within the
context of historical change, but within the immediate environment. Although
Spanish literature was gaining a wider dimension, it was socially oriented and
theocentric. Medicine was regarded as magic and left largely to Jewish
convetsos and Moriscos.6.Education was limited mostly to clerics and the
nobility, who were responsible for literary standards and intellectual
perspectives. The establishment of universities such as those of Salamanca and
Valencia did little to improve the education of the average Christian, and still
less that of the alien Morisco.
The cultural traditions of the Morisco were inspired by and rested on Islama
religion, a culture, and a way of life. Concomitant with Islam was the Arabic
language, the instrument of religious expression and of a whole culture.
Around these disciplinesreligion and Arabicthe Morisco developed a hybrid
culture and a peculiar outlook that clashed with that of his Christian neighbors.
His education and outlook may perhaps be gauged from the content of a
library discovered accidentally in 1884 in Almonacid de la Sierra, west of
Saragossa.7 The library, consisting of some hundred items, may have belonged
to a bookseller or to a scholar. At any rate, the collection contains both Arabic
and Aljamiado texts, dealing mostly with religious matters and including a
bilingual translation of a famous Arabic grammar. The collection is significant in
demonstrating that there were still people in Spain who could read Arabic as
late as the sixteenth century.
The Morisco's obligatory closed society permitted him in some respects to live
in an Islamic environmentusing Arabic for daily communication, practicing
Islam, and following his customs with respect to food, clothing, entertainment,
and the like. Even after forced conversion he continued to learn rudimentary
Arabic and the fundamentals of Islam. This haphazard education was received
mostly at home or in a small group instructed by a religious scholar, commonly
known as alfaqui or 'alime*.
The significance of Arabic in education rested on its association with the
divinely revealed Qur'an*, believed to have been written in a "clear Arabic" and
preserved on tablets in Heaven.8 Arabic has no substitute; it is unique and
must be learned in order to understand the meaning of divine revelation. This
conception was current among Muslims, including Mudejars and Moriscos. A

Page 34
sixteenth-century Morisco of Cuenca is reported to have said that not only is
God a Moor and with the Moors, but He speaks Arabic, which is the language
of salvation. 9.Another Morisco of the same region would admonish his wife,
saying: "Stupid, learn Arabic (algaravia), for God will cause salvation in Arabic
in the Day of Judgment, with Muhammad close by saying: 'Lord, save these,
because they have preserved our law, and send Christians to Hell.' "10 Similar
conceptions were echoed by exiled Moriscos in North Africa, who maintained
that God had chosen the Arabic language as the vehicle of revelation and the
instrument of His will and that Arabic was meant to serve as the language in
the Day of Judgment since it has the superiority over all other languages that
the sun has over the planets.11 Finally, Adam, the first man, spoke Arabic at
first,12 but God caused him to forget it after his sin and made him learn Syriac
instead.13
This conception of the Arabic language, however, did not conform to the actual
situation of the Morisco, particularly when he was becoming more romanized
and de-Arabized. The quasi-divine status of Arabic could not be measured by
his competence in the language. Moreover, in Spain, as in the Arabic-speaking
countries, classical and colloquial or spoken Arabic existed side by side, with
the classical serving as the language of literature and the colloquial as the
language of illiterates. The spoken language had numerous regional dialects
which could be learned at home or in the street without formal schooling,
whereas the classical or written Arabic required prolonged training, including
study of Arabic grammar and Arabic lexicography, for its mastery. There is no
evidence that such study was ever pursued on a large scale among the
Moriscos. The fact that the Moriscos were forced by circumstances to use a
"foreign language" ('ajamiyyah) may have precluded any deep study of Arabic
grammar and Arabic lexicography.
In any case, the study of Arabic did not result in any appreciable publications
in that language. Surviving materials classify Arabic letters according to their
phonetic value or describe their points of articulation and
pronunciation.14.Other fragments consist of practice exercises for mastering
the Arabic script,15 spelling, and calligraphy.16 Another set of documents
contains exercises in Arabic script and some grammatical questions.17 There
are other fragments on Arabic grammar.18 The most significant grammatical
works among the Moriscos were al-Zajjaj's* Taqrib*19 and Sanhaji's*
'Ajurrumiyyah,20 both available in Arabic and in Aljamiado translation.21
`Although al-Zajjaj's* Taqrib* was not very popular, Sanhaji's* 'Ajurrumiyyah
had enormous popularity in the East and was the object of commentaries. Both
the grammar and the commentary were available to the Moriscos, who made
interlineal Aljamiado translations of them.
Related to the study of Arabic grammar is the study of Arabic lexicography.
The Moriscos appear to have composed no works, depending almost wholly on
Arabic material. Inasmuch as the Moriscos had to translate a huge body of
material from Arabic into Aljamiado, one would expect to find bilingual
dictionaries facilitating the task. No comprehensive lexicons are

Page 35
known to exist. However, there are some brief glossariessarieched to particular
works, listing some Arabic expressions and their Aljamiado equivalents. One
such glossary appears at the end of an Aljamiado commentary on some
chapters of the Qur'an *.22 The few expressions are listed at random; the
commentator may have listed them to make sure their religious connotation
was understood. Here they are in his order:
Arabic
Romance English
al-'alam*
el-mundo the world
bi-asrihi
kon-kuwanto ay totally
mudabbir
rrigente manager
al-thana*'
alabansa praise
dafi'*
defendedor defender
la* yarju*
no-aghuwarda does not wait
'adl
justisiya justice
mata*
kuwando when
kana*
era was
wa-la-makann*
i-no-teniya lughar
not occupying
a place
kawwana al-
makan*
hizo ser el-lughar
made the
place
wa-dabbara
i-arreghlo managed
la* yataqayadu
no-se jusmetiyo not bound
wa-la*
yatakhasamu*
[sic] ni-se espesiyalo
does not
quarrel
la* yalhiqahu*
[sic]
no-lo-alkansa
does not
encompass
wahm
piyenso imagination
wa-la*
tukayyifuhu
ni-lo-puwede
edificar
cannot be
fashioned
'aql
sentido intellect
la*
yatashakhkhasu*
ni-se-puwede
fighurar
cannot be
represented
fl-l-dhihn
en-la-fantasiya
in the mind
(fantasy)
al-wahm
memoriya o
entendimiyento
memory or
understanding
wa-la*
yatakayyafu
ni-se-le puwede
meter esensiya
cannot be
given form
fil*
en ninghun
sentido ni juisiyo
in no sense
al-awham*
las
imaginasiyones
imaginations
wa-l-ifkar* [sic]
ni-
pensamiyentos:23
without
reflections
This far from comprehensive glossary appears to be limited to those
expressions which the commentators may have had difficulty rendering into
Romance. In some translations Arabic and Aljamiado texts appear side by side,
with the Arabic written in bold characters and the Aljamiado appearing
interlineally above or under the Arabic version. This method may have been
thought adequate, precluding the composition of bilingual lexicons.
It may be surmised that the study of the Arabic language was not pursued so
avidly as the quasidivine conception of the language would require. That

Page 36
some study was attempted is corroborated by testimony in places such as
Socuellamos in the region of Cuenca by about 1582. A Morisco admonished his
wife, reared in a Christian home, for not knowing Arabic and for not being able
to invoke God's praise in that language. 24 Another Morisco was brought before
the Inquisition charged with teaching his wife Arabic at night against her will.
He was declared guilty on her testimony.25 Finally, edicts forbade the use of
Arabic, which was a major deterrent to studying Arabic.
These same unfavorable conditions apply to the study of the religious sciences,
including the Qur'an*, prophetic traditions, and law. As in the case of Arabic,
these studies were limited to a small minority, who do not appear to have
published works of their own. Their goal apparently was to learn the
fundamentals of religious beliefs and practices, since fulfillment of the religious
obligations was incumbent upon all Muslims in order to attain the goal of
salvation. The Qur'an* constituted the basic education of the initiate, who was
expected to memorize and recite it in the original Arabic at the age of eight
and to refer to it in all matters affecting beliefs and rituals. This insistence on
preserving the Arabic character of the Qur'an* is demonstrated by the
enormous number of Qur'anic* copies that have come down to us, presumably
used by the Moriscos. Even after the Moriscos lost sufficient command of
Arabic to require translation of the Qur'an* into Aljamiado, the Arabic text
appeared, more often than not, alongside the translation.
Next in importance to the Qur'an* were the prophetic traditions, meant to
elucidate and elaborate upon the Qur'anic* verses and to give details on
religious observances, legal questions, and all manner of behavior. As such, the
traditions were sacrosanct and supposed to be learned in the original Arabic,
but they were often translated, indicating a general lack of fluency in Arabic.
The extensive literature in translation indicates the degree of de-Arabization
and offers great insight into the education of the Morisco. This literature
comprises instructions in performing the obligatory ablutions before prayer,
prayer, fasting, almsgiving, and all aspects of law governing marriage, divorce,
circumcision, sales, and contracts. Such regulations permeate Aljamiado
literature, indicating that the education of the Morisco was basically a religious
onemore often than not, conducted in Romance.
In the absence of religious and educational institutions, the task of educating
fell on individuals who had reasonable familiarity with religious tenets and zeal
for preserving and disseminating them first in Arabic and then in Romance
when people had lost a working knowledge of Arabic. Such men, known as
scholars (sabiyos, alimes, Ar. 'ulama*) or learned men (alfaquies, Ar. fuqaha*),
were self-appointed, and their devotion to instruction earned them the respect
and financial support of their communities. The Christian authorities feared
them and consideresidere troublemakers and corruptors. It was they who
perpetuated Islamic traditions through the selective compilation of Arabic texts
and translation into Aljamiado. In addition, they preserved and transmitted into
Aljamiado some of the Islamic notions about scholars and scholarship: The
search for knowledge is incumbent upon every Muslim;

Page 37
and the scholar who fails to disseminate or denies it to others not only will
commit a mortal sin, but will suffer greatly in the Day of Judgment. 26 The true
scholar (sabiyo) enjoys a preeminent position not only in this world but in the
hereafter, as noted in the saying, God will choose for the seeker of knowledge
(sensiya) and wisdom (sabiduriya) the road to Paradise;27 and the angels will
extend their wings for him and will intercede on his behalf seeking forgiveness.
The scholar is acknowledged as the 'clarity and splendor" (la kalorar i-
resplandor)28 of the moon by all creatures of heaven and earth. Scholars are
heirs of the prophets, not in terms of gold and silver but in knowledge and
wisdom. Being in the company of true scholars is aromatic, whereas being in
the company of bad ones is like being with a goldsmith, who not only burns
your clothes but causes you to smell of bad odors and smoke.29
These Aljamiado sayings are direct translations from Arabic, ordinarily found in
adab works such as the famous Unique Necklace of the Andalusian bellelettrist
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi.30 Such sayings no doubt had a great impact on the Morisco
alfaquies. Whatever their intellectual limitations, the Morisco scholars were the
leaders and teachers of their community, striving to preserve and disseminate
Islamic values and mores. Their role was dangerous, closely watched by the
Inquisition. Bilingual in Arabic and Romance dialect, they served as
intermediaries between Islamic and Christian cultures. Likewise, the Mozarabs
continued the use of Arabic long after the Reconquest.31 In fact, both
Mozarabs and Moriscos used Arabic during the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries.32 This bilingualism became valuable when the Mudejar/Morisco
community underwent the process of latinization whereby Arabic was no longer
current among the majority of Moriscos. The alfaquies undertook the difficult
task of paraphrasing and translating Arabic texts into a Romance dialect,
making them accessible to a large audience. In so doing, they remained
faithful to the substance of the original Arabic texts and preserved the minutiae
of religious beliefs and practices in a language they considered foreign (al-
'ajamiyyah, Sp. Aljamia* or Aljamiado).33 The use of a foreign, vulgar language
was regarded as demeaning if not a betrayal of Arabic linguistic tradition, but
was justified as a necessary expedient in the face of rampant illiteracy in
Arabic. A Morisco laments that none of his coreligionists knew the Arabic
language in which the Qur'an* was revealed, nor understood the truth of Islam
contained therein except in a foreign language ('ajamia*), the language of the
Christian dogs, the tyrants and oppressors. He asks forgiveness for
communicating by such a vile means, stating that he does so only to open the
road of salvation to the faithful Muslim.34
The practice of rendering Arabic texts into a Romance dialect became current
in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, during which the bulk of the Aljamiado
literature was written. At first, Arabic and Aljamiado translation appeared side
by side, particularly for Qur'anic* texts, Traditions, prayers, and sermons.
Later, only Aljamiado translations were giveneven for the Qur'an*, which was
not supposed to be translated into any foreign language according to the
dictum of Muslim theologians. Translation became standardiz-

Page 38
ed with respect to transliteration, wording, and preservation of certain Arabic
terms that were considered untranslatable by virtue of their religious
connotations. Translations were usually literal, accompanied by explanatory
notes whenever the text was obscure or involved a religious concept needing
elucidation. The names of translators are rarely mentioned, so that most of the
authors remain anonymous. Moreover, most of the Arabic works translated are
given no title or author, except for a few such as al-Samarqandi's * Ghafilin*,
Bakri's* Book of Light, and Quda'i's Book of Stars.35
The fact that translating or paraphrasing of Arabic texts into Aljamiado was
imperative as Moriscos' knowledge of Arabic decreased is acknowledged by
various contemporaries. The author of the Guidance and Maintainance of the
Faith states: ''Many of my friends begged me to put the Qur'an* and legal
texts in Aljamiado ('ajemi) the best I can so that our holy law and sunah can
be pursued."36 In the introduction to his Brevario Sunni, the fifteenth-century
'Isa* de Jabir* states that he undertook to explain the divine grace of the
Qur'an* from Arabic (gharabiya) in Aljamiado at the request of some chiefs
(kardenales) who were concerned that the religious law was hidden from the
people and who impressed on him that those who knew it must convey it to
others in the language they understood to avoid doubts and difficulty. His
explanation of the Qur'an* was written for those who did not know Arabic,
particularly for Muslims of Segovia who were overtaxed and overworked and
who had lost their wealth and their Arabic schools.37 Similarly, the Mancebo of
Arevalo states in his Tafsirs that some scholars in Saragossa lamented the state
of Muslims and requested him to write a brief commentary of the Qur'an* to
remedy the situation.38
'Isa* de Jabir* and the Mancebo de Arevalo are important since they are two
of the few Moriscos whose works bear their names and about whom there are
some clues not only about their persons but about the Morisco perspective in
general. The majority of Aljamiado authors, translators, or paraphrasers chose
anonymity by design to avoid the wrath of the secular and ecclesiastical
authorities. Aware of the important position of the aifaquies, the authorities
often tried to seek their help in carrying out forced conversion but also misso
misd them as dangerous elements in society and instituted stringent measures
to limit their activities. Various documents attest to this concern. A document
issued in Monzon in 1564 states, among other things, that some mercy should
be accorded to misguided neophytes but not to alfaquies, proselytizers
(dogmatizadores), or midfives.39 In 1567, a good number of scholars were
brought before the Inquisition of Valencia to answer for their disruptive
influences.40
'Isa* de Jabir* appears to be among the first Moriscos to undertake translating
or paraphrasing of Arabic materials into Aljamiado. He lived in the fifteenth
century at a time when some Islamic practices were still tolerated. In fact, he
was the Mufti of Segovia on whom the Mudejars depended for advice and legal
decisions. He was bilingual in Arabic and Aragonese. In 1462, he wrote his
Brevario Sunni,41 a comprehensive work dealing with the major

Page 39
religious obligations expected of a Muslim. The treatise is significant for its
impact on the development of Aljamiado literature, serving as a model for
future works. 'Isa's * scholarship was highly esteemed, and his knowledge of
Arabic, Latin, and Aragonese made him an ideal intermediary between Arabic
and Latin cultures Bishop Juan de Segovia (ca. 1400-1458), who desired to
reach a practical compromise with Muslims through peace and understanding,
commissioned him to translate the Qur'an* into Castilian. 'Isa* added to the
translation a summary of the genealogy and life of Muhammad.42 It is of
significance to point out that 'Isa's* Brevario bears the name of the author and
the date of composition, which is rare in Aljamiado works: "This book, Brevario
Sunni, was completed in 1462; planned, compiled and collected in the Mosque
of Segovia by the honorable and discreet alfaqui Ikshadil,43 the Great Mufti of
the Moors of Castile, and Imam* of the community of Moors in Segovia."44
While 'Isa* de Jabir* lived in a time and place where the Mudejars were still
allowed to practice their religion, the Mancebo of Arevalo45 (ca. 1510-1550)
lived in a period so intolerant that the Moriscos hardly dared to express their
religious sentiments openly. He followed in the footsteps of 'Isa*, but was
beset by a life of uncertainty and persecution. This notwithstanding, he
acquired a broad education in history, religious studies, Islamic mysticism,
philosophy, Arabic, Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and Romance. He traveled widely in
Valencia, Saragossa, Granada, Cordova, and other Spanish cities, leaving
valuable impressions. On traveling in Andalusia, he remarks nostalgically: "Each
step I undertook pained my soul, seeing such a sweet and delicious land,
moderate weather throughout the year, fertility, rich towns with bread and oil,
many rivers with sweet water and a land with silk and goldmore gold and silver
than in all Spain put together."46 Equally interesting is his reference to the
Moorish lady of Ubeda whom he met in Granada. She is described as a ninety-
three-year-old woman of great natural gifts who never married and who led an
ascetic life in the manner of the great mystic al-Ghazali* (d. 1111). Although
she was not literate, she had a wide knowledge of history, the four legal
schools, and the major grammarians. She had a sharp mind, and her word was
heeded in all Granada, exerting an enormous influence on all things pertaining
to the religious law. She wished never to leave her native land, because she
felt that it was lofty to remain and fight a holy war (aljihad*) to disseminate
the Islamic religion. Though she spoke a coarse dialict, she made so much
sense that her utterances were equal to the language of grammarians. She
possessed a substanital collection of Arabic books belonging to former kings of
Granada.47
But the merit of the Mancebo lies in his literary legacy. He is known to have
written three major works dealing with Islamic doctrine and rituals which
exerted an enormous influence on his contemporaries and succeeding
generations of Moriscos, including Muhammad Rabadan.48 His Tafsira in some
472 folios contains the fundamentals of religion and an explanation of Islamic
rituals. His Compendium of Relation and Spiritual Exercise49 has depth and

Page 40
originality, giving the mystical reflections of the author in addition to profuse
instruction in religious matters, including the manner of conduct within the
sanctuary of Mecca during the time of pilgrimage. 50
To the voices of 'Isa* and the Mancebo may be added that of Juan del Rincon,
a Morisco of Huesca in the kingdom of Aragn, who explains his reasons for
writing his Guide to Salvation for his Muslim brethern. Juan states in a fatalist
vein that it is God's will to have the Moors afflicted and suppressed, and to
have them neglect their religious duties to an abject extreme:
All this is owing, first of all, to the circumstances which have placed the Moors for so
many years far from any spiritual advice; and secondly, to the tyranny of the
Christians, who have caused them to be forcibly baptized through fear and terror.
Their books are all lost, and scarcely any remembrance remains of them; the
doctors of the law are no more, some are dead, others lie in prison; the Inquisition
displays against us its utmost fury and oppression, so that few parts of the kingdom
are free from fire and faggot; the newly baptized Moors are everywhere seized and
punished with galleys, rack and fire, and other chastisement best known to God, the
master of all secrets . . . Some people among us do not know what prayer is, nor by
whom it was instituted; if you ask them when our lord and prophet, Muhammad*,
was born, they will not answer you; and if you happen to mention in their presence
Mecca, that mother of cities and cradle of our religion, they will stare in your face
and shrug up their shoulders. Therefore I, who profess to be a good Mussulman,
although the number and depth of my sins God only knows, have undertaken the
meritorious task of writing this Guide to Salvation and have composed it in Spanish:
may God forgive me for using any language other than that in which the sublime
Koran was revealed."51
'Isa*, the Mancebo, and Juan del Rincon represent the body of anonymous
Moriscos who under adverse conditions produced a large new literature, a
remarkable achievement under highly unfavorafavorarcumstances. Aljamiado
literature remained clandestine. Its two principal featuresfirst, Arabic script
used for writing a Romance dialect and, second, an Islamic content based on
Arabic sourcesdeserve further consideration.
There is no definitive answer for when Arabic script was first used to write
Romance, nor is there a single answer for the motivation of the Moriscos for
such a use. One can speculate that the Arabic script, current for centuries in
the Peninsula, may have been used by the Mozarabs for writing in Romance at
an early date, but no concrete evidence attests to this practice. When
Aljamiado literature was discovered in the eighteenth century, scholars were
surprised and even baffled that Romance literature in Arabic script could have
ever been possible. At first some scholars thought the manuscripts were
written in either Persian or Turkish. When they were identified as Romance or
Aljamiado, scholars pondered on the reasons behind the use of Arabic script for
writing in Romance and speculated that it was used to conceal the content of
writings from the watchful eye of their oppressors. In his insightful lecture
before the Royal Historical Academy of Madrid, Saavedra proposed some

Page 41
reasons in the form of a question: "Was it due to the strength of a rancid
custom, to a superstitious veneration of characters that looked holy by virtue of
a divine revelation, or was it due to a clever artifice for concealing the secrets
of conscience from a vigilant and powerful enemy?" 52 Saavedra did not
elaborate an answer except to suggest it may have been due in part to all
threecustom, reverence, and fearaccording to different circumstances. More
recently, Hegyi examines the motivation behind the Moriscos' use of Arabic
script within the general context of its use in various countries having had
exposure to Arabic and Islam at different junctures of history, concluding that
the Moriscos used it principally because of the sacred character of the script.53
However, another explanation follows from the Moriscos' being deprived of a
Latin education: they had no choice other than continuing to use Arabic script,
acquiring in the process consciousness of its significance as a symbol in their
struggle for identity under heavy strictures. This explanation, on the whole,
meets Saavedra's unanswered query, except using the Arabic script for
"concealing the secrets of conscience." Such concealment does not fit into the
historical framework, since the Moriscos were forbidden to use Arabic or any
form associated with it under severe penalties. The Moriscos, for whom a Latin
education was out of reach, continued an Arabic education based on Islamic
content that could hardly be separated from the Arabic language and script,
which had acquired a halo of sanctity in Muslim traditions. Also, the necessity
of using Arabic script for languages that did not possess a traditional one
cannot be discounted altogether. This often occured when historical
circumstances revived national languages that came to supersede the
predominance of Arabic. Thus, the use of the Arabic script for writing in
languages other than Arabic had wide currency in the Middle Ages: Persians,
Afghanis, Pakistanis, Indonesians, Somalis, Hausas, and for a time, Turks,
Maltese, and others made use of the Arabic script. In these cases, the use of
the Arabic script by people who were largely Muslims was motivated in part by
pragmatic considerations arising from prolonged cultural intercourse and
religiocultural ascendance.
This aspect of cross-fertilization is, perhaps, more pronounced in the Iberian
Peninsula than elsewhere owing to the presence of three well-established
scriptsLatin, Arabic, and Hebreweach with a long tradition and a wide currency
within the respective religious community. With longstanding interaction at all
levels, it was not uncommon to use Arabic script for writing Hebrew and
Romance, Hebrew script for writing Arabic and Romance,54 or Latin script for
writing Arabic.55 This phenomenon can be seen today among Lebanese
emigres in Latin America who, for lack of literacy in Spanish, use Arabic script
for writing Spanish.56
Finally, Arabic script had ideological significance among the Moriscos, who
strove to preserve their identity within the framework of Islam long after they
had been latinized. To them, Arabic script was important as an integral part of
their Arabic education, as a symbol of cultural heritage, and as a

Page 42
means of preserving the association with the revealed Qur'an * and the
quasidivine source of the Arabic language. These factors were interwoven and
constitute some of the basic elements of the Morisco perspective.
In spite of his limited Arabic education and Arabic language, deteriorating in
the process of latinization, the Morisco had deep-rooted attitudes inspired by
an equally profound consciousness. His whole literature attests to this posture.
Consequently, the motivation for using Arabic script for writing Romance must
be sought in the Islamic background of the Morisco and in stubborn resistance
in face of constant, often inhumane Christian harassment. The Morisco had
always considered himself a member of the Islamic community, with which he
identified himself in religion, culture, and language. This attachment is rooted
in the history and development of Islamic culture in the Iberian Peninsula, its
ascendance and eventual erosion. Arabic script symbolized the earlier cultural
change from a Latin to Arabic base, with the attending linguistic and cultural
supremacy. During the peak of Spanish Islam from the eighth to the thirteenth
centuries, Arabic reigned supreme among Jews and Mozarabs, who used it in
areas such as Toledo and Huesca long after the Reconquest, and no doubt the
lingering presence of Arabic among non-Muslims contributed to the
preservation of Arabic script.
In any case, Arabic script for the Moriscos, as for Muslims in general, possessed
a halo of sanctity as a part and an extension of the divinely revealed Qur'an*.
The divine conception was not the invention of the common people, but the
formulation of grammarians, theologians, and jurists, who placed a high value
on Arabic and its script. Arabic script was conceived as possessing symbolic
values, each letter having a religious meaning. Alif, the first letter of the
alphabet, means the name of God; Ba`*' (b) signifies the domain of religion;
jim* (j) God's nobility; dal* (d) God's law; ha*` (h) repels sins; ta* (t*) is a
tree in Paradise; ya`*' (y) is the hand of God extended to His creatures; kaf (k)
is God's words to Moses; lam* (l) represents evil people who do not believe in
eternal suffering; sad* (s*) signifies the blessed people and invokes the
formula "There is no God but God"; fa`* (f) means the Lord is above His
People; dad* (d*) means lex talionis (mdida por medida), that is, he who sows
evil will harvest bitterness; and qaf*(q) represents the sinner during the g the
Judgment.57 In addition, the Arabic script was used by the Moriscos for
divination, amulets, and talismans. These religious and divinational
considerations,58 however subjective, cannot be discounted as important
factors in the preservation and dissemination of Arabic script among the
Moriscos. They were compelling reasons for an Arabic education, even if it
meant learning only the alphabet. The task of using Arabic script for writing
Romance presented difficulties, which the Moriscos resolved by devising a
system of transliteration conforming to most of the phonetic values of the Latin
characters, both consonants and vowels.59
However great its religious significance, the use of Arabic script may be viewed
as a pragmatic means for the non-Arabic-speaking Morisco to learn the
fundamentals of Islam in a "foreign language"'Ajarniyyah, derived from

Page 43
the Arabic 'ajam. Originially, the term 'ajam was applied to people of non-
Arabic ancestry, mainly Persians. The, who considered themselves as belonging
to the Arabic linguistic tradition containing Islamic tenets, viewed a Romance
language (even though it may have been their own native tongue) as foreign
and demeaning to use. The expression Aljamiado was extended to mean the
literature written in a Romancebe it Castilian, Aragonese, or others. The
development of such a literature is of the utmost significance religiously,
culturally, and linguistically. It was written by an oppressed minority during the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries when Arabs in the Peninsula were subjected
to great persecution. Nonetheless, Aljamiado literature escaped the vigilance of
the authorities and came down to us in a quantity that conveys its nature and
scope. All indications are that Aljamiado literature was written by devotees to
Islam who wanted to preserve their Islamic heritage and to teach it to those
who had forgotten the Arabic language. Further, Aljamiado literature mirrors
the Moriscos' innermost thought and feeling and eloquently reaffirms their
beliefs and observancesand, at the same time, presents a challenge to the
numerous Christian edicts of restriction and persecution. As such, the literature
is a valuable document for understanding not only the plight of the Moriscos,
but their psyche, indomitable endurance in face of heavy odds, hopes,
aspirations, and manner of resolving the conflict between retaining self-identity
and escaping persecution.
Although the status of the Morisco in a hostile environment has been the
object of numerous studies based on contemporary histories and a wealth of
archival documents in Simancas, Toledo, Aragn, Valencia, Gaudix, Cuenca,
and other Spanish cities, little attention has been given to the self-expression
of the Morisco as found in Aljamiado literature. Being clandestinely written in
Arabic script, Aljamiado literature was rarely a source for contemporary
historians. Awareness of its existence came only in the eighteenth century,
when some scholars still assumed that it was written in an Oriental language,
perhaps Turkish, Persian, or Berber. 60 By the end of the century, scholars had
determined that it was written in Romance by the oppressed Moriscos. Its
discovery aroused the interst of nineteenth-century scholars, who began to call
attention to its importance as a source material. Estabaez Caldern referred
to it as "a real America needing discovery."61 But Gayangos, an avid collector
of Arabic and Aljamiado manuscripts (now housed in the Royal Academy of
History and the National Library of Madrid), was already at work. In 1839, he
published an article on the language and literature of the Moriscos, describing
the nature and content of Aljamiado literature and explaining for the first time
the system of transliteration used for writing in a Romance dialect.62
Subsequently, he published two Aljamiado treatises dealing with the
fundamentals of Islamic religion, one by an anonymous author63 and the other
by 'Isa* de Jabir*, the earliest author known.64 Gayangos also made available
to Ticknor some material consisting of a poem in praise of Muhammad* and
another about Joseph, which Ticknor included in his history of Spanish
literature.65

Page 44
About the same time, Fernndez y Gonzlez referred to it and used some
Aljamiado documents in his valuable work, the Mudejars of Castile. 66
Aljamiado literature attracted the attention of scholars outside of Spain as well.
In Germany in 1860, Mailer published three poems based on Escorial
manuscript no. 1880 dealing with a praise of Muhammad*, an invocation to
God, and a sermon,67 and Morf made known the Poem of Joseph.68 In
England, Stanley delved into the poetry of Muhammad* Rabadan69 at
Gayangos's urging.
But the man of the century most notable for studying the Moriscos through
their own literature was Saavedra, an able Arabist and an engineer by
profession. A disciple of Gayangos, he pursued Aljamiado literature where his
mentor left off. His Discurso of 1878 before the Royal Spanish Academy has
not been superseded in its account of the form and content of Aljamiado
literature. The Discurso is further enhanced by an invaluable appendix
describing some one hundred thirty-six Aljamiado manuscripts found in private
collections, in the National Library of Madrid, the Escorial, the Provincial Library
of Toledo, the Library of the Pilar Church in Saragossa, the Bibliothque
Nationale in Paris, the Library of the University of Uppsala, the British Museum,
the University of Bologna, and the Royal Academy of History, which houses the
collection of Gayangos. Saavedra's Discurso was followed by two other studies:
The Narration of the Bath of Zarieb, a love novel, and the "Story of the City of
Alaton," a legend depicting the heroism of `Ali*, a cousin of Muhammad, in a
city haunted by strange creatures.
In his Discurso, Saavedra sympathetically recognizes the Moriscos' plight and
evaluates their intllectual outlook and attitudes through some discerning
quotation. He classifies Aijamiado literature as consisting of: (1) religious
materials, (2) didactic and entertaining stories, (3) love stories, and (4) poetry
of religious character and laments of exile. He characterizes the Aljamiado
literature as ordinarily poor, having a common style but acquiring at times
delicacy, freedom, and eloquence.70 Its mostly anonymous authors thought in
Arabic; what they wrote in Romance preserves Arabic idiomsidiomsnical terms,
and Arabic syntax. He concludes that the Moriscos portray themselves through
the literature, conveying their customs, beliefs, thought, and suffering; they
were good men with lofty understanding who did not indulge in licentiousness.
"And if the blind popular passion had not wasted away this important segment
of the nation demanding inhuman amputation, the Moriscos, as the old
Mudejars, would have been incorporated in every respect with the rest of the
Spaniards, thereby contributing with their strength and vitality to the greater
glory of the homeland."71
Gayangos and Saavedra set the stage for the study of Aljamiado literature.
They were followed enthusiastically by Guilin Robles, whose Leyendas
Moriscas in three volumes was drawn from several manuscripts.72 Although his
system of transliteration is inconsistent, the work is still valuable for the general
reader. In the introduction, Robles recognizes the importance of Aljamiado
literature: the linguist will find in it part of the foundation of the

Page 45
Spanish language besides idiomatic expressions, expressive terms, and Arabic
expressions used among the Spaniards; the archaeologist will find explanations
of symbols and mythology used among the Muslims; the artist will find
beautiful, original, and even grand inspirations; and the historian will find
documentation of the moral, religious, and intellectual life of thousands of
Spaniards over a long period. 73 The Leyendas amply reflects the tenor of
Aljamiado literature, consisting of legends and stories about religious and epic
characters, the prophets of old, Muhammad* and his ascension to the seven
heavens (mi'raj*), and the heroes of early Islam. The Leyendas was followed
by the publication of the Legend of Joseph and the Legend of Alexander the
Great.74 Robles also compiled a catalogue of Arabic manuscripts in the National
Library of Madrid, which includes a description of Aljamiado manuscripts in that
library.
In 1888, Gil, Ribera, and Snchez published their anthology of Aljamiado texts
on a variety of topics75: the reward of the scholar, astrology, the legend of
Alexander, sermons, couplets of the Pilgrim Puey de Monon, the novel of the
bath of Zarieb, marvellous sayings, private letters, and three chapters of the
Qur'an* in Arabic and Aljamiado translation. By virtue of paleographic variety
and content, the anthology constitutes excellent instructional material.
Subsequently, Gil published a description of his private collection of Aljamiado
manuscripts.76 Just before the close of the century, Pano y Ruata published
the Coplas (couplets) of the pilgrimage of Puey de Monon to Mecca.77 Finally,
Codera gave a brief acount of the discovery of a large collection of Arabic and
Aljamiado manuscripts in the Almonacid de la Sierra,78 later catalogued under
the supervision of Ribera and Asn; these manuscripts are now housed in the
Institute of Asn Palacios in Madrid.79
The pioneering works of Gayangos, Saavedra, Guilln Robles, and others
opened new horizons and gave promise of continued interest in Aljamiado
literature. However, the initial enthusiasm waned, followed only sporadically by
works that added little to the knowledge already available. In the first decade
of this century, Menndez Pidal published his Joseph Poem80 with copious
linguistic annotations, and Meneu wrote a general article on Aljamiado
literature which drew on material published by Gayangos and Saavedra. In the
1910s, Zettersteen published some chapters of the Qur'an*, followed by a
manual on religious obligations and another dealing with Muslim rituals.82
Gonzlez Palencia called attention to some Arabic and Aljamiado manuscripts in
Madrid and Toledo,83 and Longs made use of Aljamiado texts in his valuable
work, Religious Life of the Moriscos.84 In 1924 Asn traced the novel of the
bath of Zarieb to Arabic origins.85 In 1929, Nykl published the legend of
Alexander.86 In the 1930s, Lincoln published Aljamiado prophecies87 and, in
1945, some religious and legal texts dealing with marriage contracts.88 In the
1940s and 1950s, Aljamiado literature was almost relegated to oblivion, except
for Harvey's publication of the BNM 245 manuscript about Yuse Banegas*,89
followed by his doctoral dissertation in 1958 on the literary culture of the
Moriscos.90 Harvey has also published ar-

Page 46
ticles dealing with some Aljamiado manuscripts at Cambridge University and
the Godolphin Collection at Oxford; the Aljamiado version of the Mufti of Oran's
letter to the Moriscos; and other studies of the Mancebo of Arevalo. 91
In the 1960s a renewed interest in Aljamiado literature among Spanish,
French, German, British, and American scholars resulted in the publication of
numerous articles, books, and editions of Aljamiado texts. This interest has
continued, showing a genuine commitment to Aljamiado literature. Pareja gives
a Morisco account about the life of Jesus and Mary.92 In 1965, the German
scholar Hoenerbach published a substantial number of documents, consisting
of a variety of marriage and business contracts and other legal matters and
miscellanies dealing with amulets, prescriptions, private letters, prophecies,
and divination.93 As an outgrowth of this study, Hoenerbach published an
incisive article dealing with the Moriscos in the light of their literature in which
he brings out important elements of the literature: Arabic script, faulty
Arabism, the gradual preponderance of Romance, writing Arabic with Latin
script, instructional material in Arabic, decoration of manuscripts, manner of
translation, and some of the content of Aljamiado.94 In the United States,
Manzanares de Cirre published three Aljamiado texts of religious nature,95 and
is preparing the important legal work of al-Samarqandi*. The Spanish scholar
Vernet has concerned himself with the translation of the Qur'an* with a view of
ultimately achieving a complete Aljamiado translation. He collaborated with
Moraleda,96 who edited an Aljamiado text of the Qur'an* for a master of arts'
degree, and supervised Lpez Lillo,97 who wrote a master's thesis on the same
subject.
The dean of Aljamiado literature is, perhaps, the Spanish scholar Galms. His
careful editions of the novel Paris and Viana and the Book of Battles are
profusely annotated. His articles deal with linguistic and literary aspects99 of
Aljamiado literature. Like Vernet, he has encouraged his students to work on
Aljamiado texts. He has also organized colloquia on Aljamiado literature and
arranged for subsequent publications of the papers.100
Labib published the interesting BNM 5301 manuscript dealing with a dialogue
between two friends, followed by an article on the role of Aljamiado literature
in influencing the Aragonese dialect.101 Hegyi edited the BNM 4953
manuscript dealing with some legends, homilies, and orations; it was followed
by an article presenting a rationale for the use of Arabic script for writing in
Romance, and another discussing the presence of Arabic expressions in
Aljamiado texts.102 L. Cardaillac has published a number of articles as well as
an important work dealing with the confrontation between Christians and
Moriscos.103 D. Cardaillac edited the BNM 4944 manuscript dealing with anti-
Christian polemics.104 Kontzi also edited some ten Aljamiado texts on a wide
range of topicsreligious and legal texts, the life of Muhammad and a poem
praising him, an invocation to God for securing water, magical formulas, the
ascension of the Prophet to the seven heavens, and instruction for guiding the
faithful in the performance of his religious duties. Kontzi has also studied some
aspects of Aljamiado texts.105 Klenck dealt with the Legend of Joseph.106

Page 47
Chejne devoted a chapter to Aljamiado literature in his Muslim Spain describing
its inception, nature, and content; he also edited a bilingual Arabic and
Aljamiado text dealing with an invocation to God. 107
On the basis of these modem studies and examination of some sixty
manuscripts in Madrid at the National Library of Madrid, the Royal Academy of
History, the Royal Palace, and the Institute of Asn Palacios, I have arrived at
the following characterization of Aljamiado literature. Even from a cursory
inventory of available manuscripts, one is struck by the large number of
religious materials. The Qur'an*, prophetic traditions, legal manuals,
instructional materials directing the faithful to perform his religious obligations,
catechisms, and religious admonitions could safely be said to constitute the
bulk of Aljamiado literature. This religious perspective permeates even profane
stories, such as those dealing with love and battles which, more often than
not, draw a moral or show the role of God in human affairs. The aim of the
literature is to guide the faithful and prepare him for brighter days on earth
and ultimate salvation in the hereafter. It is basically didactic, offering hope for
redemption when God and His angels will, sooner or later, intervene and
rescue the faithful from an impossible situation. Historical tracts, legends, and
secular stories are given a religious dimension: the hand of God will eventually
determine the outcome. The career of the Prophet was a model of suffering
and despair, but also of hope and deliverance at the hand of God. This
theocentrism constitutes the major element in Morisco perspective and
permeates all his thinking. The Morisco used his literature not only as an outlet
and means of self-edification, but as an instrument of self-defense against the
Christian threat to his beliefs, dignity, property, and very being.
Aljamiado literature was inclusive in that it could satisfy all the emotional,
spiritual, and social needs of the Morisco. It encompassed Islam as a whole
way of lifecustoms, daily conduct, food, drink, marriage, burial, and other
practicesand was nourished and inspired by a strong historical consciousness of
Islam as a religion, a state, and a culture. In other words, Aljamiado literature
started from an Arabo-Islamic base and adhered to the fundamental values of
Islam, notwithstanding the change in language from Arabic to Romance.
Moreover, the bulk of its subject matter is Arabic material, either paraphrased
or translated into Romance. With the gradual decline of arabization,
paraphrasing and translating into Romance increased to provide Moriscos a
variety of subject matters: Qur'an*, orations, sermons, prayers, prophetic
traditions, and a host of legends and stories.108
The process of cultural change from arabization to latinization appears to have
affected the form rather than the content of the literature. Although most of
the manuscripts are anonymous and undated, they reveal the gradual linguistic
change. In a number of manuscripts of religious character instructions are
given in Romance, and the rest of the text in Arabic.109 Those manuscripts
may have been written at a time when Arabic was still being used in religious
functions such as prayers, Qur'an* recitation, and even in the study of
grammar, where bilingualism prevailed.110 Ordinarily, the Arabic text is

Page 48
written in bold characters with interlineal translation in Romance in small
letters. This bilingualism appears to have waned over time until even Qur'anic *
chapters and commentaries thereof appear in Romance, with only certain
technical terms in Arabic.111 Such manuscripts were presumably written
during the later part of the sixteenth century when Arabic was no longer
understood. This contrastArabic along with Aljamiado, on the one hand, and
the absence of Arabic, on the othermay be helpful in dating manuscripts as
belonging to either the fifteenth or the sixteenth century. However, Arabic
script was maintained for the most part and, interestingly enough, was
replaced by Latin script by Morisco refugees living in North Africa such as
Ibrahim de Bolfad, Juan Alfonso, Muhammad Rabadan, and others who wrote
in Romance using tsing tin script in an Arabo-Muslim environment.112 This is,
perhaps, one of the reasons that those Moriscos were resented by the North
African population and often accused of being Spanish Christians.
In conclusion, bilingualism in Arabic and Romance was common in the
Peninsula for centuries. Christians such as the Mozarabs were at home with
both languages, as were many Muslims, whose mothers were often of Spanish
stock. Thus, a change from one language to another may have not presented
much of a hurdle, particularly when it accompanied change in state policy as
territory fell under Arab and Christian rulers during the Conquest and
Reconquest. Significant elements of interchange are perceptible and have
enormous importance for the philologist and sociologist. Aljamiado literature
occupies a middle ground between Christian and Islamic cultures. It contains
numerous archaic Spanish expressionssuch as cibdad (ciudad), fazer (hazer),
and kerades (querays)as well as a variety of local expressions, dialectal
variation, and other linguistic features of Spanish.113 Conversely, Aljamiado
texts also contain a host of arabisms of lexical and syntactical nature. The
Moriscos appear to have resisted translating Arabic expressions with religious
connotations. Thus, the words prayer (salah*), fasting (sawm*), ablution
(wadu*'), pilgrimage (hajj), almsgiving (zakah*), prophet (nabi*), God
(Allah*), Creator (khaliq*), and many others preserved their Arabic origin.
Some of these expressions were integrated into Spanish, and formed the basis
for new verbs and nouns in the Arabic manner. From the Arabic khalaqar (to
create) was formed the Spanish khalaqa (to create) and khalaqador (creator).
These are also instances of literal translation of Arabic idioms and profuse use
of participles of Arabic origin.114 Preserved Arabic words, although written in
Arabic script, are often misspelled or given a Romance pronunciation.
As a hybrid literature with a strong Arabic base, Aljamiado literature is
important for reflecting action and interaction between two societies in
confrontation. However strong the Morisco's commitment to Islamic values, he
could not escape the influences surrounding him. Conversely, his Christian
neighbor who had long coexisted with the Mudejar/Morisco in peace and war
could not escape some of the literary, artistic, and cultural heritage of
Islam.115 In this connection, Aljamiado literature represents a valuable tool for
appreciating the interaction between medieval Spanish literature and the
Arabic

Page 49
legacy, valuable to the Arabist for its content and to the Hispanist for both
content and form. Aljamiado literature should be studied with special attention
to its antecedents and with a comparative approach, which would ultimately
lead to a deeper understanding of the self-expression of a minority and the
process of interaction between two disparate societies.
Besides being anonymous and untitled, Aljamiado manuscripts are frequently
composites of a variety of unrelated items. This may have been not the original
format, but a late combination of subjects under a single cover. This practice
would lead one to assume that such composite manuscripts were owned by
individuals who wished to have an encyclopedia of religious materials for
performing daily ritual obligations and other needs. In some respects,
Aljamiado literature resembles the Genizah documents written by the Jewish
community living in various parts of the Mediterranean basin. Preserving the
vestiges of a great Arabic legacy, it presents Arabic materials in abridged or
expanded form. Moriscos developed a technique of translation from Arabic into
Aljamiado and a fairly standardized system of transliteration and religious
terminology. This apparent uniformity would imply the existence of a bureau of
translation or close consultations among those scholars involved in the
transmission of Arabic lore into Romance. The Moriscos do not appear to have
been much concerned about innovation or the linguistic dexterity that is so
important in classical Arabic literature, where eloquence and correct syntax
characterize good style. Unlike Arabic literature, addressed to the erudite,
Aljamiado literature was meant for the common man. Its simple language lacks
ornamentation of style, complicated similes, and metaphors. Its artistic merit
rests in simplicity, directness, and an often lofty and intense feeling, which has
great dramatic effect. No Aljamiado authors achieved the stature of such
Islamic figures as Ibn Hazm *, Averroes, or al-Jahiz*, but they excelled in their
purpose: instructing in simple, straightforward language rather than
innovating. To fulfill this purpose, they exercised discerning selectivity of
materials not so much for intellectual stimuli as for self-edification and
regulating one's conduct in this world in preparation for the hereafter. These
spiritual and pragmatic needs called for religious materials dealing with beliefs,
religious observances, and legislation pertaining to marriage, divorce, birth,
burial, inheritance, and contractual obligations of all sorts. History, legends,
stories, wisdom sayings, poetry, divination, prophecies, astrology, and the like
were ancillary to and almost inseparable from the religious purpose of the
literature.
The occurrences of these themes and their frequency are interesting and
revealing in themselves for an insight into the perspective of the Morisco. It is
doubtful that the Morisco had any consciousness of the division of the sciences
into categories, common in classical Islam. His interest in a particular discipline
was subjective rather than scientific, suiting the need of the moment. The
Morisco was scarcely aware of the Islamic controversies separating the religious
scholars and the philosopher or the question whether the religious

Page 50
sciences or the secular sciences should take precedence. He followed his
Andalusian predecessors by adhering strictly to a simplified orthodox doctrine
without considering complicated theological questions.

Page 51
4
Religion, Beliefs, and Observances
The external documentation of the Inquisition, accounts of contemporary
historians, and the internal evidence of Morisco writings testify to the Moriscos'
deep commitment to Islamic beliefs and values. These beliefs and values are
prescribed in the Qur'an * and prophetic traditions and codified in legal and
theological texts. Thus, it is no surprise that Morisco writings should have been
largely religious, cherished and hidden from watchful authorities in hollow walls
and false ceilings.1 The following paragraphs describe the religious writings
that serve as the basis for evaluating the religious beliefs and observances of
the Moriscos.
The religious sciences known among the Moriscos were: (1) the Qur'an* (2)
Qur'anic* commentaries (tafsir*); (3)prophetic traditions (hadith*); and (4)
jurisprudence (fiqh).oriscos simply drew from their Muslim predecessors the
material to meet their religious and emotional needs without contributing much
to the further study or elucidation of these disciplines.
The Qur'an*
Muslims consider the Qur'an* the Book of God, uncreated or co-eternal

Page 52
with God Himself. It is the most revered document in the Arabic language,
permeating Muslim thought throughout the ages as the truest and most
authentic of all revealed scriptures, including those of Judaism and Christianity.
Its language and content are inimitable, a miracle that is the base of Islam, the
best testimony of its validity as a revealed religion, and the proof of the veracity
of the Prophet and Messenger Muhammad. As the container of God's truth, the
Qur'an * is eternal and can never be superseded. It embodies all the religious
obligations that prepare the faithful for an upright life in this world and for the
hereafter. Because of its enormous significance, every Muslim must learn it in
the original Arabic, understand its content, and be guided by it. The Qur'an* is
like a tree that bears fruit throughout the year, from which people can take all
they want with plenty left.2 Reciting or reading it carries enormous rewards, as
conveyed in this Aljamiado tradition: ''Muhammadmay God's prayer and peace
be upon himsaid: he who reads the Qur'an* in his prayer, God will register for
him a thousand good deeds (alhasanas*), and will elevate him a thousand
degrees in Paradise, will marry him to a thousand angels of Paradise, will give
him the rewards of a thousand martyrs, and will register for each hair of his
body the reward accruing from a thousand major pilgrimages (alhajjes*;) and
minor pilgrimages (al-'urnras)."3
The doctrine of the divine origin of the Qur'an* connotes the divine origin of
the Arabic language itself, making it a unique language whose expressions
cannot be duplicated in any other tonguehence, the prohibition of committing
the Qur'an* to any foreign language on the ground that such translation would
distort not only the beauty and sonority of Arabic, but the actual meaning of
the Qur'an* itself.4 This prohibition presented a dilemma for non-Arabic-
speaking Muslims and particularly for the Moriscos, unwilling to compromise
their faith and yet unable to maintain knowlege of Arabic. An examination of
some manuscripts containing Qur'anic* chapters indicates that the Moriscos
were reluctant to violate the religious injunction against translation; they
attempted to preserve Arabic wordings whenever feasible and to learn them by
heart. This pious resolution proved impractical during the process of sweeping
latinization, and interlinear Aljamiado translation of the Qur'an* was gradually
introduced. By force of circumstance or under the dispensation of Taqiyah*,
the Moriscos had imperative need of translating the Qur'an* for the dual
purpose of maintaining their religious convictions and of responding to the
Christians, who already possessed a Latin translation of the Qur'an* which
formed the basis of anti-Muslim polemics.
In this connection, it is significant to point out that the first translation of the
Qur'an* into Latin was made on Spanish soil during the twelfth century under
the auspices of Peter the Venerable (1092-1156) of Cluny in southern France
who, visiting Spain in 1141, commissioned the translation of the Qur'an* into
Latin.5 It was followed by the translation of Mark of Toledo in the thirteenth
century,6 and by others during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.7 Juan
Andrs,8 originally a Muslim, embraced Christianity in 1487, becoming an
ordained priest and critic of Islam. He joined Martin Carca (ca.

Page 53
1441-1521), 9 Inquisitor General of Aragn, in translating the Qur'an* as part
of a bitter attack against Islam, hoping to persuade the Moriscos to abandon
Islam. Their attempt failed and may have had the opposite effect of influencing
the Moriscos to translate their own version of the Holy Book into their own
dialect.
In their translation of the Qur'an*, the Moriscos proceded rather cautiously.
Sensitive to the religious injunction against translation, they preserved the
Arabic text of the Qur'an* in bold letters and added paraphrasing or translation
into Romance in small letters above or below the Arabic text. Portions of the
Qur'an* and verses thereof were translated this way by different hands; there
is no indication that a systematic translation of the whole Qur'an* was made by
a single individual or group.10
More often than not, translations were a literal and faithful reproduction of the
Arabic original. When the rendering made little sense, it was often
accompanied by explanatory annotations that are actually Qur'anic*
commentaries.
The Qur'an* occupies such a prominent place in Aljamiado literature that one
can hardly find an Aljamiado text without an invocation of the Holy Book. Its
enormous religious significance also included its magical power, often used for
divination. Reading the Qur'an* is not only meritorious, but carries reward for
both the reader and listener. Numerous manuscripts exist containing one or
more chapters of the Qur'an*, and verses are spread throughout the
literature.11 Some manuscripts deal with the excellence of the Qur'an*,12 its
benefits,13 and the reward accruing from reading, copying, or carrying certain
verses thereof.14 There are manuscripts exalting a certain chapter,15 and
others demonstrating the manner of uttering (tahlil*)16 or reading it.17 Finally,
some manuscripts of the Qur'an* are in Arabic;18 others in bilingual Arabic-
Aljamiado;19 while others are in Arabic written in Latin script20 or in Aljamiado
in Latin script.21
Qur'anic Commentary (tafsr or sharhe*)
Qur'anic* commentary, an established discipline in Muslim scholarship in both
East and West, does not appear to have been pursued as an academic
discipline among the Moriscos. The extant manuscripts bearing the title of
commentary (sharhe*)22 constitute bare explanations of the Qur'an* to convey
the essential meaning for the initiate rather than long scholarly explanations
that would have been meant for erudites. Such commentators, if they can be
called this, appear to have given the gist of a verse on the basis of an old
Arabic commentary, without giving the source from which the explanation was
derived. The term sharhe* as used by the Moriscos appears to correspond to
translation rather than commentary (tafsir*) in the classical conception of the
word This is attested by the extant manuscripts, which are concerned mostly
with conveying the meaning of the original Arabic. The long commentary in
Aljamiado23 for several chapters of the Qur'an* conforms to this suggestion. A
translation of the opening chapter of the Qur'an* (fatihah*) may be contrasted
with a commentary thereof:

Page 54
Aljamiado Translation
English Translation
en-l-nonbere de-Allah,
piyadoso
In the name of God, the
Merciful
de piyadad the Compassionate;
1. las loores a-da Allah
senor de todas las
cosas
Praise be to God, the
Lord of the worlds.
2. Piyadoso de piyadad
The Merciful, the
Compassionate.
3. Rrey del-diya del-
judisiyo
King of the Day of
Judgment,
4. A tu adoramos, i-ya-
tu demandamos
ayuda.
Thee we worship, and in
thee we seek succor.
5. Ghiyanos a-la-
karrera deresada
Guide us to the right
path
6. A-la-karrera de-
akellos ke faziste
gharasiya sobre-llos,
The path of those whom
you graced;
7. No de-los-ke
tensanes sobre-llos ni-
de-los yerrados. 24
Not those who angered
thee Not those who are
astray.
En-el-nonbere de-
Allah, piyadoso de-
piyadad
In the name of God,
The Merciful the
Compassionate
1. Las loores son a-da-
Allah senor de todas
las cosas khaleqadas,
Praise be to God, the
Lord of all created
things,
2. El piyadoso de-
buwenos imalos en
este mundo i-de-
The merciful over good
and evil in this world,
and of mercy for the
piyadad a los buwenos
en-elotro mundo.
good ones in the
hereafter.
3. Rrey del-diya del-
judisiyo el-diya ke
ghuwalardonara Allah
a-las gentes por sus
obras.
The king of the Day of
Judgment the day in
which Allah will reward
people according to
their deeds.
4. A-tu adoramos kon
obidensiya yumillansa
ya-tu demandamos
ayuda.
Thee we worship with
obedience and humility,
and in thee we seek
help.
5. Ghiyanos a-la-
karrera adresada
Guide us to the straight
path
6. A-la-karrera de
akellos ke hiziste
gharasiya sobre-llos
kon-el alislam*
The path of those on
whom you bestowed
grace with Islam
7. no-de-los ke te
ayres sobrellos ke son
los judiyos ni-de-los
yerrados ke son los
kiristiyanos.25
Not those who made
you angry who are the
Jews nor those astray,
who are the Christians.
This straightforward commentary does not delve into complicated theological
questions. This procedure continues throughout the manuscript, entitled, "This
is the Explanation and Elucidation of the Documents."26 In fact, the
commentary does not differ much from a straight translation of the Surat*
altin:*
Arabic
English
wa-l-tini* wa-l-zaytuni*
turi*
By the fig, by the
Olive, by

Page 55
Sinina * wa-hadha* al-
baladi al-amini*
Mount Sinai and by this
safe city
Aljamiado English
Juro Allah-pot el-monte
de
I swear by God, by the
mount of
watin*, i-por el-monte
de
fig, by the mount of
olive, by
azaytuni* i-por el-
monte de
the mount of Sinai
tursin*
i-por esta villa
deseghuridad kes
Maka27
And by this city of
safety, which is Mecca
It may not be farfetched to suggest that in the light of the religious injunction
against translation, the Moriscos thought that rendering the Qur'an* in the
form of explanation rather than straight translation would do less violence to
the Holy Book. Thus, for them translation and commentary may be one and the
same thing.
Prophetic Traditions ( )28
The Moriscos also resisted translation of prophetic traditions without the
inclusion of the original Arabic texts. Next to the Qur'an*, prophetic traditions
constituted the source of the religious law (shari'ah*). Authenticated traditions
reporting the sayings and deeds of th Prophet were considered perfect in
wording and meaning and, furthermore, more specific for adjudicating all sorts
of cases not fully spelled out in the Qur'an* itself. Consequently, they were
revered as much as the Qur'an* and rennd renin the same manner into
Aljamiado with the Arabic text in bold characters and the Aljamiado translation
or explanation in small letters placed above or below the Arabic lines. Being the
major source of religious law, the traditions were extensively used for
theological, legislative, historical, and eschatological purposes. The Moriscos
relied on the established traditions contained in collections based on the
accepted Six Canonical Books.29 Although they did not attempt specific studies
of traditions in terms of their authenticity or classification in a hierarchical
order, they selected those traditions that best met their needs and added some
of their own traditions that do not appear in the established Six Canons.30 This
simplification and selectivity of traditions can be seen in legislations, religious
observances, God's attributes, the ultimate deliverance of the Moriscos, the
triumph of Islam over Christianity, and so forth. Traditions were considered
above scrutiny, and nowhere is there any tendency toward nonconformism or
question of their validity. Traditions were often traced back to the Prophet
Muhammad* without establishing a full chain of transmitters (isnad*), as is the
case in most Arabic collections of traditions; rather, the authority of old
traditionists was cited, such as 'Abdallah Ibn 'Abbas*,31 'Abdallah Ibn
Mas'ud*,32 Abu* Hurayrah,33 Anas Ibn Malik*,34 and the four Orthodox
caliphs.35 In spite of their importance as the second pillar of the religious law,
no complete or comprehensive manual of traditions has come down; traditions
are interspersed throughout Aljamiado literature in commentaries, religious
regulations,

Page 56
history, legends, and maxims. 36
Jurisprudence (Fiqh)
As with the Qur'an* and traditions, the Moriscos appear to have been less
concerned with the theoretical aspect of the law than with its immediate
application. It was generally understood that the law comprises the Qur'sn*
and traditions and is inseparable from them. As such, the religious law
(sharl'ah) is all encompassing, including not only the articles of faith, beliefs,
and observances, but all manner of behavior. Thus, prayer and fasting are as
much a part of the law as purchase-sale or any other contracts. Therefore, the
Moriscos provided themselves with comprehensive legal material, abridging
texts written by Eastern legalists or translating them into Aljamiado. For
example, the Eastern scholar al-Samarqandi's* comprehensive Arabic work,
Awakening the Negligent and Illuminating the Road of the Novice,37 was
translated into Aljamiado, known as the Book of al-Samarqandi* (alkitab* de
Samarqandi*). Samarqandi`s* work covers a wide range of subjects: fear of
death, etiquette of the tomb, fear of the Day of Judgment, people of Hell,
people of Paradise, good and bad deeds, repentance, obedience to parents,
rights of children, envy, silence, suffering, the merit of the month of
Ramadan*, adultery, piety, good habits, cleanliness, ablution, prayer, fasting,
pilgrimage, holy war, purchase-sale, marriage, divorce, what is permissible and
what is forbidden in food, drink, and other matters. Equally comprehensive is
the Tafria (Ar. tafri'ah*),38 a translation in Latin script of the work of the
Eastern scholar Abu* 'Ubaydalla lbn al-Husayn* Ibn Jallab*. This stout work in
some forty-two books deals with ablution, prayer, almsgiving, fasting, burial,
holy war, oaths, slaughtering, hunting, contracts, and other religious and
secular matters. It is similar in content to the Brevario Sunni of 'Isa* de Jabir*,
which was intended to meet the general needs of the Moriscos.39 Other works
with the same purpose included the Tafsira of the Mancebo de Arevalo in some
472 folios.40 The Tafsira covers a wide range of subjects, including not only the
precepts of the faith and the religious obligations expected of the faithful, but
also an exhortation of the jurist Malik* Ibn Anas,41 the order of creation,
admonitions, home management, Creation of Adam and the fall of the angels,
Job's patience, the excellence of Mary and that of other biblical personalities.
In addition to these comprehensive works, numerous composite manuscripts
have one or more items bearing on religious duties. In fact, the great majority
of the extant manuscripts contain such seemingly disparate items. The massive
work, Advice for People,42 contains reflections on Islam and the opinion of the
jurist Malik* on the fundamentals of Islam. Similarly, the Book of Admonitions
and Examples,43 diversified in content, meant as a cure for the soul by
teaching it to love the hereafter and abhor this world. Other treatises were
intended to guide the ignorant to the true faith and to urge him to comply with
his religious duties, for which he will attain eternal rewards.44 Finally, one may
add the large number of manuscripts bearing the

Page 57
title of devocionario explaining God's unity, His beautiful names, and other
religious matters. 45
As already indicated, the Moriscos did not show much concern about the
politicoreligious controversies that had divided Islam in the past. However, a
brief treatise46 deals with some Muslim heresies which lead to perdition.
Aljamiado manuscripts record the ninety-nine beautiful names of God,47 God's
unity as found in thirty-seven passages of the Qur'an*,48 and the like. While
avoiding any contentiousness, the Moriscos were quite aware of the differences
separating Muslims from Christians.49 Although they held views about Christ
and Mary conforming to Islamic doctrine, they were forced by circumstance to
respond to attacks against their own religion, thereby producing a relatively
abundant polemical literature offering broad refutation against Christianity and
Judaism.50
The Moriscos followed in the footsteps of their Andalusian ancestors and
adhered closely to the legal school of the Medinese legalist Malik* Ibn Anas (d.
795), whom they regarded as "our doctor and the best among other Muslim
legalists."51 He was created from the blood of Muhamad*, whose bleeding by
the angels was witnessed by Malik's* father (d. 711), who drank the blood
instead of letting it seep into the ground.52
Religious Practices
Materials on the Qur'an*, prophetic traditions, and the law were abundant
among the Moriscos, and enjoyed great currency for instruction in the basic
beliefs and observances of Islam. It was perhaps these religious practices and
not the writings in themselves that placed the Moriscos outside Christian
society. The religious manuscripts and other evidence suggest that the
Moriscos took their religion seriously and abode by its tenets, persecution
notwithstanding. Numerous treatises for instruction on the religious duties have
survived.53 One treatise elucidates all the duties expected from the faithful:
If you are asked what are the five pillars of the Islamic religion (del-adin* del
alisalam*) you shall say that they are these: the first pillar is believing in no other
God (senor) but Allah, Who has no partner (sin abarsonero), and in Muhammad as
the servant and messenger of Allah; the second pillar is maintaining the five prayers
(asalaes*) night and day; the third pillar is payment of almsgiving (l-azake); the
fourth pillar is fasting during the month of Ramadan*; and the fifth pillar is
performing the pilgrimage (alhaje*) to the house of Mecca, if possible.54
Brevario Sunni,55 Mancebo de Arevalo's Tafsira,56 and other treatises that deal
with one or more pillar. In his Religious Life, Iongs has given a detailed
account of those pillars based mostly on 'Isa's* Brevario; only broad outlines
are given here.
Belief in God and Muhammad*. The first pillar, or confession of faith, is a
simple recognition of God's Oneness and of Muhammad's* Prophecy. Religion
requires belief, defined by 'Isa* as "the beginning of reason whereby human
understanding shows us that faith is something that guides man to

Page 58
know what thing is God, to believe in Him, and to be convinced that there is no
ultimate good without Him" 57 God created man from nothing and gave him
life; He will reward or punish him according to his deeds. Thus, it behooves
man to believe in and trust Him. Although it is not possible to see Him, He can
be known through His creation. 'Isa* de Jabir* lists thirteen articles to be
followed: (1) belief in the heart, utterance with the tongue, and affirmation
with the will that the Almighty God is one without a partner, creator of the
universe, did not beget and was not begotten; (2) belief that God sent the
blessed Muhammad* as the Seal of his Prophets with the divine law of the
Qur'an* through which he revoked other laws and removed all doubts and
errors in them, thereby guiding people to everlasting good; thus, it is
incumbent to follow Muhammad's* deeds and ways and those of his
companions and give up those of past or future generations; (3) belief that all
God's creation will come to an end except God, and that the soul of man will be
received by the angels to be judged at the time of death; (4) belief that two
angels will ask the dead who was his lord, his prophet, and the law; if he gives
the right answer and his deeds prove to be good, he will be elevated to the
most high; (5) belief that all beingsincluding men, angels, and demonswill die
at the end of the world, except God; (6) belief in resurrection in which souls
return to their bodies; (7) belief in the Day of Judgment in which each nation
will be judged in the presence of its prophets, and the good ones will see the
face of God; (8) belief that the honored Muhammad will intercede in the Day of
Judgment on behalf of people when other prophets will fail to do so, and belief
that God will heed Muhammad's* invocation to withdraw members of his
community from Hell; (9) belief that man is expected to render an account of
his deeds on earth, and that Muslims will do that first because they will serve
afterward as witnesses over other nations; (10) belief that deeds will be
weighed on a balance to determine whether the person should be sent to
Paradise or Hell; (11) belief in crossing a bridge during the Day of Judgment:
the blessed ones will cross it like a ray, and the infidels and blasphemous will
fall into Hell; (12) belief that the blessed believers will end in Paradise; and
(13) belief that evildoers and the blasphemous will end in Hell.58
These beliefs are those of traditional Islam, presented clearly to leave no doubt
that Islam and its community of believers (aluma, Ar. al-ummah) are God's
favorites. But beliefs alone are not sufficient to attain salvation. Elsewhere,59
belief (kereyensiya) is defined and linked to deed (obra). Belief must be felt
with the heart (kon el-korason), uttered with the tongue, and carried out by
the limbs. Belief is meaningless if it is not accompanied by deeds, which are
subject to will (voluntad), and this is, in turn, meaningless if it does not
conform to the Sunnah (asunna) as commanded by God in the Qur'an* and
enunciated by his Messenger Muhammad*. Obviously, God and Muhammad*
occupy a preeminent place in Aljamaido literature.
A number of treatises deal with God's attributes in both Arabic and Aljamiado.
The attributes consisting of ninety-nine names known as the beautiful names
of God (los buwenos nonberes, Ar. al-asma*' al-husna*)60 are

Page 59
based on a prophetic tradition indicating that God's names are one hundred
ndred one. Among these are: "Creator," "Lord of the Hereafter and of This
World," "Sovereign," "Merciful," ''Great," "Magnanimous," "Generous,"
"Everlasting," and "Victor." 61 These names are recited in prayer, commented
on,62 and exalted in sermons.63 Similarly, God's unity was emphasized and
elucidated on the basis of thirty-seven passages of the Qur'an*.64 His Prophet
Muhammad* is the greatest of His creatures and receives the widest attention
with respect to his birth, mission, miracles, journey to the seven heavens, and
death.65 Muhammad* preeminent position among the pro phets is
unquestionable. When a Jew asked Muhammad* why God placed him above
all prophets, Muhammad* is said to have given the following seven reasons:
God would not have made Paradise and Hell, heavens, earth, and the throne
had it not been for him; He made him ascend to the seven heavens (obviously
in reference to the Mi'raj*); He responded to his plea on behalf of the sinners
of his community; He instructed angels, prophets, and all nations to invoke his
name; he will be the first to be received at the end of the world; all prophets
and pious men of his community will be saved and the rest tormented; and he
will be the first one to enter Paradise in the Day of Judgment.66
Prayer and Ablution. Prayer is minutely prescribed in general works as well as
in special treatises.67 It is commanded by God and his Prophet, enabling the
faithful to enter Paradise. Numerous traditions exalt the virtue of prayer and
the reward accruing therefrom. A prophetic tradition compares prayer with a
sweet river passing five times a day in front of a house; who can resist drinking
from its water and cleansing himself with it?68 Prayer eliminates sins as water
eliminates coarseness from the body, and if performed on time it will devour sin
as fire will devour dry wood.69 Prayers are the key for facing the Lord without
an audience. The worshipper is nearer to God when he prostrates (alsajdado);
and when he dies, the land on which he prayed will cry to the heavens and all
onlookers.70 But for prayer to be valid, it must be preceded by ablution
(atahor*). A major ablution is tantamount to a full bath with clean water, and
a minor ablution (alwadu* Ar. wudu* ') consists of washing the extremities of
the body: hands, feet, face, nose. Their object is to wash away error and sin.72
The significance of the minor ablution is explained in a prophetic tradition as
follows: Each drop of water that falls in the hand makes the devil (el-
ashshaytan*) flee; ten merits (alhasanas*) eliminate ten sins and bring in ten
degrees (gharadas) in Paradise (aljanna). When the face is washed, sins will
leave through the eyelids. When the hands are washed, God will give a letter in
the right hand and sins will fall from the left hand through the tips of the
fingers*. When he wipes off (masha*, Ar. masaha*) his head, God will forgive
his sins and the hairs of his head will be illuminated (kalaridad) in the tomb as
well as in the Day of Judgment. When he washes his feet, he will be able to
cross the bridge (assirat*) without fear or difficulty, and his sins will be
forgiven.

Page 60
When he rinses his mouth, God will forgive what the tongue said and the
forbidden things that were eaten. When he rinses his nose, the smell of
Paradise will enter his nostrils. 73 Equally, the major ablution (tahur*) has
enormous rewards. God will have his angels as witnesses for the great reward
awaiting those who performed it: a thousand merits for each hair of the body,
elimination of a thousand sins, and a thousand degrees high in Paradise.74 In
short, minor and major ablutions are "the weapons and garrison with which the
faithful prepares himself to make prayer.75
Ablutions were ordinarily performed at the mosque or the public bath adjoining
it. After prohibition of such institutions, ablutions were performed at home or in
the fields in utmost secrecy to avoid the watchful authorities. The performance
of the minor or major ablution did not consist of mere washing but followed
strict rules for reciting specific formulas when washing each part of the body.
Also, the place of ablution and the water used are subject to conditions of
cleanliness. The water ought to be running, clean, odorless, tasteless, and
untouched by an unbeliever, a dog, a wolf, or any other animal. When water is
scarce, sand or unpolluted soil may be substituted.76
These religious rituals of ablution formed an integral part of prayer which was
to be performed five times a day. The Inquisition took firm steps to abolish
ablution, to the point of forbidding bathing to the Moriscos even for hygienic
purposes. Various edicts against public baths were instituted, and clerics
viewed any form of bathing as a heretical actcomplaining to the authorities
that the Moriscos were so incorrigible as to take a bath in December!
The Morisco was expected to pray five times a day, a number commanded by
God Himself during Muhammad's* journey (mi'raj*) to the seven heavens.
Traditionally, prayers are conducted in a mosque, preceded by a call to prayer
(adhan*) by a trained person known as almu'adane, Ar. mu'adhdhin, who will
stand high in the Day of Judgment because of having exalted God's name.77
Once the believers are congregated in the mosque, the imam*, or leader of
prayer, makes the initial convocation (iqamah*), which is repeated by the
congregation.78 The worshiper faces the Qiblah toward the Holy City of Mecca.
The first chapter of the Qur'an* or verses from other chapters are recited.79
There are prostations for each prayer: two for Dawn prayer (el-subh*); four for
the Midday prayer (alzuhar*); four for Midafternoon prayer (al-'asal-'as*);
three for Sunset prayer (al-'atoma*); and four for Night prayer. Each prayer is
minutely described step by step in the formulation of the Seven Pillars of
Prayers (Los siete el-haykeles).80
Prayers are prerequisites to salvation, for the Prophet will recognize His
community (aluma) in the Day of Judgment by the traces of ablution and by
the marks of prostration, which will shine as the ray of the sun.81 The five
prayers constitute minimal obligations. In addition, numerous prayers are
expected from the faithful during the day for each activity: when awakening,
dressing, going to the mosque, before and after meals.82 These prayers arc
short utterances invoking or exalting God's name. The Moriscos also had in-

Page 61
vocations (addu'a, Ar. du'a *) for forgiveness,83for rain, and for seeking a
favor.84 There are litanies85 and various sermons, some of which were
translated from the Arabic. These sermons (khutbah*) are broad in content
and may include current affairs, social or political matters, and edifying or
moralizing materials. They were ordinarily delivered from the pulpit (minbar)
during the Friday prayer. Inasmuch as the Moriscos could not gather openly,
let alone in a mosque, they availed themselves of old sermons, preserving the
Arabic content and form along with the Aljamiado translation.86
Although deprived of his mosque and center of worship, the Morisco appears to
have performed his regular prayers, which did not actually require a mosque.
Islamic law has been quite accommodating in this respect, allowing prayers to
be performed anywhere, at home or in the open fields. The Morisco was also
allowed within the prescription of the law to circumvent the time of prayer.
Thus if circumstances beyond his control prevented him from prayer at a given
and precise time, he could make up for it at a more suitable time. This kind of
dispensation applied to the rest of his religious obligations, and the Inquisition
appears to have been aware of these options. Thus, the Morisco remained
vulnerable, particularly on Friday, the Muslim Sabbath, when he would be
suspect were he to have clean clothes.
Almsgiving (azake, Ar. zakah*).87 Charity taxes are prescribed in the Qur'an*
as a duty incumbent upon every Muslim for the purpose of aiding the poor.
They were paid in currency or in goods proportionate to possessions. They are
collected by a special office in a Muslim state. Among the Moriscos, however,
they were collected by a local chieftain or a trustworthy person who would see
that they went to the needy. Although some 2.5 to 10 percent was expected,
it is not certain to what extent people complied, the whole question being a
matter of conscience. In addition to almsgiving, which is obligatory, there is no
limit to charitable donations (assadaqa*), which are voluntary on festive
occasions such as weddings, birthdays, or other social events. The practice of
assadaqa* was so current as to be as obligatory as the payment of azake.
Muhammad* is reported to have said, "The assadaqa* is a defense against
misfortune (albela, Ar. al-bala*)," and the Almighty said, "I shall give
innumerable rewards (ghuwalardon) to those who make it."88 Avoidance of
such payments, however, was not uncommon and may be illustrated by the
following story, which shows the enormous penalty awaiting those who fail to
give alms to the poor as prescribed by religious law.
A Muslim went to a religious scholar and informed him that the following day
was the Feast of Lamb and that he had nothing to eat. He asked the religious
scholar to tell him where to seek help. He was told to go to the mayor, who
upon seeing him, ordered his servants to send him away. He returned to the
religious scholar and informed him what had happened; then he was sent to a
Christian for help. The Christian received him well; gave him ten bundles of
wheat, a lamb, and two gold coins, and told him to come back every year to
receive the same things for the rest of his life. The Muslim was so delighted
that he informed the religious scholar, who was well pleased. Meanwhile, the

Page 62
mayor dreamed of a palace of gold with precious stones housing beautiful
ladies and a palace of fire filled with torment and punishment. An angel told
him that the palace of gold had been reserved for him but had been given to a
Christian who gave alms to a Muslim denied by the mayor. Now he was left
with the palace of fire. The mayor went to the Christian on the following day
and asked what he had done the day before. The Christian replied that he had
done nothing unusual, but the mayor persisted inquiring until he found out
about the donation to the Muslim. The mayor then proposed to buy the
almsgiving, offering him half his property, but the Christian would not agree;
the mayor then offered all his property, his children, and himself, but the
Christian refused, and the mayor dropped dead and went straight to Hell.
Thereafter, the Christian informed the religious scholar what had happened
and was asked to become a Muslim; he accepted. He went home and informed
his wife that he could no longer live with her; however, the wife knew his
reason and confessed to him that she had herself been a Muslim since their
marriage forty years before. 89
On another occasion giving assadaqa* influenced God to reconsider a promise
He had made. "The Story of the Tree and the Birds" relates that twelve birds
living in a tree were harassed by a man who killed their offspring every year
until they appealed to God for justice. The next year the man was climbing the
tree to kill the offspring when he heard a man at his door asking for charity
(assadaqa*). The man descended from the tree and complied with the poor
man's wish; then he returned and killed the little birds. The birds then
reminded God of His promise, to which God retorted, "How could I do wrong to
a man who did good for the love of me? Go elsewhere, for my land is ample."90
Fasting.91 Obligatory fasting was observed during the ninth lunar month,
Ramadan*, starting as the new moon appears and ending at the beginning of
a new moon, at the start of the tenth month of Shawwal*. The significance of
fasting can be inferred from that given to the month of Ramadan, considered
by Muhammad* as "The month of my community (aluma), the month of
benediction and blessing (albaraka), and the month for the remission of sins,
besides being the month in which the Qur'an* was revealed."92 Moreover, it
was the month in which Adam fasted after he had eaten the forbidden apple,
and the fast helped to expurgate the fruit. Thus, the rewards accruing from
fasting are many: elimination of sins from birth; ex-purgation of the forbidden;
granting God's mercy; granting a palace (alqasar*) in Paradise; absence of
hunger and thirst in the Day of Judgment; immunity from all horror and
torment in the Day of Judgment; and no entry into Hell (jahannam).93
Fasting is obligatory on all Muslims, male and female, with ample dispensation
for the sick, pregnant women, old people, travelers, Muslims working for
Christians, slaves whose owners do not observe fasting, and others because of
physical conditions or extraordinary circumstances. These exemptions,
however, do not release the individual from fulfilling his obligations at a later

Page 63
or more suitable date either through fasting or donating food to the poor in
quantity equal to the amount of food ordinarily consumed during the fasting
days. Fasting consists of total abstinence from food and drink during the day
and is invalidated by any food, drink, or sexual intercourse. However, food,
drink, and sex are allowed at night. Ordinarily, meals are taken after sunset
and before dawn. The conclusion of the fasting during the month of Ramadan
* is often celebrated by a small feast, followed, forty days later, by the grand
feast celebrated by slaughtering a lambhence, its Spanish designation,
"Pascuas del Carnero."94 In addition to the obligatory fasting of Ramadan*,
other voluntary fasting is recommended, particularly during the third and tenth
days of the month of Muharram*, and the twelfth day of Rabi' I, which is
Muhammad's* birthday.
Pilgrimage95 and Jihad*. Although obligatory and an integral part of religious
belief, pilgrimage to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina in the Arabian
Peninsula was at best limited, if not beyond the reach of the Morisco. However,
provisions were made for pilgrimage in the manuals dealing with religious
duties and obligations. No doubt, the Morisco did hope one day to make the
pilgrimage to the holy city, though he was unlikely to go. Puey de Monon was
a rare exception in undertaking such journey and recording it in couplets that
must have been recited by Moriscos.
Finally, the Moriscos followed their Muslim ancestors in adding a sixth pillar,
known as jihad* (holy war),96 to the prescribed religious beliefs. This consisted
of advancing oneself on the path of God through performance of good deeds,
including war against the infidels and enemies of religion.
A number of other practices and ceremonies were viewed by the Inquisition as
heretical and grounds for bringing participants before the tribunal. Among
those customs and practices were those related to birth and circumcision,
wedding and burial ceremonies, the slaughtering of animals, and some aspects
of dietary law.
The birth of a child was a joyful occasion attended by festivities. When the
child reached seven days old, a special ceremony of consecration (Ar. 'aqi*
qah) was held in which the child was purified with water and an amulet
bearing Qur'anic* verses was placed around his neck. He was given an Arabic
name, his hair was clipped, and its weight in gold was distributed to the poor.
This practice known as fada,97 Arabic fida*, or fada*, meaning ransom. In
some respects, the fada was the equivalent of baptism and served as its
counterpart to erase or nullify it. The practice of fada was quite common
among the Moriscos, who were impelled to have their children baptized and
who found in fada a way of annulling the baptism. Music, dancing, and singing
were part of the ceremonies of the fada. A more significant ritual was the
ceremony of circumcision, an obligatory religious practice in Islam. When done
openly, circumcision was attended by a procession of dancers, musicians,
singers, and a large gathering of relatives and friends. Such practices were
outlawed by the Inquisition, so they had to be performed covertly and with the
utmost discretion. During circumcision, it appears that the Moriscos sacrificed
(adaheas*) an

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animal, which was ordinarily slaughtered in the morning. Some of its meat was
eaten, and the rest was distributed (assadaqa *) among the poor.98 If the
family could not afford an animal, grain or fruit was given to the poor.99
Circumcision was done by the time the child was eight years old and often
escaped the inspection of priests since it was done long after baptism.
Marriage100 was also a memorable family event attended by friends and
relatives with ceremonies and fanfare: singing, dancing, feasting, and
distribution of food among the needy. A wedding was basically a civil
ceremony, but regulated by religious law with respect to conjugal contract,
property ownership, the couple's relations, divorce, and other aspects of
marital life. As Christian converts, the Moriscos were, of course, compelled to
be married in church, but this did not prevent them from having a Muslim
wedding ceremony at home after the church nuptials. This seemingly prevalent
practice often aroused the suspicions of Old Christians, who brought it to the
attention of the Inquisitors. Also, accusations of practicing polygamy were
often made against the Moriscos, but there is no solid evidence that the
Moriscos availed themselves of such a practice, notwithstanding that the
religious law permitted them to have as many as four wives and that
Muhammad* himself had several wives. However, Muhammad's* polygamy is
explained as having been beyond his control: perfect, clean, and humble
women pleaded with God to have Muhammad* as their husband, and God
responded to their plea through the angel Gabriel, who relayed to Muhammad
God's will.101
Death and burial102 were sad occasions attended by elaborate rituals
according to the prescriptions of the law. These rituals appeared to be
widespread, causing Old Christians to complain about their heretical nature.
These rituals involve purification of the corpse, tantamount to a total ablution.
The corpse is then shrouded with white cotton cloth, and the face of te of td is
turned toward the qiblah. It is carried to the cemetery in a procession of
relatives and friends uttering religious formulas. At the cemetery, a formal
prayer is given, and burial proceeds in a prepared grave on virgin land. The
practice of providing the corpse with jewels, clothing, and food existed among
some Moriscos, although there was no legal prescription requiring or condoning
such practice.103 The Moriscos also attached great importance to a letter of
death (karta de la muwerte),104 which accompanied the corpse. It acted as a
passport identifying the dead as a believer before the angels of death, Munkar
and Nakir*, who were created by God for the purpose of testing all creatures in
the tomb as to their former religious beliefs.105
Finally, mention should be made of dietary law among the Moriscos.106
Inasmuch as Islam regulates every aspect of life, the law books contain a
variety of regulations on general etiquette as well as prohibitions of all sorts.
These regulations have a sacrosanct character, becoming part of the obligatory
religious duties expected of the faithful. With respect to food, particularly meat
and fish, the law books ordinarily stipulate in detail which animals are suitable
for eating and which are not. There are strict rules as to the manner of
slaughtering an animal, which is done by decapitation while God's name is be-

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ing invoked. The animal's head must face the qiblah, and the slaughtering is to
be done by a Muslim, who is cleanalthough it may be permissible at times to
eat meat slaughtered by a Jew or Christian provided that the animal is killed
according to the prescriptions of the religious law. 107 Hunting is not condoned
as a pastime, but if indulged, prey must also be killed following the rules of
animal slaughtering.108 Accordingly, the Moriscos appear to have resisted
purchasing meat in Christian markets, for which they were brought before the
Inquisition.
Altogether, the Moriscos appear to have followed the spirit and letter of the
religious law with regard to edible or inedible animals. They abstained from
eating carnivorous animals such as wolves, tigers, lions and from eating
domesticated animals such as donkeys, horses, cats, dogs, and pigs. Inasmuch
as the consumption of pork and bacon was common among their Christian
neighbors, the Moriscos were often impelled to demonstrate their Christianity
or lack of it be eating or refusing to eat them. Nonconsumption of pork was
often cause for appearing before the tribunals.
Beverages of all sorts were also regulated by the religious law. Even certain licit
beverages were subject to regulations in that they should not be mixedfor
instance, the juice of dates should not be mixed with that of raisins. If a rat or
similar animal falls in honey, water, oil, or other liquid, it should be
discarded.109 The stiffest regulations were imposed on alcoholic beverages,
which were totally prohibited. Prophetic traditions were invoked with regard to
the seriousness of imbibing wine and the danger accruing therefrom. A
tradition attributed to a scholar says: "Wine remains in the body of its imbiber
for forty days; and if he dies during that time, he will die as an unbeliever and
will go to Hell."110 Another tradition states that God will curse the cultivator of
a vineyard for the purpose of making wine, will curse the one who cares for the
vineyard, and will curse the vendor, the carrier, the treader of grapes, and
others who are involved in making and selling wine. The whole act of making
wine is a major sin, and the income derived therefrom is forbidden
(harames*).111
Didactic stories were built around the danger of imbibing wine. "The Story of
the Wine Drinker'112 shows the gravity of imbibing wine. It is related on the
authority of the traditionist Malik* Ibn Dinar* (d. 748), who says that after he
performed the rite of pilgrimage (elhajje*), he heard a voice saying that all
who performed the pilgrimage would be forgiven by God except 'Abd al-
Rahman* Ibn Muhammad* al-Balkhi*, with whom God is angered and
displeased. This aroused Ibn Dinar's* curiosity and he vowed not to leave
Mecca until he had identified 'Abd al-Rahman* After inquiry, he was informed
that 'Abd al-Rahman* was a good servant of God (buwen servidor de-Allah*),
who observed prayer, fasting, and almsgiving, besides being wholly devoted to
God. Ibn Dinar* became the more puzzled and inquired where he could find
him. He was informed and went searching for him. He found a youth
(mansebo) with his hands tied around his neck (peskuweso) screaming and
saying, "This is the reward of those who disobey their parents." Ibn Dinar* was

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the more surprised when the youth addressed him by his name; when Ibn
Dinar * inquired how he knew it, the youth said that he saw it in a dream. Ibn
Diner then asked him to tell his story, and the youth said that when he was
young, he imbibed wine and was irreligious and disobedient. Once in a state of
drunkenness, he hit his father, who had tried to make him a Muslim through
the confession of faiththat is, through the utterance of the formula, "There is
no God but God, and Muhammad* the Messenger of God." After that incident,
he left home in remorse and devoted himself to God for the following twenty
years, pleading with the Almighty to forgive his sin, to no avail. Ibn Dinar*
persuaded the man to go to his father, who forgave him after he uttered the
confession of faith. The youth died thereafter, and was given a Muslim burial.
Other reasons are given for not drinking wine. It is related that a man asked a
scholar, "Why does not the Moor drink wine?" The scholar responded, "What is
the best jewel of the body?" The man said, "The judgment of a person." Then
the scholar answered, "The Moor does not drink wine in order to preserve that
jewel.''113
Finally, games of chance were interdicted by religious law, and the Moriscos
took warning against games such as chess (asedrese) and poker (porkes).
They invoked Muhammad* as saying that any person who plays any game for
profit or pleasure is unbeliever in the eyes of God and of His Prophet. His good
deeds are neither received nor acknowledged by God. Furthermore, if a
gambler were to go home and use water for ablution (alwadu*) as a prelude to
prayer, his ablution be as invalid as if he had used the blood of a pig. Even
onlookers okers os and gamblers are sinful and are like those who desire their
own mothers.114
The Moriscos aspired to a life of austerity, devotion, and strict social behavior.
The best man is the one who is kind to people and whose tongue and hands
can be trusted.115 The best deed by a Muslim is the one done in secret, in fear
and love of God.116 Right conduct resides in the avoidance of seventeen mortal
sins: not believing in Allah; disobedience to parents; killing a fellow Muslim;
eating dead animals; eating blood; eating pork; committing adultery;
gambling; usury (loghoro); acting as procurers for unbelievers; false testimony;
lying; falsehood; drinking wine; usurping orphans' property; doubting God's
mercy; and cheating fellow Muslims.117 God forgives major sins if the person
repents and desists from evil.118 But in the last account, good deeds will
prevail in the meticulous performance of prescribed religious obligations, which
will count in the Day of Judgment when all creatures will be called by their
names.119
Judging by the number of manuals for instructing the religious obligations, it is
reasonable to assume that the Moriscos were deeply attached to Islamic
practices and that neither forced conversion nor the harsh measures imposed
by Christian authorities deterred them from their religious convictions. On the
contrary, it appears that both forced conversion and the harsh measures made
the Morisco more determined to preserve his religious and

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cultural traditions. Religion permeates every aspect of his life, making it difficult
if not impossible to differentiate between the secular and the religious behavior
of the Morisco. This fusion of secular and spiritual posed a seemingly
insurmountable problem for the Morisco vis--vis his Christian neighbors, who
hardly appreciated his stand. Determining whether the Morisco always acted
religiously with full consciousness is problematic since dally actions are usually
performed routinely without much reflection or awareness of their symbolic
value or religious significance. This is exactly what the Morisco Nnez Muley
tried to convey to the Christian authorities in expounding the unreasonableness
of their measures against the Morisco's whole way of life. Thus, whether
bathing is a religious or a hygienic act in a setting such as that of the Morisco
is a moot question. This is true of food and drink and other areas of life where
the line between religious habit and custom is very fine. Thus, it was a matter
of attitude and willingness to understand. To the Christian, as much a victim of
history and circumstance as the Morisco, every exterior manifestation of the
Morisco was suspect. If the Morisco, for instance, were to put on a clean shirt
on Friday, this simple act of wearing a clean shirt or taking a bath evoked
heresy in the mind of the Christian, who construed the whole act as a
challenge to Christian doctrine.
In this connection and as part of Morisco basic beliefs, it is relevant to add that
the Moriscos, like their fellow Muslims everywhere, conceived both Judaism and
Christianity as revealed religions, with Islam assigned the mission of fulfilling
God's covenant. This conception is articulated in the Qur'an *, the prophetic
traditions, theology, jurisprudence, and religious polemics. For this reason
Moriscos devoted ample space in Aljamiado literature to biblical
figuresAbraham, Noah, Job, Moses, and others, including Christ and the Virgin
Mary120who were not only revered but considered bonafide Muslims, though
they preceded historical Islam by centuries. The qualified recognition of both
Judaism and Christianity includes, however, a difference with regard to their
evolution or departure from the original divine plan. This firm doctrinal matter
was opposed vehemently by Jews and Christians to the point of denying any
validity to Islam and its founder.
Some of the issues separating Muslims, Jews, and Christians became almost an
integral part of the faith of the Morisco. The Judeo-Christian denial of Islam as
a revealed religion and of the prophecy of Muhammad* is rebutted by Muslims
and Moriscos on charges that both Jews and Christians have not only deviated
from the true Scriptures but adulterated them almost beyond recognition,
adding and omitting things to suit their whims.121 The Jews not only failed to
recognize the prophecies of Jesus and Muhammad* whose coming was
foretold in the Scriptures,122 but continued the pretense of being the heirs of
the earth by virtue of their descendance from Isaac, when actually the
descendants of Isma'il*Arabs and Muslimsare the true heirs of mankind.123
This is so because the Jews disobeyed God; as a consequence, they broke the
Covenant with God and became accursed.124
Similarly, the Christians have committed many enormities in belief and

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practice. They failed to recognize the Prophet Muhammad *, whose coming as
the Paraclete was announced by Jesus himself125 and the prophets of old.
Moreover, Christians were divided into many sects, each one contradicting the
others. They did a great violence to God's unity by upholding the Trinity in
which they made Jesus, a mere mortal and prophet, a god incarnate with the
appellation of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit at one and the same time. This
conception is a blasphemous innovation that has no foundation in either the
Gospels or the Qur'an* all of which give ample evidence of Christ's humanity as
an apostle born miraculously to the Virgin Mary126 and who, as a prophet,
performed many miracles, as had other prophets and messengers.127 Contrary
to Christian conception, Christ was neither crucified nor killed even as a
prophet, let alone as a god.128 All this and other conceptions make the whole
Christian doctrine and practices mere innovations of Paul, unbelievers, popes,
and monks.129 Moreover, Christian church ceremonies are noisy and irreverent,
and the priests corrupt and adulterous.130
In sum, Islam is the one and only true religion, and the Qur'an* is God's Book
(alkitab* de-Allah*),131 admitting no other. Unlike nlike deo-Christian
Scriptures, the Qur'an* is the Word of God and free from adulteration in any
shape or form; further, it contains true beliefs and clear prescriptions of the
religious obligations that will guide the faithful in this life and will prepare him
for a life of bliss in the hereafter. These complex doctrinal matters are brought
into sharp focus in the Morisco polemics.

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5
The Polemics of the Moriscos
The confrontation of Islam and Christianity has had multifaceted dimensions
from the seventh century to the present. This confrontation has at times been
intense, resulting in vast destruction, loss of life, and great animosity. Religious
differences were heightened by other considerstionsexpansionism, politics,
economics, and conflicting cultures. At first Islam expanded at the expense of
Christianity, adapting to the culture and institutions of the conquered areas
and forming a new and vigorous civilization, while Christianity was torn by
religious controversies and political divisions which led ultimately to a
theocentric view of the world and, finally, to cultural stagnation. This disparity
between the two societies had enormous consequences, but these began to
even out from the eleventh century onward when Western Christendom
started a vigorous expansionist move into Islam, resulting in another process of
adaptation to new realities. The issues separating the two religious groups
remain much alive, the object of unending wars and debates adversely
affecting such minorities as the Moriscos. One need merely outline the tense
relations between Christianity and Islam in order to appreciate the position and
temper of

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the supressed Moriscos as expressed in their polemics; such an appreciation
must be understood within the larger context of the relationship between
Christianity and the Islam under the following headings: Western image of
Islam, Islamic image of the West, and the Morisco polemics.
Western Image of Islam
Wars of the sword were fought concurrently with wars of the pen, which
produced abundant polemic literature. 1 Polemic literature dates to the very
inception of Islam and reached a peak in the Morisco period of the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries. Both Muslims and Christians were convinced of the
righteousness of their cause and promoted it with every rhetorical device at
their disposal. Evidence was often distorted beyond recognition. Both refused
all compromise and ultimately sank into a polemic of self-righteousness
characterized by flagrant double standards and arbitrary criteria. By this
process, the differences separating Islam and Christianity were accentuated,
and reconciliation became unattainable. No attempt was made to reach a
balanced and detached judgment of the actual position of the other side. Thus,
each group formed its own image of the other with fallacious arguments and
with little or no regard for the truth.2
No doubt prolonged wars, attended by destruction and humiliation, contributed
to this attitude, which began to take shape the moment Islam made its first
inroads into Christian territory in the seventh century. Although Islam at first
had the upper hand politically and militarily, expanding widely at the expense
of Christianity, it labored from the outset at a disadvantage in defending itself
against Christian and Jewish polemicists, who refused to concede any validity
to Islam despite its contention that it was the continuation and culmination of
the Judeo-Christian traditions, emanating from the same God and resting on
the same foundations. Although Muslims held that the Scriptures of the Jews
and Christians were adulterated by misguided adherents, they agreed
nevertheless that these were important documents containing the essentials of
Islam. This was persuasive enough for many Christians and Jews to embrace
Islam. On the other hand, those who remained faithful to Judaism or
Christianity denied Islam any validity, condemning it as a forgery perpetrated
by a sensual man, an impostor, who could never be elevated to the rank of a
virtuous man, let alone to that of a prophet. Moreover, the basic Islamic doc-
trinesbelief in one God, the admission of Prophecy, and belief in the Day of
Judgmentwere dismissed as pretentions. Misrepresentation of facts,
misinterpretation, and bitter attacks were the norm among Christian
polemicists, even among those who knew much more about Islam than they
were willing to admit. They represented Islam as an idolatrous worship or
pernicious heresy. Its founder Muhammad* was an impostor who fabricated
the Qur'an*, claiming that it was revealed to him by God. Whether acquainted
with the Qur'an* or not, they dismissed it as a miscellany including abominable
licenses that lead to perdition in this world and in the hereafter. In short, a
pattern of vilification of Islam based upon preconceived notions had been set
for

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centuries to come. Even when attempts to translate the Qur'an * were made in
the twelfth century, they served to aid in the articulation of deep-rooted
established views rather than to facilitate any new understanding. As an
unwelcome minority, the Moriscos continued, long after their conversion to
Christianity, to suffer the handicap of having descended from an enemy
religion.
The genesis of Christian polemics against Islam is often traced to Saint John of
Damascus (d. 749), a cleric and theologian who, interestingly enough, served
at the Muslim court of the Umayyads of Damascus (661-750). Saint John
appears to have enjoyed the confidence of the Umayyad ruler, who permitted
him to speak openly. It is reported that in a dialogue with Muslims, Saint John
defended Christianity, upholding it as the true religion vis--vis Islam, which he
considered a Christian heresy at best and its founder a man far removed from
prophecy. Although his assessment could not have been pleasing to Muslims, it
included the generous admission that Islam was not alien to Christianity. In his
Chronicle, the Byzantine Confessor Theophanes (ca. 758-818) expressed
similar views and called Muhammad* "the ruler of the Saracens and a pseudo-
prophet."3 Another Eastern Christian named 'Abd al-Masih* Ibn Ishaq* al-
Kindi* (ninth century)not to be confused with the philosopher al-
Kindi*supposedly served the 'Abbasid* caliph al-Ma'mun* (813-833),
defended Christianity, and attacked Islam in violent terms, maintaining that
Muhammad* was a sensual and murderous man and that his religion was a
forgery which had spread through violence and deceit. The attribution of such
a statement to a man who served a Muslim caliph can be discounted
altogether, although possibly other such statements may have been common
among some Christians, who may have argued, further, that the Qur'an* had
nothing new to offer.4
The attitude toward Islam reportedly enunciated by Saint John of Damascus,
Theophanes, and al-Kindi* may have shaped Christian thinking in the East and
presumpresumeached the attention of Western Christians, particularly in Spain
and Sicily. Western Christians built upon those derisive accounts of Islam and
added their own diatribes. A treatise virulently attacking Islam is reported to
have been written in the eighth century in Pamplona in northern Spain. Such a
treatise became the basis for Christian attacks against Islam and may have
been used by the Martyrs of Cordova in the ninth century.5
As far as can be ascertained, the Martyrs of Cordova represent an unusual case
of clerical revolt under Muslim rule. Their complex story has all the earmarks of
a pogrom at a time when Muslim-Christian relations in the Iberian Peninsula
were undergoing some tensions. The process of arabization and Islamization
was making headway to the point of exerting pressure on those who remained
Christian. Furthermore, the relentless wars between Muslims and northern
Christians contributed their share to the strain between the two communities.
These factors, along with the underprivileged position of Christians and neo-
Muslims in the state structure, were causes for both alarm and
resentmentalarm for the potential loss of Christian identity and resentment

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at being deprived of the privileges and wealth of the country. These
frustrations led eventually to an emotional explosion. What was significant
about that explosion, however, was the fact that it was ignited accidentally by
individual clerics who had neither a preconcieved plan nor the organization to
engender a widespread revolt. As a result, those individuals remained isolated
and even opposed by fellow, arabized Christians, who objected to their radical
method in the face of heavy odds. Rightly or wrongly, these clerics were
convinced that Christianity not only was being eroded by the arabization of its
own adherents, but was threatened with extinction by the ever-increasing
number of converts to Islam. This deep concern came to the fore when two
clerics were put to death after they had denigrated Islam and its founder in
public. The crisis began in about 850 when the monk Perfectus, who
apparently knew Arabic, was asked by a group of Muslims what Christians
thought of Christ and Muhammad *. Perfectus asserted the divinity of Christ,
but suspended judgment on the Prophet Muhammad*. Pressed for a more
direct answer, he implied that Muhammed*. was a false prophet. This created
a frenzy among the Muslim mob, which accused him of cursing the Prophet
and for this he received the death penalty. In 850, a similar episode took place
involving the Christian merchant John, who was accused of swearing by
Muhammad* when selling his goods. His rival merchants accused him of
ridiculing and invoking the name of the Prophet in vain, and the court decreed
his death amidst a cheering and unyielding crowd.
These episodes created a convulsion among some Christian clerics and led to
the rise of the Martyr Movement, whose members would insult and denigrate
Islam in public, knowing that such defamation carried the death penalty. Some
fifty individuals, including the two Christian girls Flora and Mari'a, perished.
They greeted their own deaths with the strong belief that their end would earn
them martyrdom, sainthood, and a certain place in Paradise. Members of the
clergy, among them the cleric Eulogius (d. 859), encouraged such beliefs and
sought more candidates. Finally, the government, in cooperation with leading
bishops, introduced stern measures to put a stop to such conduct. Eulogius
himself was asked to desist from his suicidal course, but refused, leaving the
government no choice by enforcing the death penalty. With the death of this
ringleader and under the pressure of the Christian clergy, the Martyr
Movement died out, leaving a legacy of recrimination.
Eulogius and his friend Alvaro perpetuated that legacy in various writings. Both
men justified the martyrs' behavior, arguing that to face death for combating
the evil of Islam was a sacrifice praiseworthy in the eyes of God.6 Their writings
reflected the belief that Muhammad* was a false prophet and Islam a false
religion. Eulogius relates that the disciples of Muhammad* watched for angels
to descend after his death and carry his body away but, instead dogs came
and devoured it. He also maintains that Muhammad's* life was mundane and
could not possibly meet the requirements of prophecy and that his teaching as
embodied in the Qur'an* was no more than spurious stories. Eulogius was
supported in this by his friend Alvaro.7 This kind of attack ap-

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pears also in the French epic La Chanson de Roland, where Muhammad's
death is attended by swine and dogs: "Mahomet, where foul swine rend him
and dogs hale to and fro." 8
The martyrs may have aroused the feeling of neo-Muslims (the Muwallads,
born Muslims of Spanish ancestry), who felt that they were deprived of their
rights and privileges by fellow Muslims. They rose in open revolt. One of their
leaders, Ibn Hafsun*, who rose in the South and threatened Cordova itself,
reverted to Christianity and continued to challenge the government until the
second decade of the tenth century. This significant erosion in the Muslim
ranks would have continued had it not been for the intervention of the caliph
'Abd al-Rahman* III (912-961), who succeeded in forging a homogeneous
society in which the old guard and converts joined to determine the destiny of
al-Andalus.
But local accommodation did not resolve the problem of universal antagonism
between Islam and Christianity. Old traditions reappeared again and again in
the writings of Western authors during the Crusades and Renaissance, down to
recent times. The works of Daniel, Southern, and Schwoebel, among others,
clearly convey Western attitudes toward Islam; only some of the highlights can
be mentioned here. The eleventh century, which witnessed political disarray in
Muslim ranks in both East and West, also saw the emergence of Western
forces that struck at the very heart of Islam. Muslim reverses in Spain, the
success of the Normans in Sicily, and the launching of a successful Crusade in
the Holy Land were great blows to Islamic predominance in the West and, at
the same time, gave credence to old myths about Islam and the Arabs, to
which many new ones were added. People who participated in the Crusades
and clerics who visited the Holy Land went back to Europe with accounts about
the savagery and infidelity of the Muslims. They mixed fact with fiction to
denigrate the Prophet Muhammad* and his religion. Muhammad* was said to
have married Khadijah of Khurasan; she was actually a Meccan. He was further
said to have been a commoner, an astrologer, musician, and magician, who
could never have attained the stature of a prophet. 9 These and similar
distortions were incorporated into contemporary writings, accepted by the
twelfth- and thirteenth-century authors of the Chanson de Gesta, Gesta
Francorum, the Chanson d'Antioche, and other works. In Spain, where the
confrontation between Islam and Christianity had been relentless for centuries
and where the crusading spirit was nurtured and brought to ht to on, a
number of new works attempted to prove the invalidity of Islam. Some of these
were written by men "knowledgeable" in Islam who used their knowledge to
denigrate it on the basis of textual evidencethe basis used by Ibn Hazm* of
Cordova (d. 1064)10 to defend the superiority of Islam over all world religions.
A converted Jew probably quite knowledgeable about Islam, Pedro Alfonso
(12th c.), refused Islam on the basis of internal evidence. His near
contemporary Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny in southern France, visited
Spain and in about 1142 commissioned Robert of Ketton, Herman of Dalmatia,
and others to translate the Qur'an* into Latin.11 Peter's purpose became
apparent

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when a summary of the Islamic doctrine served as the basis of his Summa
totius haeresis Saracenorum and his Liber contra sectam sive haeresim
Saracenorum, in which he attempted to show textual inconsistencies and
contradictions in the Islamic scriptures. 12 In the thirteenth century, Mark of
Toledo translated the Qur'an* for similar purposes.13 This kind of refutation in
"documentary evidence" was continued by Jimnez de Rada,14 Alfonso X,15
Peter Pascual,16 Ramon Marti,17 and others.18 Their works included pejorative
stories about the Prophet and Islamic doctrine.
This was done at a time of Western awareness of the cultural superiorities of
Islam and at a time when a considerable number of Arabic scientific works had
been translated into Latin. But even while Arabic scientific lore was exerting an
enormous impact on Western thought and effecting the outlook of Western
man toward the physical and metaphysical worlds, there was little change in
Western attitudes toward Islam and its adherents. On the contrary, the blurred
Western image of Islam was being distorted further through the
intellectualization of its preconceived demerits. Although leading Western
writers studied and quoted the works of Muslim scientists and philosophers,
invoking their authority on this or that point, they still gave full credence to
stories and anecdotes reviling Islam and its followers. Even a cursory look at
the works of some leading authors shows this unmistakable tendency. Alfonso
X (1252-1284), a king and scholar who lived in an environment permeated by
Arabic culture and whose numerous writings were translations and imitations of
Arabic works, exemplifies the general Christian attitude toward Islam. In his
Crnica General de Espaa, Alfonso considers the Arab occupation of Spain as
marked by horror, pillage, destruction, and slavery, and the "moros" as vile,
cruel, and deceitful people.19 The prophet Muhammad* "was well-versed in
the art of magic," and learned from the monk Juan all those things that were
against God; he deceived by means of charms and magical tricks, he wrote
many falsehoods in the Qur'an*, and was followed by unhappy and bedeviled
people. When he died, his resurrection was expected within three days, but
this never took place; on the eleventh day, his body was found eaten by
dogs.20 Similarly, Thomas Aquinas, who accepted much of the thinking of
Islamic philosophers, saw no validity in Islam, and no legitimacy in the
prophecy of Muhammad*. The same attitude is conveyed by Roger Bacon (ca.
1210-1294), whose Opus Majus frequently invokes the authority of Arab
scientists and philosophers such as al-Kindi*, al-Farabi*, Ibn Sina*, Abu*
Ma'shar, Ibn al-Haytham, al-Ghazali*, and Ibn Rushd.21 Equally interesting is
the attitude of the great Florentine poet Dante (d. 1321), who in The Divine
Comedy and other works displays an awareness and recognition of the merit of
Arabic culture and at the same time a great aversion to Islam and its founder.
Dante considers Averroes, al-Ghaza1i*, and Saladin to be virtuous men in
Limbo, but Muhammad* and his son-in-law are assigned to the Ninth Circle of
Hell for having been "the sowers of scandals and schisms."22
This aversion toward Islam intensified after the Ottoman Turks' conquest of
Constantinople in 1493. References to Moros, Saracens, or Arabs were

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replaced by the generic term Turks, the object of such familiar pejoratives as
"villianous," "barbarous," and a visitation from God for the sins of Christendom.
23
The Turks' subsequent advance into eastern Europe and siege of Vienna in
1529 generated fervent rhetoric for an all-out crusade against the infidels.
Anti-Islamic traditions found a place in Spanish, French, Italian, German,
English, and other European literature. Christian Spain, in particular, was
alarmed at Turkish ascendancy and vented its concern against its Morisco
minority in the belief that they were in collusion with the Turkish infidels.
Discussion of Islamic elements and themes in European literature would fill
several monographs; space permits only some broad references here. Early
English literature contained the tradition that Muhammad* did not actually
have the Angel Gabriel as an intermediary with God; rather, he had trained a
white pigeon to sit on his shoulder, pick grains from his ear, and pass for an
angel.24 The English poet John Lydgate (d. ca. 1451) refers to Muhammad* as
a false prophet who was devoured by swines while drunk.25 Shakespeare
inquires, "Was Mahomet inspired by a dove?"26 In fact, the dove received the
appellation of maumet or mammet, a corruption of the word Muhammad*,
which came to mean puppet.27 Francis Bacon refers to Muhammad* as a
miracle monger and was responsible for the proverb, "If the mountain will not
come to Mahomet, Mahomet will go to the mountain."28
In France, in addition to the attitude reflected in the Chanson de Roland,29
other traditions denigrated Isled Isl its founder. As late as the eighteenth
century, Voltaire portrays Muhammad*, in Mahomet, ou le fanatisme, as an
imposter, tyrant, and libertine. This image of Islam and its founder was not
limited to an intellectual elite, but filtered down to all levels of society. If this
was true among Europeans who had scarcely any contact with Muslims, one
would expect it to be more passionate among the Spanish. When the Spanish
Reconquest was completed, the remaining Muslimsknown first as Mudejars and
then as Moriscoswere oppressed by the forces of religion, ideology, politics, and
economics and became pawns in the settlement of old and new accounts.
Clerics and writers of the period kept the religious controversy alive and added
to it a racist philosophy, implying that Moriscos lacked purity of blood (limpieza
de sangre). They considered the Moriscos worshipers of an evil religion, paying
more lip service to the Christian faith after conversion by force.
Islamic Image of the West
The Morisco had his own prejudices borne out of a long history of self-defense.
He was faced with a double-edged sword presenting two unlikely alternatives:
he could assimilate into a society that did not accept him or he could live in
expectation of a return to the golden days of Islam when his ancestors enjoyed
supremacy in Spain. The Moriscos opted for adherence to old traditions on the
strength of history. For an appreciation of their position, it may be helpful to
point to some of the factors underlying their attitude.

Page 76
Historically, relations between Christians and Muslims were characterized by
feelings of mutual antagonism. After the almost categorical Christian refusal to
accept Islam as a religion and its founder as one among the prophets of old,
Islamalthough accommodating some Christian beliefsassumed in practice a less
tolerant attitude toward Christians and Christianity. As a rule, Christians living
in East or West were designated as Rum *, and on occasion Western Christians
were known as Ifranjah, Firanjah, or al-Firanj. Both termsRum and
Ifranjahinvoked repulsion in the mind of a Muslim.30 A Christian ruler, whoever
he might be, was the king of the Rum (malik al-Rum*) and a tyrant
(taghiyah*) from whom no virtue could be expected.31 Christians were infidels
(kuffar*) living in the Abode of War (dar al-harb*), as opposed to the Abode of
Peace (dar* al-islam*), which is the locus of Islam. As ingrates representing a
danger to peace, they ought to be fought as a matter of communal duty (fard*
'ala* al-kifayah*).32This attitude toward Christians evolved and was widely
articulated during and after the Crusades.
It should be emphasized that this general antipathy toward non-Muslims, and
particularly toward Christians, did not prevent a modicum of peaceful
coexistence. More often than not, Christian communities lived unperturbed
under Muslim rule in both East and West and had the full protection of the law
in return for the payment of a poll tax (jizyah) and land tax (khardj*).
However, the prolonged confrontation between Christianity and Islam,
particularly in the western Mediterranean, polarized the two religious
communities, creating prejudices that went beyond juridico-theological
considerations. Appellations of savagery, barbarism, and cruelty were hurled by
members of one group at the other regularly, notwithstanding the long and
intimate relationship that should have established fairer views. No doubt the
psychology of war made it expedient to deny humanity to each other. Muslims,
conceiving the earth as divided into seven zones, invoked the climatic factor to
show the baseness and crudity of Western man, particularly the Firanji of
France, Germany,, and northern Europe, who appeared on the scene during
the Crusades. Ibn Khaldun* (d. 1406) of Tunis, who derives his knowledge
from the works of previous geographers, articulates the notion that regions in
the extreme north and south are unsuitable for civilization due the excessive
cold in the north and excessive heat in the south. Their inhabitants are crude,
closer to animals than civilized beings. These regions include the first zone
running along the equator, hot and intemperate, inhabited by black people
with little or no civilization.33 The opposite climatic extreme includes the
seventh zonecom-prising England, Poland, Finland, Russia, and Bulgar34and
the sixth zonecontaining France, Germany, Saxony, Hungary, part of Poland
and Russia, portions of the Black Sea, and the Khazars, Bulgars, Turks, Gog
and Magog.35 The remaining zonesthe second, third, fourth and fifth,
inhabited mostly by Muslimshave been the site of great civilizations. The fourth
zone is the most temperate and cultivated region; the third and fifth zones
bordering in the fourth are relatively temperate; the sixth and second zones
are far from temperate, however; and the first and seventh zones are least so.
Ibn Khaldun*

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concludes: ''Therefore, the sciences, the crafts, the buildings, the clothing, the
foodstuffs, the fruits, even the animals and everything that comes into being in
the three middle zones are distinguished by their temperate character. The
human inhabitants of these zones are more temperate [well proportioned] in
their bodies, color, character, qualities and general conditions." 36
Such notions may have been a factor in influencing Muslims' attitude toward
northern Europeans. Muslims had felt superior to the If ran jab (Franks), or
northern Europeans, long before their encounters in the Crusades. Muslims in
both East and West recruited a large number of slaves from northern and
eastern Europe, such as the Saqalibah* (Slavs) in Spain, who served their
masters as eunuchs, praetorian guards, and servants. The great historian-
geographer al-Mas'udi* (d. 956) lumps together the Franks, Slavs, Lombards,
Spaniards, Gog and Magog, Turks, Khazars, Bulgarians, Galaclans, and others
by saying simply that they are descendants of Japhet and are white as
opposed to the black people, who are descendants of Ham. He notes that the
Franks and the Galacians are warlike people, well-disciplined, and loyal to their
kings.37
The historian-scientist Sa'id* of Toledo (d. 1070), who was influenced by
geographic determinism, declared that northern Europeans were more like
animals than human beings owing to extreme cold making their temperaments
chilly and their humor rude; he describes them as having huge bodies, lacking
sagacity, and evincing ignorance and stupidity. Slavs, Bulgars, anrs, anr
neighbors share these characteristics.38 His near contemporary, the
geographer and philologist al-Bakri* (d. 1094), describes the Galacians as
inhabitants of an "arid land; they are treacherous, dirty, and bathe once or
twice a year; then with cold water. They never wash their clothes until they are
worn out because they claim that the dirt accumulated as the result of their
sweat softens their body."39 He dismisses Brittany by saying that the language
is unpleasant to the car; the people are ugly, have bad character, and include
many who steal from the French and die on the cross when apprehended.40
One of the most interesting portrayals of Westerners is that of Usamah Ibn
Munqidh (d. 1188), an Eastern official and historian, who met Crusaders in the
Holy Land. He saw the Franks as like animals possessing courage and fighting
prowess. He refers to the new immigrants to the Holy Land as having rude
character, and provides illustrations drawn from his own observation of the
crude state of medical knowledge among the Crusaders. He relates that a
Frankish physician cut a leg on which an abcess had grown, causing the man's
death. A woman afflicted with imbecility was diagnosed as possessed by the
devil; the physician recommended for her cure the shaving of her head, and as
her case worsened, he made a deep cruciform incision on her head,
presumably to chase the devil away, but the woman died in the process.41
But acrimony was most intense at the religious level. Islamic polemics against
Judaism and Christianity began with the founder of Islam, and were expressed
in the Qur'an* and the prophetic traditions (hadith*). They were expanded by
Muslim theologians and jurists over the centuries, resulting in an

Page 78
abundant literature 42 with a dual purpose: (1) self-justification, claiming Islam
as a revealed religion whose place in history is to complement, if not to
supersede both Judaism and Christianity, and (2) self-defense against
Christians who not only denied Muslim claims to superiority but the very validity
of Islam. Only a few highlights of this controversy relating to Morisco polemic
can be noted here.
When, beginning in 610, Muhammad* announced his revelations, he became
involved in controversies not only with his fellow pagan Arabs but with arabized
Jews and Christians. In response to Muhammad's* claim that he was the Seal
of the Prophets announced in the Old and New Testaments and that his new
revelations constituted the continuation and culmination of past prophecies,
Christians and Jews argued that there was no justification for these claims in
Scriptures. They argued, further, that many Qur'anic* statements were not in
consonance with Scriptures. For his part, Muhammad* insisted on the divine
nature of the Qur'an* and referred repeatedly to the basic issues between the
new monotheistic religion and its two sister religions, Judaism and Christianity.
Speaking through the angel Gabriel, Muhammad* considered Jews, Christians,
and Sabaeans as deserving God's reward as long as they believe in God and
the Day of Judgment and they do right.43 He went on to say that Paradise is
not limited to Jews and Christians44 and that the conflicting claims of Jews and
Christians are false, since Allah alone will be the ultimate judge in the Day of
Resurrection.45 Muhammad* noted that God appeals to Jews and Christians to
recognize the new Prophet, "O people of the Scripture! Now has our
messenger come unto you to make things plain after an interval of
messengers."46 God shows His displeasure when He warns the true believers,
"O ye who believe, take not the Jews and Christians for friends."47
Prophetic traditions (hadith*) and Qur'anic* tenets reiterate that both Judaism
and Christianity are revealed religions possessing true scriptures, even though
their adherents have deviated from both the letter and spirit of Holy Scriptures.
In so doing, they have become unbelievers (kuffar*), but they are not barred
from redemption. Christians and Jews were assigned an intermediary status
between belief and unbelief and tolerated in the Islamic community as "people
of Covenant" (ahl al-dhimmah) or "people of revealed Scripture" (ahl al-kitab*).
Jurists defined their legal status, and theologians determined their place in the
hierachy of potential but misguided believers.48
The rationale of the jurist-theologian Ibn Hazm* (d. 1064) of Cordova
illustrates the attitude of a European Muslim who had witnessed the intense
confrontation between Christianity and Islam. Ibn Hazm* was the ablest
polemicist not only in Western Islam, but in the whole Muslim world. In his
work Denominations and Sects,49 he used logic and scriptural documentation
to refute the major philosophical systems and other world religions; his aim was
to assert the validity of Islam and its superiority over all other world religions.
An outstanding feature of his method was the systematic use of Judeo-
Christian scriptures, showing their inconsistencies, contradictions, and

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lack of authenticity and veracity are deemed unquestionable in the light of
history and internal evidence. He wrote at a time when Spanish Islam was in a
state of disarray following the fall of the Umayyad dynasty in 1031. Elsewhere,
he laments the erosion of the Islam of his day, complaining that Muslim rulers
allow the tongues of infidels and polytheists to be free. 50
Ibn Hazm* attacked both Judaism and Christianity, maintaining that their
scriptures were hopelessly adulterated. The Jews had been scattered and their
scriptures destroyed; Christians had lived in secrecy for almost four
centuries.51 The result of this dislocation and cultural turmoil was adulteration,
forgetfulness, omissions, and additions. He collated some seventy passages of
the four Gospels to show textual discrepancies. He argues that such a religion
cannot have a continuous and authentic tradition and surely contains untold
distortion.52 Many Christian beliefs and practicesthe doctrine of the Trinity, the
divinity of Christ, the mixing of divinity anity annity, the incarnation, and
sacramentare innovations; and the four Gospels are full of contradictions and
lies.53 Furthermore, the Christians' version of the Old Testament (Torah) is
different from that of the Jews,54 a fact which Ibn Hazm* demonstrates
through numerous examples relating to the different ages given to several
biblical characters.55 He concludes that discrepancies and contradictions such
as these could not have emanated from God or His prophets or even from well-
informed, truthful persons.56 It follows that one or both versions of the Torah
are false, which places the very bases of Jewish and Christian doctrine in grave
doubt. Moreover, both versions contain shameful lies, thus reducing Judaism
and Christianity to nothing. He ends by praising God for the great gift of Islam,
whose doctrine is devoid of any lie or error and which was transmitted by a
continuous and authentic tradition through His truthful Messenger
Muhammad*.57
This is tantamount to a dismissal of both Judaism and Christianity, but Ibn
Hazm* goes on to a more detailed scrutiny of the Gospels, showing the various
discrepancies found therein with regard to Christ's genealogy, his temptation
by the Devil, and humanity. Matthew's version of the geneaology of Christ
departs in various points from that in the Old Testament.58 Luke contradicts
Matthew.59 Ibn Hazm* compares Matthew and Luke concerning Christ's
encounter with the Devil and the reported temptation of Christ.60 Finally, he
objects to such reports, saying that Christ could not have allowed himself to be
taken from one place to another by the Devil, particularly if one grants, as
Christians do, that Christ is Godeven for a prophet, temptations to worship the
devil or to grant him the power of creating a king of the world are not
feasible.61 The Christian argument to the effect that the Devil was addressing
himself to the humanity in Christ is rejected by Ibn Hazm*, who maintains that
the divinity and humanity of Christ cannot be split arbitrarily.62 Moreover,
Matthew (4:12-22), Mark (1:14-20), Luke (5:1-11), and John (1:35-42) differ
among themselves in reporting these incidents with respect to time, place, and
conditions; these inconsistencies cannot be attributed either to God or to true
prophets.63

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The same contradictions occur in the Gospels in the treatment of such subjects
as abrogation or no abrogation, circumcision, and sabbath. 64 The attribution
of divinity to Christ is traditionally abhorrent to Islam; Ibn Hazm* refutes this
notion on the basis of the same scriptures which he considers adulterated,
stating that Christ refers to himself as a mortal being and the son of man, and
thus it is absurd to equate Jesus with God and to conceive him as representing
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit simultaneously.65 It is also absurd to maintain that
God died.66 It was the apostles who perpetuated the notion of the divinity of
Christ and who arrogated to themselves divine authority, thereby corrupting
the reality of Christ's religious mission.67
Essentially, Ibn Hazm* reaffirms established Islamic doctrine with respect to
the state of the Judeo-Christian scriptures, the permissibility of abrogation, and
the denial of Christ's divinity and the whole concept of the Trinity. However,
what is novel in his treatment is his textual analytic method. He draws on deep
familiarity with the writings of his adversaries to reach conclusions often filled
with acrimony and irreverence. Christian polemics adopted such an approach
against Islam only after twelfth-century translation of the Qur'an* at the
behest of Peter the Venerable.68 Thereafter, the use of scriptural texts became
the chief method in religious arguments, an example of which is Alfonso X's
biography of Muhammad* and his ascension to heaven (mi'raj*)both of which
no doubt paraphrased Arabic sources.69 After the success of the reconquest in
the thirteenth century and the subsequent preponderance of Christians over
Muslims, it may be assumed that Christians, in their eagerness to convert
Muslims to Christianity, undertook the task of familiarizing themselves with
Islamic scriptures if only to show to potential converts the fallacy of their
religion. Thus, clerics learned Arabic to assist them in the task of conversion.
Conversely, Muslims who resisted conversion found themselves obligated to
defend their belief and to retort in kind, using the method of textual criticism
inaugurated by their compatriot Ibn Hazm* in the eleventh century.
Evidence of such an approach can be seen in some Arabic works that appear
to have served as models for Aljamiado literature in approach and content.
Discovery of such writings would have comprised their very existence. The
Moriscos appear to have responded to presistent attack not only by defending
themselves but also by disseminating basic Islamic beliefs. Muslims had always
conceived their religion to be a continuation and culmination of the Judeo-
Christian traditions, Islam being the third and last cycle of a divine plan and
abrogating Christianity in the same manner the latter was revealed to abrogate
Judaism. In spite of the general belief that Jews and Christians tampered with
their own scriptures to a point of unbelief, there is still specific reference in
their scriptures attesting to the validity and mission of Islam in the divine plan.
Only through misinterpretation of those texts, not to mention omissions and
additions, was Islam denied its rightful place as a true religion superseding
both Judaism and Christianity.
Disputation of this nature gained currency in Western Islam. Abu-l-*

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Walid * al-Baji* (d. 1081), a friend of Ibn Hazm*, defended the Islamic
religion in response to a letter written by a French monk to al-Muqtadir (d.
1082), the Muslim ruler of Saragossa. He was followed by Qadi* 'Iyad* (d.
1149), who wrote a book on the merit of Muhammad* on the basis of
supposed refences to him in the Old and New Testaments, emphasizing his
miracles anles anluding with an assurance of the superiority of Islam over other
religions.70 The work influenced subsequent authors, including Morisco
writing.71 Of equal importance are the work of the Cordovan al-Khazraji (12th
c.),72 The Triumph over the Cross (Kitab* maqami* 'al-Sulban*), and that of
the mystic Ibn Sab'in* (d. 1271), who wrote an anti-Christian treatise.73 The
Moriscos relied heavily upon the polemical tradition.
The Confirmation of Religion (ta'yid* al-Millah) is significant in this connection.
It is an Arabic treatise against the Jews written in 762/1360 by Abu*
Zakariya* Yahya* b. Ibrahim* b. 'Umar, known as Muhammad* al-Raqili*, who
lived in the province of Aragn and died about 1405.74 This treatise shows
great affinity in form and content to the Aljamiado manuscript BNM 4944,
which will be analyzed, (see below). Defensive in character, the treatise
attempts to nullify what the author conceives to be the distortion and lies of
the Jews of his day against Islam. He draws his documentation from the Torah,
the Psalms, and the Book of the Prophets in order to show not only the
distortion of the scriptures, but the revocation of the covenant entered into
between the Jews and God. In the introduction to the Confirmation of Religion,
the author laments that since he must live among polytheists and his own
ignorant and ill-equipped co-religionists, he is compelled to study the scriptures
of his adversary in order to silence and dispel any doubt about the validity of
Islam. From internal evidence in the scriptures, the author deduces that the
Jews rebelled repeatedly against God, failed to fulfill sacred promises, and were
ungrateful for divine bounty, after which God punished them by voiding the
covenant He earlier made with them. The body of the treatise is divided into
five sections, each containing several chapters devoted to specific issues.
The first section75 is devoted to the question of whether the descendants of
Isaac or those of Isma'il* are the actual recipients of God's favors and
blessings. This question was an issue not only between Muslims and Jews, but
between Muslims and Christians as well. In the Judeo-Christian view, Muslims
were the descendants of the concubine Hagar; hence they were bastards, or
"agarenos."76 Thus, Moriscos took a special interest in this questions.77
Muslims maintained that it was Isma'il*, the son of Hagar, and not Isaac, the
son of Sarah, who was favored by God despite the fact that Hagar was a slave
given by Sarah to Abraham. He was the first offspring and the legitimate
descendant of Abraham. The Jewish argument that Sarah, the mother of
Isaac, is better than Hagar by virtue of her status is contrary to God's
promises, which were fulfilled by the descendants of Isma'il* and not by those
of Isaac, as both the history and the territorial situation of the day
demonstrate: Isma'il's* descendants, the Arabs, and not the descendants of
Isaac, have domain over the Holy Land and other vast territories.

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The second section 78 examines the Jewish denial that there was any divine
revelation subsequent to that given to them. The author attempts to show the
fallacy of such views, maintaining that God revealed himself to various people
over a long period of time, abrogating some decrees and replacing them with
others. Such changes are construed by the Jews to indicate that God changed
His mind, thereby compromising His Divine Will, but such a construction is
false.
In the third section,79 the author demonstrates that the coming of
Muhammad* was foretold in the Jewish scriptures. He invokes the authority of
Deut. 18:16-19, saying that those verses refer specifically to Muhammad* and
Muslims and not to Job and the Jews.80 He also calls attention to the
prophecies of Daniel (Psalms 71:12) and those of Jesus (John 14-16)
foretelling the coming of the Holy Spirit, which is Muhammad*.
To give credance to this interpretation, the author takes up in the fourth
section81 the miracles of Muhammad*, contrasting them with those performed
by previous prophets. Among those miracles are the inimitability of the
Qur'an*, the splitting of the moon into two halves, supplying ten thousand
men with water which flowed from his fingers, making the sun stand still, and
others. All of these were extraordinary feats, greater than any performed
before, and they demonstrate the obvious superiority of Islam and Muslims
over Judaism and Jews.
In the fifth section,82 the author continues his diatribe against Jews, pointing
to their infidelity and their rebellion against God, who relegated them to
perdition, servility, and humiliation until the Day of Judgment. This is why God
did not speak to them about Paradise, Hell, the Day of Judgment, resurrection,
rewards, and punishment in the hereafter. Jews have been incapable of
adhering to the prescriptions related to worldly affairs, committing many
sinssuch as failure to observe the Mosaic Commandments, fornication,
transgression of the Sabbath, assassination of prophets, worship of the golden
calf and other idols, adultery, incest, and other crimes. Al-Raqili* concludes
The Confirmation of Religion by calling upon the Jews to repent and believe in
Christ and Muhammad* as the messengers of God, reiterating the biblical
warnings ordaining their doom and reaffirming that Muslims alone are heirs to
divine legacies as foretold in the scriptures.
Of great historical relevance also to the Aljamiado polemic contained in BNM
4944 are the works of Muhammad* al-Qaysi* and that of Fray Anselmo
Turmeda, known as 'Abdallah al-Tarjuman*. Al Qaysi* is described in the
manuscript as a cultured man (sabidor) from al-Zaytunah Mosque in Tunis who
served as secretary in Lrida,83 where he came into contact with Moriscos and
Christians and the religious issues separating them. He wrote an anti-Christian
polemic84 in which he appears to have relied on a certain 'Abdallah al-Katibo*
or 'Abdallah al-asir*,85 who in all probability was Fray Anselmo Turmeda (d.
1424), a renegade who served at the Tunisian court and wrote Tuhfah*,
consisting of an autobiography and a refutation of Christianity.86 Al-Qaysi's*
manuscript consists of three folios limited to refuting the Christian

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view concerning the divine and human natures of Christ. Al-Qaysi * maintained
that Christ was mortal being and a prophet, not a god. His birth from a virgin,
his miracles, and his other endowments were no more extraordinary than those
of other prophets. The births of Adam and Eve were as extraordinary, if not
more so than that of Christ; yet neither one was considered God.87
Furthermore, should it be allowed that Christ is God, it is inconceivable that
God should constitute a trinity or a compound existence (wujud*), science
('ilm), and life (hayah*)which correspond to father (existence), son (science),
and Holy Spirit (life).88 For Al-Qaysi*, to say that divinity is science and
humanity is the body of Christ and that these can be combined in the same
way water, milk, and wine are combined is fallacious, constituting an
abomination that only an ignoramus can accept. Al-Qaysi* elaborates on these
points: Science is a quality that cannot be transferred from one thing to
another. Moreover, the whole concept of mixture of science and body is absurd
since mixture is a propriety while science and body are not. Al-Qaysi*
concludes that Christ was one of God's creatures in whom the power of God
was made manifest through extraordinary deeds such as resurrection, the
power of healing, and other miracles.
Turmeda may have served as a bridge between two warring religions by virtue
of his dual Islamic-Christian background, his bilingualism, and his extensive
travels through and exposure to both Christian and Islamic cultures. Born in
Mallorca, Turmeda traveled to Lrida in Aragn, Barcelona, Lombardy, Sicily,
and finally, Tunis, where he became a Muslim and a staunch defender of the
new faith. His Tuhfah* reveals his early curiosity about the identity of the
Paraclete mentioned in John (14:16, 16:7), identified by Islamic tradition with
Muhammad* or Ahmad* since the Greek Paraclete and the Arabic Ahmad*
both mean "praised" or "laudable." Turmeda relates that his elderly mentor, a
priest, acknowledged that Muhammad* was the Paraclete, making Islam the
true religion guaranteeing salvation on earth as well as in Heaven.89 His
mentor added that he would embrace it himself were it not for his advanced
age.90 Following this advice, Turmeda became Muslim at the age of thirty-five,
married, and had a son whom he named Muhammad*.91 He entered the
service of the Tunisian ruler, becoming his translator (tarjuman*). In
823/1420, he completed his Tuhfah*, the third section of which, using the
gospels as a point of reference, is devoted to a refutation of Christianity. He
follows Ibn Hazm's* approach in both form and content, indulging in similar
acidic attacks. Although he points to many corruptions and alterations in the
holy texts, he does not hesitate to quote them profusely to illustrate the validity
of Islam. He divides the work into the following nine headings.
1. Refutation of Christians.92 In the manner of Ibn Hazm*, Turmeda maintains
on the basis of collation of texts that the Gospels are not in agreement and
contain many lies and discrepancies. He condemns the authors for doing
violence to Christ's religion, adding to, subtracting from, and modifying the
work of God. They had hardly any acquaintance with Jesus; in fact, Turmeda
notes that Matthew never met Christ, and Luke have become a

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Christian at the hands of Paul, who was the enemy of true Christians. 93 The
same is true of Mark, who was converted by Peter,94 and John wrote in
Greek.95 Given all these factors, one can hardly rely upon them. Turmeda
supplies examples of their distortions.96
2. Division of Christians into seventy-two sects.97 Turmeda shows the
inconsistency in Christian beliefs, accusing them of lies and calumnies. Some
Christians conceive Christ as God and Creator, contrary to statements in
Matthew 26:37-42 and John 11:41-42, which point out that Christ was a
mortal who feared death and invoked the name of "his God." Other sects
believe that Christ was both God and manGod on the part of his father and
man on the part of his motherand others claim such absurdities as his divine
part descending to Hell and bringing Adam, Abraham, and the rest of the
prophets to Heaven.
3. Corruption of Christian dogmas.98 Turmeda condemns the five Christian
articles of faith as false: (1) baptism as a prerequisite to Paradise questions the
whereabouts of Abraham, Moses, and others who were not baptized; (2) the
belief in the Trinity is an absurdity on general grounds and specifically also in
the light of Mark's statements (13:4,32) recognizing Christ's limitations as a
mortal being; (3) also absurd is the concept of incarnation, which claims that
Christ is man on the part of his mother and God on the part of his Fatherwhile
his birth is a miracle, it is no more miraculous than the birth of Adam or the
creation of angels; (4) the belief in the Eucharist (qurban*) is blasphemy for
acknowledging bread as Christ's body and wine as his blood; and (5)
confession of sin to a priest as a form of expiation is not mentioned by Christ or
in the Gospels. This illicit practice allows priests and the pope to forgive sins,
often in exchange for money or favors!
4. All in all, the whole Christian doctrine is a false one99 and was written for
the Christians by Peter. To say that God is one and yet that he has a son who
is His co-Creator is a gross contradiction, constituting unbelief.
5. Turmeda proceeds to show that Christ is not God but a prophet.100 The
Gospels attest to his humanity in discussion of his genealogy. Turmeda
wonders how he can be a god when God is primeval, does not beget, and is
not begotten. How can he be Creator and created at one and the same time,
particularly when Christ displayed such human qualities as eating, drinking,
and cutting his nails and hair. He adds that intellectual proofs and textual
evidence (nusus*) attest that God is not a body nor a substance nor an
accident; He is indivisible and immutable. None of these qualities can be
applied to Christ, who was born in a place and in time; time cannot have
existed prior to the birth of its creator. In short, whoever is born in time and in
a place is an animal and a son of animal being. Christ, a man and the son of
man, is simply the noblest of the animal species.
6. Turmeda continues to show the enormous discrepancies in the Gospels with
respect to events and their sequence, place, time, and other details.101
7. In sum, such statements attributed to Christ are lies and fabrications by the
writers of the Gospels.102

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8. Having demonstrated the fallacy of Christianity, Turmeda takes up Christian
criticism of Islam. 103 To the argument that pious Muslims marry and monks do
not, Turmeda answers that David had a hundred wives and Solomon a
thousand, not to mention other prophets who were married and had children.
Thus, Christians are in violation of the Scriptures and are followers of Paul
(Corinthians 7:10-11), who ordered monogamy and celibacy for priests.104 The
same can be said about circumcision, which, according to Luke, was performed
on Christ.105 With respect to eating and drinking in Paradise, Christian
objection is unfounded; according to Matthew 25:29 and Mark 16:25, Christ
himself referred to much eating and drinking.106 This does not preclude the
existence of castles, jewels, and other things in Heaven.107 Finally, to the
Christian objection to Muslims' assuming names of prophets, Turmeda retorts
that it is shortsighted and foolish for Christians to deny Muslims the names of
mortals while they assume the names of angels such as Gabriel, Michael, and
the rest.108
9. Turmeda concludes the Tuhfah* with the most important questionthat is,
confirmation of Muhammad's* prophecy on the basis of the Old and New
Testaments.109 This theme was reiterated by al-Qaysi*110 and the
Moriscos.111 He cites scriptures profusely, noting numerous references to the
coming of Muhammad*. Among these were: when Hagar fled from Sarah, the
angel ordered her to return, saying that her son Isma'il* would become the
most glorious of people and that one of his descendants, Muhammad*, would
rule over mankind and spread his religion, Islam, through East and West
among the most civilized people (Genesis 16:6-12); God told Moses that he
would bring forth a prophet like him (Deut. 18:18); David said that such a
prophet would come and would reign from sea to sea to the extreme point of
the earth (Psalms 72:8); John (15:28) referred to the coming of the Paraclete,
a Greek word which has the same meaning as Ahmad* (the Praised One).112
Morisco Polemics: Aljemiado Manuscript BNM 4944
From such antecedentsIbn Hazm*, Raqili*, Turmeda, and al-Qaysi*one is able
not only to gain insight into the cultural background and religious perspectives
of the Moriscos, but also to understand the content and the method of the
Morisco polemics, which preserve many of the traditional concepts.
An Aljamiado manuscript in the National Library of Madrid (BNM 4944) is a
valuable document in this connection. The work was written in the fifteenth or
sixteenth century and bears no name. An obvious explanation might be the
enormous strictures imposed on the Moriscos. The work does refer to al-
Qaysi*113 and to a certain 'Abdallah al-Asir* (the Captive),114 who may be
identified with Fray Anselmo Turmeda, known as 'Abdallah al-Taruman*.
BNM 4944 is a composite work consisting of two parts: the first an anti-Jewish
polemic of some thirty-five folios,115 and the second and longer,116 a
refutation of Christianity which appears to rely on al-Qaysi*, who, in turn,
appears to have relied on Turmeda and Ibn Hazm* with respect not only to the

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points discussed but also to the method of argumentationthat is, stating the
argument of the adversary, producing evidence to contradict it, and drawing
the desired conclusion.
The anti-Jewish polemics are violent in tone, opening with an accusation that
Jews attempted to kill Moses and in fact killed other prophets and pious men.
117 It continues with a systematic deliberation about Hagar, the mother of
Isma'il*, who had been given by Sarah to her husband Abraham; closely
following Raqili*, the Morisco argues that Hagar was as much a wife as Sarah;
and that Isma'il* and his descendants were the recipients of God's blessing
and the legitimate heirs to the kingdom of mankind. Using the Torah as a
basis, the author argues that when Sarah could not bear Abraham a child, she
gave Hagar as a wife (su-mujer) to bear Abraham a child. When Hagar
conceived and the damage (injuriya) was done, Abraham wanted to give her
back, but Hagar fled, to be intercepted by the angel, who commended her to
return to Sarah and to inform her that the angel of God had said that she
would have a son, who will guide the people and will oversee them.118
Subsequently, Isma'il* was circumcised119 and the angel told Abraham that he
and his son would be the fathers of "many prophets."120 When Sarah bore
Isaac, at the age of ninety, God entered into a covenant with him which was
far less binding than the blessing bestowed upon Isma'i1*; consequently, the
Jewish pretension that Isaac's decendants are the heirs of the earth on the
ground that God made a testament with Isaac and that Sarah was the wife
and Hagar merely a servant does not conform to reality,121 since a blessing
has more force than a contract. The distance between God and the Jews was
increased when the contract was violated through unbelief, killing of prophets,
and other abominations.122 Moreover, the Jews failed to acknowledge
Christ123 and committed a further enormity by not believing in
Muhammad*.124 The testimony of history supports the supremacy of the
decendants of Isma'il*, who occupy the Holy Land abandoned by the Jews and
more recently wrested from the Christians.125 All this disqualifies the
descendants of Isaac as the heirs of the earth; only Muslims, the sons of
Isma'il*, are the true heirs.126 The author returns to the legitimacy of Hagar,
saying that her servitude does not diminish her dignity, for Joseph was made
captive, but his position was not diminished thereby.127 The allegation that a
wife cannot give her husband another wife without blessing (barakha*) (sic) is
false since Sarah herself married without blessing. Furthermore, the author
notes biblical precedent in the case of Jacob, who also had children by
servants, gifts of his sterile wives Rachel and Leah. Thus, the sons of Jacob,
the forefathers of the Jews, were also the children of concubines.128 In sum,
the preeminence of the children of Isma'il* was foretold. Isma'il* had twelve
children on whom God placed nobility and supremacy, through the Arabs
('arabes), over all people.129 Once more, he reminds the Jews of the case of
Jacob.130
The Jews committed many sins that would be hard to enumerate. In addition,
their scriptures were destroyed by the Assyrian kings and rewritten later with
many spurious passages. Moses himself broke the tablets containing the

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Ten Commandments upon his return from the mountain after he saw his
people worshiping the bull (golden calf). 131 As a result, their scriptures
contain worldly things to satisfy their desire, omitting important things related
to the hereafter such as the Last Day, Paradise, and Hell.132 They were cursed
by God, who bestowed His power, mercy, and grace on the descendants of
Isma'il* through Muhammad* and the Qur'an*, relegating the Jews to
perdition until such time as they believe in Jesus as prophet and in
Muhammad* as prophet and messenger of God.133
Now the author comes to the role of mission announced by the prophets of old.
Moses was told about the coming of Muhammad*, whose followers would be
the actual heirs of the earth.134 God told Habaquq* that He would assist the
children of Qaydar, descendants of Isma'il* and ancestors of the Arabs, with
angels, white horses, and arms and would submit people to Islam.135 The
author also mentions two knights: the one riding on an ass refers to Christ; the
other, on a camel, to Muhammad*.136 The miracles of Muhammad*such as
the splitting of the moon, supplying water from his fingers to ten thousand
men and beasts, the closing of the cave in the face of his pursuers, making a
barren sheep give milk, and other marvelswere not tricks or works of magic,
but supernatural deeds that are the equal and even superior to any miracle
performed by a prophet of old.137 And there is the miracle of the spread of
Islam.138 Isaiah, Amos, and Jeremiah predicted the anger and curse of God
upon the Jews.139 Thus, the Jews have no hope of regaining their inheritance
at the coming of the Messiah. Any Muslim should thank God for not having
been made an infidel and a cursed Jew.140
This anti-Jewish polemic is a rendition of al-Raqili's* Confirmation of Religion,
which is closely followed with respect to form, tone, and content. The anti-
Christian polemic proceeds with less harshness, appearing quite conciliatory in
an attempt, perhaps, to find common ground with Christianity. Like the anti-
Jewish polemic, it has the definite purpose of strengthening Moriscos' faith in
the face of attacks by Christian polemicists. In fact, the author states, ''I wish
to demonstrate the blindness of the goyim for all those who will read this book
so that they may know and understand how they should dispute with them
and what is their belief."141 An interesting feature of the polemic is a dialogue
between a Muslim and a Christian, each of whom states his case and the point
preoccupying him.
The anti-Christian polemic, transliterated by Cardaillac, consists of sixty-five
folios142 with the following major headings: a dispute with Christians,143
discord among Christians (dekonkordamiyento),144 the dispute of al-Qaysi*
with a priest,145 a chapter dealing with the birth of Jesus,146 a chapter on the
Trinity,147 and a letter of 'Umar Ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz to Emperor Leon.148
The treatise deals basically with traditional concepts concerning the person and
nature of Christ, his resurrection, the Trinity, and other questions dealt with
previously by Ibn Hazm* and 'Abdallah al-Tarjuman*. Further, it defends Islam
and contrasts the two religions in beliefs and observances, attempting to
illuminate the differences between the two.

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In the dispute with Christians, the Morisco insists that Christ was a mere
prophet as foretold in the old prophecies. He appeared in the Holy Land as
bearer of a true religion and had some seven hundred true believers
(kereyentes), whom Paul, the Jew, fought and expelled, 149 tricking some of
them into believing that Christ was God.150 Thus, Christians follow Paul, the
Jew, and not Christ, the prophet. Paul was followed by Jacob and Nastur
(Nestorious), who said that Christ was the son of God, and then by Malqun*,
who said that he was three in one. Thus, gradually Christians went astray and
only a few of them reached and embraced Islam.
The author then shows the falsity of Christian claims, basing his arguments on
the Gospels. These clearly state that Christ is not a god. Christ referred to
himself as a mortal being, and in the Sermon on the Mount, Christ said, "Your
Creator sees and hears you," but did not say, "I see and hear me."151 The
author remarks, "What a great blindness this is. They read, but do not
understand, like a donkey carrying books."152 In Mark, Christ says, ''I shall
send my angels before you"; he did not say, "before me."153 And the author
notes, "It is a great wonder how they do not know, nor understand; they make
false testimony against themselves knowing quite well that when Jesus
resurrected the dead, he prayed to and pleaded with the Creator, stretching
his hands toward heaven."154 He relates the birth of Christ according to
Luke,155 showing the relation between Creator and created and concluding
that God and not Christ is the Creator of all things, Knower, Powerful, Primeval,
having no partner, or the Like of Him. Thus, it is an absurdity to say that Jesus,
the son of Mary, is either God or a Trinity, which "God does not wish, nor we
Muslims believe to be true, for we believe that God is the Lord without partner
and that Jesus was the prophet, messenger, and servant of the Creator."156
The author delves into the humanity of Christ with various arguments and
counterarguments:157 (1) He discounts the contention that the Word, which is
God and by which all things were created, could be Christ, saying that the
Word is primeval and does not grow or decrease; Christ was a child and
became big; thus, the contention that Christ is the Word is a "big lie."158 (2)
The author poses the question, if Jesus was God and man, who died and who
was buried for three days, who managed the world on those days?159 He
answers that Jesus was created through God's power as Adam was created
from dust.160 (3) Moreover, Jesus was not the last prophet, for he himself
announced the coming of the Paraclete who would bear witness to him and he
urged his followers to believe in him. The Paraclete means "the praised one,"
corresponding to the Arabic names of Ahmad* or Muhammad*, the "spirit of
the truth" that will bring all good tidings.161 (4) If Jesus is God and the son of
God, it follows that he is the son of his own self, an absurdity which no man of
understanding could accept.162 Moreover, the contention is false since it can
be extended and applied to other creatures. Thus, if Adam is the son of God,
then by the same token he would be considered God, and this would be a joke
(burla) for God alone is the Maker of all things, which are subordinate to Him,

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not he to them. Christ is created of flesh and blood (ya-l-masih * es kiriado de
qarne i de sanghere).163 In sum, Christ was a man of flesh and blood, a
prophet (al-nabi*), and the son of God (fijo de-Allah*). There were hundreds
of witnesses to testify to this, but two or four witnesses would suffice.164
The treatise is followed by excerpts from the book of al-Qaysi*, who again
appears to have relied on 'Abdallah al-katibo*.165 It refers to "the monks of the
Temple" (farayeles de-l-tenpolo) who followed a true believer (al mumin*).
These monks had many villages and castles; they believed in God's unity and in
the veracity of Jesus' sayings, which were distorted by later Christian infidels
(kafires*),166 some of whom maintained that God was three; others that Jesus
was His Son; and a third group that Jesus was God.167
The excerpt proceeds in the form of an inquiry by a certain knight (fulan*
kaballero) who asks, "Are you not ashamed that you worship other than the
Creator following the path of Paul, the Jew, and abandoning the wisemen,
saints, and the admonitions (kastigos) of Jesus and other prophets?"168 Then,
on the basis of the Qur'an* (4:157), al-Qaysi* examines the death of Christ,
who was neither killed nor crucifiedalthough it appears to have been so169and
reiterates the humanity of Christ, "servant of the Creator" (komo servidor de-l-
kiriyador): "Know my brother, that there is no God but GodMay He be
praisedwho is the Creator, the One, Alone, without a partner or semblance;
powerful over and knower of all past and future things; and that the Prophet
Muhammad* is His servant and messenger, who gave light to the blind in the
world, and who showed the road and path of salvation. He is one of the two
riders referred to by the Prophet Isaiah, . . . who announced the coming of two
prophets: the one riding a donkey [Jesus] and the other riding a camel
[Muhammad*].170
The treatise offers more arguments and counterarguments concerning the
humanity of Christ: (1) Having been born in time, Jesus could not have been
God: for if he were God, it would follow that God is created and made of
different pans.171 Furthermore, if Jesus is God, how is it possible that he
died?172 (2) God is all-powerful, knower, primeval Creator (kiriyador antigo),
infinite, and perfect.173 His unity cannot be compromised. But if the Christians
say that knowledge, power, and will of the Creator are manifested in Christ,
since knowledge, power, and will are one and the same thing and represent
God, Son, and the Holy Spirit, respectively, one will retort, Why three parts and
not more?174 (3) Christians maintain that Jesus was tempted by the Devil; but
how could this be so if he is God, who is all-powerful over all things?175
A very interesting part of the manuscript (BNM 4944) is a supposed secret
letter discovered at the death of a pope, purported to refer to the true
faiththat is, to Islam.176 The letter was discovered by the king of France, who
became concerned about its implications. He summoned the clergy and told
them that the Muslims, who believe in one God, would conquer all the land
unless they were expelled with Jews and monks. The narrator concludes that
while the king managed to dispose of Jews and monks, he was not able to
dispose of the Muslims.

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Other hopeful signs for the future of Islam in Spain appear in the dialogue
between al-Qaysi * and a monk, who was accompanied by a knight (kaballero),
who was an unbeliever. When they asked about his belief, al-Qaysi* replied:
"My belief is unity [of God]; my prophet is Muhammad*, who is the prophet of
the truth whom Jesus mentioned in the Gospel as the Paraclete, or spirit. He is
spirit in both the old law and the Gospel and you cannot deny it; that is all, and
leave me alone and spare me your noise and polemics (desputas)."177 The
monk persisted, however; "Inform me about what you say regarding unity." Al-
Qaysi* replied: "I believe that Godmay He be praisedis One, Power, Sovereign
Lord, without beginning or end, and without form or semblance." To which the
monk retorted that, according to the Qur'an*, you Muslims say one thing and
believe in something else, providing God with body, hands, legs, members, the
faculties of moving, descending and ascending.178 Al-Qaysi* appears reluctant
to offer him a lengthy reply, reminding the monk of his confession of faith and
pointing out that the monk does not understand the way things are expressed
in the Arabic language; thus, discussion would be futile. Furthermore, al-
Qaysi* observes that the knight, failing to understand the terms of disputation,
will be maddened by it and resort to hurling insults. Therefore, al-Qaysi*
concludes "Let your law be yours and my law be mine."179 However, the
knight reassured al-Qaysi* that he had nothing to fear. So al-Qaysi* took the
offensive and asked the monk if he believed that Jesus is God, a trinity, or the
son of God, to which the monk answered in the affirmative. Al-Qaysi* offered
his rebuttal, saying that such views were vain utterances (dichos vanos) and
presenting arguments to demonstrate Jesus' humanity. He offered a Muslim
conception of Jesus as the spirit of God (ruh* allah*) who was blessed
wherever he went, who received the grace and blessing of God and the gift of
the self.180 He noted that the events surrounding Christ's birth and other
scriptural sayings offer ample evidence that Christ was a messenger of God.181
Al-Qaysi* was here interrupted by the monk, who insisted on a reply to his
early question concerning the anthropomorphic nature of God. Al-Qaysi*, in
turn, refused to reply until the monk offered his reaction to the discussion
concerning Christ. Finally the knight interceded, saying to al-Qaysi*: "By God,
you have said a great truth and in a clear way that no one can contradict; you
spoke about the faith using words that are heavier on me than the high
mountains." As he was leaving, he turned to the monk and said, "This Muslim
(moro] will give you advice [avezara] that your knowledge lacks; I am certain
that you will not be able to defeat him with any rational argument [razon
nenguna]."182
This marked a triumph for al-Qaysi*, who in answer to the monk's question
reiterated 'Abdallah al-katibo*:183 the Qur'anic* verse (5:64) referring to God's
hands being tied signifies "grace" while the verse, "We made the heaven with
the hand" (51:47) signifies power.184 In answer to the monk's skepticism
about eating and drinking in Paradise, al-Qaysi* invokes the words of Christ
and the Gospels permitting such activities.185 Finally, with respect to

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forgiveness of sins, al-Qaysi * reiterates 'Abdallah, saying that the Almighty
forgives all Muslims who read, listen, and understand the Qur'an*, regardless
of their station in life.186
The treatise proceeds with an examination of the Christian conception of
mingling (el meskalamiyento) of the Word (God) with the body in the womb of
Mary, thereby creating Christ in the same manner in which water and milk are
blended; al-Qaysi* rejects this notion as arbitrary; why should the son be
conceived in Christ and not in Moses, Abraham, or any other prophet?187 To
the Christian objection that this could not be possible since Christ resurrected
the dead and performed miracles, such as converting a staff into a serpent and
forging a road into the sea.188 Al-Qaysi* further argues that since Christians
concede that Christ died, they must admit that God died also.189
Al-Qaysi* concludes by refuting the conception of the Trinity, in which Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit correspond to existence, life, and knowledge. He asks,
"Why should Christ be made of three and not more than three that would
include will, power, hearing, seeing, speaking and other similar things (
sembalanses)?190
The final section of the anti-Christian polemic is the reported letter of 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'Aziz* to the Byzantine Emperor Leon.191 If authentic, the treatise is
the earliest of its kind, setting down the basic Islamic conception of Christianity
vis--vis Islam. 'Umar tells the emperor that religion is a serious matter and
should be carefully pondered so as to follow the right path. He urges him to
heed Christ's words, and turn away from distorted scriptures (las eskirituras
tarastornadas),192 the result of additions, omissions, and forgetfulness of
people who injected into them their scandals, doubts, and unbeliefs (sus
eskandalos i sus dubdas i mal kerensiyas).193 This, sadly, is true for the Torah
as well as the Gospels; for one thing, the Torah omits the notions of Paradise,
Hell, and the Day of Judgment. The Gospels were written by various persons
and contain changes and whims.194 Only God's Book (alkitab* d-Allah*)the
Qur'an*is one and true. It does not contradict the unadulterated Torah or the
true Gospels, nor does it contradict God's commands or His religion.195 In fact,
Islam is the true religion; the true Torah and the true Gospels do not contradict
this. Islam is the religion of His angels and the religion of His prophets,
because our Lord God does not mislead His people not would He give them two
religions to guide some with one and mislead others with another, for the Lord
is one and His religion is one.196 Angels and prophets worshiped and believed
in HimHe is the Lord of the World and of all things. 'Umar observes that, unlike
Christians, Muslims remained faithful to God's ordinances, and the true belief is
that Christ was a man and not God, according to his own utterances, invoking
God's name or praying to Him.197 Furthermore, Christ anounced the coming of
the Paraclete, of Muhammad*. in fact, the coming of both Christ and
Muhammad* was foretold by the Scriptures, the one riding a donkey and the
other riding a camel.198 'Umar's letter denies that Christ was tempted by the
Devil and reiterates the humanity of Christ, who was sent by God to establish
the right path.199 However, he argues

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that Christ's mission was distorted by Christians, who thought of him as God,
and by Jews, who expected him to sit on David's throne and rule the earth,
when actually he did not. 200 Christ's humanity is attested to by his birth and
by the fact that he ate, drank, grew, and experienced fever, hunger, and thirst
like any mortal being.201 All things considered, 'Umar concludes, the birth and
formation of Christ were no more marvellous than those of Adam or those of
the moon and other stars.202 The same can be said of Christ's other miracles,
which were no different or more marvellous than those performed by other
prophets.203
In conclusion, manuscript BNM 4944 is a composite treatise, a collection of
writings by persons who lived from the eighth (the letter of the Caliph 'Umar,
717-720) to the fifteenth century (Turmeda's Tuhfah*). As a result, basic
doctrinal concepts are reiterated with almost boring monotony. Judging by the
uniformity of style and the form of transcription, language, and script, one may
assume that the treatise was by a single author, who may also have been the
scribe. This author may be said to be the translator or paraphraser of the
works, ideas, and methods of his Muslim predecessors. He is not an innovator
in the art of polemics, although he discerns the important doctrinal questions
and couches these in language intelligible to his less erudite co-religionists,
who were apparently in need of defense against contemporary anti-Muslim
polemicists.
Other polemical writings may have existed among the Moriscos, with a content
similar to manuscript BNM 4944. Evidence of this may be found in Manuscript
RAH-V7204 which differs in script, form of transliteration, and language from
BNM 4944, but parallels it regarding the basic controversial issuessuch as the
coming of Christ and his death; his seven hundred true followers persecuted by
Paul, who also appears the villian in corrupting the true Christian doctrine; and
the secret letter left at the death of a pope.205 Although BNM 4944 hints at
the laxity of Christians in the church, where women and men meet playfully
and pray loudly,206 RAH-V7 is more vocal in ridiculing Christians' prayers and
religious practices. Men look at women in a sensual way and vice versa,207 so
their oration aims at serving the Devil instead of God. Such shameful conduct is
rampant among monks, friars, and abbots, who are often tempted to have
intercourse with women during confessions; thus, instead of alleviating a sin,
they compound it for themselves and the penitent. To exacerbate the offences,
the whole practice of confession is wrong; for God alone is the confessor and
forgiver of sins.208
The purpose of such polemics appears obvious: to maintain the faith and
reaffirm it against Jewish-Christian attacks. Those attacks, denying legitimacy
to Islam and its founder, were made with impunity during and after the
Reconquest by the populace, clerics, and intellectuals. While in Spain, the
Moriscos were ill equipped to respond to such attacks and ridicule and had to
rely on outsiders to defend and reaffirm their faith, often in diatribes similar to
those of their adversaries. This mutual vituperation accentuated an already
tense relation between Islam and Christianity, and became both more vicious
and

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more sophisiticated as time went on. The novel method of combating the
enemy through demonstrating error in the respective scriptures failed in that
the contenders, whether Muslim or Christian, were unwilling to make any
concession however persuasive the arguments. Thus, familiarity with the
adversary's position did not necessarily facilitate understanding or willingness
to understand in an atmosphere of tolerance. Raymond Lull (1235-1315)
studied Arabic and urged the pursuit of oriental studies 209 not so much for
humanistic purposes as for acquiring the tools to establish the legitimacy of
Christianity at the expense of Islam and thereby to bring Muslim to the true
faith. Lull's approach led him to martyrdom by attacking Muhammad* in a
Muslim environment, which he finally achieved at the hands of an angry mob in
Bougie.
But religious matters require a congenial and tolerant environment where
people can communicate without fear of retribution. Such a peaceful approach
of open discussion (per viam pacis et doctrinae) was suggested by Bishop Juan
de Segovia (ca. 1400-1458)210 as an alternative to emotional polemics,
vituperation, and war. Segovia hoped to create an environment in which Islam
and Christianity could coexist until one or the other prevailed on its own merit.
Segovia was, of course, convinced about the ultimate triumph of Christianity.
In order to attain his goal, Segovia proposed an accurate translation of the
Qur'an* into Romance and Latin. He commissioned 'Isa* de Jabir*, Mufti of
Segovia, to commit the Qur'an* into Castilian, from which Segovia himself
made a Latin rendition, thus making the Qur'an* available in three languages
and easily accessible to a wider audience for the first time.211
Segovia's peaceful intent remained unheeded, and the acrimonious polemics
heightened in the course of the sixteenth century. Many polemicists used
textual critique and dialectics to show the validity of Christianity and the falsity
of Islam. Marti'n Garci'a, bishop and inquisitor, was convinced that the
Agarenos (bastards) would sooner or later come to the fold of Christianity on
the strength of scriptural evidence and demonstrative reasoning. He preached
in Arabic, assisted by the neophyte Juan Andrs, who supplied him with
firsthand information about the Qur`an* and prophetic traditions. This he used
in his Sermons, in which he elucidated the Christian doctrine and pointed out,
among other things, that Muhammad* was never a prophet and that his
doctrine came from the Devil.212 Similarly, Juan Andrs attacked Islam,
pointing to the libertine life of Muhammad*, his bloody wars, and the impiety
and contradictions and errors of the Qur'an*.213 The most combative
polemicist of the period was Prez de Cinchon, whose Antialcorn attempted to
convince his readers and listeners that Islam was an inferior religion; that
Muhammad* was initiated by a heretic Arian and therefore was a liar who
preached his doctrine by the sword214; and that if Jesus is the Word of God,
Muhammad* is the Word of the Devil.215 These and other notions were
reiterated by other contemporaries and were refuted by Moriscos, who
responded with equally harsh criticism of the whole Christian doctrine.
Morisco polemics in the Diaspora is of particular interest. Morisco polemicists in
North Africa felt free to respond in kind with both textual cri-

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tique and dialectics in vituperative language. Their attitude was as
compromising as the Christians; and likewise, they approached the subject
with closed minds and unwillingness to understand the opponent's position. As
a result, the polemics resolved no differences but, rather, accentuated them.
Though the Moriscos in the Diaspora added no new elements to the religious
controversy, they appeared more knowledgeable about the issues and even
used the rhetorical devices of poetry to ridicule their opponents' beliefs and
practices and, at the same time, to reaffirm their own.
Such was the case of Muhammad * Rabadan, Juan Alfonso, Muhammad*
Taylibi, Muhammad* Alguazir, and others whose views are ably analyzed by
Cardaillac.216 These men, like their Muslim predecessors, were anxious to
establish the validity of Islam and explain their conception of Judaism and
Christianity within an Islamic context. They adhered to the doctrinal concept
that Islam was no more nor less than the continuation and culmination of the
Judeo-Christian traditions, superior to both. Muhammad* Rabadan exonerates
Islam and its founder in verse, showing that Muhammad* appeared in the
form of light at the time of creating and that light continued to appear on the
foreheads of the decendants of Adam until its full splendor in the person of
Muhammad*.217 Moreover, Muhammad* was the Paraclete already announced
in the Old and New Testaments.218 Rabadanlike his fellow Moriscos, Alfonso,
Taylibi, Alguazir, and othersupheld the unity tawhid*;) of God and contrasted it
with the Trinity, which was regarded as polytheism.219 They followed the
doctrinal concept that Christ was a venerable prophet born to a saintly and
virtuous woman, Mary, but never God or son of God. Christ's deification and
triplication into Father, Son and Holy Spirit is a contradiction and a heresy at
best, and it attributable to the blindness, adulteration, and misreading of the
scriptures by Paul and the popes, who added and subtracted things to their
liking.220 In sum, all the Christian creed and practices are mere fabrications
unsubstantiated by true scriptures. Christ himself refers to his humanity in the
Gospels, yet his followers regard him as God by virtue of his birth from a virgin
and his miracles. This is refuted in that other prophets had extraordinary births
(Adam) and performed miracles and yet they were not called gods. If such a
thing is permissible, Muhammad* would be more deserving by virtue of his
many miracles and by his being the Seal of Prophecy (sello de la profecia).221
Belief in the crucifixion is an innovation, for Christ was never killed or crucified;
a substitute was put in his place.222 The veneration of the cross and statues is
tantamount to idolatry. The whole Christian creed has no foundation, and is
arrived at through the deletion of the first (belief in one God) and the second
commandments (prohibition of worshiping idols). Furthermore, the popes
arrogated to themselves the introduction of new religious prescriptions, such as
prohibiting meat on Friday, not being eligible for salvation without membership
in church, the supremacy of the pope, celibacy, purgatory, and other things for
which there are no stipulations in the scriptures, even after their adulteration.
All this makes the church a haven of lies, gossip, and deceit to the point of
having the scriptures in Latin so that people

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are not able to read or understand them. 223 Other mockeries (cosa de burla)
are the sacraments of baptism, confession, and the Eucharist.224 Baptism is
not a substitute for circumcision, which is prescribed by law225; God alone is
the Confessor and Forgiver of sins; not a priest226; the Eucharist is no more
than a piece of bread and a jar of wine brought from the tavernthus, it is
nonsense (disparate) to believe that God is in the host and is eaten.227

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6
History, Legends, and Travel
Historical writings among the Moriscos were almost nonexistent. Even
chronicles of contemporary events or sociocultural aspects of the Morisco life
appear neglected, with only scattered documentationmostly incidental and not
reflecting the Morisco's historical perspective. However, the few documents
that have reached us give some valuable glimpses of the Moriscos' activities.
One set of documents 1 contains a memorandum to an individual stating the
price of a home, draft of a petition, a receipt, a marriage license, and a dowry
contract. Another set2 consists of letters of dowry, a letter from an individual to
his cousin, a request for a book, a marriage petition, and minutes of a court. A
third set of documents3 contains the testimony of two litigants, contracts of
sale and dowry, and an inventory of property. There are birthday records using
the Christian calendar, one of which reads: "My son 'Ali de Zeyne was born on
Friday 17, 1578, following the calendar of the heretic Christians." 4 There are
memos (memoriya) recording the purchase of a house,5 a marriage,6 litigation
over a mule,7 litigation over a will,8 sale of inheritance,9 marriage contracts,10
division of property,11 inventory of dotal

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possession, 12 litigation over the occupancy of a house,13 and other
correspondence,14 bookkeeping accounts of loans, purchase, and sale.15 Such
documents occupy a very small portion of Aljamiado literature.16
Notwithstanding the absence of historical writings, the Moriscos had a strong
historical consciousness, derived from religious history. The Moriscos chose to
be guided by old Islamic historical traditions, omitting much of the political and
intellectual history of classical Islam. As a result, the nearest thing to historical
writings consisted of tracts written by Muslim predecessors in which history
and legend were intertwined, which constituted an integral part of the religious
writings that formed the basis of the education of the Morisco. In spite of such
religious consciousness, the Morisco had lost awareness of secular history, even
that concerning his ancestors' intellectual ascendance within the Iberian
Peninsula. If the Morisco had any consciousness of his legacy in the various
intellectual and scientific endeavors, it was certainly not manifested in his
extant writings. Muslim men of letters, scientists, and philosphers were
relegated to oblivion, as were the major and even brilliant periods of Islamic
history, its great statesmen and generals. This limited the Morisco's perspective
to presenting Islam the religion in its best light as a devine manifestation that
would ultimately triumph over the seemingly impossible odds that confronted
him. In short, the historico-legendary writings of the Morisco centered on the
miraculous triumph of Islam, the personality of its founder Muhammad, and a
few pre-Islamic and Islamic figures; these were conceived to be the instrument
for bringing about the success of Islam in adversity against powerful evildoers
and stubborn idolaters.
The Morisco had a theocentric view of the world. God, of course, is behind all
things and always intervenes on behalf of Islam through His angel Gabriel, who
would appear at the fight moment to rescue Muslims from evil men and
demons. The Qur'an*, the sayings and deeds of Muhammad* as contained in
the traditions (hadith*), and the utterances of venerable men of the past
attested to the past, present, and future preeminence of Islam. This vision of
history dates to the Creation17: Adam, Abraham, Noah, Moses, and other
biblical figures were considered true Muslims, as was Alexander the Great,
notwithstanding some of his deviations, and Jesus, the man and the prophet
whom God sent as one among many other prophets to fulfill God's will on
earth. The chain of prophecies ended with Muhammad*, "the Seal of Prophets"
and "the best of God's creatures." The bulk of Aljamiado literature is based on
this religious historical perspective. One may discern the following categories of
historical themes in the order of their importance in the extant literature:
biography of Muhammad*, Islamic figures, pre-Islamic figures, futuristic
history, and travel.
Biography of Muhammad*
Muhammad* was the center of historical writings and the object of numerous
treatises, each of which relates one or more aspect of his life. He was also the
object of comprehensive works that related his presence from the

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Creation down to the Resurrection and Day of Judgment. Among these are al-
Bakri's * Book of Light18 and Rabadan's Discourse of Light, Descent and Limpid
Genealogy of Our Blessed Leader the Prophet Muhammad*,19 in verse, which
is based on al-Bakri's* work and relates Muhammad are probably parts of
larger works dealing with his birth,20 death,21 ascension to heaven,22 advice
and aphorisms,23 testament to his son-in-law 'Ali,24 relations with Jews,25 and
conversation with a lizard.26 Also, praises of him and of his cloak (burdah) are
found in poems. Finally, Moriscos wrote of his triumphs over false prophets28
and his involvement in battles associated with early struggle of Islam, pointing
to his miraculous triumphs over heavy odds.29 He left a testament30 before his
death, which many looked upon with grief and consternation.31
The Book of Light (Libro de las luces) was a translation from Arabic of the
Kitab* al-anwar* by Ahmad* Ibn Muhammad* Abu-l-Hasan* al-Bakri* (1493-
1545), an Egyptian scholar. The work does not appear to be reliable, but it has
the virtues of being written in a simple narrative with great display of
devotiontwo qualities that were probably behind its translation into Aljamiado
and its apparent success among the Moriscos (Rabadan's Discourse appears to
follow its main outlines). A summary of the work is of interest. The title itself,
The Book of Light, is revealing: the author develops the doctrine of illumination
whereby the coming of Muhammad* was made known at the time of the
Creation of the world, manifested in a light (luz, Ar. nur*) that appeared on
Adam's forehead and on those of his descendants down to Muhammad*. Al-
Bakri's* account is quite expansive, emphasizing the presence of Muhammad*
long before his birth; it also places great emphasis on Muhammad`s*
ancestors and the marvels attending his birth; mentions his stay with his uncle
Abu* Talib* and tells of his journey to Syria where he met the hermit Bahira*
who announced his prophetic mission; his employment with Khadijah*, whom
he later married; and his revelations. All of this is narrated in readable style
intertwinning facts with legends and marvellous accounts. The work consists of
seven sections:
Section 1. When God wanted to create (khaleqar) the world, He did it with
limpid and clear dust (tiyerra) which he cleansed with the water of Tesnim, one
of the fountains of Paradise. Angels and other creatures of Heaven and earth
expressed their obedience, humility, and willingness to prostrate themselves
before Muhammad*, whom they knew before the creation of Adam. At the
moment of his creation Adam heard voices glorifying God (alttasbihes) and
inquired about this; the Lord answered that the glorification was for the Seal of
the Prophets (sillo de los alnnabiyes), who would be like the full moon and
whose light would illuminate heavens, earth, and the courts of angles.32 When
Adam wanted to cohabit with Eve, he told her to make the ablution, perfume
herself, and shave, for God would place a light in the purity (limpiyeza) of her
womb. She begot Seth, in whom she saw the light of the Prophet
Muhammad*, to which Adam paid homage and made Seth do the same. This
light appeared on the foreheads of future generations, including Hashim* Ibn
'Abd Manaf*, on whose forehead appeared a dazzling light. Al-Bakri* devoted
ample space to

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Hashim *, and to his marriage to Salma in Medinaa marriage that Satan
(iblis*)and Jews attempted to foil, but Hashim*, the immediate ancestor of
Muhammad*, fought and triumphed over them.
Section 2. Hashim* remained haunted by a conspiracy. When he begot 'Abd
al-Muttalib*, Muhammad`s* grandfather, he received a miraculous warning to
guard and protect him against enemies, particularly Jews, whom he had to
fight, as did 'Abd al-Muttalib*.33
Section 3. 'Abd al-Muttalib* emigrated to Mecca, where he settled, married,
and vowed to God to sacrifice a child if he should ever have ten male children.
Since he did have ten male children, he wanted to comply with his vows and
went to the Ka'bah to consummate the sacrifice. His wife, Fatimah*, opposed
him as to which one to sacrifice; it was agreed to draw lots, and the choice fell
on Fatimah's* son 'Abdallah, the future father of Muhammad*. When 'Abd al-
Muttalib* lifted the knife, a light spring from 'Abdallah's forehead and voices
declared that 'Abdallah was under the protection of the angels. At the same
time, armed men and relatives of Fatimah* appeared on the scene and
prevented the sacrifice over the protests of 'Abd al-Muttalib*.
Section 4. Determined to comply with his vows, 'Abd al-Muttalib* sought the
advice of a soothsayer, who advised him to draw lots among his ten sons and
ten camels. If the lot fell on one of his sons, he should add ten camels and
repeat the process until all his children were spared. He followed the
recommendation until he had added one hundred forty camels, which he
sacrificed, sparing the sacrifice of a child. Then the light of the Prophet
appeared over all the lords of Quraysh.34
Section 5. 'Abdallah grew handsome and was loved by women as Joseph had
been. He married Aminah*, over the protests and machinations of the Jews.
He fought and defeated them. During the struggle, two branches of light
appeared on his forehead: one radiating to the East and the other to the
West.35
Section 6. All this was a prelude to the birth of Muhammad*, whose
conception was preceded by ablution and perfuming; during it all the beasts of
Quraysh spoke: 'Muhammad* is conceived by the Lord of Mecca, and will be
the guarantee of the world and the candle of the people."36 It was the
moment in which God took away knowledge from soothsayers, the earth
trembled, mute kings spoke, and angels and the other creatures clamored in
the waves of the seas and the abyss of earth counting the days to the time of
his birth. His mother Aminah* heard celestial voices by day and night.
However, she lost her husband 'Abdallah during the seventh month of
pregnancy, and the angels became concerned, reminding God that His Prophet
would be an orphan. God replied that He Himself would take the place of
'Abdallah. Aminah* remained slender and did not look pregnant, even during
her ninth month of pregnancy. A voice commanded her to deliver, and she saw
the white wing of a bird passing through her stomach; then a bright light
illuminated her; she was surrounded by tall women smelling of musk, covered
by veils of precious cloth from head to toe, and carrying vases of silver
containing white water, like

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milk, from which she drank. They congratulated her. One said, ''Good fortune
for the leader of heavens and earth, the Seal of the Prophets, the chosen
Muhammad *." A second said, "God has honored you among the people and
made you a cell for having the most exalted creature." And a third said, "There
is none like you, O Aminah*, from whom emanates the perfect friend (amigho
akabado), the resplendent light, and the supplicant for people in the Day of
Judgment."37 Aminah* also saw other noble winged figures carrying silver
cups and golden vases; birds with white wings covering all the house; people,
trees, animals, beasts, and birds rendering congratulations.38 When
Muhammad* was born, the doors of Heaven opened; the angels extended
their wings in the air; Paradise was embellished with blessings; and all idols fell
to the ground. He was surrounded from dawn to sunset by the spirits of people
and prophets.39
His grandfather 'Abd al-Muttalib* was not home when Muhammad* was born;
when he went to see him, he was intercepted by a fierce man with a spear in
his hand who told him that no one could see Muhammad* until the angels
finished their visitation, which would last three days. Thereafter, people vied to
see the Light of the Prophet, and voices were heard saying: "This is the friend
of Allah, Muhammad* the Messenger of Allah."40 Mountains, trees, animals,
and clouds argued about which would rear him until they were interrupted by
the angels, who said, "We are entitled to do so, since we get more honor,
glory, and exaltation from God." But other voices were heard saying that God
had already entrusted him to Halimah*, daughter of Abu* Du'ayb al-
Asadiyyah, who was in the house of 'Abd al-Mattalib.*41
On the seventh day after his birth, his grandfather 'Abd al-Muttalib* gave a
great feast, to which all the people of Mecca were invited; during it a large
number of animals were slaughtered, and many people, birds, and animals ate
of the meat for seven days.42 No midwife or known being cut the umbilical
cord, anointed him, or made up his eyes.43 The year of his birth was marked
by drought and famine except in Mecca. Halimah* whom God chose as his
future nurse was thin and weak, but soon rode to Mecca on a donkey and
became beautiful and plump with breasts full of milk.44 When she met the
infant Muhammad* for the first time, he looked at her, and a light reaching the
heavens emerged from between his eyes. She gave him her right breast, and
he sucked, but refused to suck from the left breast "because Allah had shown
him the right even in the manner of sucking."46
As he was playing one day, three men appeared and split him from the chest
to the navel while he was looking without his feeling any pain. The first
removed and washed his intestines; the second took out his heart, from which
he removed black drops saying that they were part of Satan, and replaced it;
and the third closed the incision. After this, they weighed Muhammad*, finding
his weight to be greater than that of all the people of the world.47 When a
soothsayer heard about this phenomenon, he foretold the doom of the Arabs
and urged that Muhammad* be killed. Halimah* fled with him, but lost him at
the gate of Mecca; and while an old man was interceding on her behalf before

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the idols, these fell down and were shattered, while a voice declared that
Muhammad * was safe in the company of a nobleman in the Tuhama Valley,
close by the Promised Tree.48
Section 7. His mother Aminah* died when he was about six years old, and his
grandfather 'Abd al-Muttalib* died when he was eight years, two months, and
five days old. He went to live with his uncle Abu* Talib*, who took him on a
caravan journey to Syria, where he met the Christian hermit Bahira*. Bahira*
warned him of the danger from the Jews, adding that Muhammad* would be
the recipient of scriptures. This prediction was confirmed by another monk.
When he was twenty-five years old, his uncle Abu* Talib* urged him to marry
the very rich Khadijah* who employed him and then proposed marriage.
Mention is made of their offspring and of the first revelation commanding
Muhammad* to read in the name of the Lord.49 Here concludes al-Bakri's*
account.
The abrupt ending of al-Bakri's* account can, however, be supplemented by
materials found in the Book of Battles and numerous other treatises dealing
with one or several aspects of Muhammad`s* life.50 Of particular interest is
the Mi'raj*, or Ascension of Muhammad* to the Seven Heavens, of which
several Aljamiado versions are extant.51 The Mi'raj* constitutes an integral part
of Muhammad`s* biography and was popular among Muslims everywhere. It
made its way into Spanish, Latin, and French, perhaps influencing the theme in
Dante's Divine Comedy.52 The Aljamiado version of the Mi'raj*, based on early
Arabic antecedents, offers interesting details and many embellishments that
need to be studied carefully with a view to tracing them to an Arabic
antecedent or to local Aljamiado innovations. The Mi'raj* begins with a
prophetic tradition saying that while Muhammad* was sleeping on a dark night
in which neither roosters crowed nor dogs barked,53 he saw the angel Gabriel
whiter than snow descending upon him, having on his face two veils (dos
astras); on one was written, "There is no God but God," on on the other,
"Muhammad* is the messenger of God." Gabriel had six hundred wings on
which were seventy thousand rubies, each of which had five hundred years
distance (andadura).54 He ordered Muhammad* to wake, to tighten his cloth,
and to take courage, for he would come to speak with the Lord. Muhammad*
was frightened, and then saw Buraq*, an unususal beast of burden whose
upper part was made of gold, neck of white silver, front legs of emeralds, and
back legs of alikban. It had round feet, long ears, and the tail of ox. Gabriel
ordered Muhammad* to mount, but Bura* fled, inquiring about the man until
Gabriel assured it that he was Muhammad*, the Seal of the Prophers,
messenger of the Lord, the best of God's children, to whom all creatures will
plead for salvation in the Day of Judgment.55 Even then Buraq* would allow
Muhammad* to mount until Muhammad* promised that he would intercede on
its behalf in the Day of Judgment. Then Muhammad* heard a voice from the
right and another from the left, and saw a beautiful woman wishing to speak to
him, but Gabriel told him to proceed without talking to any one. Since
Muhammad* inquired about those voices, Gabriel said that the voice coming
from the right

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was that of a Jew. Had he talked to him, his people would have become Jews
after his death; the voice from the left was that of a Christian. Had he listened
to it, his people would have become Christians; the beautiful woman
represented the world. Had he listened to her, his people would have chose
this world over the hereafter. Muhammad * then thanked God for saving him
from these three scandals.56
During the journey, Gabriel ordered Muhammad* to dismount to pray before
they reached the Holy House (baytu almaqadis, Ar. Bayt al-Maqdis) in
Jerusalem. Gabriel stood at the door of the mosque (meskida) with three cups
(alqadahes*) in his hands, the first containing milk, the second wine, and the
third honey. Gabriel asked him to choose, and he chose the first cup, from
which he drank a little milk; then he heard a voice saying, "Had you drunk all
the milk, oh Muhammad*, none of your people would have entered the fire of
Hell."57 Then he wanted to finish it, but Gabriel said, "The fate that is in the
Mother of the Books (Qur'an*) is fulfilled."58 They entered the mosque, where
three hundred prophets were seated. Muhammad* greeted them, and they
replied, "Welcome, good brother, the honored prophet of God and of all
creatures."59 They performed the prayer, then Gabriel took him by the hand
and led him to a stair (eskala) that reached the heavens. The stair had steps of
gold, silver, ruby, bronze, and amber, respectively.60 Gabriel and Muhammad*
left Buraq* behind and ascended seeing "stars suspended like lamps, the
smallest of which having the size of the biggest mountain in the world.''
They reached the first heaven, which is separated from earth by five hundred
year's journey and the width of which is equal to that number. They saw the
angel Ishmael sitting on a chair (alkursi) of clarity with angels on his right and
on his left praising the Lord.61 Muhammad* greeted them, and they answered
as "the most honored of God's creatures."62 Moving forward, he saw an old
man, Adam, also sitting on a chair of light, who smiled whenever he looked to
the right where Paradise was located and cried whenever he looked to the left
where Hell was. After the usual greeting, he performed the prayer with Adam
and proceeded toward the second heaven.
In the second heaven, which is separated from the first by five hundred year's
journey, Muhammad* saw innumerable angels in midst of whom sat a big
angel on a chair of light, half made of fire and half of snow; he was praying: "O
joiner [ajuntador] of fire and snow, join the hearts of your servants and
believers."63 As they advanced, they saw John and Jesus, with whom they
prayed after the usual greetings.
They proceeded to the third heaven, made of silver, where they were received
by an angel whose palm would contain all the world. An old man, Abraham,
was sitting on a chair of light and surrounded by innumerable angels with
whom they prayed after the usual greetings. In addition, Abraham asked
Muhammad* to greet his community in his name.
In the fourth heaven, made of gold, they were received by an angel whose
right thumb contained all the sweet seas and his left all the salty seas. There
were some seventy thousand angels with hands of light praising the Lord.

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There was also a gigantic angel, the angel of death, with a tablet on his right
and a tree on his left. On the tablet were written the names of all Adam's
children and on the tree's leaves were inscribed the names of all people,
indicating the date of their death. Advancing, they saw Idris, 64 whom they
greeted and with whom they prayed.
In the fifth heaven, made of white pearls, they were received by an angel with
seventy thousand elbows, each of which had seventy thousand hands, and
each hand had seventy thousand fingers; the angel praised God in seventy
different manners. Inside, there were many angels with big wings covered with
light surrounding an old man, Adam,65 sitting on a chair of light.
In the sixth heaven, made of blue emeralds, they saw an angel with the figure
of a rooster whose feet reached the lowest level of earth and whose neck
reached the highest heaven. They saw another angel half of whose body was
of snow and the other half of fire. He did not greet Muhammad* until Gabriel
introduced him. They saw a third angel in the air, who was the gatekeeper of
Hell. Inside they saw the biggest angel yet, which could swallow both heaven
and earth; deep inside were other angels, each having seventy thousand
horses adorned with pearls, sapphires, and golden reins.66
In the seventh heaven, made of colored pearls, they were received by an
enormous and powerful angel, whom they greeted; advancing, they saw
innumerable angels bigger than anything seen before. They saw a wall of
Paradise made of gold, silver, and pearls; the soil was of musk and amber and
irrigated with rose water. Neither angel, nor spirit (aljinne), nor Satan could
pass through. It had never been seen by anyone before. Yet they entered
Paradise and saw indescribable good things. An angel sitting on a chair of light
and surrounded by other standing angels was Ridwan, the gatekeeper of
Paradise, who rose and gave Muhammad* a tour of Paradise, enabling him to
see its rivers, trees, and castles made of gold, silver, and pearls. Then
Muhammad* was taken by Gabriel to a river called Life (alhaya*) whose width
is five hundred year's journey, and on whose beaches lie green pastures,
purple, silk, and sapphires. Thereafter, he was taken by an angel to a castle of
Paradise where there were many beautiful things available to the believer.
From there he was taken to Sidratu almutaha (ar. al-muntaha*), a tree of
pearls, near which was the fountain alkawthar, whose water was sweeter than
honey and whiter than snow. That water was reserved for his community. He
was soon facing the Lord, separated by a curtain of darkness. He heard a voice
commanding him to draw near and place his hand on his head and saying that
he would "know in one hour all things and will see my Lord with the heart and
not with the eyes."67 Muhammad* had a dialogue with God concerning the
matter of faith, and was told to have the faithful pray fifty times a day.
Heeding the warning of Moses, he asked for a reduction of the number of
prayers to five, which was granted; also, fasting was reduced from sixty days
to one month.68
Muhammad* returned happily, meeting the angel Gabriel and the gatekeeper
of Paradise on the way. He continued with Gabriel and drank from a lake
whose water was white and sweet, whose smell was better than musk,

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and whose taste was like milk. 69 Gabriel showed him Hell from the air, fenced
with fire and iron as sharp as swords. He saw people taken by the hair and
thrown into the fire. Among those people were the usurpers of orphans'
property, those of discord, and the wealthy who had failed to do good and to
perform prayers.70 Finally, Gabriel put him on Buraq*. At home he woke his
wife and told her about his journey. She advised him not to tell people, for they
would not believe him, but the following day he revealed his experience to an
assembly of the Quraysh, who called him a liar (mentiroso) and demanded
proof. Abu* Bakr, his companion, pleaded with them to believe him, but they
refused and had to be fought with the sword.71
The Aljamiado recensions of the Mi'raj* would make an interesting studyediting
and collating the extant versions and tracing them to Arabic antecedents to
determine the discrepancies between the Arabic and the Aljamiado versions.
The Aljamiado version reveals that the Mi'raj* took place before the conversion
of the Quraysh to Islam. This appears to be the case also in another Aljamiado
version, which states that during Muhammad`s* dialogue with God, he saw a
sword suspended from the sky with blood dripping from it; Muhammad* felt
uneasy at the sight and pleaded with God to have the sword removed, but God
retorted, "I have sent you with the sword, for your people will never become
civilized except with the sword."72
Thus, the Mi'raj* appears to presage a series of confrontations between
Muhammad* and his numerous pagan enemies in the Arabian Peninsula.
These enemies were overwhelmingly powerful and numerically superior, yet
they were defeated by a small number of Muhammad`s* followers with God's
intercession through the angel Gabriel. The various extant stories have epical
proportions, showing the succession of Muhammad`s* triumphs over
seemingly indomitable adversaries.73 Moreover, his numerous miraclesthe
Qur'an*, the resurrection of a dead girl,74 his curing of a scaldheaded man,
making the blind see,75 splitting the moon in two,76 and otherswere proof of
his eminence and being "the best of God's creatures." This preeminance was
acknowledged by God, angels, and prophets from time immemorial both in
heaven and on earth.
These idealized notions of Muhammad* were not uncommon among Muslims
elsewhere, but the Moriscos' restatements no doubt added some details not
found in other Islamic countries. Moreover, Morisco assertions were
straightforward, leaving no doubt about their intent. Notwithstanding his
preeminence as "the best of God's creatures" to whom homage was rendered
by a succession of prophets, Muhammad* was a mortal being. His death was
attended by deep grief and consternation, even incredulity.77 In his farewell
address, he urged his followers to do the lawful and avoid the unlawful,
reminding them that Allah would be watching over them and that succeeding
generations would believe in his prophecy long after his death. Shortly before
his death, he comforted his daughter Fatimah* with a promise of Paradise,
ordered his generals to continue the war in the north, and told his followers to
gather in the mosque for the prescribed prayers, instructing Abu*

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Bakr to lead the prayer as Imam *. He also summoned people to seek
retribution for any injury he may have done them and instructed his followers
not to bury him in the mosque.78 This final moment was filled with emotionhis
daughter Fatimah* crying; his wives 'A'ishah* and Hafsa* and his two
grandchildren Hasan* and Husayn* passed by him crying and bidding farewell.
Finally, the angel of death was told to enter, and informed Muhammad* that
the Lord had sent him to take his spirit if it was agreeable to him. Muhammad*
responded that he should go away until the angel Gabriel appeared. Shortly
thereafter, Gabriel appeared with the angel of death, informing him of God's
wish; Muhammad* wanted to know what would happen to his people. He was
reassured by Gabriel that his people would follow him to Paradise; he was
pleased and asked the angel of death to take his spirit (arruh*;).79
Muhammad`s* birthday was on a Monday, the twelfth of Rabi* 'I, fifty days
after the Army of the Elephant (corresponding to the Ethiopian invasion of
Mecca in 570) and his death took place in the full light of history (in 632),
indicating that Muhammad* was a mortal being, but his spirit and person
existed from the beginning of time. He was known and sought after from the
time of Adam. The Story of a Qur'anic* Commentary80 relates that Moses
himself sought Muhammad* on a long journey, accompanied by his servant
Joshua. As they were eating a salty fish on the edge of a river, half the fish
inadvertently fell into the water. When they tried to retrieve it, they discovered
that it became alive and headed toward the sea leaving behind a dry path
which they followed until they reached an island where they found a youth
who performed various miracles demonstrating God's power. Another story81
relates that a Jew named Osri, a contemporary of Solomon, discovered in the
Torah Muhammad`s* grace and recorded it. His son Baluqiya* found the
information in his father's papers and set out for Syria in search of
Muhammad*. He experienced extraordinary events and marvels on his way
until he became a Muslim. He returned home and related his experiences, but
no one would believe him until he performed some miracles by means of
ointment that had been supplied him by a Muslim. Similarly, The Story of
Sarjil* Ibn Sarjun*82contains "documentary evidence" about the coming of
Muhammad*. It deals with the Christian Sarjil* of Syria, who searched for
Muhammad* accompanied by fifty abbots and fifty friars in order to reveal a
secret recorded in writing. When he reached Medina, Sarjil* was informed of
the death of Muhammad*; he told Abu* Bakr that he had in hand writings
belonging to his grandfather attesting to the veracity of Muhammad* as a
prophet and Islam as the true religion. However, he wanted answers to some
questions before embracing Islam. Abu* Bakr was amazed, but unprepared to
answer Sarjil's* questions; he summoned 'All, who addressed Sarjil* by name,
to the surprise of the visitor, who posed a number of questions and received
satisfactory answers. He then embraced Islam. Such recognition of
Muhammad* and his religion by Jews and Christians of old was important to
the Moriscos as they strove to justify themselves and their religion to Jewish
and Christian polemicists attempting to deny Islam any validity.83

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Islamic Figures and Events
Muhammad`s * biography occupied most of the Moriscos' attention,
overshadowing other epochs, leaders, and momentous events, which, if
mentioned at all, were ancillary to Muhammad* and his religious movement.
The Moriscos were interested in individuals only insofar as they could be
identified as instruments of a divine plan or exemplary models of upright
Muslims. This notwithstanding, there are a relatively small number of
documents dealing with a variety of other subjects. One84 is devoted to al-
Hajjaj*, the able viceroy of the Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik (685-705).
Another85 deals with the Turkstheir origins, conquest of constantinople, and
future sway on Christendom as a part of the Moriscos' prophecies; it also
contains a brief sketch of some Muslim rulers, including the Andalusian dictator
al-Mansur* (d. 1002); Musa* and Tariq*, the Muslim conquerors of Spain; and
the Reconquest by Christians. There is also a cryptic legendary account86 of
the conquest of al-Andalus. One would expect more historical tracts about al-
Andalus, but this is not the case. Some information about al-Andalus is found
incidentally in stories such as the love story The Bath of Zarieb.87 Although the
story had its origin in the East, it was given an Andalusian setting in the city of
Cordova, described as having 9,609 mosques (meskidas), 10,000 ovens
(baberies), 800 baths for men and 400 for women, 400 jails, and 100,000
homes. The story also describes al-Mansur's* preparation for an expedition
against the Christians, with figures about the composition of his army. There is
also a sketch88 dealing with some Arab tribes that settled in North Africa, and
a poem89 exalting the ancestry of 'Ali*, Muhammad`s cousin and son-in-law.
Morisco writings were mainly concerned with Islam as a religion, its
pervasiveness in prehistoric and historic times, and its phenomenal success
through pious figures who left their imprint on Islamic society. Those men,
loyal supporters and faithful companions of the Prophet Muhammad*, were
viewed as an extension of Muhammad* and as a manifestation of his religious
movement. 'Umar is singled out, not as an able caliph (634-644) and founder
of a vast Islamic empire but for his almost miraculous conversion90 to Islam
after having opposed it vehemently and even threatened Muhammad`s* life.
Hearing his sister reciting the Qur'an*, he was so overwhelmed by its wording
and content that he rushed to Muhammad* to make the confession of the
faith, becoming the fortieth Muslim to the delight of Muhammad* and his
followers. 'Umar became a staunch defender of the new faith, killing seventy
unbelievers and converting a thousand men.91 His new faith led him to a
strong sense of justice which he applied even with his own son, who had
dishonored a Jewish woman and received severe punishment.92 'Umar's piety
was so sincere that he asked and was granted his wish to see the souls of the
dead in his dream.93
But the man who received the most attention was 'Ali*, Muhammad`s* cousin
and son-in-law, not so much for his relationship to the Prophet as for his role in
the Islamic movement. 'Ali*, emerges not only as the personification of pagan
chivalry and heroism94 but as an instrument in the fulfillment of God's will,
always guided by Muhammad`s* direction through the revelation of

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the angel Gabriel. He defeated the great champions of his day and thousands
of men singlehandedly. Muhammad * depended on him whenever the Muslims
were threatened by powerful and seemingly undefeatable forces.95 He was
selfless and fearless; only once did he request to engage the enemy in order to
show his military prowess on the battlefield in order to impress and gain
admiration of his future wife Fatimah*, Muhammad`s* daughter.96 He was the
ideal knight, working at Muhammad`s* behest and in fulfillment of his mission.
He fetched a man who had buried his daughter, thereby facilitating her
salvation through the miraculous intervention of Muhammad*.97 He freed
many Muslim captives after defeating their oppressors98 and proved himself
the great champion not only over the proved champions of his days, but also
over spirits and strange, enormous creatures.99 Even the great general Khalid*
Ibn al-Walid*entitled "the sword of Allah," the conqueror of Syria and
Palestine, hero of many battles during the lifetime of Muhammad*could not
match him.100 Finally, there was Bilal,*101 Muhammad`s* messenger, who
was elevated to high esteem by virtue of his loyalty and devotion to
Muhammad* despite his black background and low origin. He grieved at the
death of his master and remained loyal to Islam to the end; he converted a
Jewish woman.102
The notions surrounding the life of Muhammad* and the individuals connected
with him and his religious movement form part of the Morisco's conception of
Islam as an eternal religion, not subject to time and place. Islam made its
historical appearance in the seventh century, but it is conceived in Muslim
traditions to have existed from the Creation. As such, Islam defies any
reckoning or chronological order. In consequence, preIslamic personalities of
different persuasion are as Muslim as those appearing after the historical rise of
Islam in the seventh century. Muslims in general and Moriscos in particular
perceived no inconsistency or contradiction in this: existence began with the
Creation and will end in the Day of Judgment, which leads either to eternal life
of bliss or to damnation. The historical process cannot alter this reality or
interfere with the ultimate goal and destiny of man, however history is told or
arranged. Certain phenomena associated with inspired or gifted individuals will
be settled in the final accounts. Noah and his Ark,103 Job's suffering, and
Joseph's tribulations are examples of how men obey and fulfill a higher order of
things as an integral part of the divine plan.
Pre-Islamic Figures
Following Islamic traditions, the Moriscos had great reverence for biblical
characters, including Christ as a prophet and mortal being. Such men were
instruments of God's will, upholding His covenant in consonance with a series
of revelations. The Qur'an* and traditions contain numerous stories about them
which are quite prominent in Aljamiado literature, indicating their importance
among the Moriscos as part of the religious writings. There are tracts glorifying
them,104 and numerous treatises devoted to them. Abraham105 and his son
Isma'il*106 by his concubine Hagar are God's favorites and the true ancestors
of the Arabs, who were destined to spread Islam. Abraham, "the

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friend of God," was a true Muslim to whom God showed many miracles and
marvels, among which were walking on water, reviving a lamb after it had
been eaten, and his recognition by a frog and a bird as the "friend of God." 107
His son Isma'il*, and not Isaac, was the heir of the earth and occupies a
preeminent position by divine grace, despite having been the child of a former
servant of Sarah, who gave her to Abraham to perpetuate the race. The story
of Job108 pictures him among God's chosen people and a prophet, who from
great power and affluence became poor and afflicted by horrible diseases until
he was outcast by all but his beautiful wife, who cared for him and remained
chaste to the end. Despite his tribulations, suffering, and humiliation, Job
remained faithful to God, who ultimately sent him the angel Gabriel, who gave
him back his youth, health, and wealth. Joseph's betrayal by his brothers and
his subsequent saga in Egypt are celebrated in both prose109 and verse110 in a
moving language conveying that good will ultimately triumph over evil. Joseph,
the personification of virtue and beauty, overcame his hardships and met with
success. His old blind father, who had grieved for him, was reunited with him
by God's grace, regaining his sight.
Various stories are devoted to Moses,111 communicant with God and possessor
of the secret of nature. One112 relates the events in Sinai, his dialogue with
God, and his return to Egypt, where he performed miracles before the Pharaoh
to free his people; a second113 deals with a conversation he had with a dove; a
third114 describes how a despised butcher from Damascus named Jacob
became his close companion; and a fourth115 relates his death, the fate of all
mortals. Solomon116 was another biblical figure who received the attention of
the Moriscos. He is pictured as superhuman, but devout and obedient to Allah.
He had enormous power over nature, man, and beasts; enormous wealth; a
unique sword; and a ring that would predict the future and recreate the past.
Because of a moment of vainglory, God caused his ring to vanish and
compelled him to walk forty days as a mendicant.117
Of special interest is the inclusion of Alexander the Great118 in the biblical
galaxy and almost as a true Muslim. Alexander the Great is referred to in the
Qur'an* and the traditions as the "Two Horned" (Dhu-l-Qarnayn*)119; he
became the object of embellished stories from which the Moriscos derived their
Aljamiado version. General historical notions are intertwined with legendary
deeds in which his extraordinary power, military prowess, wisdom, knowledge,
and virtue would qualify him to be a Muslim. Alexander had to wrestle with the
question of good and evil, emerging in the process as the arbiter of goodness,
the punisher of evildoers, and the rewarder of righteous people. He was an
invincible hero. In his childhood, the Devil tried to poison him, but failed. He
showed special endowments from an early age, and was educated by Aristotle,
who taught him the merit of virtue.
Though following the traditional Islamic conception of Christ, the Moriscos
appear to have devoted proportionately more space to him, owing to the
Christian environment in which they lived and to the need to give ample proof
of the truth of Islam vis--vis Christianity.120 To Moriscos, as to

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Muslims in general, Christ was a mortal for whom God had chosen a prophetic
mission. Christian claims that he was God, tempted by the Devil, and crucified
were mere fantasies of misguided followers. Christ's virtues (eselensiyyas)
reside in having established just norms by which all sins are forbidden and in
having taught a new law given to him by the Creator. He was just, performed
miracles, preached splendid things, and ascended to Heavenleaving his
doctrine, which will remain until the coming of the Paraclete, the Prophet
Muhammad *.121 He will emerge before the Day of Judgment and will put the
Antichrist to the sword, opening the way for all people to become Muslims.122
In addition to born Muslims, there were pagans who were compelled to desist
from their cruelties and evil deeds in the light of extraordinary signs that
foretold the coming of Muhammad*. The Story of Tabi'u123 shows the futility
of tampering with the work of the Almighty. Tabi'u was a king and the
supposed founder of Yathrib* (Medina), who lived just before the birth of
Muhammad* and who attempted to destroy the Ka'bah, destined to become
the holiest shrine in Islam. Tabi'u mustered an army of some four hundred
thousand, with ten thousand wisemen to advise him. As he was about to
attack the Ka'bah, God gave him a headache and running nose. He summoned
scholars, astrolgers, and physicians, but they failed to diagnose or cure his
illness. Finally, an old wiseman told him that his illness arose from his intending
to destory the Ka'bah; he could be cured if he desisted. He agreed and was
cured. In gratitude he built Medina and named it after Muhammad*, whose
coming was announced. Furthermore, Tabi'u made the confession of the faith
to Islam, leaving a message written in gold for Muhammad*, who received it
during his flight to Medina in 622. King Tabi'u died the day Muhammad* was
born!
Futuristic History (Eschatology)
Morisco historical perspective extends to the world beyond, perceived as more
real than this ephemeral world. Like their Muslim ancestors, the Moriscos
believed in the Day of Judgment and had a clear conception about the fate of
the soul in the hereafter. These beliefs appear to be of great concern to the
Moriscos, recorded with expectation. The coming of the Antichrist, a prelude to
the Day of Judgment, is marked with deceit and injustice until Christ emerges
and puts an end to the Antichrist and the evildoers. He does it, however, as a
surrogate of Muhammad* and in the path of Islam until all people become
Muslims. During the Day of Judgment,125 people will ask in vain for Adam,
Abraham, Moses, and other prophets to intercede on their behalf. Then Christ
will send them to Muhammad*, who will respond to their pleas, and who will
prostrate himself before God imploring Him to forgive and redeem them.
Relevant to the life in the hereafter is The Story of Two Friends.126 This
dialogue on the fate of the dead describes how the dead man is surrounded by
bad and good angels in two groups, each of which tries to bring the man to its
side. The good angels win when the confession of faith is made, and the body
is transported to Heaven, from which it is taken to Paradise to contemplate the

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Lord. Muhammad`s * ascension (Mi'raj*)127 to the Seven Heavens is another
view of life after death, showing Muhammad`s* preeminent position in the
celestial hierarchy. There are exhortations128 reminding people of their
religious duties and the consequences accruing from noncompliance: bitter
death, suffering in the tomb, and failing to cross the bridge, thus ending in
Hell. In short, he who obeys God and his Prophet will be rewarded in Paradise,
and he who disobeys is punished in Hell. Hell is described as an awesome
place. According to a prophetic tradition,129 there will be ten kinds of people in
Hell, each in a form corresponding to a sin on earth: (1) those in the form of
monkeys, who were usurpers of people's possessions and who did the
forbidden things; (2) those in the form of pigs, who were evildoers or
accomplices of mischief; (3) those in the form of branches of fire, who were
preachers who did not practice what they preached; (4) those without hands,
who were the thieves; (5) those smelling like putrid meat, who were
adulterous; (6) those clothed with fire, who were delinquent in almsgiving
(elzike); (7) those with tongues stretched down to their chests, who were false
witnesses; (8) those with faces turned downward, who bore false witness and
broke oathes, (9) those with their hands tied around their necks, who judged
without regard for the Holy Book; and (10) those in the form of fire, blind,
mute, and deaf, who were scholars and readers who read but did not act
according to what they read.
Another version130 associates the penalty of Hell with earthly sins, relating that
Christ resurrected a youth who had the face of a pig, his brain coming out of
his ears, his tongue hanging over his chest, and a belly protruding over his legs
made of fire. Christ inquired how he acquired these features and the youth
replied: for failing to perform ablution and prayer, not heeding admonitions,
converting lies into truth and vice versa, and usurping orphans' possessions.
Reportedly based on a prophetic tradition, The Story of a Worshiper
('abid*)131relates the extreme devotion of a worshiper who upon examination
in the hearafter was sent to Hell. On earth, he was the ideal devotee, living on
a mountain top for five hundred years, drinking sweet water from a fountain
nearby, and eating fruits from a Mengharana (pomegranate) tree at the
bottom of the mountain. He fulfilled all the religious obligations, including
ablution (alwadu*) and prayer (assala*). In prostration (asajdada), he asked
the Lord to take his soul, and his wish was fulfilled. When he faced the Lord in
Paradise, he was asked whether he was in Paradise because of his devotion or
God's mercy (piyadad). He said he was there because of his devotion; God
ordered him to Hell. The worshiper began to scream, pleading that he be put
in Paradise by God's mercy. He was brought back for further questioning, and
was asked who was the Creator of things. Since he answered that all things
were created by God's mercy, he was allowed to remain in Paradise. The moral
of the story is that belief in God's mercy is worthier than five hundred years of
complete devotion.
From this broad survey of the historico-legendary literature, a clear vision of
history emerges. This vision is pregnant with religious significance, guided

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by belief in a divine plan in which God makes Islam the ultimate manifestation
of His Will and the consummation of his Revelation. God selects His people,
tests, punishes, or rewards them. In the final days, Islam will emerge as the
best religion and Muhammad * as His Prophet, with Christ as an assistant for
bringing people to the true faith.
Travel
Inasmuch as travel and travel works were traditionally associated with historical
writings and occupy no small place in Arabic literature, the Moriscos would
presumably have cultivated this genre or taken an interest in earlier travel
works so as to enable them to have a broad knowledge of the world of Islam.
This appears not to have been the case. Unlike their Muslim predecessors in
East and West, who traveled far and wide in their capacity as merchants,
pilgrims, and students, leaving accounts of their journeys, the Moriscos had
little mobility and lacked the sophistication to record impressions of their
surroundings in the manner of Ibn Jubayr (d. 1217), Ibn Battutah* (d. 1377),
or other Andalusian travelers. Moreover, travel literature, as it existed in Arabic,
does not appear to have interested themif indeed, it was known to them.
Indications are that some Moriscos traveled within and outside the Iberian
Peninsula as merchants or missionaries, or out of curiosity, leaving few records
of their journeys. Those which have come down to us contain valuable insights
and nostalgic impressions. One such record is left by the Mancebo of Arevalo,
who seems to have visited most Spanish cities; he gives glimpses of places and
people, such as Andalusa and the old lady of Ubeda.132
International travel among the Moriscos was limited, although there are
indications that Moriscos sailed the Mediterranean with acces to both North
African and European ports. Two itineraries are relevant in this connection:
one133 giving a chart of travel from Spain to Turkey, and the other134 overland
from Venice to Spain. The best known and most unusual international traveler
is the pilgrim Puey de Monn,135 who went by sea along the North African
coast to Mecca. He celebrated his journey in couplets, which contain important
and interesting impressions. Puey de Monn undertook the trip during the
sixteenth century, at a time when Moriscos were beset by prohibitions of any
religious undertaking, let alone a pilgrimage to the Holy City of Mecca. Puey
embarked in Valencia heading southward to the north African coast, where he
continued eastward, stopping at various ports. He minutely describes the
hardships and excitement of the tripstorms and lack of provisions. After a
tedious journey, he arrived in Cairo (alqahara), marveling at its monuments
and mosques. Arriving in Mecca, he describes in glowing terms his emotions
upon seeing the Holy City$ whose gates are "benediction" (albaraka), whose
walls are piety (piyadad), and whose roof clarity. Merely being there is a great
reward: "For whoever goes there will surely have gained forgiveness."136
Mecca (Maka) is indeed indescribableneither words nor writing will ever do
justice to it. He felt heartbroken upon leaving it, and it pained him greatly not
to have visited Jerusalem, where Moors and Christians alike go to ask for
forgiveness.

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Although normal travel and pilgrimage were beyond the reach of the Moriscos
because of economics and restrictions on freedom of movement, the voluntary
or forced exodus from Spain required basic information about routes, cost,
destination, and other relevant facts. 137 One work meeting these needs bears
the appropriate title, Advice for the Traveler (Avisos para el caminante) and
contains valuable information and instructions about provisions, routes, places,
cities, and other details.138
Other material of historical interest could have been included here, such as the
epic narratives inserted in the Arabic historical writings which are treated
elsewhere139 because of their literary aspects. However, in reviewing the
historical literature of the Moriscos, one can hardly speak of a Morisco
historiography; rather, the Moriscos possessed a historical perspective, based
on and inspired by careful selection of materials from Arabic sources in the
form of translation or paraphrasing, preserving much of the integrity of the
original with respect to form and content. Considering the plight of the
Moriscos in a hostile environment, one may be justified in inquiring the reasons
for their selectivity. A careful scrutiny of historical material against the
background and the social setting of the Moriscos shows that the Moriscos
made calculated selections to meet their social and religious needs. In so
doing, they followed, consciously or unconsciously, the Islamic traditional
conception of history as a discipline whose main purpose is to instruct and
edify, with experience of mankind as a model. One can learn even from
evildoers, but the Moriscos preferred heroic figures whom God chose and
tested to lead mankind into the right path.
The Moriscos also adhered closely to the traditional Arabic form of narration
known as hadith* (Alj. el-alhadith*), or information (khabar, pl. akhbdr*).
Hadith* was handed down over the ages by reputable men and is above
scrutiny, however doubtful it may appear to outsiders. An explicit vision of
history emerges, conveyed through the compilation of suggestive items from
the rich sacred history of Islam in which men and events are subordinated to
divine will and in which legends and history are so intertwined. This appears to
be true of the historical literature of the Moriscos.
Thus, the Moriscos were far from innovative in their approach to history. On
the other hand, their literature conveys great insight into their psychological
and religious needs through a discerning selectivity of material and
presentation that can be read or listened to with the desired effect of
impressing the mind and convincing the skeptic. These historical writings had
the purpose of indoctrinating; they were written not by scholars for scholars,
but by pedagogues who had a full appreciation of the needs and problems
facing their fellow Moriscos. Each historical item, whether dealing with an
individual or event, has significance for a particular need. The biography of
Muhammad* is a case in point. This simple and straightforward narration is not
based on the authoritative biography of Ibn Ishaq* (d. 767) in a later
recension of Ibn Hisham* (d. 834),140 but on a version by the obscure scholar
al-Bakri* (d. 1545), who wove a simple account of the life of Muhammad*
deleting the long chains

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of transmitters (isnad *) and other scholarly details found in Ibn Hisham's*;
work. Al-Bakri* developed the theme of illumination, in which the existence of
Muhammad* was preordained at Creation in the form of light, a theme which
particularly suited Morisco spiritual needs in a time when their Prophet was not
only denied the role of prophecy but villified. Also, the belief in Muhammad`s*
existence from time immemorial in the form of light conforming to God's design
served the purpose of maintaining the faith and rebutting Christian and Jewish
charges of unbelief.
Other historical literature emphasizes the spiritual and religious at the expense
of worldly pursuits. Morisco treatment of some Islamic leaders often obscures
their actual role in history, overemphasizing religiosity. For example, Ali* (r.
656-661) was unsuccessful as caliph in coping with state affairs, but the
Moriscos gave him the role of an undefeatible knight working for the eternal
glory of Islam.141 Their treatment of pre-Islamic figures follows a similar line,
emphasizing their role in the growth and ultimate triumph of the Islamic
movement conceived to have begun at the time of Creation. Traditional Islam
recognized hundreds of pre-Islamic ''believers" or prophets; the Moriscos
selected (without disavowing the rest) only those who by word and deed
reflected the best Islamic virtues and at the same time, Morisco preoccupations
and aspirations. Even in this limited selection of prominent pre-Islamic figures,
the Moriscos chose material which best conveyed religious perspective.
A review of Biographies of Prophets (Qisas* al-anbiya'*) by the bellelettrist al-
Tha'alibi*(d. 1038) bears this out. Using the Qur'an*, prophetic traditions,
Qur'anic* commentaries, and works of his predecessors, al-Tha'alibi* gives
sketches of an array of prophets, including some who were not prophets but
revered for special endowments, such as Alexander the Great as a world
conqueror and Luqman* as a wiseman whose counsels ought to be heeded.142
Al-Tha'alibi* systematically treats each prophet's birth, career, and death.
When the Moriscos wrote of prophetsthough they may have drawn information
from works such as al-Tha'alibi's*their selectivity hinges on potential for an
edifying lesson to strengthen and prove the validity of their religion. They did
not deviate from Islamic orthodox norms, but singled out a particular feature of
the extraordinary exploits of Alexander or the wisdom of Luqman*.
Abraham, "who was the first whom God called true Muslim,"143 was also the
actual ancestor of Muslims through his son Isma'il*. They were both
instrumental in building the Zamzam well and the holy shrine of the Ka'bah in
Mecca. Such roles were significant to the Moriscos at the theological and
polemical level for establishing the legitimacy of Islam vis--vis both Judaism
and Christianity. The story of Joseph was regarded in the Islamic tradition as
"the best story," embodying the qualities of patience, forgiveness, continence,
God's divinity, right conduct, and interpretation of dreams144with all of which
the Moriscos could identify, especially Joseph's shattered life and ultimate
triumph. Hope could also be derived from Job's deliverance from suffering after
unshaken belief in the Lord and from Moses' deliverance of his suffering people
from tyranny. Solomon, who rode the clouds and ruled over

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spirit, man, birds, beasts, and devils, 145 had particular interest for the
Moriscos, who had a great propensity for magic and superstitions.146 Finally,
Christ was presented as a prophet and collaborator of Muhammad* but could
not be worshiped as God, as Christians wished. In sum, the Moriscos remained
faithful to traditional Islamic conceptions of history and the hereafter.

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7
Sorcery, Talisman, and the Sciences
Although the Moriscos succeeded in maintaining their basic beliefs through the
compilation of rudimentary religious materials, they were unable to engage in
creative scholarly and intellectual pursuits, which would have required Muslim
education and institutions, as well as freedom of thought. The Christians'
calculated policy extended far beyond religious concerns, with repercussions
for the pursuit and cultivation of the secular sciencesmathematics, astronomy,
pharmacy, medicine, and others. To these, medieval Muslims made distinct
contributions, with which Europeans within and outside Spain became familiar
through the translation of Arabic works into Western languages. 1
Paradoxically, this receptivity to the secular Arabic sciences in Spain and
elsewhere in Europe, which might have constituted a meeting ground between
Christians and their subject people, coincided and flourished with the progress
of the Reconquest. Christian edicts and restrictions led to the Moriscos'
becoming increasingly educationally undernourished until they lacked even an
elementary education. But this decline took centuries. At first, despite Chris-

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tian Spain's being the home of the major centers for translation of the
abundant Arabic scientific literature in astromony, mathematics, medicine, and
other disciplines, attention appears to have been focused on religiosity rather
than on the sciences. Alfonso X, who encouraged the sciences through
translating and writing, was an exception; later Spanish monarchs left learning
to clerics. Such clerics were more concerned with preserving the purity of the
faith than with philosophical or scientific deliberations, which were often
considered detrimental to religious belief.
Thus, the sciences, particularly medicine, remained the domain of Jews and
Mudejars/Moriscos, who met the scientific needs of the country until the
sixteenth century using Arabic scientific lore as found in the Arabic originals or
in translation therefrom. However, the Jews and Mudejars were working under
heavy strictures and constant accusations of being infidels ready to corrupt the
faith and to harm Christians. 2 They were scarcely able to make new
contributions to the sciences, and relied mainly on the school of Galen as
transmitted through such works as Ibn Sina's* Qanun,* al-Razi's* Hawi* Ibn
Zuhr's Taysir*, and others in rather clumsy Latin translations. Pursuit of the
sciences was tolerated to a degree among the Jews and Moriscos until the end
of the fifteenth century. There are some indications that the Mudejars of
Saragossa were allowed to have their own school (madrasah) where medicine
was taught.3 Such schools were found elsewherefor example, in the morerias*
of Valencia and in Granada, where the Arabic scientific traditions were for the
most part preserved until the conquest of the latter in 1492. Regulation of
medicine was introduced during the fourteenth century, the state controlling
licenses and practice.4 A number of womenJewish, Moorish and Christianwere
licensed to practice medicine, and many others acted as midwives. This
tolerant policy came to an end in the course of the sixteenth century, when
Arabic and anything connected with it were prohibited. The Moriscos were
denied admission to universities and often refused licenses to practice
medicine. The result was to stifle the Moriscos' scientific knowledge. Deprived
of formal training and forbidden to possess Arabic books, they had to rely more
and more on oral traditions, direct experience, and superstitions derived from
their Latin environment as well as from the Arabic cultural legacy. This is borne
out by their own writings.
The extant Morisco literature indicates that sorcery and talisman fall between
the realms of religion and the natural sciences, and it is difficult to separate
them or to determine where religion ends and science begins.6 In Morisco
belief and practice, sorcery and talisman occupied a position of validity almost
equal to both religion and science.7 It is relevant here to refer to Ibn
Khaldun's* treatment of both sorcery and talisman in Muslim traditions. Ibn
Khaldun*. calls them sciences, but adds that they are forbidden by religious
law because their practitioners get their power from sources other than God.8
As such, sorcery and talisman are different from miracles and have grave
religious implications: unlike prophets, who exercise their influence with the
help of God for good purposes, soothsayers and magicians exercise their in-

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fluence through the aid of or devotion to the Devil, stars and other means,
often for evil purposes. 9 Thus, the difference between the prophets' miracles
and actions resulting from sorcery is the difference between belief and
unbelief, between good and evil. Nevertheless, sorcery, talisman, and astrology
were practiced in Islam, resulting in a wide literature. The sorcerer was said to
be able to cast a spell on a cloud, causing rain to fall, or to point at a garment,
causing it to disintegrate.10 Whereas the sorcerer derives his influence from his
psychic power, the practitioners of talisman make use of loving numbers, seals,
magic squares, stars, the secrets of letters,11 or the qualities of existing things.
Ibn Khaldun's* characterization of sorcery fits quite well into Morisco practices.
The extant literature indicates that the Moriscos were almost totally unaware of
the religious implications of the practice of sorcery, talisman, and astrology.
The presence of a relatively abundant literature on divinationalongside the
Morisco's strong attachment to Islamic dogma and valuesfurther indicates their
lack of speculative theology and of intellectual or scientific knowledge that
would have facilitated the production of philosophical or scientific works either
through the process of paraphrasing and translating Arabic works or of making
original contributions. The Moriscos appear to have retained some notion about
astronomy, medicine, and pharmacologybut it does not appear that such
notions were derived from readily accessible Arabic scientific works, either in
the original Arabic or in translation. Scientific notions were often intermingled
with divinations, horoscopes, magical formulas, amulets, magical seals, magical
letters, and inscriptions. A rudimentary knowledge of astronomy existed among
the Moriscos appear to have retained some notion about astronomy, medicine,
and pharmacologybut it does not appear that such notions were derived
astrological notions consisting of predictions based on astral influences often
considered decisive in determining human actions.12 Although medicine
appears to have been practiced widely, it lacked the scientific works and the
clinics and hospitals that marked medieval Arabic medicine.13 in fact, medicine
appears to have declined gradually into superstitions and magical formulas.14
Pharmacy met a similar fate, the scientific preparation of drugs becoming
overshadowed by amulets, seals, and other devices.
In short, although the Moriscos did have a grasp of the fundamental precepts
of Islam, preserving purity of the faith and avoiding controversial theological
aspects, they fell short in the espousal of the sciences known to medieval
Islam, even in their most rudimentary form. This neglect owed much to the
restrictions imposed on their educational institutions, but it would be erroneous
to suggest that the Moriscos' propensity to superstitions and divination was
solely the result of a peculiar ethnic quality. Their notions derived from both
Arabic traditions and the folklore of Spain, handed down orally from generation
to generation. Such formulas for all season and every occasion are interspersed
through Aljamiado literature and in the same religious tracts containing
excerpts of the Qur'an*. Each day of the week, each month, the New Year, the
change of seasonseach has religious and astrological

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significance and may portend good or ill.
A number of works illustrate the nature and the extent of the use of magical
formulas, charms (anusara, Ar. al-nushrah), amulets, (elhirze *, Ar. al-hirz*),
spells (al-'azima*, Ar. al-'azimah*), incantations, and invocations. The
Memoria,15 a composite work in fifty-four folios, deals with the four seasons
and with the manner of attaining what is desired through utterance of a
specific invocation for each season.16 Also, it contains a number of spells,
charms, methods of divination through the use of number, and amuletsin
addition to a section devoted to five physicians; Galen, Avicenna, Hippocrates,
al-Rzi*, and Ibn al-Wafir*. Similarly, The Book of Marvellous Sayings17 contains
a m1ange of superstitions, magical formulas, spells, charms, and amulets for
every need and cure. This stout volume of some five hundred seventy-three
folios, divided into chapters and sections, is a veritable encyclopedia of ready-
made answers to questions such as how to cause the devil to flee the house,
how to make married people love each other, how to know a wife's secrets,
how to cure animals and humans, see others without being seen, see one's
desires in dreams, get what one wants, learn the result of a future
undertaking, and so on. All these things are possible through "knowing." For
instance, knowing the marvellous properties of the head, eyes, and heart of a
dove, raven, wolf, or hare will help to devise certain formulas for achieving
good things or preventing bad ones. Similarly, knowing the effects of the stars
on human acts at every moment, one could choose the propitious moment for
action. Certain chapters of the Qur'an* have enormous power, permitting a
person to remain stationary, to see the Prophet, to have God listen to one's
prayer, and to cure many diseases. Magical signs are effective in getting a loan
and for securing food and drink, clothing, and other necessities. Other magical
signs have the power of getting rid of worms, helping to sleep, reducing fever,
curing any ache; still others prevent women from committing adultery or allow
the discovery of women's mischief. A variety of amulets will eliminate spirits
and fever, determine whether a sick person will die or recover, cause all the
family to love the bearer, keep away the evil eye, and repel spells and all sorts
of evils. Other formulas and prescriptions will cure animals that cannot urinate
and cure people having shaky hands, noise in the ear, and inflamation in the
head or in any other part of the body. Prescriptions are also given for easing
fear and heartache, knowing secrets, making a husband love or hate his wife,
preventing women's fear of childbirth, and the dike. There is also the magical
effect of Arabic letters, which have the virtue of predicting the favorable or
unfavorable result of an undertaking.
Some amulets and magical formulas illustrating the Book of Marvellous Sayings
are shown below. The Book of the Moriscos18 also contains various crude
illustrations: a Muslim with a beard and a crown reading a book, two blacks
facing a tomb, and an eagle with two heads. In addition, the work contains
various sheets of scribblings that may have some magical valueperhaps simply
exercises. There are also geometrical figures and some other crude drawings.
Another manuscript19 contains numerous cases (kaso) ex-

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plaining and illustrating formulas in the form of inscriptions using Arabic letters
or geometric forms for curing fever, headache, ailing eyes, boredom, bleeding,
and fear; for protecting cornfields, and for many other situations.
The Book of Divination 20 makes use of Qur'anic* verses for every conceivable
activity (walking, hunting, and other wishes) and ends with a formula for
making black ink. This work appears to be different from another with an
identical title, Libro de las Suwertes, inserted in the Book of Marvellous
Sayings.21 The latter contains numerous superstitions and prognostications
based on astral and natural phenomena, with the underlying thesis that all
human events and actions are influenced by natural phenomena, leading to
either great expectations or imminent danger. These natural phenomena
include weather conditions, thunder, eclipses of the sun and the moon, motion
of the stars, the beginning of the new year, the signs of the zodiac (elburje),
interpretation of dreams, and the fortunes of Alexander the Great. These
phenomena will lead to accurate predictions if they occur on certain dates. For
instance, rain can be predicted on a cloudy day, but rain will surely fall if clouds
appear on October 1, November 2, or December 3.22 Thunder in January
during the high moon signals snow mixed with rain and wind; in any month
during low moon, that many people will die; in May during high moon, good
thingsabundant provisions and the king's compassion.23 Eclipses of the sun
and the moon also determine the course of events. If an eclipse of the sun
takes place on the twenty-eighth of a month, extraordinary things will happen.
If it falls in March, some people will die, and pregnant women will lose their
babies; if in April, there will be fear all over the land; if in June, there will be
great wars among the unbelievers, and God will give victory to the Muslims.24
Extraordinary things will also take place during the eclipse of the moon. If the
eclipse of the moon is black, infirmities and violent deaths will occur, but if it is
not so black, only cattle will die.25 If the eclipse falls in October, there will be
drought, famine, locusts, and a plague among the Jews.26 And if it takes place
in July, there will be great wars in which God will give victory to the Muslims
over the infidels.27 Other texts deal with invocations and formulas for rain.28
Still other manuscripts29 deal with the historico-religious significance of the
lunar months, which BNM 5354 characterizes as follows:
Al-Muharram* (The First Moon) is the beginning of the New Year, as January is
for Christians. The tenth day marks a day of voluntary fasting (ashura*, Ar.
'ashura'*), which not only carries enormous rewards, but is also the day in
which God created Heaven, Earth, the preserved tablet (lallawhi el-mahfuz* Ar.
al-Lawh* al-mahfuz*), Gabriel, Eve, and Paradise. Abraham and Jesus were
born on the tenth, and Joseph was freed from prison and joined his brothers.
The Day of 'Ashura'*) also marks the date on which Solomon's seal (sillo)
descended to return to him after it had been lost.
Safar* (The Second Moon) has no special days except the "white days" (los
diyas balankos): the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, which have merit
(fadlla*, Ar. fadilah*).

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Rabi' al-Awwal (The Third Moon) marks Muhammad`s * birthday.
Rabi'al-Thani* (The Fourth Moon) has no special days except the white days.
Jumada* al-ula* (The Fifth Moon) has no special days except the white days.
Jumada* al-Thani* (The Sixth Moon) has no special days except the white
days.
Rajab (The Seventh Moon) is the month of God (mes de-Allah)a month of
voluntary fasting for gaining great merits and rewards (ghuwalardons). It is the
month in which Revelation (wahy)descended upon Muhammad*.
In Sha'ban* (The Eighth Moon), the fifth is significant in that all human deeds
are then presented before God. It is also the date on which the Ka'bah
desended from Paradise to Earth, the doors of Hell (jahannam) closed, and
God spoke to Moses.
Ramadan* (The Ninth Moon) is the month of obligatory fasting for every
Muslim.
Shawwal* (The Tenth Moon) begins with the break of fasting ('id* el-fitr*).
Dhi il-qi'da (The Eleventh Moon) contains days of voluntary fasting. It has the
further significance of being the month in which the Ka'bah was taken by
Adam to the House of Mecca.
Dhu* el-Hijja* (The Twelfth Moon) has the first nine days of voluntary fasting.
The ninth is the day of 'arafa, which precedes the Feast of Lamb (paskuwa de
karnero).30
Also, each day of the week has significance, either through the influence of the
stars or by association with an extraordinary event. Thus, Sunday is a good day
for planting and building since that is the day God created the world. Monday
is good for walking and merchandising. Tuesday is bad since Cain killed Abel
upon it. Wednesday is bad since that it the day Pharaoh sank in the Red Sea.
Thursday is good for making petitions and asking favors. Friday is good for
weddings. Saturday is a day of artifice and deceit.31 This evaluation of lucky
(sa'd) and unlucky (nahis*) days is extended to all the days of the month in
BNP 1163,32 based on a prophetic tradition classifying the days on the
strength of God's will or as the result of happy or unhappy events:
The first day of the moon, on which God created Adam, is a good day for
attending to necessities, weddings, and other activities; the second day is good
for weddings, business transactions, asking favors, and doing what one wants;
the third day is bad for business and for asking favors, and one ought to fear
God, Who will defend him from evil; the fourth day, on which Abel was born, is
good for weddings and other activities; the fifth day, on which Cain was born
and on which he killed Abel, is bad; the sixth day is good for weddings,
hunting, walking, and satisfying other needs; the seventh day is good for
getting the worldly things one wants; the eighth day is good as the seventh
day, except for walking; the ninth day is good for asking and doing what one
wants; the tenth day is good and blessed for getting one's needs; the eleventh
day is good for gainful pursuits, and those born in it will have wealth (arrizke);
the

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twelfth day is good for asking what one wants; the thirteenth day is bad,
strong, and severe; the fourteenth day is good for all pursuitsthose born in it
will be loved and will be seekers of knowledge; the fifteenth day is good for
everything, but those born in it will be mute; the sixteenth day is bad, and
those born in it will be mute; the seventeenth day is good for all activities; the
eighteenth day is good for what one wants; the nineteenth day is chosen for all
that one wants, except walking; the twentieth day is similar to the nineteenth
day; the twenty-first day is bad, for in it blood was shed; the twenty-second
day is good for walking and various other pursuits; the twenty-third day is as
good as the twenty-second day; the twenty-fourth day is bad, and nothing
good can be expected of it, for it is the date of Pharaoh's birth; the twenty-fifth
day is bad, and those falling sick on it will never recover; the twenty-sixth day
is good, the day upon which God opened the sea to Moses; the twenty-seventh
day is good for asking what one wants; the twenty-eighth day is good and the
day on which Jacob was bornthose born upon it will love and be loved by their
families, will be rich, and will live long, but will become blind; the twenty-ninth
day is good for walking and other activities; and the thirtieth day is good for
seeking merchandise, bleeding, and other activities.
All told, there are eighteen lucky days, seven unlucky days, and five days that
begin well, but end badly. 33 The question remains to what extent the
Moriscos allowed their activities to be influenced by auguries that
recommended suspending activities upon some days and doubling of them on
other, favorable days. It is difficult to reach an answer that would do justice to
beliefs and observances, particularly among people who had to struggle for the
bare necessities of life. One cannot wholly discount the elements of fatalism
and despondency among the Moriscos. The problem becomes more
complicated when this predeterminism is reinforced by other beliefs based on
such haphazard occurrences as the beginning of a new year, which was
believed to have enormous influence on the course of human events and on
natural phenomena as well.34 Thus, if the new year falls on a Sunday, the
weather will be moderate, there will be some rain during the summer, the
wheat harvest will be fair, nice people will die, there will be dissension among
kings and discord among people, but grapes and figs will be good.35 If the
new year falls on a Monday, there will be a good summer, good fruits,
abundant rains, and abundant honey, but great wars and highway robberies.
If the new year falls on a Tuesday, there will be scarcity of provisions and
fruits, famine, lies, quarrels among kings, heavy snow, and deaths among
cattle and Christians.36 If it falls on a Wednesday, there will be abundant rain
but few fruits; if it falls on a Thursday, there will be abundant rain, abundant
provisions and fruits, but little wool and honey; if it falls on a Friday, there will
be abundant fruit and water, less falsehood among men, and less mischief
among women; and if it falls on a Saturday, there will be winds, scarcity of
flowers and water, a major sea war, and a king will be dethroned.37
Some of the numerous other spells or incantations (annushara, Ar.
alnushrah)38 are attributed to Muhammad* himself.39 There are also magical
for-

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mulas, 40 esoteric secrets for curing wounds,41 and amulets42 for all situations,
some of which are inscribed in Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Aljamiado.43 The
following examples, only a few of many, illustrate this type of literature. Animal
organs were used in several situations, allowing a couple to love each other,
and even to see spirits (aljines). Thus, "Take the skin of a black cat and the fat
of a white chicken, mix them, and rub your eyes with them. This will allow you
to see them [the spirits] whenever you wantGod willing."44 Future happenings
can be perceived in the following manner: "He who takes the heart of the
hoopoe when warm and at the moment of leaving its body will see all future
happenings in his dreams."45 "He who carries the head of a dove will be loved
by anyone who sees him.''46 "He who carries the right eye of a wolf will not be
seen or vanquished by anyone."47 "If you take the heart of a black cat, wrap it
with the skin of a wolf, and tie it on your left thigh, no one will see you and you
will see everyone."48 If a person is overcome by jealousy, "give him the fresh
heart of a black dog to eat, and all jealousy will die from his heartGod
willing."49
Seals (khawetimes)50 with strange writings on them were used for all sorts of
things: for curing diseases, for animals rejecting their offspring, for women who
cannot give milk,51 for protecting cornfields from birds.52 For instance, if
certain inscriptions are written on a Wednesday on a leaf of sugar cane and
hung around the neck of an individual with fever, he will by "God's permission"
(pon lisensiya-de-Allah) be cured.53 To expel worms from the stomach, seals
are hung on the neck.54 If a person cannot sleep, inscriptions should be
written twenty-seven times and placed under his head; without knowing it, he
will sleep well (see Fig. 1 and 2).55
Figure 1
Figure 2
Herbs were also used for both medicinal and magical purposes. Two treatises56
contain formulas for various diseases, giving remedies and instructions for their
use. One such remedy and instruction for the woman who cannot have delivery
consists of taking sesame (el-salsamo) with lukewarm water; then she will
surely have itwith "the science of God."
Qur'anic* verses were considered to have enormous power for many situations.
If carried by a person along with certain seals, they will eliminate fever,
headache, and all sorts of disease.57 Some such spells or charms are attributed
to the Prophet himself. One spell consists of writing one or more verses of the
Qur'an* in an empty glass; water is added afterward. Such a potion will ac-

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complish wonders: "The ProphetMay peace be upon himsaid, 'He who drinks
this charm (annushara) will be safe of headache, toothache, and mouthache; it
prevents all bad things: bleeding, mortality caused by unexpected and
extraordinary situations, bedevilment, leprosy, hemmorhage, diathesis,
deafness, muteness, and the like. Also, the individual will not be afraid in his
sleep, nor will he faint; nor will he have any pain or twisting of the mouth; nor
will he break wind; nor will he sleep or have any obstacle during prayer.' " 58
The magical value of the Arabic letters59 has wide application in births,
marriages, diseases, and other situations. Arabic letters (alharfes*) can be
used alone, in their numerical value,60 or in combination with something else.
They can be used for removing obstacles (Para desatar el-atado), as: "Take
these letters and an egg (webo) laid on Thursday; fry it until it is hard, clean it,
and inscribe on it these letters as shown, and give it to the bound one to eat,
and he will be untiedGod willing."61 They can also be used in combination with
invoking God's name (basmala) three times for all sorts of ailment; thus:
Bismi Llahi* r-rahmani* r-rahim*
(In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate)
Bismi Llahi* r-rahmani* r-rahim*
Bismi Llahi* r-rahmani* r-rahim*62
Illegible inscriptions are used alone or along with Qur'anic* verses for cures
and other purposes. These inscriptions often take the form of seals (sillos),
accompanied by geometrical forms or sometimes drawings In order to be
loved: "Write this and hang it in the air. These aer the names you ought to
write."63 (see Fig. 3) For the cure of fever a seal is used in the form of the
inscription. "Take three eggs, boil them, remove the shell, write these seals on
each one, and give them to the patient to eat."64 And for night fever, "Write
these seals, lay them on the patient, and he will be curedGod willing."65
Figure 3

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The Book of Divination (BNM 5300) makes use of both Arabic letters and
Qur'anic * verses to predict the outcome of an enterprise, good (buweno) or
bad (nahs*). The work has an answer for all human activities: buying, selling,
marriage, walking, and all things within "God's obedience and will." The
procedure follows: Write alif (a), ba'* (b), jim* (j), and dal* (d) on a square
dice (poliko)one letter on each side. Throw the dice three times in order to get
three letters; then look up the three letters in the chapter headings, often
marked good (buweno) and bad (nahs*). If you throw the dice three times
and get, for example, bjj, the result will be good; if you get bdj, it will be bad.
One is warned not to throw the dice twice for the same question on a -given
occasion. The Qur'anic* verses are in Arabic, followed by explanations in
Aljamiado.
In the presence of so many spells, charms, amulets, and other magical
formulas for all eventualities, one can hardly speak of the sciences as
established disciplines. Aljamiado literature indicates that the sciences fell, by
and large, between the realm of religious superstition and folklore and that of
undigested scientific knowledge from writings of Muslim predecessors. This
appears to be the case with respect to medicine, which was highly developed
early in Islam. Medical knowledge continued to be esteemed by the Moriscos,
but its cultivation as a profession requiring rigorous training was in rapid
decline, giving way to reliance on magic and on religious formulas, such as
verses of the Qur'an*. Hospitals, dispensaries, and even physicians, all of which
had been available during the classicial period of Islam, had disappeared. Such
facilities were awaiting development in Christian Spain. Thus, the Moriscos had
to rely on a mixture of superstitions, old folklore, and science.
Although the Christians had imposed heavy restrictions on the possession of
Arabic books, particularly those of religious nature, scientific works were often
sparednot necessarily in allowing the Moriscos to have them, but in
confiscating them, as Archbishop Ximinez de Cisneros did when he ordered the
burning of books in Granada except for scientific books, which he ordered
taken to his recently founded University of Henares. Arabic scientific works had
been translated into Latin beginning with the eleventh century and had
currency throughout Europe and Spain in the following centuries; being quite
available, these could have served as the basis for the continuation and
advancement of the sciences, mainly, medicine. However, the Moriscos showed
little or no interests in such works, both because they lacked the necessary
background in the sciences and, more importantly, because they were
obsessed with religious questions overshadowing other considerations. The
sciences were of secondary importance for spiritual and physical well-being and
relegated to oblivion. Moreover, sciencelike medicine, however pragmatic and
relevantwas frowned upon by their Christian compatriots, who regarded even
physicians as but a necessary evil, little better than magicians. This placed a
great stigma on physicians, particularly if they happened to be of Morisco or
Jewish ancestry. Christians feared that Morisco and Jewish physicians could not
be trusted, employing them only as a last resort. Thus, a Morisco physician was
always suspecteven if he were successful in attending

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and curing the sick, when he might be accused of receiving the aid of the
Devil. Morisco physicians only had to account for their deeds before the
tribunals of the Inquisition, which scarcely permitted medicine to flourish.
However, medicine could not be ignored altogether, and its practice,
rudimentary and unscientific, continued. This is attested by the extant
Aljamiado literature and also by archival materials reflecting the uneasiness of
the church and Old Christians toward medicine in general and Morisco doctors
in particular. The medical literature of the Moriscos was interspersed with
religious texts, forming composite works of an overall religious or superstitious
character. Moreover, there is no complete medical compendium in Aljamiado
that could be said to have been based on earlier Arabic works, despite the fact
that such works were readily available in Spain in both Arabic and Latin
versions. Such negligence may be attributable to the Moriscos' profound
religious perspective as well as to lack of education.
This notwithstanding, the Moriscos could hardly remain completely oblivious to
the great names of Greco-Arabic medicinehowever vague their knowledge.
Dioscorides' Materia Medica appears to have been known among Moriscos in its
Spanish version. The names of the great physicians al-Razi *, Ibn Sina*, Ibn
Wafir*, Galen, and Hippocrates are mentioned, and to them are attributed
prescriptions for a host of ailments. One treatise66 on religious duties also has
various medical prescriptions and advice attributed to Galen, Hippocrates, al-
Razi*, and Ibn Sina*. The Memoria67 and The Book of Good Doctrines68
contain some one hundred prescriptions (rresebtas) capable of achieving
"marvellous things" and attributed to the five wisemen and doctors (sabyos
dotores) of medicine: Galen, Ibn Sina*, Hippocrates, al-Razi*, and Ibn Wafir*.
Free from superstitions, these prescriptions are based on minerals, vegetables,
and chemical compounds and are meant for the cure of headache, sciatica, evil
eye, fever, sore throat, stomachache, liver, inflamation, colds, loss of weight,
cough, bleeding, and other ailments. One set of documents69 contains some
medicinal notes. A second set70 has a list of medical terms in Arabic, and notes
on some drugs. A third set71 includes magical formulas for curing every wound.
An interesting treatise72 of some thirty folios appears to be based on the
medical work of Ibn Zuhr,73 member of a prominent Andalusian family of
physicians. The treatise refers to another medical scholar ('alime*), whose
name is illegible, and contains three languagesCastilian, Arabic, and Latin.
Another treatise74 consists of a compilation of prescriptions for a variety of
illnesses and instructions for administering them according to the dicta of past
masters (maestoro) such as Galen, Dioscorides, Ibn Sina*, and other
contemporary Latin or Morisco physicians.75 Some of the prescriptions are
meant to cure infested wounds (llagha),76 pimples of the mouth (besighas de-
la-boka),77 chestache,78 swollen breasts,79 and other ailments. These
treatises, based on the works of physicians of the past, constitute the bulk of
the relatively meager medical literature. It is supplemented by a larger number
of treatises consisting of magical formulas, spells, and charms that were
considered as effective in the an of healing as the medical

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prescriptions of ancient and medieval Arabic physicians.
In fact, amulets, sorcery, incantation letters of the alphabet, supplications, and
the use of holy texts were so much used among the Moriscos as to be an
integral part of the art of healing in both diagnosis and therapy. Amulets were
particularly important, since their possession was a sign of being a good
Muslim: "A good Muslim should always carry amulets, for he who does not is
like a house without a door in which everyone who wants can enter: in the
same manner, devils will enter all the parts of a person who does not carry
them." 80 Letters were used in diagnosis, where their numerical value is taken
into consideration. The Arabic writing symbol, the letter, a is given the value of
one; b, two; c, three; d, four; and so on. To determine the sickness of a
person, a numerical value is given to his name; this is added to the numerical
value of the day in which the disease occurred, and the result is then divided
by seven. If the answer is one, the disease is jaundice; if two, fever, if four,
malign air from the devil; if five, melancholoy; if six, choleric humor; and if the
division is zero, the sickness is mere vexation.81
This appears to have been the state of medicine among Morisco doctors,
considerably reduced from the scientific medicine in which their Muslim
ancestors excelled. Presumably, however, the Morisco doctor discharged his
important function in society to the best of his ability, being accepted in his
own community and sometimes by his Old Christian neighbors, who employed
him as a last resort. The Morisco doctor enjoyed some prestige in his capacity
as a healer (sanador) and may be regarded at the social level of the alfaqui,
the religious savant, who himself may have been a practitioner or instrumental
in making medical literature available to aspiring physicians. At any rate, the
life of the Morisco doctor was not an easy one, despite the rewards of practice.
This general assessment of the study and practice of medicine based on the
Moriscos' own writings is corroborated by external evidenceminutes of the
Inquisition and other documents. In his studies of medicine during the Middle
Ages, especially his Social History of Medicine, Garca Ballester surveys the
decline of medicine among the Moriscos and the factors behind it, drawing
upon archival materials in Valencia, Aragn, Cataluna* Granada, and Castile.
He points out that "the physician of the Muslim or Morisco community went
through the long and bitter road that began from the summit of the scientific
and social respect of the thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and even part of the
sixteenth century, to the deepest abyss of degradation as an individual and a
member of society when the dominant Christian society converted him into an
authentic marginal social being."82 Garca Ballester's conclusion may be fully
appreciated by a review of the factors that produced this state of affairs. The
Greco-Arabic medical tradition in Spain declined as the Reconquest set in. At
first Muslims pursued medicine freely. Immediately after the conquest of
Granada in 1492, Muslim physicians contiued to receive professional training,
after which a license (ijazah*)83 was issued attesting to the competence of the
candidate. Such a license was conferred in November 1506 upon a certain
Abu-l-Hasan* 'Ali* Ibn Muhammad* Ibn Muslim, a resident of

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Albaicin *; a number of witnesses/patients certified his expertise in healing
wounds, administering drugs, and attending to fractures, luxatin, gout, and
spine injury.84 In 1531, the University of Granada was founded, with a faculty
of medicine that was open to Moriscos such as Alonso del Castillo and Miguel
de Luna,85 who became an interpreter/translator at the court. However,
Alonso may have been an exception in that heavy restrictions were placed on
Moriscos' university training in medicine, though there are indications that
Moriscos pursued medicine, whether at or outside a university.
Their prominence in the profession alarmed the authorities and university
graduates, who attempted to restrict their number and even to prevent their
practicing altogether. Such a complaint was made as late as 1607 by Pedro
Vesga, who pleaded before the Cortes of Castile to stop Moriscos from entering
medical schools and from practicing medicine since "many of them study and
practice in the universities of Alcal, Toledo, and other places; I plead that all
this be remedied in case this should lead by default to all or most physicians
being Moriscos."86 Furthermore, Old Christians mistrusted the Moriscos, whom
they considered to hate them and whom they could not trust with their lives.
One such complaint stated: "There is evidence that many Morisco physicians
whom the Holy Office punished after their own confessions had cured those of
their own race and intentionally killed Old Christians, maliciously giving potions
causing abortion."87 It went on to ask why the Moriscos should enjoy the
privileges of the profession when such privileges are forbidden to them by law?
They cannot be trusted with patients; they are corrupt and are capable of
killing subtly and secretly with drugs without being accountableindeed, they
could kill "more people in this kingdom than do the Turks and Englishmen."88
Whether self-taught or a university graduate, the Morisco doctor was known as
Medico (physician), cirujano (surgeon), sanador (healer), or rarely, alfaqui (a
learned man).89 As admission to medical schools passed beyond his reach on
both financial and socioreligious grounds, he had to rely more and more on oral
medical traditions handed down to him by a member of his family or a friendly
local practitioner, who may have learned the art of healing in the same
manner. The Morisco Romn Ramrez learned medicine from his mother, Mara,
who learned it from her father, Juan de Luna. Very learned in things pertaining
to medicine and herbs, Mara was sought by people miles away.90 She was
familiar with Dioscorides' Materia Medica, translated into Spanish in 1555 by
Andrs Laguna.91 She was one of a number of women licensed to practice
medicine.92 Romn fell heir to her medical knowledge, becoming a successful
practitioner. He was brought before the tribunal of the Inquisition on charges
of having had experiences with demons and was jailed in Cuenca, where he
died. This appears to have been the fate of other known Morisco doctors, who
were often accused of incantation, sorcery and witchcraft.93 Among severe
penalties were life imprisonment and prohibition of practicing medicine. Gaspar
Capdal de Bunol, accused of having had a pact with the Devil,94 was
sentenced to one hundred lashes, five years' exile, a fine

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of ten ducados, and prohibition from practicing medicine. 95 Jernimo Pachet
excelled in curing the sick when the "professionals" failed, gaining prestige,
wealth, and the animosity of university graduates, who accused him of being in
league with the Devil.96 He was brought before the tribunal of the Inquisition
in Valencia in 1580 and sentenced to life imprisonment. Such, too, was the
fate of Romn Ramrez in Cuenca and Francisco de Cordova in Toledo.97
Jeronimo Jover of Valencia appears to have been qualified as a physician, but
was refused the examination that would confer a license to practice. Faced
with such difficulties, he emigrated to North Africa, where he practiced
medicine with success.
Thus, even when successful, Morisco doctors had to cope with bitter and
unsurmountable local prejudices, which Garca Ballester98 attributes to four
causes: (1) theological, concerning whether an infidel working for the Devil can
cure; (2) religious, concerning how a Morisco could advise patients when to
confess when he himself neither confesses nor takes communion; (3) social,
keeping the Morisco at the bottom of the social ladder; and (4) professional
jealousy, arising from competition between the Christian graduate and the
Morisco nongraduate, particularly at times when Moriscos were able to serve
upper classes, including the court. Examples of court physicians are the
Morisco Pinterete,99 who attended Prince Charles, son of Philip II, and Pachet,
who cured Philip III when a childthe same Philip who signed and carried out
the decree of the expulsion of the Moriscos.
In retrospect, it appears that sorcerers, magicians, and astrologers formed a
class by themselves whose activities were condoned by the Morisco
community. The extant literature indicates that the occultsorcery, magic,
incantation, spells, and astrologyoccupied a significant place among the
Moriscos, permeating both established religion and the bonafide sciences to
the point where there was no appreciable distinction among them. Practice of
the occult did not appear to present any contradiction despite the traditional
controversy surrounding itsome supporting its validity, others disavowing it.
This ambivalent attitude has a long history, but was heightened by religious
implications, particularly among Jews, Christians, and Muslims who attempted
to restrict practice of the occult but never succeeded in eradicating it.
Thus, belief in the efficacy of the occult sciences was not peculiar to the
Moriscos, who fell heirs to a legacy whose roots can be traced to antiquity and
whose practice was still common among Christians in Spain. Though
persecuted, the Moriscos did not live in a vacuum, but shared much of their
Christian environment. In this connection, Caro's valuable work, Vidas Mgicas,
supplies ample documentation of the practice of sorcery, magic, and astrology
among sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Old Christians.100 The work, based
on literary materials and on documentary evidence drawn from the tribunals of
the Inquisition, not only reveals the pervasive practice of the occult sciences
among Old Christians, but brings out many features that are similar if not
identical with those of the occult as practiced among the Moriscos. Such
practice was so extensive as to become a major concern of the

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Inquisition, which viewed it as harmful to religious beliefs and accomplished
through a pact with the Devil.
The Inquisition's view was similar in some ways to that held by a good many
Muslims. Although Muslim scholars listed sorcery, magic, talisman, and
astrology as part of the sciences, the occult was viewed by some as
detrimental to the religious beliefs, if not altogether heretical. Ibn Hazm's *
views may be added to those of Ibn Khaldun*.101 Ibn Hazm* did not consider
magic and talisman to be bonafide sciences; their practitioners could not
possibly walk on water, create new bodies, or alter the nature of things.102
Astrology is also false, since the supposed influence of the stars on man and
his activities defies experimentation or proofs.103 Ibn Khaldun* echoes these
views, considering sorcery, talisman, and astrology to lack any scientific
basis.104 Both Ibn Hazm* and Ibn Khaldun* conclude that God alone has
power over nature and He alone can alter it through miracles. Thus, any action
by man or spirit aimed at altering the nature of things is tantamount to the
negation of Divine Power. Both men also disavow alchemy, and distinguish
between astrology and the "noble" science of astronomy. Both were concerned
about the impact of the occult sciences on the demonstrative sciences and
theology, and were dismayed by the goodly number of fellow Muslims who not
only looked upon the occult sciences as respectable but composed numerous
works on them. Such works had wide currency among Muslims, and some were
translated into Western languages, becoming part of the scientific literature of
the Middle Ages.
This literature became a legacy common to Jews, Christians, and Moriscos. Old
Christians were quite aware of its existence and considered the Moors to be
expert in the magical arts.105 The Moriscos themselves relied heavily on
divination and astrology, using formulas, inscriptions, invocations, horoscopes,
and the like. During the Granadan rebellion, leaders incited people to revolt on
the basis of favorable signs in the air, land, and sea.106 Similar phenomena
swayed Old Christians, some of whom were strong advocates of the occult
sciences while others opposed them on theological grounds. As in Islam, there
remained an enormous contradiction between theological prohibitions and
actual practice. This is reflected in early Spanish literature and that of the
Golden Age, where the practice of the occult sciences might be either
condoned or ridiculed.107 Pact with the Devil was a common theme, having
disastrous consequences for the individual.108 However, astrology was
regarded as both reliable and effective by Juan Ruz, the fourteenth-century
Archpriest of Hita, who says that the fate of all men is determined by the stars,
that astrology is a good science, and that astrologers' predictions are
reliable.109 He adds that God can, of course, alter things as He wants.110 Ruz
notes that he himself was born under the sign of Venus, which he describes as
the beginning and end of love's journey, with Venus having great power over
man and his fortunes.111 Such beliefs were shared by contemporary and later
clerics.112 Furthermore, astrology was considered a necessary base for
medicine,113 required study for physicians.114 As late as the end of the
sixteenth century, Jernimo Corts wrote a work showing the importance of
astrology for both agriculture

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and medicine. 115
On the other hand, astrology and astrologers were frowned upon and even
ridiculed. In 1585, Pope Sixtus V placed astrology in a class with divination,
incantation, and magic, and urged clerics to persecute practitioners. Inasmuch
as astrologers were still holding important places in the courts of rulers, the
pope's appeal went unheeded.
Practitioners of the occult sciences did not, by and large, think that their skills
contradicted religious tenets, though in some instances sacrilegious formulas
were used for attaining the desired goal.116 Too unsophisticated to realize the
theological implications of such practice, they continued it in the expectation of
gaining wealth and power, curing all disease, uncovering secrets, and
predicting the future. The accompanying artificesamulets, seals, inscriptions,
herbal concoctions, animal organs, and invocationswere common to Jews,
Christians, and Moriscos; their origin could be traced to venerable men of the
past according to Muslim traditions. Among them was Solomon, honored by
Jews, Christians, and Muslims alike. Solomon occupies an important place in
Aljamiado literature, in which he is portrayed as having power over beasts and
nature and having performed wonderous things by means of his ring.117 To
him is attributed an extensive work on divination, The Key of Solomon
(Clavicula Salomonis),118 which appears to have enjoyed great popularity
among Jews, Christians, and Muslims. The work contains many items that can
be found in The Book of Marvellous Sayings,119 such as prescriptions for
satisfying desires, for gaining love, for uncovering secrets, and the like.120
Another work similar to The Book of Marvellous Sayings was composed by
Amador Velasco, an Old Christian and a practitioner and teacher of the magical
arts. Velasco's case illustrates the nature and practice of the magical arts in
sixteenth-century Spain.121 He was brought before the tribunal of the
Inquisition on charges of sorcery. In his own defense, Velasco attempted not
only to show the efficacy of his art, but to point out that its practice was quite
common among the nobility, learned men, theologians, clerics, friars, and the
common people. He protests that he is being used as a scapegoat.122 His book
constitutes a manual for the sorcerer, containing signs, symbols, formulas, and
prescriptions for achieving love between a couple; protecting a wife or husband
from mischief; preventing pregnancy; neutralizing venom; repelling spells;
seeing good things in dreams; winning at games; discovering hidden treasure;
making people happy, making men do ridiculous things; getting one's desires;
preventing dogs from barking or biting; making pigeons multiply;
understanding the language of birds; protecting the home from fire and theft;
making oneself invisible; curing disease; covering one hundred to three
hundred miles in a night; and more.123
Valasco's case is corroborated by others brought before the tribunals of the
Inquisition. The charges varied, resembling practices or beliefs found in
Aljamiado literature. It appears that sorcerers or astrologers became known for
a particular talent or specialty. Some had the unique ability of covering an

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enormous distance in a short time. Such was the extraordinary journey of a
bishop who was transported by a devil over a long distance to transact urgent
business. 124 Dr. Torralba, a physician and a cultured man, was also brought
before the Inquisition in 1528 on charges of having traveled from Valladolid in
Spain to Rome in an hour and a half, accompanied and protected by a spirit
named Zaquiel.125
Such occurrences are found in Aljamiado literatureas in the story of Tamim*,
wherein a spirit transports Tamim* to a distant land from which he returns
riding on the clouds.126 Similarly, in the epic narratives, 'Ali* covered
enormous distances in a short time, although nothing is said about the means
of transportation127; he also vanquished a haunted palace full of spirits and
demons. Khalid* b. al-Walid*, the able general of early Islam, not only
understood the language of the birds but was able to do wondrous things with
the aid of his ring.128 Finally Fatimah*, Muhammad's* daughter, was able to
see actual things in her dreams.129 These and other phenomena were
attributed also to Christian sorcerers who appeared before the Inquisition on
charges of doing or undoing things,130 making people fall in love, curing or
killing people,131 attracting men for erotic purposes,132 summoning wolves to
devour children,133 and other bizarre things. These similarities of behavior and
thought among Old Christians and Moriscos have significant implications for the
degree of contemporary social interaction and integration of the two cultures.

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8
Secular Literature
Since Aljamiado literature is permeated by religious sentiments, the spiritual
and profane are intertwined even in the sciences, where physical phenomena
are often inseparable from divine dictates. Thus, a secular literature must be
assessed on literary grounds, such as the epic, novels, stories, and didactic
literature. Aljamiado literature possesses not only significant religious,
historical, and linguistic interest but also a literary merit of its ownin addition to
being a hybrid literature drawing its inspiration and format from two worlds,
the world of Islam and the world of Christendom, during their last encounter
on European soil. The positive and negative nature of this encounter is
reflected, illustrating an Arabo-Islamic society undergoing a radical change in
language and mode of expression with the attending elements of borrowing
and cross-fertilization. Essentially, the Moriscos tapped the resources of two
antagonistic traditions, influencing and being influenced by them in all areas,
including literature.
The Moriscos improvised a literature partly as an outlet for their spiritual and
emotional needs with little or no consideration for the artistic merit of its

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form and content. Evaluating its style in the nineteenth century, Saavedra
describes it as largely poor and vernacular, but acquiring delicacy, agility, and
even eloquence at the hand of some authors. 1 He observes that the mode of
expression indicates that the Morisco authors thought or studied in Arabic what
they wanted to express in Castilian; then they translated, relying more on the
vernacular of their provinces than on the strict observance of grammatical
cannons, and preserving Arabic syntax in many instances, particularly certain
idioms.2 More recently, Galms recognizes greater merit, as measured by
current principles of linguistic and literary criticism,3 adding that the style gives
Aljamiado literature a special charm and artistic power that make it flexible and
expressive, however elementary it may be: ''We do not find in it either the
stylistic variety or the complexity found in more erudite productions, but the
expressive simplicity of Aljamiado writings constitutes its principal attraction."4
Considered from within and in relation to the Moriscos' circumstances,
Aljamiado literature is remarkable, possessing two qualities: first, simple,
straightforward language written to entertain and to instruct, and second, well-
chosen plots in an easily followed narrative which evokes intense sympathy or
admiration; the plots culminated in a moral lesson or affirmation of
fundamental beliefs. Such plots fulfilled both the spiritual and the emotional
needs of the Moriscos; they are well presented and there is no doubt that they
were recited and enjoyed by the Moriscos.
Although largely derived from Arabic sources, the secular literature of the
Moriscos is very different from classicial Arabic literature, which was written by
crudites for erudites and in which eloquent language (fasahah*) and stylistic
ornamentation, rhymes, imagery, and other devices were considered the
essential ingredients of good writing. This was not the case among the
Moriscos, who could scarcely emulate a classical Arabic no longer in use in their
environment. Instead, they wrote in Spanish dialects, the dialect of the streets
rather than the language of educated Spanish society. The Morisco writer
generally conveyed his message clearly without literary device. Above all, he
sought to share a religious belief or a moral lesson and the faith that God is
omnipresent, probing and testing until he intervenes against unbelievers,
spirits and demons, and against all injustices meted to his favorite people, the
Muslims.
Epic Literature5
The Book of Battles6 relates stories of heroism filled with the human qualities of
courage, manliness, loyalty, truthfulness, magnanimity, gallantry to women,
defense of the truth and the rights of the poor and the oppressed mall
occurring through divine guidance and intervention. In other words, in spite of
his superior human qualities, the hero appears as a mere instrument of the
Creator. He is the Arab knight of pre-Islamic times, with symbolic horse, sword,
and damsel named to inspire awe and admiration.7 These heroic and symbolic
qualities appear through the eight narratives in the Book of Battles, which is
based on historical events as to time and place, sup-

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plemented by legend: interpolations and exaggerated actions of the hero
which could only come about by divine guidance. Except for the religious
aspect, this type of narrative was based on a pre-Islamic model, the saga of
'Antar, 8 who always emerged victorious over nature, humans, and beasts Like
other pre-Islamic sagas, the saga of 'Antar was preserved by narrators, (rawi*)
and later codified by historians, becoming part of the general folklore up to the
present. Pre-Islamic narratives emphasized the manliness of the hero, to which
their Islamic counterparts added the element of divine intervention, while
preserving the pre-Islamic heroic qualities.
'Ali*, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad*, emerges as the Islamic hero
par excellence both by virtue of his heroic qualities and by divine guidance. It
is related that while Muhammad* was sitting with his companions and 'Ali*,
they saw a beautiful horse descending from Heaven; it bore a saddle and a
sword (espada) known as Dhuifqar.'Ali* was then young (mansebo),thin, and
sickly looking. When the companions asked Muhammad* who should have the
horse, he said that it belonged to the best knight. One after another they failed
to capture it. Muhammad* then asked 'Ali* to try. The knights interjected,
saying, "How can he do it when we have all failed?" Nevertheless, 'Ali*
approached the horse, which bowed before him and gave in without
resistance. then the companions realized that the horse submitted to 'Ali's*
knightly role in the nascent Islamic movement9 despite his physical
shortcomings.10
Henceforth, 'Ali* was destined to perform extraordinary things in the path of
Islam, acquiring all the qualities associated with chivalry and guided by a divine
power. This fusion of 'Ali's* secular and spiritual mission in Islamic tradition
fitted very well into the perspective of the Moriscos, who adapted the Arabic
narratives to their own needs not so much for entertainment as for conveying a
message of hope in times of despair. This emerges quite clearly in the various
narratives in the Morisco Book of Battles. In The Battle of Hunayn*,11fought by
Muhammad* against rebellious tribes in 630, the Muslims were outnumbered
and almost defeated, only to be saved at the hands of 'Ali*, who subdued the
unbelievers as if they were lambs. The angel Gabriel himself exclaimed, "Oh,
Muhammad*, the angels of heaven marvel at 'Ali.*"12Similarly, in The Battle of
Asyad* and Mecca13 between Arab pagans and Muslims, 'Ali* once more
showed his military prowess and the power of his sword Dhulfiqar, which
decimated many of the enemy with a single stroke. In addition to his military
prowess, 'Ali* showed his poetical gift when he proclaimed himself in the
manner of the Arab bards to be "the knight of knights" (kaballero de los
kaballeros).14 He killed the tested champions of the enemy and captured their
leader, al-Asyad*, to whom 'Ali* boasted in a poem: "I am the killer of millions
with license from my Lord . . . and I am the hero and shedder of the blood of
unbelievers."15 Al-Asyad* was brought before Muhammad*, accepted his
defeat, and became a Muslim.
In The Battle of Muhalhil,16 Khalid* Ibn al-Walid*, the great general of the
Islamic conquest known as "the Sword of God," shares some of the glory with
'Ali*, but never equalled 'Ali's* heroic stature, notwithstanding his great

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military accomplishments during encounters with the Byzantines in Syria-
Palestine. In the traditions, Muhalhil is an indomitable Arab hero who was
preparing an expedition against the Muslims consisting of 100,000 cavalrymen,
50,000 infantrymen, and 40,000 Black soldiers. When Muhammad *
announced his coming from the pulpit, it was agreed to send Khalid* with a
message to Muhalhil asking him to embrance Islam or face the consequences.
Khalid* undertook the long journey through dangerous mountains and valleys,
fighting many people on the way. Before reaching Muhalhil's headquarters, he
met Muhalhil's servant, described as a giant "with hands like windmills and legs
like walls," who barred the way. Khalid* subdued the giant and went on to find
Muhalhil praying before an idol. Khalid* presented himself, but refused to
deliver the message from Muhammad* until the idol was removed from sight.
When this had been done, Muhalhil read the message and became angry,
particularly at the warning that Muhammad* had five knights who could
dispose of all of Muhalhil's army. He ordered Khalid's* horse to be skinned and
Khalid* to be wrapped in the skin and made ready for the fire the following
day. The angel Gabriel intervened, informing Muhammad* of Khalid's* fate and
urging him to send 'Ali* to the rescue. 'Ali* rushed to the scene, covering in
one night a distance that had taken Khalid* twenty days. He freed Khalid*,
and together they confronted the enemy, inflicting terror upon Muhalhil's army
and killing many, including champions and Muhalhil himself, sparing only those
who accepted the call to Isiam.
Clearly, most of the credit in the confrontation with Muhalhil goes to 'Ali* as a
part of divine will made manifest by the angel Gabriel. Although Khalid* may
have displayed extraordinary feats against Muhalhil's army, his heroic role is
reserved for his encounter with the Christian Byzantines at the Battle of
Yarmuk* in 636.17 Outnumbered by the Byzantines, Khalid* won a decisive
victory, which placed him next to 'Ali* as the hero of nascent Islam. Khalid's*
victory over the Christians appealed to the Moriscos, who regarded the victory
as a sign of the ultimate triumph of Islam. The Battle of Yarmu* earned for
Khalr Khal* the designation of the "Sword of Allah"; for the Moriscos the battle
took on miraculous proportions, marking the victory of the true faith over
tyranny, injustices, and worshipers of the cross (fuwe desipadora de los
servidores de la kuruz).18
Notwithstanding, 'Ali* remains the great hero, whose magnanimity, bravery,
and fearlessness are shown in broad relief in other historico-legendary
narratives. The Legend of al-Harith*19deals with the Christian ruler of Yemen,
showing both Muhammad's* determination to convert the Arabs to Islam and
'Ali's* role in bringing this about. After the fall of Mecca to the Muslims,
Muhammad* wrote to the Yemenite king, calling upon him to embrace Islam.
Muhammad's* messenger reached the capital of Yemen and was taken to king
al-Harith* through many halls and luxurious palaces. After reading the
message, al-Harith* summoned his ministers for advice, but rejected
conversion despite the warning of an old man about the consequences. War
ensued between the Muslims and al-Harith*, whose army was headed by the
champion

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'Amr. In the words of 'Ali *, 'Amr was the strongest champion he had ever
met.20 In fact, 'Amr defeated several Muslim warriors in hand-to-hand
encounters before 'Ali* appeared, proclaiming: "I am the one who gives falls,
decimator of squadrons, victor over champions, ejecter of knights to the
ground, and the lion of Banu* Ghalib*, 'Ali* Ibn Abi* Talib*."21 The two
knights fought all day until sunset, inflicting deep wounds. When they met the
following day, they inquired about each other's wounds. 'Ali* suggested to
'Amr that he end the duel by simply making the confession of faith; 'Amr
declined indignantly. The duel continued until 'Ali* captured 'Amr and brought
him before Muhammad*, who demanded that he become a Muslim. 'Amr
swore he would not make the confession of faith under the threat of the sword.
Muhammad* then ordered 'Ali* to decapitate him, but rescinded the order and
freed 'Amr. 'Amr rejoined his men, but later returned to Muhammad* and
asked him whether Muhammad* or God had freed him, to which Muhammad*
replied that he himself did but with God's will. This was sufficient reason for
'Amr and his men to embrace Islam; he succeeded later in persuading al-
Harith* and his people to do the same.
The Muslims would have been defeated without 'Ali*, who decided the
outcome of a battle not only against powerful enemies but against spirits and
idols. This is shown in The Legend of al-Ashyab Ibn Hanqar*,22the leader of
Tayma, a town north of Medina. Al-Ashyab is portrayed as a great champion
(barragan) with enormous wealth and many followers; he had an idol in the
form of a peacock housed in a sumptuous palace.23 Al-Ashyab had turned
down Muhammad's* invitation to embrace Islam, after which war ensued. 'Ali*
did not join the expedition, in which the Muslim army suffered defeat and was
in a dire plight. 'Ali*; saw this development in a dream and rushed to the
scene, covering a long distance in a very short time. He encountered the
fearless champion al-Akhdar* Ibn Mashfuq*, whom he captured, creating
great consternation among al-Ashyab's army. Al-Ashyab then proposed to
embrace Islam if 'Ali* acceded, provided that he be allowed a thousand men.
Arriving at the palace, 'Ali* saw the idol surrounded by many spirits. His
followers fled, but 'Ali* remained undeterred, defeated the dinas (eljines), and
crushed the idol with his sword Dhulfiqar, leaving al-Ashyab no choice but to
embrace Islam.
'Ali* defeats not only champions and spirits, but strange creatures as well. In
The Legend of the Golden Castle,24 an Arab convert to Islam complains to
Muhammad* about an enormous serpent in a castle which ravaged the
countryside, killing cattle, camels, and men. Muhammad* sent 'Ali* and
Khalid* Ibn al-Walid* at the head of an army to the castle, well fortified with
iron gates and high walls decorated with gold, silver, and precious stones. The
palace was in smoke and from one of its gates emerged the head of an
enormous serpent with an open mouth like a cave from which sprang
enormous columns of smoke.25 Pastures all around were in flames, causing the
intruders to flee. 'Ali* persuaded them to return, where they were
overwhelmed by fire and smoke. His men could not withstand the fearful sight.
Alone, 'Ali* entered the castle shouting as if "the heavens were falling, the
earth splitting, and the mountains

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moving." 26 At first the flames forced him to withdraw, but he soon returned
with a determination defying nature and beasts. While his followers watched
with suspense from a distance, he passed through fearful noise, fire, and
smoke and fought fifty thousand champions from among the jinns (eljines) and
devils (el-saytanes). His wife Fatimah* saw the spectacle in her dream and
informed her father, Muhammad*, who contacted the angel Gabriel. Gabriel
reassured Muhammad* that 'Ali* was fighting spirits, demons, and devils, he
heard a voice advising him to kill the chief dragon. He heeded the advice and
emerged victorious after having killed seventeeen thousand demons like "the
wind hitting the sea and fire the dry wood."27
What is remarkable about these epic narratives is that each brings out a
unique quality of the hero. In The Battle of Khuzamah al-Bariqiyyah*,28'Ali*
had to fight a lady champion in the cause of Islam. The powerful lady, named
Khuzamah, had seasoned champions among her followers, whom 'Ali* had to
defeat before his encounter with Khuzamah. 'Ali* pulled these champions from
their horses with a single hand. When the turn of Khuzamah came, he pulled
her out of the saddle as if she were a bird. He was magnanimous with her
despite her wickedness, requiring only that she become Muslim along with her
tribe.
The Legend of Wara* al-Hujurah*29 not only shows another aspect of 'Ali's*
heroism, but tests whether God (Allah) or the godesses Allat* and 'Uzzad will
prevail. One day the king of Wara al-Hujurah appeared before Muhammad and
told of his desire to become Muslim, since Allah proved more effective than his
female deities. He asked Muhammad* to send some of the companions to
teach his people the new religion. In truth, the king had no intention of
becoming Muslim, tricking the Muslims into coming to his capital in order to kill
them. Muhammad* sent a party of four, including Khalid* Ibn al-Walid*. On
their way to the king's capital, the Muslims saw an eagle crying and pulling its
feathers out, then disappearing. Khalid* knew the language of birds and
alerted his party to imminent danger, advising them to return home. However,
they assessed their strength against that of the enemy and decided that they
could triumph with the help of God and the grace of Muhammad* since each
one of them was worth ten thousand horsemen and Khalid* was worth forty
thousand. So they proceeded to the king's capital, where they were given milk
which contained a sleeping draught. While asleep, they were put in chains to
be burned the following day. Soon Khalid* awoke and woke his companions
with the aid of his ring. The next morning, the king appeared before them and
inquired satirically what had happened and what kind of knights they were.
While they despaired, God sent His angel Gabriel to tell Muhammad* of their
plight; Muhammad* sent 'Ali* to the rescue. 'Ali* always was ready to fight in
the path of God and in honor of His messenger.30 He rushed to the scene,
freed the prisoners, and battled the king's army fiercely, defeating many; the
rest pleaded with him that they were ready to embrace Allah* and abandon
the goddesses Allat* and Uzzah.
The Legend of 'Ali* and the Forty Girls31 completes the list of 'Ali's* ex-

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traordinary heroic qualities. For once, 'Ali * would fight to prove himself before
the lady of his dreams. The story is set in Medina during the Battle of the
Trench in 627; the city was besieged by the Quraysh, then mortal enemies of
Muhammad*. It conveys both gallantry to women and a great feat of heroism
meant to compensate for some unattractive physical attributes. Forty beautiful
girls attired in silk garments, pearls, and rubies accompanied by an old lady
met Fatimah*, Muhammad's* daughter, at a mill. The old lady told the ill-
dressed Fatimah* that with her looks and beauty she could marry a champion
of the Quraysh and dress like these girls instead of being the wife of 'Ali*, who
had four defects: baldness, a large belly, thin legs, and no money. This made
Fatimah* unhappy. When he heard of it, 'Ali* pleaded with God to send an
army of unbelievers to besiege the city. No sooner had he made his plea than
he was summoned by Muhammad*, who informed him that eighty thousand
invaders surrounded the city. 'Ali* was delighted. He asked Muhammad* to
allow him to fight them alone and to have the forty girls, the old lady, and
Fatimah* watch the battle from the city walls. The hitherto poorly dressed
Fatimah* was provided with a beautiful dress sent from heaven with the angel
Gabriel, and she joined the other ladies to watch 'Ali* defeat one champion
after the other until none was left; then he shouted, "Come out, oh enemies of
God, for there is no name above mine."32 No one dared to face him, so he
plunged into the army, killing many and emerging drenched with blood. With
victory achieved, he ascended the city walls, where he embraced Fatimah* and
kissed her on the forehead. Then he addressed the entourage, saying: 'Oh
ladies, what do you think of the one who has little hair, a large belly, thin legs,
and no money?"33 Of course, the ladies were impressed and made the
confession of faith, but the old lady refused and was split in half.
These narratives derived from al-siyar wa-l-maghazi* (Biographies and Raids)
of early Islam combining history and legends around the person of 'Ali*, the
unrivaled knight ( fata*), and his unique sword. They gave rise to the saying:
"There is no sword like dhu-l-fiqar*, nor any knight like 'Ali*."34 'Ali's* Shi'ite
partisans in early Islam regarded him as infallible and quasidivine. This
conception did not bother the Moriscos, who followed the orthodox path and
displayed little interest in theological controversies within Islam. The historico-
legendary accounts of 'Ali* were directly relevant to their situation, showing
the triumph of Islam over pagan and Christian enemies against heavy odds and
providing a source of inspiration. 'Ali* embodied their expectations of a
deliverer, not only having the superior qualities of the ideal medieval knight
with respect to bravery, honor, loyalty, selflessness, devotion, love, and
defense of the true faith, but also serving as the instrument of God through
Muhammad* and the angel Gabriel. This gave the hero superhuman qualities
such as covering enormous distances in a short time, seeing things in dreams,
and understanding the language of birds, not to mention extraordinary
triumphs over whole armies, giants, dragons, serpents, spirits, demons, and
devils. Yet 'Ali* was quite human when it came to the fair sex and attempted
to compensate his physical shortcomings through a heroic feat in order to gain
the

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love of Fatimah *.
Morisco epic narratives can be used profitably in a comparative study of
Spanish epic. One should not be concerned about the dating of Morisco
narratives, since all of them are traceable to early Islamic sources and were
known for centuries among Spanish Muslims. 'Abd al-Badi'*,35 Marcos,36 and
Galms37 have led the way in this area of scholarship, finding many elements
common to both Arabic and Spanish epics.
Novellas and Other Stories
The interaction between Arabic and Western literature can also be seen in
other genres. Although some epic narratives clearly have a religious tenor, the
Moriscos appear to have valued the profane aspects sufficiently to translate
such material from non-Arabic sources. Such is the case of The History of the
Loves of Paris and Viana,38 a novella of chivalry which was widely read in the
West and was translated into several European languages, including Aljamiado.
The novella originates in France and develops around Paris's love for Viana, but
the action extends to the Holy Land and incorporates many elements familiar
to the Moriscosmainly, the qualities of the hero and his determination to gain
the hand of his beloved despite strong opposition. As in the 'Antar story,
reciprocal love meets the opposition of the girl's father, in this case Viana's,
causing the couple to elope. The elopement is foiled: Viana is apprehended
and locked away; Paris escapes and travels incognito in countries bordering the
Mediterranean, settling in the Holy land, where he learns Arabic and lives
disguised as a Moor. In the meantime, Viana's father goes to the Orient as a
spy for the Crusaders, but is discovered and jailed. Still in disguise, Paris
manages through his influence to obtain the release of his would-be father-in-
law, who promises to make his benefactor his favorite knight and his heir upon
their return to France. Not only does he fulfill his promise, but Paris and Viana
marry and live happily thereafter.
The theme of despair which ends in triumph had a particular attraction for the
Moriscos, as seen in the epic narratives and the novel of Paris and Viana. It is
also apparent in The Bath of Zarieb,39 an Eastern love story40 in the tenth-
century Cordova. The story gives some glimpses of Cordova of that day and its
powerful chamberlain al-Mansur* (d. 1002), but its primary theme is the love
at first sight of a playboy, who deceives a rich and beautiful girl into entering
his house with the intent of seducing her. The girl, who had been lost in the
street looking for the Bath of Zarieb, manages by clever means to escape from
the young man's house and leaves her suitor deeply infatuated. He searches
for her endlessly, to the point of madness. Finally, he finds her through the
good offices of a friend, who intercedes on his behalf with the powerful al-
Mansur*. Al-Mansur* arranges the couple's marriage.
In The Story of Carcayona41 the cause of religion prevails at the end, along
with true love, happiness, and miraculous happenings. Besides its religious
focus, the story is full of suspense and drama and has various elements that
occur in Western literature. The heroine embraces Islam and per-

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sists in her faith, to the rage of her pagan father, who amputates her hands
and sends her into the wilderness to perish. Her faith in the new religion
remains undiminished and is reinforced when a deer leads her to a cave and
cares for her. She continues her religious practices. One day a prince appears
and, dazzled by her beauty, falls in love with her. He takes her to his kingdom
and marries her over the vehement protests of the queen mother. The couple
lives happily and has a child. While the prince is away on a military expedition,
the queen mother exiles Carcayona and her baby. Desperate and helpless, but
keeping faith in Islam, she is again rescued by the deer, which cares for her,
and the merciful Allah * causes her to regain her hands. When the prince
returns from the expedition, the queen mother informs him that his wife had
left him, but he remains faithful and seeks his wife. He finds her with great
relief and renewed love. They return to his kingdom and live happily thereafter,
removing the queen mother to a distant palace.
These tales of noble and true love may be contrasted with a tale of illicit love
through seduction in The Story of a Worshiper and the Naked Woman,42
where temptation is tempered by self-control and divine intervention. Its
theme is similar in spirit to the one reported by Ibn Hazm* in the epilogue of
his Dove's Ring on love and lovers. The Aljamiado story centers around an
ascetic known for his devotion. He lives in an isolated hut in the mountains, but
often is visited by the king. One night, a woman knocks at his door; she claims
to be very cold and insists upon entering. The ascetic reluctantly obliges. The
room is dark. The woman pleads to have the fire kindled. When the fire is lit,
he sees her completely naked and is taken by her extreme beauty. He asks her
to leave his sight, but the woman refuses to cover herself and asks the ascetic
to sleep with her. With the thought of Hell in his mind, he puts his finger in the
fire. This was not enough, so God sends his angel Gabriel, who helps to burn
all his fingers. At the awful sight, the woman screams and drops to the floor as
if dead. The ascetic covers her with his cloak (el-jaba, Ar. al-Jubbah) and
proceeds with his devotions. Meanwhile, Satan (iblis*) informs the king that
the ascetic had slept with and killed the woman. The king rushes to the hut
and finds the woman motionless on the floor. The ascetic claims innocence, but
to no avail; the king puts him to death. Thereupon, the woman awakes and
tells the true story, leaving the king and his entourage unhappy and pensive
(tiristes i-pensativos).43
The Story of a Muslim Scholar44 deals with love as an element in the long
contest between Christianity and Islam. The Muslim scholar is able and pious,
but is ruined when he falls in love with and marries a Christian woman, who
compels him to embrace Christianity. The story has a happy ending when the
couple embraces the true faith, Islam, through divine grace.
There are other stories of religious and human interest which have literary
merit in their form, content, and manner of execution. In The Story of Tamim*
al-Dari,*,45 a companion of the Prophet shows unshaken belief in Islam even
when transplanted into the world of spirits and demons. The story, full of
action and suspense, is written in the manner of the Arabian Nights, which
prob-

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ably inspired it. Muhammad * himself predicts Tamim's* trials as a test of faith.
One night Tamim* was performing the ablution at home while his wife was
waiting in bed. After long waiting, his wife searched for him but could find him
nowhere For days and weeks no trace of him was found. The demons had
taken him away to a cave, where he lived among them but continued to
believe in God and to read the Qur'an*to the annoyance of the demons, who
ridiculed and threatened him, insisting that he abandon his religion. This had
gone on for almost four years when a good genie passed by the cave and
inquired about Tamim's* fate and religion. The genie became interested in him
as a tutor for his children, but the chief demon would not release him. This
caused a war between the good genies and the demons, numbering in the
millions. The good genies triumph over the demons, and Tamim* was taken to
another mysterious world, where he lived in comfort for the next three years.
Then the desire to return home overcame him. He was allowed to depart,
passing through a fantastic world in which he witnessed many marvels: spirits,
saints, great cities, believers, and other creatures with which he had dialogues
concerning the virtue of the Islamic faith. While Tamim* is on his way home
over a cloud, his wife decides to remarry after seven years' mourning. Her
nuptials coincide with the arrival of Tamim*, who claims his wife. A quarrel
between the two husbands is averted by the intervention of 'Umar, who allows
the wife to choose between the two. She chooses Tamim*, saying that she has
known no other man and will continue to be Tamim's* wife.
Mention should also be made of some of the stories about Muhammad* in
addition to those in his biography. Like the epic narratives, these stories have
literary merit and may be included among general stories despite their religious
character. In the epic narratives around the person of 'Ali*, Muhammad*
appears almost without exception as the guiding spirit of all 'Ali's* undertaking,
watching over the triumph of Islam over heathenism and Christianity.
Muhammad* is hardly an active participant, playing the sublime role of a
spiritual leader endowed with the power of miracles beyond anything
accomplished through the sword.46 His is the glory of being in communion with
the divine through the angel Gabriel.
While Muhammad* delegated 'Ali* and his close companions to cope with
armed opposition, he chooses to use miracles in his confrontations not only
with fellow Arabs but also with claimants to prophecy. The Story of a
Prophetess and a Prophet47 reveals the miraculous power of Muhammad*.
Two prophets, a male and a female, were contending for pkwer. Although the
prophetess was more capable and powerful than the prophet, she gave in to
the male prophet through seduction, reducing the contenders to him and
Muhamad*,. The two now agreed to put their prophecies to the test through
miraculous deeds. When Muhammad* put his hand on the head of a man who
had been scalded, he cured him, but when the false prophet did the same, the
patient caught leprosy. When Muhammad* made a blind man see, the false
prophet made him blind again; when Muhammad* made salt water sweet, the
other made the sweet water salty. In this way false prophecy was exposed for
all to

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see. Similarly, in The Story of the Miracle of the Moon, 48 Muhamad* emerged
triumphant when a Meccan leader pledged to embrace Islam if Muhammad*
were to perform a miracle. Muhammad* met the challenge by changing the
course of the moon and splitting it in two. But the most moving story in the
production of miracles is The Story of the Arab and the Girl,49 which deals with
the unhappy fate of a girl who was buried alive by her own father in order to
avoid a disgrace in the family. While the father was digging her grave, the
beautiful and graceful girl became reconciled to her fate to the point of
cleansing the sweat off her father's forehead. After the burial, the father was
surrounded by an enormous fire from which a voice was heard commanding
him to go to see Muhammad* if he ever wanted to be saved. In the meantime,
Muhammad* brought the girl to life, and she greeted him by name. When
Muhammad* inquired how she knew his name, she said that she learned it
while she was in Heaven.
Didactic Literature
Much of Aljamiado literature is didactic in nature whether its form is epic,
novellas, or stories, but some manuscripts consist entirely of wise sayings and
admonitions meant to guide the reader toward right conduct. The sayings are
often derived from utterances attributed to the Prophet, his companions,
venerable leaders of Islam, and pre-Islamic wisemen. This genre of teaching
through concise statements on all behavior and general precepts is common to
both Arabic and medieval Spanish literature.50 The wise sayings may take the
form of a father's counsel to his son, a wiseman's to a young ruler, or a
teacher's to his pupil, placing wisdom derived from long experience at the
disposal of the listener so that he may be guided and avoid pitfalls and
needless mistakes.
Among such Aljamiado texts are the sayings of Muhammad* contained in BNM
5354,51 untitled but dealing with counsels and manners (kastigos i
kostumberes) translated from The One Thousand and Two Hundred Words of
the Eastern scholar al-Quda'i* (d. 1062).52 The sayings cover a variety of
subjects relating to God, religious precepts, observances and reflections. The
concise statements are arranged under chapter headings on attaining
salvation, paradise, worldly things, and exhortations to follow the good path
and to avoid the unlawful. Here are some of the sayings:
i-la-leghriya es ghanansiyah53
Joy is gain.
i-la-tiristora es perdida54
Sadness is loss.
La-rrogharya es obidensiya55
Supplication is obedience.

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El-amoriyo es mediyo seso 56
Love-suit is half-witted (madness).
El porovecho es kon vuwestoros mayores57
Benefit is with your elders.
La fuwersa del fecho es su kunpilimiyento58
The strength of a deed is its fulfillment.
El temor a-da Allah* es kabesa de toda sabiyeza59
The fear of God is the beginning of all wisdom.
Las mujeres son kuwerdas dela shaytan*60
Women are the halters of the devil.
El vino es suma de los pekados61
Wine is the sum of sins.
La fasiya es delas barasas de jahannam62
Falsehood is one of the embers of Hell.
El murmurar es de la obra de los jahiles63
Gossiping is the work of the ignorant.
El-azine de los ojos es el mirar64
Adultery of the eyes is looking.
La tacha de la farankeza es la demasiya65
The blemish of frankness is excess.
El aljanna es kasa de los farankos66
Paradise is the home of the pious.
Los sabiyos son fiyeles de Allah* sobre sus khaleqados67
Scholars are the guardians of God over His creatures.
La kabesa de la sensiya es el temer a-da Allah*68
The beginning of wisdom is the fear of God.
El saber es amigho del kereyente69
Knowledge is the friend of the believer;
i la pasensiya es su el-wazir70
patience is his minister,

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i el seso es su ghuiya 71
and the brain his guide.
La soledad es mejor ke la konpaniya mala72
Solitude is better than bad company.
I dezir biyen es mejor kel hablar
To say good things is better than to talk;
i-el hablar es mejor ke hablar mal73
and talking is better than saying bad [things.]
A similar work entitled The Book of Good Doctrines, Counsels, and Good
Behaviors74 contains wisdom and moral sayings. One chapter exalts knowledge
and urges the listener to act with wisdom and knowledge, offering numerous
counsels about God's mercy and the rewards from adhering to religious tenets.
There are other works aimed at instructing the soul, loving the hereafter, and
loathing this world, together with advice about compliance with religious law.75
The Counsels for People76 is made up of miscellaneous sayings of
Muhammad*, wisemen, traditionists, and the great theologian al-Ghazali* (d.
1111). Finally, there are The Counsels of 'Ali*77 and The Counsels of a
Wiseman to His Son,78 which are similar to The Counsels of Dukama to His
Son79 discussed here.
The identity of Dukama cannot be ascertained. He is presumably a legendary
pre-Islamic figure like Luqman*,80 prominent in Arabic literature as a man of
great wisdom, some of whose sayings appear in Aljamiado literature. Dukama
tells his son that there are five things in life which are nullified irreparably by
their opposite: ''O son, you will earn five things in life that are followed by
another five: youth before old age; tranquility before fate; wealth before
poverty; life before death; and health before sickness."81 Dukama urges his
son to be close to God, to know and beseech Him at all times, and to rely on
Him, "for He alone allows things to happen."82 He further urges him to live in
this world as a stranger (algharibu), since this world is transitory.83 Some of his
other admonitions are: "O son of Adam, walk with your feet and hands on
earth, for you shall end in the tomb."84 "It surprises me to see someone
becoming sad for the want of something, yet he is not sad for the diminution of
life."85 "It astonishes me when a person does not know which is better,
increasing good deeds or decreasing life."86 "O son of Adam, don't be sad for
lost things, nor be merry for gained onesfor what is lost will never return and
what is won has no permanence. It is certain that you will not escape
death."87
Various sayings are attributed to Luqman*, who addressed his son: "O son,
take of the world that comes to you, and keep the best for the hereafter . . .
Don't accompany double-faced people . . . Don't laugh without cause or
benefit . . . Don't walk aimlessly, or ask for what cannot be

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achieved . . . Happiness and sadness go hand in hand and do not last long." 88
"O son, have pity on three people: the honorable man who succumbs to
meanness; the wealthy man who is overcome by poverty; and the scholar who
is taken by madness."89
These and other sayings represent a faithful rendition of the Arabic original and
have the virtue of being concise, expressive, and easy to retain, facilitating
their dissemination among the population. This makes their study the more
significant in terms of their Arabic antecedents and their disemination in areas
beyond those inhabited by the Moriscos. Inasmuch as the Moriscos lacked a
formal education and books, they relied more and more on memory to convey
their thought as moralizers or entertainers. A whole neighborhood might gather
around a storyteller to hear aphorisms and stories. The available literature gives
a fair clue to the content of the storyteller's repertoire, which was both
entertaining and edifying and could be listened to with pleasure and profit. In
fact, it was through such a storyteller that Washington Irving wrote Tales of
the Alhambra.
A few points should be emphasized with respect to the role and place of the
storyteller, the nature and scope of the Arabic bellelettrists, and their affinity to
their Spanish counterpart.
The role and place of the storyteller or narrator can hardly be overestimated in
an illiterate society. The professional narrators played an important part in the
early development of both Arabic and Spanish literatures, transmitting the
wisdom and experiences of the ages in prose and poetry. Narrators were
prolific, had the gift of good memory, and developed a technique of relating
things in an interesting manner and an eloquent but simple language. In the
process, they added and omitted things for effect and other purposes. In the
evenings, they related stories of wars, love and lovers, fables, and historical
events intermingled with exaggerated actions and legends. The tenth-century
bibliophile Ibn al-Nadim*90 lists a number of works dealing with night chats
(asmar*) and myths (khurafat*).
In Muslim Spain, this kind of literature became the object of numerous
belletristic works (adab), the most comprehensive of which is the Unique
Necklace (al-'iqd al-farld) of the tenth-century Andalusian Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi,91
who included a variety of subjects of didactic and profane nature. The
preceding survey conforms, on the whole, to this type of literature with respect
to form and content, reflecting an Arabic tradition whose purpose is to instruct
and entertain using examples in the form of epic narratives, stories, aphorisms,
counsels, maxims, and proverbs. Adab constituted an integral part of Arabic
literature, remaining popular throughout the ages and exerting an enormous
influence on Hispanic literature from about the twelfth century onward through
a long and intimate interchange between Christians and Muslims within the
Iberian Peninsula.
Despite the fact that Arabic literature is replete with epic narratives that began
in pre-Islamic times and continued through the Islamic period, of which the
Aljamiado narratives constitute only a small part, nineteenth-century

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Western scholars believed that epic narratives were nonexistent in Arabic and
that Arabic writers dealt only with the tangible and the real, lacking the
aspiration for the ideal and the unknown. 92 Even Spain was denied such a
literary genre until the latter part of the nineteenth century.93 Subsequent
research revealed that both poeples had their own epics and that chivalry was
known among the Arabs three centuries before it was known to Europe.94
Although both Arabic and Spanish epic narratives were based on actual events
with a real time, place, and protagonists, they contained most, if not all the
elements that characterized European epics. In 1928, Ribera suggested an
Arabic origin to Spanish narratives, but his suggestion remained dormant until
1964, when 'Abd al-Badi*' published his Arabic Epic and Its Influence on
Castilian Epic, surveying the literature on the subject from pre-Islamic times
through the classicial period of Islam and down to its manifestation in Spanish
literature, pointing to elements common to both Arabic and Spanish narratives.
'Abd al-Badi*'compares narratives of early Islam, the biography of the pre-
Islamic bard 'Antar (Sirat* 'Antar), and the epic narrative (urjuzah) by the
tenth-century Andalusian Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi with their Spanish counterparts as
found in Poema del Cid, Los Infantes de Lara, and La Mora Zayda, pointing to
the affinity and common elements binding the two literatures. Meanwhile,
Galms took up the subject of epic narratives by first editing the Aljamiado
texts contained in the Book of Battles with an incisive introduction and
linguistic study; subsequently, Galms brought out the major points in the
Book of Battles in his short, lucid work, Arabic Epic and Castilian Epic. Then
followed Marcos's Arabic Narrative Poetry and Hispanic Epic, expanding on
some points and reaching similar conclusions.
The comparative approach of 'Abd al-Badi*', Galms, and Marcos amply
documents not only the intimate relationship of Arabic and Spanish narratives,
but the continuity of epic literature over the ages down to the Morisco period in
the sixteenth century. It is relevant to mention that pre-Islamic times, known
as the Days of Ignorance (Ayyam* al-Jahiliyyah*) or the Days of the Arabs
(Ayyam* al-'Arab), were marked by intertribal wars that were celebrated in
songs similar to later European gestes. These songs, fragments of which
survived, were recited by narrators, who also used rhymed prose. Some of the
narrations were extended into the Islamic period with many additions and
embellishments. Such was the biography of 'Antar (Sirat* 'Antar) celebrating
the heroism of the pre-Islamic bard 'Antar, who fell madly in love with his
cousin 'Abla and undertook dangerous assignments in order to gain her hand.
He was made to live almost five centuries into the Islamic period, performing
extraordinary deeds beyond the confines of the Arabian Peninsula, in Syria,
Iran, Byzantium, and North Africa.95 He combined the pre-Islamic virtues of
manliness (muruwah*) with a crusading spirit against Christianity. Holy War
(Jihad*) became a common theme, finding full expression in the Dhat* al-
himrnah wa-l-battal*, a narrative relating the struggle between Islam and
Byzantium.96 These and other narratives exalting extraordinary heroic deeds
were preserved by narrators and later by compilers.97

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These narrations, known as hadith * (story, fable, or simply narration) or
Akhbar* (pl. of khabar, meaning "news") retained this designation among the
Moriscos, who called them el-alhadith*which may correspond to the Spanish
nuevas often used in Poema del Cid.98 They formed part of Arabic
historiography. Although their origin may date to pre-Islamic times, they
developed under Islam, gaining religious meaning in the path of Islam and its
encounter with Christianity. In addition to his secular role, the hero emerged as
an instrument of a divine power. This can be readily seen in Aljamiado texts, in
which the presence of the angel Gabriel is pervasive, always appearing at the
right time and even participating directly in the action (a feature also found in
Poema del Cid).99 The epic narratives also contained spirits, omens, divination,
and fantastic elements.100 This notwithstanding, they became the heritage of
Muslims everywhere, including Muslim Spain, which developed its own epic
narratives celebrating the triumph of Islam in its confrontation with
Christianity.101 The poem in rajaz meter (Urjuzah) of Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi exalting
the military expeditions of his patron the caliph 'Abd al-Rahman* III (912-961)
against the Christians is one such epic narrative.102 Such compositions in both
prose and verse formed part of the general history of al-Andalus and
engendered a counterpart in Romance. These flourished during the border
wars (guerras fronterizas) between Muslims and Christians which lasted until
the end of the fifteenth century, when the Moriscos began to develop their
literatureselecting from the Arabic legacy the narratives which best met their
needs.
The long coexistence of the Muslim and Christian communities at war and in
peace with similar goals but different religious ideologies resulted in a common
outlooknotwithstanding the differences separating them. Thus, similarities
between Arabic and Spanish could not have been altogether accidental. The
Mozarabs, who lived under Muslim rule, and their counterparts, the
Mudejars/Moriscos, who lived under Christians, played no small part in the
diffusion and transmission of Arabic literary genres, including epic narratives,
didactic stories, aphorisms, and proverbs.
Epic narratives became the patrimony of Muslim and Christian societies alike
and contributed to the formation of the institution of chivalry, which appears to
have the same semantic value in Arabic, Spanish, and French, the sense of
"horsemanship." The Arabic term furusiyyah* is derived from faras (horse),
from which the term faris* (knight) is also derived. They correspond to the
Spanish caballera and caballero and to the French chevalrie and chevalier.
The tenth-century Ibn al-Nadim*103 devotes a section to furusiyyah*, in which
he lists books dealing with the bearing of arms, weapons, etiquette of wars,
and the conduct of participantsall of which constitute the basic ingredients of
the institution of chivalry.
The hero (Ar. faris*, Sp. caballero, Fr. chevalier, Alj. kaballero) is a horseman
whose existence depends on a horse, a sword, a cause, and a situation in
which he is able to demonstrate his prowess. These primary ingredients enable
him to display superior human qualities of honor ('ird*) and manliness

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(muruwah *) embodying all the virtues of courage, magnanimity, generosity,
and hospitality.104 He is the personification of the pre-Islamic leader (sayyid)
whose goal is to avenge humiliation and correct wrong.105 His deeds alone are
the only guarantee for his preeminent position and prestige, and allow him to
assume sonorous surnames befitting his station such as Ghalib* (Victorious)
and al-Sayyidi al-battal* (My Lord and Maximum Hero)two surnames that
correspond to Campeador and Mio Cid.106 He is often knighted in a solemn
ceremony107 and owes allegiance and loyalty to a king or a prophet.108 His
sword, which was ordinarily captured from the enemy, was also given a
sonorous name: 'Ali's* Dhu-l-fiqar*, the Cid's Colada and Tizon, and Roland's
Durandal and Almace.109 His horse also receives a name.110
In the battlefield he engages his equal first; afterward he may fight the rank
and file of the armyif and when needed.111 He takes an oath to accomplish his
mission by abstinence from washing or shaving until he triumphs.112 However,
he is not above deceit, craftiness, and even theft in the pursuit of the
enemy.113 He is self-assured and even boastful about his powess, invoking his
name in an intimidating fashion114 in elegant and poetical language. He is,
above all, a lover who would invoke the name of his beloved before an
enterprise that is ordinarily dedicated to her.115 All in all, he was not a mythical
being but a man of flesh and blood possessing very great qualities deserving of
emulation and admiration.
Besides these features common to both Arabic and Spanish epic naratives,
there is the question of structure. A narration which develops around separate
episodes appears in the Cid and Aljamiado narratives and finds its best
expression in Don Quijote, where the naration is often interrupted by dialogues
that contribute to making the protagonist much alive. Cervantes's Don Quijote,
though a parody of chivalry, not only brings out the elements of chivalry but
also is structured in episodes without nexus. Cervantes witnessed the last days
of the Moriscos and came into contact with some of them in Algiers and in
Spain; he may be assumed to have known the literary taste of the Moriscos, for
whom he had little sympathy, as evidenced by repeated unfavorable
refferences to them. It is possible that he used his Don Quijote to redicule
them as well as the society of his time. Whatever his motivation, Cervantes
drew his material from the then numerous books on chivalry, following their
content and structure. He calls his composition a narration116 or "true history"
(verdadera historia) as his Don Quijote perceives it,117 and as the Arab
compilers of old perceived such compositions. His "brainless" Don Quijote, who
had read all the available books on chivalry, meticulously follows the norms of
the institution. He displays his eloquence and "clarity of prose" befitting a
knight who conceives chivalry as consisting of battles, duels, wounds, love, and
torment and as aiming at undoing offenses, straightening myopy correcting
wrong, mending abuses, and settling accounts.118 Don Quijote undertook no
adventure without first giving a name to his horse, Rocinante; for himself he
chose Don Quijote de la Mancha from his original name Quijada or Quesada;
and to his dame he gave "the musical, perfect and expressive name of
Dulcinea

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del Toboso." Finally, Don Quijote asked the innkeeper to knight him in the
manner of old. 119
The didactics, fables, aphorisms, and proverbs, some traceable to India,
Greece, and the Ancient Near East and prominent in classical Arabic literature,
can be observed alike in early Spanish and Aljamiado literature. It may not be a
mere coincidence that such genres, which remained pervasive until the time of
the Moriscos in the sixteenth century, should have had wide currency in early
Spanish literature, which drew heavily from Arabic works through translation
and oral transmission. Already in the twelfth century, Pedro Alfonso, a convert
from Judaism, wrote a collection of stories under the title of Disciplina
Clericalis, which was a rendition from Arabic aimed at instructing his fellow
clerics in the facts of life through unsavory and mundane stories. The Disciplina
had an enormous inpact and was emulated by a number of authors. About the
same time, the school of translation at Toledo gave impetus to the translation
of Arabic works on a variety of subjectsincluding Kalilah* wa-Dimnah, a book of
fables, and the Sendebar, known as El libro de los enganos* e los
asayamientos de las mugeres, consisting of some twenty-six episodes or
enxenplos (examples) which depict the deceit and cunning of women. These
and other works served as models influencing Juan Manuel's Conde Lucanor,
consisting of fifty-one examples related by the wise Patronio to his eager pupil,
Count Lucanor. The didactic approach also is found in Juan Ruiz's Book of Good
Love, consisting of edifying stories, fables, and aphorisms. One may add The
Book of the Twelve Wisemen, dealing with the instruction of a young man in
his duties; The Book of One Hundred Chapters, consisting of moral and political
maxims; The Book of Good Proverbs; The Book of Philosophy; and The Secret
of Secretsall of which contain maxims and norms for guidance and upright
living.120
In sum, didactic literature in the form of stories, fables, aphorisms, proverbs,
and epic narratives had an unbroken continuity that began with classical Arabic
literature and passed to Spanish and Aljamiado literatures, with much of its
early modality, perspective, and purpose intact.

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9
Morisco Poetry
Morisco poetry appears to have broken completely with Arabic classical poetry,
as represented by the Qasidah * (Ode), considered the model of versification.
Nowhere can the depth of latinization of the Moriscos be better seen than in
their basically Spanish versification with occasional use of zajal,1 a form
common among Muslim Spaniards for centuries. Classical versification, as
represented by the Qasidah*, requires a deep knowledge of Arabic, not to
mention familiarity with Arabic meters and the abbey of versification. Although
Arabic versification died out as a result of de-arabization, the zajal and
Muwashshah forms of versification, which had become common among Arabic
and Romance speaking people from about the eleventh century, endured
among the Mudejars and, subsequently, the Moriscos, who perpetuated them
in their songs, zambras, and other poems. This versification fitted quite well
into Romance dialect, displacing the classical Arabic meters peculiar to Arabic.
The use of the zajal in Spanish verification is demonstrated by the Cantigas of
Alfonso X in the thirteenth century and by some of the Archpriest of Hita's
poems in his famed Book of Good Love written in the fourteenth

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century. 2
Morisco poetry also deviates from the classical tradition with respect to quantity
and content. Arabic and Andalusion poetry occupied a prominent place in
society and was used abundantly on festive and solemn occasions, in peace
and war, to instruct, delight, and entertain the audience. Varied and flexible, it
possessed the themes of love, praise, satire, elegy, war, asceticism, nature,
cities, palaces, gardens, wine, and so on.3 Poetical expression had cherished
goals of both artistry and eloquence. In contrast, poetry constitutes a relatively
small fraction of extant Morisco literature. That poetry is simple, and content is
limited to religious matters or laments of the Morisco plight. Like prose writing,
poetry was clandestine, sometimes bearing an author's name and sometimes
remaining anomymous. Fewer than a dozen titles are extant: The Poem of
Joseph,4 Praise and Exaltation of the Prophet Muhammad,5 Couplets in Praise
of God,6 Couplet in Praise of Islam,7 Couplets Invoking the Intercession of
Prophets,8 Couplets Praising the Prophet's Cloak,9 Couplets of Lament,10 and
Couplet Exalting the Genealogy of 'Ali*.11 In addition, there are the poems of
the emigres Ibrahim Bolfad,12 Juan Alfonso,13 and Muhammad Rabadan,14
the most celebrated Morisco poet.
Although Morisco Poetry is permeated with arabism and Islamic thought, it
does bear a Spanish stamp and has an affinity with Spanish poetry of the
period. After refering to The Poem of Joseph and Rabadan's poetry, the
Spanish scholar Gayangos sees Morisco poetry as possessing a beauty and
singular style which placed it on par with other Spanish Poetry and which
added a new dimension not achieved by the initiators of the Italian model:
The beauty and the singular style of these compositions, and especially of the last,
make us regret that no more specimens are to be found of a school of poetry which,
had it been more extensively cultivated, would without any doubt have materially
affected Spanish literature, by leading poets of thin nation to adopt the strong and
vivid colouring of oriental fancy, instead of the hackneyed sentiments and verbs
introduced by Boscan and his imitators after the Italian fashion. Let any one
compare a sonnet of Garcilaso, the Petrarch of Spain, with the true Morisco
romances, and he will soon perceive the immense advantage which, in point of
simplicity and feeling, these small compositions possess over the best contrivances
of the Castilian poets.15
Such an assessment may be fully appreciated only with a sympathy for the
Morisco poet, an understanding of his background, and familiarity with the
subject matter within an Islamic context, where expressions and images
acquire not only special meaning and coloring, but evoke a magnetic
association with basically religious themes. This in itself placed Morisco poetry
beyond the reach of Christian poets of the day, who could hardly be inspired
by content that often conflicted with established Christian doctrine.
Nevertheless, a modern reader can appreciate the profound sentiments found
in most Morisco poetry.
As with Morisco prose writing, it is difficult on the basis of available material to
ascertain the evolution of Mudejar/Morisco poetic compositions.

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One may assume that such compositions may have started as early as the
thirteenth century and evolved with the progressive decline of arabization and
the superimposition of latinization that was almost completed in the course of
the sixteenth century. The assumption that such poetical compositions may
have existed at an early date in a Spanish direct may be justified because of
the long-standing bilingualism among Mudejars/Moriscos, even long before
they had become subject people. Unfortunately, surviving compositions are
difficult to date, as in the case of The Poem of Joseph which is believed by
some to have been composed in the fourteenth century whereas others believe
it to have been as late as the sixteenth century. The bulk of Morisco poetry, as
can be deduced from internal evidence, was written during the sixteenth
centuryalthough some of it, such as The Praise of Muhammed, may have been
composed during the fifteenth century.
All indications are that The Poem of Joseph was one of the earliest poems. It
may have been written in the middle of the fourteenth century by an
Aragonese, who appears to have been under Castilian influence. There are two
manuscripts 16 of the poem belonging to different periods.17 The poem is
based on the Qur'anic* version of the biblical Joseph as expounded on by later
Qur'anic* commentators and other Arabic writers; however, the poem was not
written directly from the Arabic version, but more probably from an Aljamiado
recension in prose18 translated from the Arabic original. Joseph was loved by
his father Jacob but hated by his jealous brothers, who thaw him in a well and
claimed that he had been eaten by a wolf. He was rescued by merchants, who
sold him as a slave in Egypt, where he endued untold hardships but attained
great success. This was marred by the attempted seduction of Zulaykhah or
Zalifa, who accused him of trying to dishonor her when she had actually been
rejected by Joseph. He went to jail, but was freed and regained his position.
Finally, he was reunited with his father and family. The poet describes Joseph's
vicissitudes in a skillful, moving language with a simplicity that evokes great
sympathy for the protagonist. The poet brings out some of Joseph's great
quakes and endowments: his dream, in which he saw the sun, the moon, and
eleven stars doing homage to him, was meant as a sign for interprting obscure
things; when a black man injured Joseph, God sent a great tempest that
subsided only after Joseph had forgive him; Joseph's beauty so dazzled the
ladies of the palace that they cut their fingers while peeling oranges without
feeling pain. The poem makes pleasant reading, and some of its passages have
a poetic query equal to the Poema del Cid or the Milagros de Berceo.19 The
poem was written in cuaderna via (four lines to the strophe), of which the
following couplets are transliterated and translated:
1. Lowamiyento ada-Allah* e-lalto yes i verdadero
Onrrado i qonpilido seor dereytorero
Faranko i poderoso ordenador sertero.
2. Gharan yes el-su-poder todo el mundo abarqa
Non sale enqubre cosa ke en-el-mundo nasqa

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Si-qiyere on la mar ni-en-toda la komarqa
Ni-yen-la-tiyerra piriyeta ni-yenla balanqa.
3. Faghobos a saber oyades mis amados
Lo-ke kontesiyo en-los tiyenpos pasados
A jaqo [i a Y]usuf * i-ya-sus diyes ermanos
Por kobdisiya [i enbi] diya obiyeron a seyer malos.
7. Komo iyera Yusuf* nio de poqos aos
Enbisando el-padre non-se kobriyo de-los ermanos
Kontandoles el-suweo ke viyo en los altos
Pensaron le tarayisiyon i-y-andaron le en-nghano.
8. Diziyeron todos a una faghamos la-sertera
Rrueghemos a nuwestoro padre rroshariya verdadera
Por ke nos de a Yusuf* en komiyenda ver[dadera]
I mostarar le-mos maas de muy buwenas maneras.20
1. Praise be to God, the High and the True
The Just, Self-Sufficient, and Guiding Lord,
Bountiful, True and Powerful Orderer.
2. Great is He; His power embraces all the world
No created thing is ever hidden from Him,
In the sea, in the borderline,
In all the earth and among the stars.
3. Hear my friends, I shall tell you
What happened in bygone times
To Jacob, Joseph, and his ten brothers,
Who through cupidity and envy turned bad.
7. As Joseph was a child but a few years old,
Favored of his father among his brothers,
He told them of the dream he saw on high
And they thought of treason and proceeded with deceit.
8. All said in unison, Let us be sure
And plead with our father stringently
To give Joseph to our protection,
Showing him good conduct in our cunning.
After the plot is set, the poetic narration develops smoothly. Suspense builds,
leading the audience to shoe indignation, sadness, and rejoicing.21 The poem
concludes not only with the happy reunion, but with forgiveness of the
brothers and of Zulaykhah, whom Joseph rejuvenated in her old age and
married.
Also belonging to the fourteenth century is The Prate and Exaltation of the
Prophet Muhammad, seventy-one couplets composed in zajal form.

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Translated from an Arabic original, the poem may have had wide currency
among the Mudejars, ancestors of the Morriscos. The poem has sonority and
musicality and was sung to the accompaniment of musical instruments at
festive and religious ceremonies. The following couplets in cuaderna via serve
as an illustration:
Aljamiado
Yahabibi *, ya* Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
Translation
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*And prayer be
upon Muhammad*.
1. Debuwes de la loor a min
seor ensalsado Farre
alssala* sobre alnnabi
onrrado Alssala* siyenbere
seya alturado Sobre
nuwestoro alnnabi
Muhammad* Ya* habibi*,
yaMuhammad* Wa-
alssalatu* 'ala* Muhammad*
After prying my exalted Lord
I shall pray upon the
honorable Prophet. May
prayer always be raised Upon
our Prophet Muhammad* O
my beloved, O Muhammad*
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.
2. Alssala* ke seya
esbandesido Ensiyelos i-yen
tiyerras seya oyido Borke a
nosotros seya meresido E
ayamos el-amor de
Muhammad* Ya* habibi*,
yaMuhammad* Wa-
alssalatu* 'ala* Muhammad*
May prayer be widespread
And heard in heavens and
earth, So that we may
deserve it And find the love
of Muhammad*. O my
beloved, O Muhammad* And
prayer be upon muhammad*.
3. Alssalaes* ke no se
puwedan kontar Mas son ke
la pulubiya i las arenas de la
mar Borke bodamos biyen
entarar En la roghariya de
Muhammad* Ya* habibi*,
ya* Muhammad* Wa-
alssalatu* 'ala* Muhammad*
Prayers that cannot be
reckoned, For they are more
than the rain and the sands
of the sea, So that we may
enter well In supplication of
Muhammad*. O my beloved,
O Muhammad* And prayer
be upon Muhammad*.
4. No podiriyan todos los
korasones Lonparar todas las
bendisiyones Ni kontar las
donasiyones Ke fuweron
dadas a Muhammad* Ya*
habibi*, ya* Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
All hearts cannot Name all
the benedictions, Nor count
the gifts That were bestowed
on Muhammad*. O my
beloved, O Muhammad* And
prayer be upon Muhammad*.
5. Diso el seor de la
gharandiya
The Lord of greatness said

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No kiriyariya a noche ni diya
Ni eskuredad ni luz no abriya
Sino por el gharande amor de
Muhammad *
Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
That He would not create
night
or day,
Nor darkness or light
Had it not been for the great
love
for Muhammad*.
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.
6. Ni aljanna ni jahannam no
terniya
Ni al-'arshi ni alkursi no fariya
Ni siyels ni tieyrras no abriya
Sino por la onnor de
Muhammad*
Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* `ala*
Muhammad*
There would be neither
Paradise,
nor Hell,
Nor throne, nor chair
Nor Heaven, nor earth,
Had it not been for the honor
of
Muhammad*.
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*.
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.22
Aljamiado Translation
Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*
And Prayer be upon
Muhammad*.
43. Seor fazed alssala*
sobrel
I fejinos amor kon-el
Sakanos en su torobel
Jus la sea de Muhammad*
Ya* habibi* ya*
Muhammad*.
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
O Lord, pray upon him
And make us love him,
Make us join his sure
At the sign of Muhammad*.
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*.
And Prayer be upon
Muhammad*.
Muhammad*.
44. Pazed alssala* de
konosensiya
Sobre la luz de la kereyensiya
I selaldo kon rrebenensiya
El-allasalam* sobre
Muhammad*
Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
Make prayer with knowledge
Of the light of belief,
Seal it with reverence
And peace on Muhammad*.
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.
45. Tu palabra pelaghara
luwegho
I sera rresebido tu rruwegho
I fara el-assalam* enteregho:
Asi son los fechos de
Muhammad*
Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
Your word will then come
forth
And your supplication will be
heard
And you will have full peace:
Thus are Muhammad's*
deeds.
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.

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46. Kiyen kiyera puwena
bentura
I y-alkansar gharado de altura
Pospongha la torpeza en la
noche eskura
I fagha alssala * sobre
Muhammad*
Ya* habibi*, ya* Muhammad*
Wa-alssalatu* 'ala*
Muhammad*
Whoever wishes good
fortune
And to attain great heights,
Stop impurity in the dark
night
And utter prayer upon
Muhammad*
O my beloved, O
Muhammad*
And prayer be upon
Muhammad*.23
The poem in Praise [alabansa] of God is written in the same vein, exalting
God's power, attributes, His preeminent role in Creation, and in His relation to
man. It concludes with a prose to Muhammad*:
Ada Allah* mi seor anoblesiyendo
E alabando
Fagho muchas lowasiyones
E santefikasiyones,
Akel ke fuwe pirimero sin pirimeriya
I y-asi sera saghero sin sagheriya
Akel ke no se le adelanto ora ni tiyenpo
Ni lo porbiyene keresimiyento ni menghuwamieynto,
El noble paresiyente sin paresensiya
El gharan sekretado sin eskondensiya
El fablante sin estormentes,
Muy alto ordenador sin pensamiyentos,
Perpetual sin fin en saber muy akabado,
Rrey durable, sobro toda cosa poderoso.
No ay lenghuwa ke senbalanse su gharandeza.
Tan bendito e alabado es en su alteza.
No lo toma kansansyo ni suweo ni dormir
El es aunado sin naser e sin morir,
Seor sin mudansa ni bolbimiyento.
No abe a el semesansa ni akostamiyento,
El gharande aunado seor de la nobleza
El rriko abastado sin menghuwa i sin falakeza
Es sin kuwerpo ni fighura ni desponimiyento,
Ante es kunpilido en todo su ordenamiyento.
Por su mersed aleghre nuwestoros korasones
E su gharasiya e senoriyo e oygha nuwestaras petisiyones.24
To God, my noble
And glorified Lord,
I make many Praises
And sanctification.
The one Who h the First without a beginning.
And thus He will be the Last without end,
The One neither hour nor time preceded

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Nor growth nor diminution comes to,
Of noble countenance without resemblance,
The great Hidden without concealment,
The speaker without instruments,
The very lofty Orderer without pondering,
Eternal without end and with consummate knowledge,
Eternal King over all powerful things.
No language describes his greatness,
So blessed and praised is He in His Highness.
Fatigue, drowsiness, and deep will not take Him;
He is One without birth or death,
Lord without mutton and change
Having nether resemblance nor proximity,
The great One, Lord of nobility,
The Self-Sustaining without diminution or frailty.
Incorporeal, without form and arrangement,
And Perfect above all in His ordinance.
By His grace our hearts rejoice
And our requests are heard by his grace and Lordship.
In the series of series is the exaltation of Islam, probably sung along with the
praises to God and Muhammad *. It is written in zajal form and in cuaderna via
with an Arabic refrain:
Allah* ya* rabi*
O God my Lord,
Ya* Muhammad*
darabi*
O Muhammad*, my
guide,
Ya* verrdadero
annabi*
O True Prophet
de arabi de arabi
Of the Arab and from the
Arab.
Es Allah* solo i senero God is One and Alone,
de sin ninghun
aparsero
None resembling Him
Y Muhammad* su
mensajero
And Muhammad* His
messenger
Que todo fuwe
verdadero.
That all was true
i el-alislam* mi adin And Idam my religion
Allah* ya* rabi* O God my Lord
Ya* Muhammad*
darabi*
O Muhammad*, my guide
yaverdade* annabi*r O true prophet
de arabi de arabi.25
Of the Arab and from the
Arab.
Of interest also is the poem debug with the noble genealogy of 'Ali*, cousin
and son-in-law of Muhammad*. It starts by affirming God's power over the fate
of man, endowing some with benefits while condemning others to perdition:

Page 158
Aljamiado
A lo que dios ordena
Y esta en su enternidad determinado
Si es para premio o pena,
Sin remedio a de ser executado;
Unos glorifcados
Y otros para la pena condenados
Siendo mi bisaguelo *
Mensajero de Allah* el mas querido
Y siendo Ali* mi aguelo*
Ebnu Abitalib el que fuc escogido
Esposo de la madre
Y el hijo de los dos Hucain mi padre
Cumplase lo ordenado,
Salgamos de la carcel de esta vida
de el bien dell es prestado
Gocemos de los bienes sin medida
Y con labor entremos
Contra los enemigos que oy tenemo26
Translation
What God ordains
Is eternally determined,
Whether reward or punishment,
That will be inescapable executed;
Some are graced
And others condemned to pain.
Being my great grandfather
The most beloved messenger of God
And being 'Ali* my grandfather,
Ibn Abi* Talib*, the chosen one
Husband of the mother
And my father the son of the two Husayns*,
Let what is ordained be fulfilled.
Let us leave the jail of this life
And the good in it that is borrowed;
Let us enjoy the good things without measure
And let us go earnestly
Against the enemas we have nowadays.
The preceding anonymous poems are probably derived from the Arabic.
However, for a number of poems, the authors are known, among them
Ibrahim* de Bolfad, Juan Alfonso, and Muhammad* Rabadanall emigrs to
Noah Africa who wrote their poetry in Romance using the Latin script. Their
poetry

Page 159
at times conveys deep bitterness towed their Christian oppressors who exiled
them to an unfriendly environment. Ibrahim * de Bolfad was an emigr
''resident of Algiers, blind of corporal sight but illuminated by the vision of the
heart and by understanding."27 He composed a treatise expounding Islamic
dogma, based on the Qur'an* with reference to religious obligations and
observances, the existence of God, free will, and other religious themes.
Ibrahim* uses the evidence of causation to prove the existence of God:
I el testimonio de aber
The evidence of
having
Seor dios
forcossamente,
Perforce Lord-God
es lo creado; y tener
Is Creation, and
having
color, tiempo, y fallacer;
Color, time, and
death;
Como el bibir de la
gente.
As in the life of man
Pues ya en lo creado
bemos
Thus, we see in
Creation.
no ay obras sin causador;
No work without a
maker;
de donde claro
entendemos
Hence, it is clear that
que aqueste sser que
tenemos
The existence we
have
sin duda tiene obrador.28
Has without doubt a
maker
The question of free will vensus predestination, controversial among Muslim
religious scholars, is explained by Ibrahim* with the rational approach that
man is responsible for his action since God had shown the path to be followed
and endowed man with understanding and discernment:
Y pues que dios el
escoger te a dado
For God gave you the
choice,
aunque no te lo dio Though not quite
absolutamente absolutely,
pus con
entendimiento te a
creado
And created you with
understanding
dandote natural tan
excelente,
Giving you a natural gift
so excellent;
mira a qual de los
dos te as inclinado
Look at which one of two
was attracting you,
qual te parece ques
mas conbeniente:
The one most
convenient to you:
gocar de bida eterna
y bien eterno,
Enjoying eternal life and
eternal well-being
o pensar para
siempre en el
infierno29
Or thinking always about
Hell.
Of similar bent was Juan Alfonso, an Aragonese of Christian or Jewish ancestry,
who turned Muslim and defended his new faith with zeal. He emigrated to
Tunis and Tetuan in present-day Morocco, leaving a handsome inheritance in
his native Spain.30 He struggled for survival in north Africa as a laborer.
Judging from his extant works,31 mostly poetry, he appears knowledgeable in
both Christian and Islamic theology. The tenor of his writing is mostly
apologetic, marked by acid attacks not only on Christian

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persecutors for injuries to the Moriscos, but also on the whole of Christian
doctrine and practice. He considers Christianity an adulterated and bankrupt
religion:
No solo las
traducciones
Not only the translations
pero aun lo que
trasladaron
But also what they
transmitted
los propios orixinales Of the proper originals
an hecho de mano en
mano
That passed from hand to
hand
de las escritureas
claras
making of the lucid
scriptures
un laberinto yntricado An intricate labyrinth. 32
In another poem,33 Juan Alfonso sees in Christianity contradictions, omissions,
and additions that disfigure the whole religion as enunciated by Christ. The
popes, following Paul, were responsible for the disfiguration. He also refutes
the concept of Trinity and the divinity of Christ. He ridicules communion as an
act of "eating" God:
Bosotros queen una
ostia
You take a wafer
que dezis el
Sagramento
Calling it sacrament,
teneis pot fe queta
Dios
Take on faith that it is
God
y on comeis aquel
Dios buestro.
And then you eat that
God of yours.
He points to the legitimacy of Muhammad*, whose coming was foretold by
Christ himself:
Pues el mismo
Cristo dijo
Well, Christ himself said
ablando por su
maestro
Speaking on behalf of his
Lord
tras el bendria un
paraclito
That a paraclete will
come after him
que seria santo y
bueno
Who will be holy and
good.
Y este saber ques
Muhammad*
Know that this is
Muhammad*,
de Dios santo y
mensajero
The holy and Messenger
of God
el que trujo el
alcoran
The one who brought
forth the Qur'an*,
libro sagrado y
perfecto.
The holy and perfect
book.
Unlike the Christians' treatment of scriptures, no one ever dared add anything
to the Qur'an*:
Y no ay alarbo ni
turko
There is nether Arab nor
Turk,
ansi sabio como
necio
Be he wise or stupid,
que ose aadir
sobre el
Who ever dared to add to
it
una silaba ni un
verso
A single syllable or a
verse.

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Y buestra fe se sabe
And in your faith are
known
dos mil enbustes y
enredos,
A thousand lies and
mischiefs,
Y si alguno lo
descrube
And if someone discover
them
lo labrays luego con
fuego.
You will relegate him to
the fire.
Confession was abhorrent to the Moriscos. Juan Alfonso sees it as a laughing
matter:
A una cosa me rio
One thing makes me laugh
del otro quentra en el
tenplo
The one taking place in the
temple,
con mas culpas y
pecados
With more offenses and
sins
que canicula en enero
Than the Dog Star in
January.
Y a los pies de un
confesor
And at the feet of a
confessor
le diga muy secreto To whom you utter secretly
que le perdone sus
culpas
To forgive your offenses
y el le diga: "Ego
asuelbo."
And he will say, "I absolve
you."
Juan Alfonso reiterates similar points in another poem, 34 pointing to Christian
conception of God as "graying and fatigued like old people": "Cabellos y barbas
blancas/como los viejos."
He argues that Christ himself said he was a prophet and a messenger, yet the
popes made him God, each adding to the Christian doctrine and thus
disfiguring it. He objects to the idea of original sin in that even prophets could
end in Hell until saved by Christ. This and other conceptions lead Juan Alfonso
to conclude that Christianity is a mass of lies and ridiculous practices:
O ley llena de mentiras O religion full of lies,
gente de verdad
desiertos
People sterile of truth
que el laberinto de
Creta
Not even the labyrinth of
Crete
no tuvo tanto enredos Had so much ensnaring.
Establecida por onbres Established by men
diziendo el mismo
maestro
When the Lord himself says
que el que la ley de
onbre siguiere
That the one who follows
the law of man
seran en vano sus
hechos.
Will have his deeds end in
vain.35
He may have also composed the following verses ridiculing the Eucharist:
Bosotros queen la
oracin
You who in prayer
como golosoa
exipgios
Like cupid Egyptians
adorys buestro dios
pan
Worship your God, the
bread,
ahogndolo entre
bino.36
Submerging it in wine.
Muhammad* is the best-known Morisco poet and, perhaps, the

Page 162
greatest by virtue of the enormous poetical production that came down to us.
A native of Rueda in Aragn, he settled in Tunis and put into verse the whole
Islamic doctrine. All his poetry was based on the prose writings of his Morisco
predecessors. His talent resides in his poetical gift and the facility with which
he was able to explain and expound on the Islamic faith in an even flowing
verse that remained faithful to both poetical form and content. Gayangos
describes his poetry; "That this poem abounds in beautiful images, that the
author's style is full of vigor as well as charming simplicity, and that in point of
cadence and harmony some verses are to be found equal, if not superior, to
those of the best Spanish poets has sufficiently appeared in the foregoing
extract." 37 Rabadan's major work, Discourse of Lightthe Origin and Limpid
Genealogy of Our Leader and Blessed Prophet Muhammad*, is a veritable
encyclopedia of Islamic doctrine, beginning with Muammad* and ending with
an exaltation of the ninety-nine names of God. It consists of three hundred
fifty-one folios in twenty-four songs (cantos) written in free verse (verse
suelto). This verse biography of Muhammad* relies on al-Bakri's* Book of Light,
tracing the genealogy of Muhammad* to the Creation.38 It starts with a
dedication to God, Creator of all things, and proceeds to the Creation of the
world, with songs devoted to Adam and his immediate descendants Seth,
Noah, and Abraham. The narration traces the ancestry of Jews and Christians
through the line of Isaac to Jesus. This section was intended to dispel
confusion and ignorance by tracing the genealogy of Muammad* through
Isma'il*, traditionally regarded as the true heir and beneficiary of God's gifts,
making Jews and Christians mere pretenders to God's benefits.39 He then
narrates the history of the immediate ancestors of Muhammad*Hashim*, 'Abd
al-Muttalib*, and his father 'Abdallahto whom he devotes various songs,
bringing the account to the marvels attending the birth of Muhammad*, his
qualities, the marvel of the Qur'an*, his ascent to the seven heavens (Mi'raj*),
and his death. Thus, it is a complete biography of Muhammad*, whose coming
was manifest from the time of Creation in the form of light that appeared on
the persons of his ancestors beginning with Adam. Rabadan's indebtedness to
al-Bakri's* Book of Light is clear in argument and content. However, Rabadan
attached to the work other songs that dealt with three significant and popular
items: The Fright of the Day of Judgment, based on Qur'anic* verses; A Song
to the Months [lunas] of the Year, calling attention to the fasting, prayers, and
other religious duties; and The Ninety-Nine Names of His Divine Majesty, often
known as the "Beautiful Names of God"40 that should be recited by the faithful.
In explaining the trajectory of Islam from the Creation to the Day of Judgment,
Rabadan, like his Muslim predecessors including Mudejars/ Moriscos, had two
objects in mind: first, to defend the validity of Islam in the light of history
through Isma'il* so as to silence Christian and Jewish critics, and second, to
instruct and guide his fellow Moriscos in the path of true belief. Rabadan points
out that Muhammad's* prophecy was marked by a sign of clear light shown on
God's chosen people from time immemorial:

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Fu la clara luz
pasando
A clear light passed
Siempre por estos
varones
Always through these
virtuous men
Ms perfectos y
estimados,
Most perfect and esteemed
Por el Seor
escogidos,
By the Lord chosen,
Por su palabra
avisados;
By his word advised;
Corriendo de padre
en hijo,
Passing from father to son
De un honrrado en
otro
And from pious to pious. 41
Although he points to the astonishing success of Islam under Muhammad's*
leadership and that of his immediate successors, Rabadan could not but
lament the abject state of his fellow Moriscos in the Iberian Peninsula,
persecuted and deprived of their books and scholars. Nevertheless, this would
end in brighter days; it is no more than God's will and His punishment for past
sins:
Allah di lugar
God made possible
Que los Moros deste
reyno,
That the Moors of this
kingdom
Con tantas
persecuciones,
With so many persecutions
Sean pugnidos y
presos;
Would be punished and
enslaved.
Perdiendo los
alquitebes,
Having lost the books,
No quedado rastro
dellos;
Without leaving a trace;
los alimes acabados, Scholars are gone
Quales muertos, quales
presos,
Some dead, others jailed,
La Inquisicion
desplegada The Inquisition rampant
Con grandes fuerzas y
apremios,
With great force and
pressures,
Haciendo con gran
rigor
Implementing with rigor
Cruezas y desafueros, Cruelty and excesses;
Que casi por todas
partes
Almost everywhere
hacia temblar el suelo:
The earth is made to
tremble:
Aqui prenden y alli
prenden
They apprehend here and
there
A los baptizados
nuevos,
The newly baptized,
Cargndoles cada dia
Imposing on them every
day
Galeras, tormento y
fuego
Galleys, torment, and fire
Con otras
adversaciones
Along with other calamities
Que a solo Allah es el
secreto.42
For which God alone knows
the secret.
Signs of the end of the world are pictured vividly, with horror afflicting man:
Qu vivir tan
desabrido,
What a peevish living,
Qu inquietud, que
sobresalto,
What restlessness and fear,
Qu Ilagas sin
medicinas,
What infested wounds
without remedy,
Qu suenos tan
quebrantados.
What dreams so shattered,

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Qu enfermedades tan
solas,
What infirmities so
pervasive,
Qu dolores sin
amahos. 43
What pain without
relief.
This despair is followed by the plea of the condemned during the Day of
Judgment, who pleaded for the intercession of the prophets on their behalf,
but were ignored. Then they are rescued through the intervention of
Muhammad*:
O Muhammad*, nuestro
amparo
O Muhammad*, our refuge,
Nuestro muro y
defensor,
Our fortress and defender,
Refugio de nuestras
penas
Refuge of our sufferings
Y en muestras tinieblas
sol:
And sun in our darkness:
Pues para nuestro
remedio
Since for our remedy
Te creo nuestro Seor Our Lord created you
Hoy de rogar por
nosotros
To plead for us today,
Te toca la obligacion. This is your obligation.
Hoy es el da que debes Today is the time you must
Publicar tu gran valor, Announce your great worth
Que quanto mayor la
culpa
In that the greater the sin,
Es la clemencia mayor. The greater is the clemency.
Ya sabes que te
seguimos
You know we follow you
Sin verte ni oir tu voz, Without seeing or hearing your
Y anuque en las obras
faltemos,
And though we falter in deed
Tu dicho afirmmoslo. Your sayings we affirm.
Eschstenos en olvido You removed us from oblivion
En la fortuna mayor, In the great fortune
Al tiempo que no hay
ninguno
At a time when there is none
Que quiera rogar por
nos.
Who wanted to plead for us.
Solo a t, Muhammad*,
toca
It belongs to you alone,
Qu'esta sealada
empresa
Muhammad*, This is the
special enterprise
A t solo se guard.44
Which He preserved for you
alone.
Muhammad* will intercede, of course, but only upon the confession of faith by
all mortals:
Libertar su familia
He will set free his
family
De tan grande
perdicin;
From so great a
perdition;
No slo a los
pecadores;
Not only the sinners,
Mas a quien jams
obr
But also those who
never
Obra buena en su
provecho,
A good deed for his
benefit,
Slo porque pronunci
Only Because he
uttered
La unidad de la
creencia
The unity of belief

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Una vez mientras vivi. 45
Once in his lifetime.
The pilgrim Puey de Monaon also recorded his adventures in verse. After
describing the hardships of his journey by sea and land, the poet arrives in
Mecca, which he describes with awe and wonderment:
Ansi i bamos am Maka
Thus we went to Mecca,
Esa bendita sibdad That blessed city,
Ke sus puwertas son al-
baraka
Whose doors are benediction,
I sus paredos piyedad And whose walls piety;
Sus tejados kalaredad Its roofs are clarity
I-ya-ella toda es
bendisiyon
And all of it is blessing.
Puwes kuwal kiyere ke Thus, whoever wants
A elle ba tiyene ghanado
elperdon
To go to it will gain reward.
Dezir o-se de la kasa Saying as though of the house,
Ke de Maka se deziya
As used to be said about
Mecca
I de la orden i kawsa
And about the order and
cause,
Ke nesta kasa abiya That this house there was
Kasa de tanta baliya A house of so much worth,
Kasa de tanta nobleza A house of so much nobility,
oro i palata i rrikeza Gold, silver, and wealth
ke-stimar no se podriya. That could not be valued.
Alli estan kuwatoro al-
mihrabes*
There are the four mihrabs*
De las nuwestaras
kuwatoro rreghlas;
Of our four canons;
Ay de rrikas asomo'as There are rich minarets
Muy altas i rrikas i bellas Very lofty, rich, and beautiful
A kuwanto las kuwatoro
de-llas
Four of which correspond to
De nuwestoros kuwatoro
doktores
Our four doctors,
A la kasa dan rail favores Bestowing on the house one
thousand favors
Kosas son de
marabillas.46
That are marvellous things.
In conclusion, Morisco poetry is limited to religious and doctrinal matters, thus,
aiming at instructing and keeping the faith in an adverse environment. This
limitation with respect to themes, structure and variety of verbal expressions
would place the poetry outside the realm of spontaneity making it utilitarian,
aimed at a single purpose of responding to Morisco plight and future
aspirations. As such, the poetry appears to be concerned more with conveying
a message in a clear and simple manner than with aesthetics and poetical
niceties. It is simply meant to reaffirm and defend the Islamic faith against
outside attack by first reiterating and upholding Islamic faith, and secondly, by
refuting and ridiculing Christian doctrine. Moreover, it has an edifying purpose,
as in the poem of Joseph with which the Moriscos identified

Page 166
themselves in connection with Joseph's tribulations, and his ultimate triumph
against overwhelming odds. In this the Morisco finds consolation and hope in
his own ultimate deliverance at the hand of God from the injustices of his
Christian oppressor. Similarly, the poems in praise of Muhammad and God
evoke a great reverence and adulation, and express profound sentiment and
unshakable conviction. Muhammad * is portrayed as God's tool and the cause
behind the very existence of the world and behind the necessity of the
existence of Paradise and Hell. He is the most favored of God's creatures. This
unique position conforms to the will of God, Who is primeval, knowing,
powerful, ordering, self-sustaining, and perfect. All in all, Morisco poetry
conveys pot-found religious sentiments and is expressed in a clear
languagequalities that make it an effective and powerful tool for maintaining
Morisco beliefs.
The English rendering of the poems follows a literal translation and, as such,
does not do justice to the original. Despite its simplicity, Morisco poetry
expresses intense feeling which no translation can properly convey. Only a
feeling for the language and an awareness of Morisco plight could help
measure the intense emotion that such a poetry is capable of producing in the
audience.

Page 167
10
Conclusion
Using insight gained from their own literature and from external evidence
embodied in contemporary documentation of the Inquisition and historians, it
is reasonable to say that the Moriscos were victims of church, state, and the
Catholic populace owing to circumstances beyond their control and beyond
that of their Catholic oppressors. Their plight has been acknowledged even by
their most rabid opponents, who would justify the harsh treatment imposed on
the Moriscos as dictated in the interest of achieving the unity of church and
state. Further, opponents viewed the harsh measures imposed on the Moriscos
as necessary and unavoidable in the light of Morscos' stubbornness and their
propensity to rebellion, conspiracy, heresy, and treason. This propensity on the
part of the Morsicos was not altogether imaginary, but owed its existence to
complex factors that contributed to inflexible attitudes resulting from actions
and reactions or challenges and responses.
This confrontation between Christian and Muslim societies had a long and
complex history, culminating with the Moriscos in the sixteenth century. After
the completion of the Reconquest in 1492, the Christian monarchs were

Page 168
faced with the problem of a heterogeneous population with disparate cultures
and religions. They attempted to forge a monolithic society by all the means at
their disposal, completely disregarding pacts and pledges entered into with
their Muslim subjects, who constituted a good share of the population. They
forced Catholicism upon the Moriscos and imposed numerous edicts limiting
their human and civil liberties, creating an adversary relationship of mistrust,
fanaticism, and fear which prevailed throughout the sixteenth century with no
prospect of a viable solution. Abuses of all sorts were committed, often in the
name of religion and national unity. This relentless method proved
unproductive, and alienated the Moriscos, who responded to the challenge
with passive resistence and occasional open revolt, fortified by the strong
conviction of ultimate redemption.
Catholic concern for religious and national unity grew in urgency with increased
Spanish involvement in the Mediterranean, where Spain had to contend with
the ambitions of neighboring France and the ever-increasing Ottoman presence
in the Mediterranean and North Africa, threatening Spain itself. The Ottomans
were particularly feared as Muslims who would come to the rescue of their
oppressed co-religionists, the Moriscos. Ottoman threat (whether real or
imaginary), the rise of Protestantism, and rampant piracy in the Mediterranean
exacerbated an already tense relation between Christians and Moriscos,
influencing church and state to resolve the Morisco question as expeditiously as
possible, regardless of the meanseven if it meant total extermination. In their
anxiety, church and state collaborated upon a solution through harsh
measures, hoping thereby to speed results. These unreasonable and
precipitious actions proved unworkable from the outset and no doubt
strengthened the Moriscos' determination to uphold their beliefs and to
practice their customs covertly. Polarization had taken place and widened as
time went on, with no possible return to a life of tolerance and coexistence, let
alone assimilation.
As a powerless minority, the Moriscos were exploited and deprived of
elementary rights and opportunities, developing intense hatred for their
oppressors and all they stood forincluding Christianity, which was associated
with unscrupulous bishops and greedy, ignorant clerics. Attempts were made
by some statesmen and clerics, such as Talavera, to reach the Moriscos by the
more humane method of persuasion through education, even if this meant the
continued use of Arabic as the language of instruction and the preservation of
many Morisco customs. Such men recommended the establishing of schools
and seminaries, training priests, and publishing suitable materials. Though this
path aimed at Christianization, zealots frowned upon it as too slow and lenient.
And though such a method appeared sound when all other means failed, it
required substantial financing which neither church nor state was willing to
provide. As a result, the Moriscos remained largely ignorant of the
fundamentals of Christianity, and for this they were severely punished when
apprehended, their shortcomings being blamed on their stubbornness and evil
ways.

Page 169
For his part, the Morisco, preoccupied with survival and fear of harassment,
could be neither receptive to the insatiable oppressors nor able to bridge on his
own the gap separating him from his Christian neighbors. His situation
worsened as time went on, and he was deprived of elementary civil fights with
little or no protection from either church or state. In his enforced status as a
new convert, he fell under the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, which had
unlimited power to apprehend any person on the slightest pretext. The
accused was considered guilty until proved innocent and was entirely at the
mercy of the Inquisition, which often confiscated his property to defray the
costs of the trial. The Inquisition was notorious for its abuses; no justice could
be expected from it. The secular authorities were also notorious for breaking
promises and pledges, replacing them with edicts that aimed at the total
effacement of Morisco individuality and his right to exist in a Christian society.
Under the circumstances, the Morisco came to mistrust and loathe both secular
and ecclesiastical authorities, who often appeared more interested in his
damnation than in the salvation of his soul. Thus, he was driven to despair and
made to feel a stranger in his own homeland, living on the margin of a society
that despised him. There was little he could do except fantasize and hope for
better days.
The Moriscos were left with little choice but to live a dual life: a life of
appearance conforming to the demands of the oppressor and a life of reality
conforming to the deep-rooted traditions. Although they were told that they
could emigrate, many obstacles were placed in their way, and most of the
Moriscos lacked the means for undertaking such a risky venture. Thus,
perhaps, their sole alternative was to seek an outlet in the traditions of their
ancestors, relying heavily on an unshaken belief that Islam offered ultimate
deliverance. Notwithstanding the harsh measures aimed at eradicating them,
Islamic traditions were still much alive in daily life with respect to beliefs,
rituals, food, dress, marriage, divorce, and a host of other transactions. The
task of preserving Islamic traditions and handing them on to the next
generation was undertaken by a body of devoted scholars who disseminated
Islamic doctrine at the risk of their own lives. However limited their education
may have been, these men knew the essentials of Islamic religion and codified
it in Romance, the language of the people, relying frequently on Arabic
materials which were either paraphrased or translated and avoiding long
scholarly details that would confuse the initiates. This material, drawn from
several Arabic genres, was carefully selected and written in simple language. It
is essentially didactic and free from controversial items pertaining to dogma,
rituals, and others observances. In this simplicity lies, perhaps, the greatest
contribution of the Moriscos.
By this means, the Moriscos developed and maintained a strong religious
perspective and an equally strong historical consciousness about their past and
future role in the order of things. They resigned themselves that their fate was
preordained, that their present tribulations were the result of past sins, and
that their redemption would come from repentance and return to the true

Page 170
faith. How could this be otherwise when several prophecies give ample
testimony not only about their deliverance from the oppressor but their
ultimate triumph over him? The painful life of simulation (taqiyah) in which
they gave lip service to Christianity but held Islam in the heart would pass
without retribution, for the religious law itself condones such a dual posture
under adverse conditions. Thus, they maintained the validity and superiority of
the Islamic faith and defended it against their Christian adversaries in an
extensive literature that is a monument to their courage and determination.
Morisco literature is an eloquent expression of belief, determination, and
defiance. It is, at the same time, a source of strength against harassment,
persecution, and arbitrary justice. Its strength lies in a set of beliefs and
convictions that God's will would prevail in the end and that man and his deeds
are always subordinated to it. This fatalist conception relying on Muhammad *
and the Almighty permeates Morisco writings whatever the subject matterlove,
epic narratives, history, poetry, and stories. It is essentially didactic literature,
elucidating religious verities and God's designs in the order of things. The
Moriscos had their relapses in a seeming overreliance on magic, talisman, and
astrologysubjects that were marginal to both religion and science and often
controversial among Christian and Muslim scholars. But it is doubtful that the
Moriscos, who lacked sophistication, ever realized the religious implications of
such practices.
Morisco's self-expression inspired by Islamic traditions convey an intense
devotional feeling and great expectation of a promising future at the hands of
the Almighty. Their vicissitudes, however traumatic at times, were relatively
mild in contrast with those of the prophets, who never lost sight of God's
presence and mercy. Even the greatest of the prophets had their tribulations:
Abraham's struggle for establishing monotheism, Moses' trials, Job's suffering,
Jesus' rejection, and Muhammad's* persecution and wars with indomitable
enemies. All their tribulations were part of God's design and had the purpose of
testing, punishing, and rewarding. Even His most favored religion, Islam, had
difficult beginnings, but triumphed miraculously at the end with His
intervention through the angel Gabriel and 'Ali*, who heroically vanquished
whole armies, giants, and even spirits and demons. Tamim's* journey into a
strange world of demons and spirits and Carcayona's punishment and exile into
the wilderness by her pagan father are lessons in the reaffirmation of the faith
in face of enormous danger, resulting ultimately in handsome rewards.
Inasmuch as Islam and its prophet were under persistent attacks by Christian
apologists, the Moriscos were the more preoccupied with establishing the
validity of Islam for the dual purpose of maintaining the faith and refuting their
adversaries. For this they invoked history and the Scriptures to demonstrate
that Islam has been manifest from the Creation through a divine light that
foretold the coming of Muhammad*. Prophets, Christ himself, acknowledged
his coming, and some of them, including Moses, undertook long journeys in
search of him. Though Islam emerged in history during the

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seventh century, it was believed to have been here at all times with Abraham,
Jacob, Joseph, Moses, Job, Jesus, and even Alexander the Great as its most
distinguished followers. In a word, Islam is the one and only universal religion,
abrogating both Judaism and Christianity.
This posture of course had its counterpart among Christians. With each side
claiming exclusive truth and religious verities, there was no room for
accommodation, let alone genuine understanding. The intensity of the conflict
was so great that it obscured much of the sociocultural interaction that had
been going on from the time of the Arab conquest of Spain in 711. The process
of change in demography, language, culture, and religion was influenced by
the factors of military power, expansionism, durability, and a modicum of
stability resulting first in arabization and Islamization under the Muslims and
then in latinization and Christianization under the Christians. These changes
were realized by force of circumstance, though the methods were different. All
indications are that the Arab conqueror allowed history to take its course, with
little or no attempt from above to impose religion or culture on the subject
people. The Arabs instituted a policy of tolerance from the outset, allowing the
subject people to practice their religion and to continue the use of their
language and customs. On their part, judging from numerous treaties and
pacts, the Christian conquerors at first emulated the Islamic example by
allowing their subject people the freedom to practice their religion and to use
their language and customs. However, they failed to follow up the spirit and
letter of their pledges, rescinding them at will and replacing them by harsh
edicts.
Nonetheless, there existed much interaction at all levels of society. It would be
erroneous to suggest that the Moriscos lived in a complete isolation from
Christian society. They remained an integral part of the social fabric,
contributing their labor in agriculture, industry, communication, and even
medicine. They dealt constantly with their Christian neighborstransacting
business, cultivating friends, engaging in marriages, participating in festivities,
and sharing many of the customs of the day. This kind of participation was
continuous but freer and more pronounced throughout the Reconquest from
the eleventh century to the end of the fifteenth century, during which the
Christian conquerors depended on the skill and technology of their subject
people, the Mudejars, who were the true ancestors of the Moriscos. Only after
the edict of forced conversion, followed by other restrictive measures, did this
role diminish, not by the cessation of the hard labor of the Moriscos but by
their estrangement in being exploited and burdened by responsibilities without
the benefits that go with them. Arabism and Islam were being replaced by
gradual latinization and Christianization. Arabic slowly gave way to Romance,
which became almost the sole instrument of self-expression. Poetry was
hispanized in form and content. Literary taste, though with a strong Arabic
base, conformed in many ways to current literary themes despite its strong
religious elements. This can be seen in epic narratives, stories of all kinds,
proverbs, and wisdom sayings, not to mention the great propensity of both
Moriscos and Christians for magic, sorcery, and astrology. All these

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forms of literature appear to follow similar if not identical traditions. Moriscos
were not alien nor different from the mainstream of Spanish society except for
the stigma attached to them of being associated with an ethnic group and a
religion for which they were punished without regard to Christian charity.
Infidelity and disloyalty were the common charges in trials before the tribunals
of the Inquisition, in which the accused victims had to prove their innocence at
the cost of their individual liberties and properties. The Moriscos could not get
relief from either church or state. There is no indication that the secular and
ecclesiastical authorities seriously attempted to reach the Moriscos through
persuasion or benign treatment that would eventually lead to the Moriscos'
assimilation into Christian society. Their policy was consistent even toward
Moriscos who had accepted Christianity willingly and given ample proof of their
faith: these Moriscos were regarded as equally undesirable as the Morsicos who
remained ignorant of Christian doctrine and rituals.
Intolerance knows no boundaries and flourishes in an atmosphere of
lawlessness in which the powerful make and break laws at will. It is not much
consolation to observe that such conditions still exist in the world and that little
has been learned from the past. History is blamed for repeating itself; human
and civil rights remain still in the eye of the beholder.

Page 173
Notes
1. The Moriscos in a Hostile Environment
1. For instance, Llorente, Historia and Lea, Moriscos and History point to the
exceases and intolerances of the Inquisition. One may also mention the
Spanish scholars Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, and Janer, Condicin,
both of whom bring out the plight of the Moriscos. However, Janet considers
the expulsion of the Moriscos both necessary and unavoidable in the light of
the excesses of both Christians and Moriscos.
2. Contemporary historians such as Aguilar, Aznar, de Cardona, Bleda,
Fonseca, Gualdaljara, Mrmol, Rojas, Ripol, Zapata and others showed little
sympathy for the Moriscos. They were followed in the nineteenth century by
Sangrador, Monoz y Gaviera, Dnvila y Boronat. For one, Dnvila, Expulsin,
who was followed by Boronat, Moriscos, produces ample documentation only to
show that the Moriscos got what they deserved, and that their expulsion was
overdue and justifiable for securing the unity and security of church and state.
To them, the conflict of race and religion made the assimilation of the Moriscos
impossible. Moreover, the Moriscos never responded to the overtures of
tolerance and Christian charity and stubbornly remained attached to their
beliefs and customs conti-

Page 174
nuing to rebel and conspire with the enemies of Spain. Menndez y Pelayo,
Historia, II, 632, considers the expulsion not only a necessity but ''an
indispensible compliment of historical law; and it is only regretable that it took
so long to achieve."
3. Mainly, Caro Baroja, Cardaillac, Cirac, Carrasco, Dominguez, Regl, Garca-
Carcel and Vincent. More significant still is the interest in the self-expression of
the Moriscos as contained in their Aljamiado literature which has been brought
to the fore by Gayangos, Saavedra, Guilln, Galms and Harvey, among others.
4. The term Mudejar may also have been derived from the Arabic dakhala *,
meaning "to enter into contract with." Cf. Fernndezy Gonzlez, Estado social,
3ff. and Cagigas, Mudjares, I, 58ff. It should be added that the term Mudejar
was hardly used until the fifteenth century, and was often superseded by
designations of Moros, Sarracenos, Ismaelitas, Agarenos and Mahometanosall
of which were also applied to the Moriscos.
On the Mudejars, see Circourt, Histoire; Ladero, Mujares; Lpez Martinez,
Mudjares; Macho Ortega, Condicin; Pedregal, Estado; Roca Taver, Un siglo;
Torres Fontes, Mudjares; Gautier-Dolch, "Des Mudjares"; y Torres Balbas,
"Unos aspectos."
5. Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, chapter X, suggests that it was
through the Mudejars that Arabic elements infiltrated into the works of Alfonso
X, Juan Manuel, Juan Ruz and others. Besides, they made their contribution to
the arts, architecture and agriculture. See also Cagigas, Mudjares, I, 147.
6. The term Mozarab is derived from the Arabic musta'rib, meaining arabized.
On the Mozarabs and their role as intermediaries between Muslims and
northern Christians, see Cagigas, Mozrabes; Simonet, Historia; and Gonzlez
Palencia, Mozrabes.
7. Dnvila, Expulsin, 19ff.; Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 118ff. and
264ff.; Cagigas, Mudjares, I, 144; Burns, Islam, 124ff. It may be added,
however, that James I converted many mosques into churches contrary to
pacts entered to with Muslims (Cf. Cagigas, Mudjares, II 368).
8. Burns, Islam, 187.
9. Dnvila, Expulsin, 23. It should be added that the role of the papacy in
Spanish affairs was constant and further enhanced by the activist intervention
of the Monks of Cluny in southern France. See Cagigas, Mudjares, 99ff., and
Cantarino, Monjes, 156ff.
10. Cagigas, Mudjares, I, 134ff., points out that the Cid left virtually the
administration of Valencia in 1094 in the hands of Muslims establishing a
model, followed by and large in Aragon but hardly in Castile, that pursued a
course of gradual intolerance. Though Toledo surrendered peacefully in 1085
to Alfonso VI, who pledged to guarantee the freedom of worship and
movement to Muslim subjects and the preservation of their institutions, such a
policy was revoked in time and in 1102 the main mosque of Toledo was
converted into a cathedral by its Cluniac Bishop while Alfonso was away.
11. These and similar measures led to a policy of segregation which was
continued even with the institution of forced conversion. At the Fourth Council
of Letran in 1215, it was decided to have Jews and Muslims wear distinctive
clothing so as to distinguish them from the rest of the Christians. This was
done at the behest of the papacy (Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 83ff.).
Subsequently at the Council of Valladolid in 1408, it was decided that Moors
should wear a yellow-

Page 175
green clock and a crescent over their right shoulder (Ibid., 212; cf. Dnvila,
Expulsin, 47).
12. Dnvila, Expulsin, 54ff.
13. Lea, History, I, 369.
14. Dnvila, Expulsin, 43.
15. Cabanelas, Juan de Segovia, 110.
16. As quoted by Dnvila, Expulsin, 60.
17. Ibid., 68.
18. Mrmol, Historia, 145-150; Garrido-Atienza, Capitulanciones; Gaspar
Remiro, ltimo pacto; Ladero, Mudjares, 29-53.
19. Alcal, Arte. Attempts at reaching the Moriscos through education
continued throughout the sixteenth century, but failed because of a lack of
genuine support from either church or state. However, several manuals were
written for that purpose, such as Ayala's Catechim, Doetrina and Instructions.
Cf. Janer, Condicin, 20ff.
20. Lea, Moriscos, 29ff. It appears obvious that Talavera was carrying out the
Catholic kings' policy of conversion, notwithstanding the terms of capitulations.
In 1500, Talavera complained to the monarchs: "Those people whom you sent
to help me are a hindrance not because they intend bad, but because they
believe they are right." As quoted by Boronat, Moriscos, I 112.
21. It is not clear whether this conversion included only the elches (Ar. 'ilj),
who were uncouth people of Spanish stock (Cf. Dominguez, Historia, 19). At
any rate, Boronat, Moriscos, I 107ff., defends Cisneros' action and criticizes
Talavera's method saying that it overlooks "the character of the Muhammadan
* race."
22. Lea, Moriscos, 31.
23. Ladero, Mudjares, 57-58. On their part the Granadans appealed to Egypt
and the Ottomans asking for help. The Egyptian ruler made a strong
representation to the papacy, which in turn communicated with the Catholic
kings. Mindful of possible retaliation against Christians living in Egypt, the
Spanish monarchs sent Pietri Martiri de Angleria to Egypt to reassure the
Egyptian ruler that Muslim subjects will be treated with magnanimity. Pietri left
record of his mission in his Legatio Babylonica.
24. The text of the edict is in Fernandez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 432. It
should be noted that a provision calling for disarming the Moriscos was also
included. This was of the utmost concern to the Moriscos in a country beset by
insecurity. Such provision made the Moriscos defenseless. Lea, Moriscos, 190,
states the problem: "The deprivation of arms was not only a humiliation but it
left them defenseless at a time when violence was constant and to an Old
Christian the blood of the deprived race was little more than that of a dog."
Disarming the Moriscos became a general policy as reflected in the edicts of
1511, 1515, 1525, 1526, 1541, 1545, 1559 and 1563. See Dnvila,
"Desarme."
Those and other edicts also contained provisions forbidding the Moriscos to
wear silken clothes, or mount horses and other restrictionsall of which were
considered the prerrogatives of Old Christians.
25. For more details on the question of "purity of blood," see Sicroff,
Controverses. Cf. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 42ff; and Dominguez, Historia, 129-
133. Caro Baroja appears to ignore the fusion of the several ethnic groups
which has been going on for centuries, and is inclined to trace the origin of the
Moriscos to Arabs, Berbers, Persians, and Jews. In this connection, it is
relevant to point out that the

Page 176
Moriscos, like their ancestors the Mudejars, were often designated in edicts,
memoranda and correspondence as "nuevamente convertidos," "Moros,"
"Sarracenos," "Agarenos," and ''Mohametanos." Cf. note 4. Only occasionally
the term morisco was used. In his Libro de Buen amor, stanzas 1228 and
1230, the fourteenth-century poet Juan Ruz refers to moros but uses morisco
and Morisca as an adjectival form.
26. Castro, Espaa, 57. Writing in the nineteenth century, Ferndez y
Gonzlez, Estado social, pp. 1, says: "Heir to the glorious tradition of his race
that dominated almost the entire Spanish soil, he (the Morisco) maintained a
patriotic sentiment for the native country like the sailor, who prefers all sort of
danger to the abandonment of his ship. No doubt, the Moriscos were
Spaniards and no less so than the Castilians and Aragonese."
27. For specific cases before the tribunals of the Inquisition, see Dressendrfer,
Islam; Garca-Arenal, Inquisicin; Cirac, "Procesos"; Ubieto, "Procesos"; Pons-
Boigues, "Inquisicin."
28. On the nature and methods of the Inquisition, see Lea, History; Llorente,
Historia; Kamen, Spanish Inquisition; Pinta Llorente, Inquisicin; Garca-Carcel,
Orgenes; La Riguardia, Histoire; Turben Ville, Spanish Inquisition. For one,
Lea, Moriscos, 109ff., points to the excesses of the Inquisition saying that it
operated in an impenetrable secrecy . . . no one calls in question its justice nor
could he complain of its acts; witnesses remained anonymous and could not be
cross-examined; the victim was represented by a staff member of the tribunal
who often urged his client to confess and throw himself on the mercy of the
court; and the whole inquisitorial process was based on the assumption that
the accused was guilty at the time of arrest. Such arbitrary justice was of great
concern to the Spanish monarchs, who often pleaded for restraint and
moderation. In 1508, Ferdinand wrote to the inquisitors reproving them and
warning them that no one should be converted or baptized by force (text in
Lea, Moriscos, 407-408). In 1564, Philip II issued a plan of conciliation
instructing the Inquisition to use its power with moderation. These and other
appeals were ignored leaving the Moriscos at the mercy of the clergy: "Such
was the condition of the Morisco question after seventy years of striving in
which the designs, more or less sagacious, of the rulers had been wrecked by
the supineness, the greed and the corruption of those whose duty it was to
save the hundreds of thousands of souls confided to their charge." (Lea,
Moriscos, 168).
29. Aznar Cardona, Expulsin, f. 132ff. as inserted in Garcia-Arenal, Moriscos,
230ff., conveys, perhaps, the general feeling toward the Moriscos. Cardona
displays contempt for all things connected with the Moriscos including their
condition, way of life, vestment and food. He attributes all sort of vices to the
Moriscos presenting them as a pestilence. He says that they are vile, careless,
and enemies of letters and the sciences; they bring up their children as
animals without any education or hygiene; they are dumb and crude in
speech, barbarous in language and ridiculous in dress; they eat on the floor
and live on vegetables, grains, fruits, honey and milk; they do not drink wine
nor buy meat unless it is slaughtered by them; they love charlatanry, stories,
dancing, promenading and other bestial diversions; they pursue jobs that
require little work such as weaving, tailoring, shoemaking, carpentry and the
like; they are peddlers of oil, fish, paste, sugar, eggs and other produce; they
are inept at bearing arms and, thus, are cowards and effeminate; they travel in
group only; they are sensual and disloyal;

Page 177
they marry young and multiply like weeds (malas hierbas) overcrowding
places and contaminating them. Cf. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 131.
30. Ibid., 136.
31. Ibid., 218. The Morisco population shrank considerably from 1527 to 1563,
after which it increased at a rapid pace, a fact which led Lapeyre, Gegraphie,
31, to remark that such proliferation was one of the causes of their ruin.
32. For instance, the charming novel, Abencerraje and Prez de Hita's Guerras
civiles. See Cirot, 'Maurophilie." It should be added that Juan Ruz and Alfonso
Alvrez de Villasandino admired Moorish qualities of generosity, pride, and
beauty of Moorish ladies (Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 228) and that
Lope de Vega used the theme of Christians and Moors in some of his plays
depicting the Moor as gallant, enamoured, jealous and with a Christian soul
(Carrasco Urgoiti, El moro, 83).
33. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 229. See also Giner, "Cervantes"; Gonzlez Palencia,
"Cervantes"; Fradejas, "Musulmanes"; Labib, Der Maure' Harvey, Moriscos.
Cervantes, Coloquio, 317, reproaches the Moors for lack of sincerity and for
their propensity to treason. For copious details, see Carrasco Urgoiti, El moro,
77ff. 157ff.
34. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 113ff.
35. Lincoln, "Prophecies"; see below chapter II, notes 61ff.
36. See Braudel, Mediterrane, 1047, and his "Les espagnols"; Hess,
"Moriscos" and The Forgotten Frontier, 121-122; Snchez Montes, Franceses;
Regl, Estudios, 72 and 83; Cardaillac, "Morisques et Protestants" and
Morisques et Chretiens, 125ff.; Cabanelas, ''Proyectos."
37. Schwoebel, Shadow, chapter I.
38. The appeal to the Turks was sent in 1501 in the form of an Ode (Ar.
Qasidah *) translated into English by Monroe, "A Curious Appeal." See also
Janer, Condicin, 278-279; Temimi, "Une Lettre" and Hess, "Moriscos." Cf.
note 23.
39. However, the Catholic kings' policy of forced conversion was hesitant since
it met with little success. Both Dnvila, Expulsin, 41ff. and Boronat, Moriscos,
I, 93ff, defend the new policy.
40. The controversy became heated among theologians and gained crescendo
after the revolt of 1520 in Valencia between the Germanias (communes) and
the nobility, in which the Moriscos remained loyal to their landlords, but ended
victimized by the agermenados who killed many of them and forced a
substantial number to take the sacrament of baptism at the point of the sword.
See Dnvila, Expulsin, 87ff.; Boronat, Moriscos, I, 130ff.; Lea, Moriscos, and
Piles, Aspectos.
41. Text in Gallego Gamir, Moriscos, 198ffe.; Janer, Condicin, 26; The
reaction of the Moriscos of Valencia was violent, resulting in the revolt of
Espadan. On the revolt, see Garcia-Arenal, "Revuelta" and Rull Villar,
"Rebelin."
42. The text of revoking the measures is in Dnvila, Expulsin, 102-105. Cf.
Boronat, Moriscos, I, 165, and Dominguez, Historia, 263.
43. Dnvila, Expulsin, 135. Cf. Janer, Condicin, 27, who reiterates the same
idea.
44. On Philip II's reign and policies, see Cabrera, Felipe Secundo and Braudel,
Mediterrane.
45. Text in Dnvila, Expulsin, 167-169. It should be recalled that conversion
through persuasion and instruction was initiated by Talavera, but failed for lack
of schools, churchs, money, and available qualified and sincere clerics. Priests
were more often than not ignorant and indulged in what Lea, Moriscos, 147,
calls

Page 178
"spoilation, embezzlement and malversation of every kind." These
deficiencies were quite known and brought to the attention of the papacy. On
their part, the Moriscos looked upon such edict of grace with mistrust and
ignored it as they did in 1510, 1525, 1597 and 1599 when similar edicts were
issued.
46. It should be recalled that the new edict is basically a reiteration of the one
issued in 1526 and which was rescinded. Cf. note, 4. See Mrmol, Historia,
161; Janer, condicin, 31ff.; Ladero, Mudjares, 318; Gallego et al., Moriscos,
170, and Cato Baroja, Moriscos, 152.
47. For the plea of the Morisco: Nez Muley to rescind the edict, see chapter
II, note 21.
48. On the revolt of the Alpujarras, see the contemporary works of Hurtado de
Mendoza, Guerras civiles, and Mrmol, Historia. The savagery of the revolt is
described by Prez de Hita, Guerras, 606ff.; see Garrad, Causes; Hitos,
Mrtires; Lea, Moriscos, 236ff., and Caro Baroja, Moriscos, chapter XI.
49. On the repatriation of the Granadans, see Mrmol, Historia, 360ff.; Janer,
Condicin, 43-44; Lea, Moriscos, 259; and Vincent, "Expulsion."
50. Monfies (Ar. Munfi) means 'exiled,' or 'living in rural areas and mountains.'
See Fernandez y Gonzlez, "Monfies"; Vincent, "Bandits," and Garcia Martinez,
"Bandolerismo." Cf. also, Janet, Condicin, 56, and Dominguez, Historia, 57-
71.
51. Turkish threat was a major and genuine concern to the Spanish monarchy
in particular and Christendom in general. The Moriscos placed a great hope in
that the Turks would eventually come to their rescue as part of prophecies
(See chapter II, notes 61ff). For more details see, Mas, Turks; Braudel,
Mediterrane, II, 480; Dnvila, Expulsin, 296-308; Bronat, Moriscos, II, 219-
249; Snchez Alvrez, "Aspectos," and Cabanelas, "Proyectos."
52. Braudel, Mediterrane, 586ff.; and Regl, Estudios, 207.
53. Regl, Estudios, 212.
54. Dnvila, Expulsin, 153-159.
55. Janer, Condicin, 57; Dnvila, Explusin, 160; Dominguez, Historia, 141.
These and similar views were common among clerics and bishops, mainly,
Guerrero of Granada and Juan de Ribera of Valencia.
56. The Memorandum is by Bishop Marin Salvatierra is found in Boronat,
Moriscos, I, 612-633, and Garcia-Arenal, Moriscos, 157-175. There were
numerous memoranda by other bishops, among which is one by Alonso
Gutierrez dated September 6, 1588, reiterating the same feeling and labeling
the Moriscos as enemies of the king and Spain (text in Boronat, Moriscos, I,
634-638). Bishop Juan Ribera of Valencia, who had hoped to indoctrinate the
Moriscos, also issued a similar memorandum in 1601. Cf. Boronat, Moriscos, II,
35ff.
57. Boronat, Moriscos, II, 91-92.
58. For one, Bleda, Crnica, 948, and Defensio, 298ff., called for a general
massacre. See Lea, Moriscos, 298ff., and Dominguez, Historia, 69ff.
59. Text in Boronat, Moriscos, I, 524-529. Cf. note 19.
60. Cato Baroja, Moriscos, 141.
61. Janer, Condicin, 85, adheres closely to the views of contemporaries and
maintains that the reasons for the expulsion were disloyalty, disobedience,
conspiracy, heresy, murder and collusion with Turks. Cf. Boronat, Moriscos, II,
208, and Regl, Estudios, 64.
62. The expulsion proceeded smoothly with little or no resistancealthough
there

Page 179
were attempts at circumventing the order of expulsion through hiding and
appeal to religious sentiments. However, the authorities were uncompromising
and promised a reward of twenty escudos to anyone who would apprehend a
Morisco, leading Janer, Condicin, 83, to observe: "Greedy Christians would
fetch escapees like cattle in the rugged sinuosity of the mountain ridges." Cf.
Boronat, Moriscos, II, 305, and Regl, Estudios, 63.
63. Boronat, Moriscos, II, 190ff., gives ample details about the manner of
expulsion. Cf. Regl, Estudios, 35. For Morisco flight into France see Cardaillac,
"Passage" and "Morisques en Provence."
64. Regl, Estudios, 103ff.
65. Ibid., 97ff. The number appears exaggerated. Lapeyre, Gographie, puts it
at 3717.
66. Ibid., 14. Lapeyre, Ibid., 205, places it at 60818.
67. It is almost impossible to give precise figures on the number of Moriscos
expelled. For the different estimates, see Janer, Condicin, 279; Lea, Moriscos,
359; Dnvila, Expulsin, 337-338; and Dominguez, Historia, 90. Lapeyre,
Gegraphie, 204, gives the several estimates and supplies his own based on
statistical records:
Valencia
..........................................................
117,464
Catalua
.........................................................
3,716
Aragn
............................................................
60,818
Castile, Mancha and Extremaduras
....................
44,625
Murcia
............................................................
13,552
Andalucia
........................................................
29,939
Granada
..........................................................
2,026
Total
272,140
............................................................
68. As quoted by Regl, Estudios, 49.
69. For one, Bleda, Crnica, 1021, deplores the fact that he will die without
seeing the land purified from the evil seed. Cf. Carp, Baroja, Moriscos, 243ff.
70.Carp Baroja, Moriscos, 246-247.
71. As quoted by Carp Baroja, Moriscos, 247. In this connection, the gypsies
occupied the bottom of the social ladder and were denigrated by virtue of their
complexion, beliefs, and behavior. They were described as libertines, brigands,
thieves, kidnappers and eaters of children (See Carp Baroja, Vidas, I, 59ff.).
72.Swinburne, Travels.
73. Townsend, Journey.
74. Ford, Handbook.
75. Irving, Alhambra. Boronat, Moriscos, II, 593-594, and Lapeyre,
Gegraphie, Appendix XIII, insert a document indicating an alarming concern
about the large number of exiled who had returned to the mainland.
76. Bleda, Crnica, chapter XXXVI, says that Moriscos could be seen in Rome.
Janer, Condicin, 319, says that a number of Moriscos settled in Venice. For
Morisco exile into France, see Cardaillac, "Passages" and "Morisques en
Provence."
77. Dominguez, Historia, 225ff.
78. Ibid., 238. Janer, Condicin, 95, states the Morisco dilemma: "Moors and
Turks persecuted them for what they had of Christian and Christians of France
and Italy did the same for what they had of Muhammadan *." Cervantes, Don
Quijote, II, chapter 54, who did not have much sympathy for the Moriscos,
expresses their

Page 180
plight: "Doquiera que estamos Iloramos por Espaa que en fin nacimos en
ella y es nuestra patria natal; en ninguna parte hallamos el acogimiento que
nuestra desventura desea, yen Berbera yen todas las partes de Africa donde
esperabamos set recibidos, acogidos y regalados, all es donde nos ofenden y
maltratan."
79. Morisco presence in Tunisia has been the object of several studies: Epalza,
tudes, "Moriscos", "Recherches" and "Trabajos"; Latham, "Toward the Study";
Abdulwahab, "Coup d'oeil''; Pieri, "L'acueil"; Penella, Moriscos; and Salvador,
"Emigracin."
80. Braudel, Mediterrane, 592-597.
81. Lapeyre, Gegraphie.
82. Caro Baroja, Moriscos.
83. Regl, Estudios.
84. Danvila, Expulsion.
85. Ibid., 344. Janer, Condicin, 120, condemns the excesses on both sides
and laments the intolerance and the implacable hatred. However, he dismisses
the possibility of conciliation between Christians and Moriscos as due to the
great disparity between Islam and Christianity. He argues (Ibid., 122) that
national unity brought Spain to the European family rather than leaving it
under the oppressive weight of an Oriental civilization. He considers (Ibid.,
102) the consequences of the expulsion on Spain as minimal, arguing that the
depopulation of the country was going on long before the expulsion and was
due to internal and international wars, emigration of people, pestilence,
drought and hunger. He concludes (Ibid., 113) that the expulsion was
beneficial in securing national unity and putting an end to the strife between
the two races.
86. Dnvila, Expulsin, 340. Boronat, Moriscos, I, 53ff., reiterates similar
feeling saying that the Moriscos always responded to magnanimity with
vindictiveness, treachery and fanaticism; he concludes wondering why the
expulsion did not take place much earlier.
87. Dominguez, Historia.
88. Ibid., 225.
89. Ibid., 223.
2. Morisco Reaction: A Self-Image
1. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 8: "El vasallo moro era un poco menos que un
esclavo." Janer, Condicin, 31, says that the Moriscos had to endure many
offenses in addition to heavy taxes, violence, rapacity of tax collectors and to
disorderly soldiers. Lea, Moriscos, 178ff., points to the lamentable conditions of
the Moriscos, citing the constant friction with Christian neighbors often
resulting in bloodshed and massacres; serfdom; disregard of pledges made to
them; and enforced conversion with no compensatory privileges. "They were
Christians as regard duties and responsibilities and subjection to the
Inquisition, but remained Moors as respect liabilities and inequality before the
Law." (ibid., 183). They were exploited by the nobility and terrorized by the
officials of the Inquisition. "In short they were defenseless and every one, cleric
and layman, pillaged them systematically." (ibid., 186). They were restricted in
their movement and emigration, forbidden to possess arms, hold offices and
benefices, or enter colleges and universities.
2. Castro, Espaa, 57: "El moro trabajaba y produca, y el cristiano seoreaba
en un extasis de magnificencia personal." As a result, the landlords, who
depended

Page 181
on Morisco labor and know-how, often interceded on behalf of Moriscos to a
point of allowing them to practice their religion in their estates. Several
noblemen were tried for favoring or defending heretics among whom was
Sancho de Cardona, admiral of Aragn, who was brought before the
Inquisition on charges of protecting Moriscos. See boronat, Moriscos, I, 443-
469.
3. Aznar, Expulsin, 33. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 73, gives the text of an
ordinance of 1552 containing some seventy-four skills or professions practiced
by the Moriscos. Cf. Dominguez, Historia, 109ff. it is significant to note that the
Moriscos were expert farmers who excelled in the cultivation of sugar, cotton,
silk, rice and other produce. Besides, they were excellent craftsmen excelling in
leather work, fabrication of textiles, porcelains, and other crafts. See also
Janet, Condicin, 47.
4. Burns, Islam, 72.
5. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 49.
6. Ibid., 159.
7. Mrmol, Historia, II, 157.
8. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 51.
9. Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerras, 107; Mrmol, Historia, II, 178.
10. Helpers (Ar. ansar *) were Medinese who gave refuge to Muhammad*
after his flight from Mecca in 622, a date that marks the beginning of the
Muslim calendar (Hijrah).
11. Emigrs (Ar. Muhajirun*) were early Muslims who joined Muhammad* in
his flight from Mecca to Medina.
12. 'Abd Manaf* was the ancestor of Muhammad* and the guardian of the
Holy Shrine of the Ka'bah in pre-Islamic times.
13. As quoted by Saavedra, Discurso, 138.
14. See chapter V, note 74.
15. Harvey, "El Mancebo," 25.
16. Ticknor, Historia, IV, 420; cf. Saavedra, Discurso, 144.
17. Cf. chapter I, note 45.
18. Boronat, Moriscos, I, 651-66:5. Weidits, Trachtenbuch, who traveled in
Spain in 1529, left precious drawings of Morisco clothing. For more details on
the clothing, furnishing, and festivals of the Moriscos see Ari, "Traje
musulmn"; Bernis, "Modas"; Martinez Ruz, "Almohadas"; Credilla,
"Ceremonias''; Granja, "Cocina," "Fiestas," and "Milagros."
19. Munzer, Viaje.
20. The text of Nez's Memorandum is in Mrmol, Historia, 161ff., and
Garca-Arenal, Moriscos, 47-56. See also Foulch-Delbose, "Memorial," and
Garrad, "The Original Memorial."
21. See chapter I, note 5.
22. The full text of the poem in English translation is in Lea, Moriscos, 434-
437. The poem was composed in 1568 aiming at securing help from fellow
Muslims from within and outside of the Peninsula.
23. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 168.
24. Domnguez, Historia, 49.
25. Umayyah refers to the ancestors of the Umayyads, who ruled in Damascus
(661-750) and later in Spain (756-1031). Cf. Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerra,
25-26.
26. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 159ff.
27. Mrmol, Historia, II, 157.

Page 182
28. Garca Martnez, "Bandolerismo."
29. Janer, Condicin, 36ff.
30. Ibid., 39ff.
31. Mrmol, Historia, II, 178; Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerra, 107.
32. Janer, Condicin, 52.
33. Mrmol, Historia, II, 157.
34. Ibid.
35. See EI, Takiya *.
36. For more details, see Dressendrfer, Islam, 131ff., and Cardaillac,
"Aspectos."
37. Text in Longs, Vida, 305-307; Harvey, "CryptoIslam."
38. Cantineau, "Lettre"; cf. RAH T13.
39. Mones, Asna*'. Al-Wansharishi* gives his legal opinion, arguing that
Muslims could not possibly feel free to exercise their religious duties under non-
Muslim rule; thus, it is a sin to remain under such conditions. Other jurists
maintain that fleeing the land of the infidels to the land of belief (Islam) is a
religious duty incumbent on every Muslim until the Day of Judgment.
40. Boronat, Moriscos, II, 619, Cf. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 92ff.
41. BNM 245 as quoted by Saavedra, Discurso, 156.
42. BNM 9067, f. 212r; cf. Saavedra, Discurso, 170.
43. Saavedra, Discurso, 108. Queen Isabella is said to be in Hell under all the
Jews (Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 101).
44. Saavedra, Discurso, 159. A Morisco refugee in Tunis thanks the Lord for
having escaped the tyranny of the Inquisition (RAH S2, f.52).
45. RAH T13, f.137r: "Adoradores del salib* (Ar. salib*) i los comedores
delpuwerko."
46. BNM 9653, f. 9v; cf. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 100.
47. RAH S2, f.8v; cf. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 100.
48. BNM 9653, f. 16r; cf. Cardaillac, "Aspectos."
49. Junta 3, f. 134v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 458.
50. BNM 9074, f.41r; cf. Cardaillac, "Aspectos."
51. Morgan, Mohamedanism, II, 295.
52. BNM 4944, f. 73v-74r. Cf. chapter V, notes 135ff. and note 176. Reference
to scriptural material attesting to the veracity of Islam and the legitimacy of
Muhammad's* prophecy is also contained in the story of Sarjil* Ibn Sarjun*
(BNM 4953, f. 2v-16r; cf. below chapter VI, note 82).
53. Junta 3e, f. 215v-216r. = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 633.
54. Junta 3, f. 222v. = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 656-647.
55. BNM 5300: Libro de las suwertes, a portion of which appears in Gil,
Coleccin, 3-32.
56. Gil, Coleccin, 7.
57. Ibid., 11.
58. Ibid., 14.
59. Lincoln, "Prophecies."
60. Mrmol, Historia, 169-174, inserts three prophecies which were
reproduced by Garcia-Arenal, Moriscos, 57-62. Cardaillac, Morisques et
Chrtiens, 49-52, reproduces one.
61. BNP 774, f. 411-415 = Lincoln, "Prophecies," 638-641.
62. The use of the word Allah* by a Spanish Christian is significant.
63. BNP 774, f. 415-422.

Page 183
64. BNP 774, f. 417.
65. Text in Mrmol, Historia, 171-172, and Garcia-Arenal, Moriscos, 57-62.
66. RAH T13, f. 172v-173r; cf. BNP 774, f.400ff. and Lincoln, "Prophecies,"
634-638.
67. RAH T13, f.173r: "i por esto senbaran mucho i-koseran poko i-tarabajaran
mucho i-abaran poko porovecho."
68. Ibid., f. 173v: "ke sera poka la-verghuwensa e-alzine (Ar. al-zina *') i-no-
rrakonosera el-ermano a su ermano."
69. Ibid., f. 173r: "abra discordiya los dos rreyes adoradores del salib* (Ar,
salib*) i-los komedores del puwerko."
70. Ibid., f. 173v: "a-de-ser seor de -la-tiyerra i-de-la-mar."
71. Ibid., f. 176r.
72. Ibid., f.176v: "Puwes tened buwen esperansa kel-tiyenpo se aserca." In
this connection, it is relevant to mention the testament of the Grand Turk (RAH
T18, Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 401-406) in which the ruler counsels
his son and predicts that he will, with Allah's help, have victory over the
Christian infidels and will enter Rome shattering the house of Peter and Paul
and destroying the Gods and idols made of gold, silver and marble, and where
he will give barely to his horses on the altars (RAH T18, f.132). Cf. Deny,
'Pseudo-Propheties."
73. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 52ff.; cf. Domnguez, Historia, 59ff.
74. BNM 9067, as quoted by Galms, "Inters literario," 196.
75. Andrs, Opera.
76. Cf. above, note 21.
77. Cabanelas, El morisco granadino, 15.
78. Luna, Historia.
79. Monroe, Islam, 11.
80. Cabanelas, El morisco granadino.
81. Alcntara, Historia; cf. Cabanelas, op.cit., 173ff.
82. Cabanelas, op. cit., 235ff.
3. Morisco Education and Literature
1. Ibn Khayr (1180), al-Dabbi* (1203), Ibn al-Khatib* (d. 1374), and al-
Maqqari* (d. 1632), among others, give an impressive list of talented people
who came from the East and settled in al-Andalus, and of Andalusians who
settled in North Africa and the East. See Makki*, Ensayo; Chejne, Muslim
Spain, 148.
2. Raqili*, Ta'yid* al-din*; see Asn, "Tratado" and chapter V, notes 74ff.
below.
3. Al-Qaysi, BNM 4944; See Asn, "Polmica," and chapter V, notes 83ff.
4. Turmeda, Tuhfah*. See chapter V, notes 89ff.
5. See chapter V, notes 113ff.
6. See chapter VI, notes 2ff.
7. Codera, "Almacn." The manuscripts found in the Almonacid were
catalogued by Ribera et al., Manuscritos, and are currently housed in the Asn
Palacios Institute of Arabic Studies in Madrid. The collection covers the gamut
of Aljamiado literature and consists of religious items, legends, stories and
numerous magical and astrological material. It appears that the Inquisition was
aware of the existence of Arabic and Aljamiado books, which were used as
evidence against accused Moriscos. Unfortunately, reference to such books by
the tribunals of the Inquisition was more often than not laconic, labeling them
as dealing with the Muhammadan* sect or the Qur'an*. See Labarta, "Libros."
It should be added that the collection of the Almonacid and the extant
Aljamiado manuscripts

Page 184
reflect the content of Morisco education. For more details on education in
Muslim Spain, see Ribera, "Ensananza *."
8. On the religious significance of Arabic, see Chejne, Arabic, 8ff.
9. Garcia-Arenal, Inquisicin, 108.
10. Ibid., 108-109.
11. Manuscript of BUB, f. 176v, as quoted by Penella, "Sentimiento," 458-459.
12. Junta 6, f. 1. Cf. Ribera et al., Manuscritos, 35.
13. Chejne, Arabic, 10.
14. BNM 5380. See Sol-Sol, "Textos," and Hoenerbach, "Moriscos," 53, plate
7.
15. Junta 8, f. 50. Cf. RAH V13.
16. RAH T20.
17. BNM 5238 and Junta 25.
18. Junta 39, f. 38-42 and f. 166-181.
19. He is Abu* Ishaq* Ibn al-Sari* al-Zajjaj* (d.923; he studied under the
famous belletrist al-Mubarrad (d. 898), the author of the Perfect Book (al-
Kamil*).
20. He is Abu* 'Abdallah* Muhammad* Ibn Dawud* Ibn 'Ajurrum* al-Sanhaji*
(d. 1323).
21. Junta 59, f. 104-175, and Junta 12, f. 160-187.
22. RAH T5.
23. Ibid., f. 118r-118v; cf. Junta 4, RAH T12 contains an explanation of some
expressions found in the works of the famous theologican al-Ghazali* (d.
1111).
24. Garcia-Arenal, Inquisicin, 26.
25. Ibid.
26. Junta 3, f. 119v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 418.
27. Junta 8, f. 182 = Gil, Cleccin, 1.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid. it may be added that BNM 5452 contains a valuable document in
Arabic exalting the importance of the religious scholar (faqih*). Text in
Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 264ff.
30. Ibn 'Abd Rabbih, 'Iqd, II, 206-215. Cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 166ff.
31. Gonzlez Palencia, Mozrabes, produces copious documents showing the
prevalent use of Arabic by the Mozarabs of Toledo to the beginning of the
fourteenth century.
32. Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 232. Casiri, I, 260, 284, 292, 295,
297, etc. It should be noted that the Granadans maintained the use of Arabic
throughout the sixteenth century, as attested by the testimony of Nez Muley
(See above, chapter II, note 21). It may be added that the many edicts issued
during the sixteenth century contained provisions forbidding the use of Arabic.
33. Harvey in EI, s.v. 'Adjamiyya.
34. Ticknor, Historia, IV, 420; Saavedra, Discurso, 144. Although the
consensus of opinion is that Arabic is eminently important in the religious life of
every Muslim, a Morisco refugee in North Africa reasoned that using Arabic at
all cost among people who do not understand it would lead to the same error
of Christians, who have their scriptures in Latin so that people could not read
or understand them, thus, perpetuating ignorance about the true Christian
doctrine (BNM 9653, f.118r; Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 179). Though
not knowing Arabic is tantamount to a sickness, it was considered expedient to
render the Qur'an* into a foreign language so that the mute and the inflicted
will have access to it (Ibid., f. 7).

Page 185
35. Samarqandi * is Abu* Layth Ibn Muhammad* Ibn Ibrahim* (d. 985). Al-
Bakri* is Ahmad* Ibn Muhammad* Abu-I-Hasan* (d. 1545). Al-Quda'i* is
Abu* 'Abdallah* Muhammad* Ibn Salam* Ibn Ja'far Ibn 'Ali* (d. 1062); cf.
GAL, I, 418, and S. I, 584.
36. BNM 5252, f. 3. In 1568, a Morisco of Valencia maintained that he was
able to read and write Arabic, but could not understand the Qur'an* (Boronat,
Moriscos, I, 553).
37. Junta 1, f. 2; Gayangos, Memorial, 247-248.
38. Junta 62, f. 1-3. Writing in Aragn at the time of the expulsion
Muhammad* Dovera attributes the neglect of the religious law to the loss of
the Arabic language, which was suppressed by the Christians (Cardaillac,
Morisques et Chriens, 153-154).
39. Dnvila, Expulsin, 170.
40. Ibid., 174ff., gives a list of those alfaques with reference to their place of
residence and professional competence.
41. Published by Gayangos, Memorial. The Brevario is extant in four
manuscripts: Junta 1, written in Arabic characters; and BNM 2026, BNM 6016,
and Junta 55 written in Latin characters. Cf. RAH S3.
42. Cabanelas, Juan de Segovia, 142ff.
43. The word Ikshadil is, according to Cabanelas (above, note 42) a corruption
of 'Isa* de Jabir*:
44. Junta 1, f. 216r.
45. On the Mancebo, see Saavedra, Discurso, 150-155, and Harvey,
"Mancebo."
46. Translated from Saavedra, Discurso, 155.
47. Junta 62, f. 440442.
48. Harvey, "Mancebo."
49. BNM 24:5.
50. Saavedra, Discurso, 150ff.
51. Gua de la salvacin as quoted by Gayangos, "Language," 79-80.
52. Saavedra, Discurso, 144.
53. Hegyi, "Uso."
54. Mills Vallicrosa, "Albaranes," produces three Arabic documents in Hebrew
characters dated 1378; and Bosh, "Escrituras," produces six documents. The
use of Hebrew script for writing Arabic goes back to much earlier date. For
instance, Maimonides (d. 1204) made profuse use of Hebrew script for writing
Arabic.
55. For instance RAH S1. Cf. Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 238.
56. This statement is based on the author's observations while living in
Colombia, S. A., during 1938-1945.
57. Junta 3, f. 228r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 6:58-6:59.
58. Ibn Khaldun*, Muqaddimah, III, 171ff.
59. See note on Transliteration.
60. Saavedra, Discurso, 145ff.
61. Ibid., 365.
62. Gayangos, "Language."
63. Gayangos, Leyes.
64. Gayangos, Suma.
65. Ticknor, Historia, IV, 247.
66. Fernmdez y Gonzalez, Estado social, 237; see also 438 and 441.
67. Mller, Morisco Gedichte.

Page 186
68. Mrf, Poema.
69. Stanley, "Poetry."
70. Saavedra, Discurso, 187.
71. Ibid., 171. On the other hand, Boronat, Moriscos, II, 384ff., minimizes the
value of Aljamiado literature with respect to form and content; he was followed
by Menndez y Pelayo, Historia, 64ff.
72. Summerized in Chejne, Muslim Spain, 383ff.
73. Guil1n, Leyendas, I, 13; cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 376-377.
74. Guil1n, Leyenda de Jos.
75. Gil, Coleccin.
76. Gil, "Manuscritos."
77. Pano y Ruata, Coplas and his "Recontamient."
78. Codera, "Almacn."
79. Ribera et al., Manuscritos. Ribera wrote incisive articles: "Coleccin,"
"Supersticiones," and ''Vida religiosa."
80. Menndez Pidal, Poema.
81. Meneu, "Literatura."
82. Zettersteen, Handbuch, "Notice," and "Some Chapters."
83. Gonzlez Palencia, "Noticias"; see also his "Cervantes," and "Curandero."
84. Longs, Vida.
85. Asn, "Original," "Polmica," and "Tratado."
86. Nykl, Rrekontamiento, which includes an introduction to Aljamiado
Literature.
87. Lincoln, "Prophecies."
88. Lincoln, "Aljamiado Texts."
89. Harvey, "Yus Banegas."
90. Harvey, Literary Culture.
91. Harvey, see Bibliography for titles.
92. Pareja, "Relato."
93. Hoenerbach, Urkunden.
94. Hoenerbach, "Moriscos."
95. Manzanares, "Dos manuscritos," "Captulo,' "Notas," and "Textos."
96. Vernet, "Exegesis," "Traducciones," and "Alcoran."
97. Moraleda, "Edicin."
98. Lpez Lillo, "Transcripcion."
99. Galms, pica, Historia, "Influencia del, rabe," "Influencias," "Inters,"
"Inters literario," Libro.
100. Published in Madrid, 1978.
101. Labib, "Spanish Lautenwicklung," "papel," and Der Maure.
102. Hegyi, Edicion, "Uso," and "Observaciones."
103. L. Cardaillac, "Aspecto," "Morisques en Provence," Morisques et Chretiens,
"morisques et Protestants," "Passage," and "Probleme."
104. D. Cardaillac, Polmique and "Algunos problemas."
105. Kontzi, Aljamiado, "Aspectos," and "Calcos."
106. Klenk, "Tasdid *" and Leyenda.
107. Chejne, Muslim Spain, chapter 20, and "Plegaria."
108. The tendency toward gradual latinization can be seen in BNM 4907; RAH
T18; RAH T13; RAH VII; RAH V2, among others.
109. The tendency of preserving Arabic appears in materials containing the
Qur'an* and traditions as in RAH T1; RAH T2; and RAH T3.

Page 187
110. Bilingualism can be seen in Qur'anic * Commentaries (Junta 47 and Junta
51); in the seven capital prayers (Junta 44); in Ibn 'Ajurrum, 'Ajurrumiyah, and
al-Zajjaj*, Taqrib (Junta 59, f. 104-130 and 176-216), and in al-Quda'i*,
Kitab* al-Shihab* (Junta 29 and Junta 39).
111. Mainly, RAH T5.
112. There is a number of manuscripts by Moriscos written in Latin script: BNM
5043; BNM 9067; BNM 9655; RAH S4, and others.
113. For more detailed information, see the several editions of Aljamiado texts
that include lengthy introduction bearing on linguistic matters, mainly, Galms,
Historia, 218ff, and his Libro, II, 26ff; Nykl, "Rrekontamiento"; Kontzi,
Aljamiado, I, 60ff; Hegyi, Edicin.
114. For more details on arabisms in Aljamiado texts, see Nykl,
"Rrekontamiento," 448ff.; Galms, "Influencias," Libro, II, 66ff., and Historia,
234ff.; Kontzi, Aljamiado, I, 69ff., and ''Calcos"; D. Cardaillac, Polmique, I,
60ff.; Hegyi, Edicin, 1ff.; and "Observaciones"; Floriano, "Algunos Problemas."
On arabism in the Spanish language, see Neuvonen, Arabismos; Fernndez y
Gonzlez, "Influencia"; Eguilaz, Glosario; Dozy et al., Glossaire.
115. The area of interaction between Islam and Christianity in Spanish soil
needs further and careful research and the Aljamiado literature has great
potential in this connection and may serve as starting point. Galms, "Inters
literario," 204, recognizes the close interdependence of Aljamiado literature
and early Spanish literature in the area of didactic, epic, and even mysticism.
He gives the interesting suggestion that the great Spanish mystic Juan de la
Cruz may have been a Morisco himself.
4. Religion, Beliefs, and Observances
1. Ladero, Mudjares, 318; Codera, "Almacn."
2. Junta 3, f. 229r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 661.
3. BNM 4953, f. 162.
4. Chejne, Arabic, 9.
5. Kritzeck, Peter, 51ff.; cf. below, chapter V, note 11.
6. Alverny, "Deus traductions."
7. Vernet, "Exegsis," 128; and his "Traducciones."
8. See chapter V, note 212.
9. See chapter V, note 212.
10. See Lpez Lillo, "Transcripcin"; Lpez Morilla, "Etimologias"; Moraleda,
"Edicin"; Vernet, "Exgesis" and "Traducciones"; Zettersteen, "Some
Chapters."
11. Mainly, BNM 4907; BNM 4938; BNM 5078; BNM 5081; BNM 5313; BNM
5378; BNP 290; BNP 1844; Junta 12; Junta 18; Junta 24; Junta 28; Junta 39;
Junta 40; Junta 41; Junta 42; RAH T1; RAH T3; RAH T5; RAH T6; RAH T8;
RAH T10; RAH T12; RAH T13; RAH T19; RAH V8; RAH V10; RAH V13; RAH
V17; and RAH V26.
12. BNM 4983; BNM 5378, f. 79ff.
13. BNM 5267.
14. BNM 5081; Junta 12.
15. Particularly the chapter entitled al-Qadr (Q 97). See RAH T10.
16. BNM 5228; RNM 5313; BNM 5378.

Page 188
17. Junta 3, f. 110 = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 400.
18. BNM 5228 and BNM 5313.
19. BNM 9653.
20. BNM 9067.
21. BPT 9 and RAH S3.
22. For instance RAH T5. Other commentaries: Junta 18; Junta 25; Junta 51;
and Junta 62; RAH T12; f. 77ff. and RAH T13, f. 35-125.
23. RAH T5, f. 1, where the term sharhe * is used.
24. Gil, Coleccin, 153, where the Aljamiado appears in small letters above the
Arabic, written in bold characters.
25. RAH T5, f. 1.
26. RAH T5, f. 1: Este es sharhe* i-deklarasion de las alwaraqas (Ar. al-
waraqah). Waraqah means folio or paper.
27. Gil, Coleccin, 163, where Aljamiado and Arabic are used.
28. The expression el-hadith* is used in Aljamiado to mean not only a
prophetic tradition, but "a narration" and "story."
29. The Six Canonical Books (al-kutub al-sittah) are those of Bukhari* (d. 870),
Muslim (d. 875), Abu* Dawud* (d. 888), Tirmidhi* (d. 892), Ibn Majah* (d.
886), and Nisa'i* (d. 915). For further information on each one and their
works, see the articles in the EI.
30. Particularly those traditions relating to Spanish Islam, such as
Muhammad's* prophecy regarding the future of al-Andalus (See chapter II,
note 65), or befriending a Christian for forty days (See chapter II, note 49).
31. 'Abdallah* Ibn al-'Abbas* (d. ca. 688) was a relative of Muhammad* and
one of the early traditionists.
32. 'Abdallah* Ibn Mas'ud* (d. ca. 653) was also an early traditionist.
33. Abu* Hurayrah was a companion of the Prophet and transmitter of
prophetic traditions.
34. Anas Ibn Malik* was a companion of the Prophet and father of Malik*, the
founder of the renowed Malikite* school of law that remained for a long time
the sole legal school in al-Andalus.
35. The four Orthodox caliphs, who were also companions of the Prophet,
were: Abu* Bakr (r. 632-634), 'Umar (r. 634-644), 'Uthman* (r. 644-656) and
'Ali* (r. 656-661).
36. For instance, BNM 5223; BNM 5305, and RAH S1.
37. The Arabic title of the work is: Tanbih al-ghafilin* wa-idah* sabil al-
muridin. Cairo, 1326 A. H.
38. The Arabic title is: Kitab al-tafri 'fi-l-fiqh, of which there are the following
Aljamiado manuscripts: Junta 33; BPT 336; and BNM 4870. Cf. Saavedra,
Discurso, 247ff., and Gonzalez* Palencia, 'Noticias," 139.
39. On the Brevario Sunni, see chapter 3, note 41.
40. Junta 62.
41. Junta 62, f. 105-110.
42. Castighos para las jentes.
43. Junta 53.
44. BNM 5252, BNM 5273, and BPT 1.
45. Mainly, BNM 5943; BNM 5374; BNM 5377; and BNM 5378.
46. BNM 9067.
47. The Beautiful names of God (Ar. al-asma*' al-husna*; Alj. nonberes
fermosos)are

Page 189
found in: BNM 5223; BNM 5378; BNM 5380; BNM 5385; Junta 44; RAH T1;
RAH T3; RAH T6; RAH T13; RAH T19; and RAH V26.
48. God unity (At. tawhid *) is a basic tenet of Islam to which the Moriscos
adhered, deriving the necessary evidence from thirty-seven passages of the
Qur'an*. See BNM 5374; BNM 5378; BNM 5385; RAH T1; RAH T3; and RAH
V17.
49. The Moriscos followed the traditional conception of Christ and Christianity,
devoting ample material to them. See BNM 5305, f. 14r-22v; BNM 5313, f.
177r-180r; BNM 5223, f. 240r-241r; BNM 9067, f. 182r-205r; RAH S1, f. 992-
128v (see Vespertino, "Figuras"), dealing with Christ's birth, his time, and
falsity of the Christian doctrine and other aspects of Christ's life.
50. Some of the heated controversies against Christianity can be found in BNM
4944; BNM 5302; RAH T12; RAH V6; and RAH V7. See Cardaillac, Morisques
et Chretiens; D. Cardaillac, Polemique; and below, chapter V.
51. Junta 3, 178v -= Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 546. Malik* is the founder of the
Malikite* legal school and author of the legal code, al-Muwatta*'.
52. Ibid.
53. In addition to the comprehensive works of Samarqand Ibn Jallab*, Jabir*,
and the Mancebo already mentioned, there are BNM 5354; BNM 5374; BNM
4953; BNM 4238; BNP 774; Junta 64; and others dealing with one or more
aspects of the religious duties. Cf. Longs, Vida, Ribera, "Vida," and
Zettersteen, "notice" and Handbuch.
54. Junta 3, f. 148r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 483.
55. See Junta I and Gayangos, Suma. Credilla, "Ceremonias," gives a good
summary of Morisco rites as they were known to the Inquisition.
56. Junta 62.
57. "Isa* de Jabir*, Brevario (MHE, 253). Cf. Mancebo, Tafsira (Junta 62, f.
1).
58. "Isa* de Jabir*, Brevario, MHE, 254-260.
59. Junta 3, f. 205v-206r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 611-612.
60. See above, note 47.
61. BCM 1420, f. 38-47 = Chejne, "Plegaria."
62. For instance, RAH T13.
63. Ibid.
64. See above, note 48.
65. See chapter VI, notes 18ff.
66. Junta 64, f. 14v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, 760-762.
67. See above, note 53.
68. Junta 3, f. 233v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 673.
69. Ibid.
70. Junta 3, f. 124 = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 429. Also BNM 4953, f. 54v-61v =
Hegyi, Edicin, 44-49, where prayer is discussed at some details.
71. Junta 3, f. 124 = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 429. For detailed discussion of
ablution, see Longas, Vida, 16ff. and BNM 4870; BNM 5306; RAH T3; RAH
T13.
72. Junta 3, f. 124v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 430.
73. Junta 64/21, f. 8r-9r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 756. Cf. RAH T4, f. 52ff.
74. Junta 64/21, f. 10r = Kontzi, Aljarniado, I1, 757.
75. RAH T4, f. 64v.
76. BNM 5306, f. 52.
77. Junta 3, f. 119v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 418; RAH T4, f. 68.
78. The Imam* could be any Muslim, but he must, first and above all, be

Page 190
knowledgeable and upright Muslim (BNM 4870).
79. The recitation of the Qur'an * was done ordinarily in Arabic. The most
commonly recited chapters (suras*) of the Qur'an*, or verses thereof (aya*, Pl.
ayat*) appear to be the following: Q3:16 and 24; Q87; Q91; Q97; Q110;
Q113; and Q114.
80. The seven major prayers are found in BNM 5377; BNM 5378; BNM 5325;
Junta 44; RAH T2; and RAH T3.
81. Junta 3, f. 122 = Kontzi, Aljarniado, II, 423.
82. RAH T19, f. 214ff. Cf. Longas, Vida, 81ff.
83. RAH T17, f. 136ff. BNM 4953, f. 40r-54r = Hegyi, Edicin, 32-43.
84. For this kind of invocations, see BNM 5301; see BNM 5301; BNM 5377;
4953, f. 154v-161r = Hegyi, Edicin, 142-246.
85. BNM 5223, f. 24ff.
86. RAH V12 and RAH V15.
87. On azake, see Ibn Jallab*, Tafria (BPT 7, Book 3); 'Isa* de Jabir*,
Brevario, MHE, 320ff.; and Longs, Vida, 231ff.
88. Junta 64/21, f. 4v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 752.
89. Longs, Vida, 246-249.
90. Junta 3, f. 162v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 513.
91. On fasting, see Ibn Jallab*, Tafria (BPT 7, Book 4); 'Isa* de Jabir*,
Brevario, MHE, 303-305; BNM 4953, f. 30v-32r. Cf. Longs, Vida, 214ff.
92. RAH T4, f. 20v.
93. Junta 64/21, f. 11r-12r Kontzi, Aljamiado, 11, 758.
94. Junta 3, f. 128v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 442.
95. On pilgrimage, see Ibn Jallab*, Tafria (BPT 7, Book 6); 'Isa* de Jabir*,
Brevario, MHE, 32ff.; and Longs, Vida, 250ff.
96. On Jihad* (Holy War), See Ibn Jallab*, Tafria (BPT 7, Book 7).
97. On Fada, see Ibn Jallab* Tafria (BPT 7, Book 10); 'Isa* de Jabir*,
Brevario, MHE, 381-382; Junta 3, f. 141v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 470.
98. Junta 3, f. 189r Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 571.
99. Longs, Vida, 262.
100. On marriage, see Ibn Jallab*, Tafria (BPT 7, Book 20); RAH T8; Longs,
Vida, 276-283.
101. Junta 3, 197v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 589
102. 'Isa de Jabir*, Brevario, MHE, 299-300; Longs, Vida, 284, 302.
103. Carca-Arenal, lnquisicin, 62-63, points to the practice of burying the
belongings of the dead among some Moriscos of Cuenca.
104. The importance of the letter of the dead can be surmised by its
occurrence in Aljamido manuscripts, mainly, Junta 3, f. 215r Kontzi, Aljamiado,
II, 632; Junta 8; Junta 24; RAH T1 and RAH T13.
105. Junta 3, f. 198v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 593. Also BNM 4953, f. 62ff. Hegyi
Edicin, 50ff.
106. On dietary law, see BNM 5306, 63ff; 'Isa* de Jabir*, Brevario, MHE,
330ff; Longas, Vida, 264-270.
107. Junta 3, f. 208v Kontzi, A1jamiado, 11,616.
108. Junta 3, f. 128r-128v Kontzi, A1jamiado, II, 442-443.
109. Junta 3, f. 119v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 417.
110. Junta 3, f. 134 Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 458.
111. Junta 3, f. 97r-97v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 375-376.
112. El-hadith* del bebdor de vino Junta 8, no. 4 Gil, Coleccin, 52-64.

Page 191
113. Gil, Coleccin, 132. It may be relevant to mention that the fourteenth
century Juan Ruiz, Libro, stanzas 528ff., emphasizes the evil effect of wine.
While he condones drinking in moderation, he illustrates its evil effect on a
devout hermit, who, after indulging in wine at the behest of the devil was
robbed of his body and soul through raping a girl and murdering her afterward
(stanzas 539-541). Moreover, Ruz maintains that wine blinds people, shortens
life, saps power, causes limbs to tremble, makes the breath smell bad and the
mouth foul, burns the entrails and eats the liver (stanzas 544-545).
114. Junta 3, f. 119r Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 416. It is equally relevant to
mention that Juan Ruz, Libro, stanzas 555-556, condemns gambling as evil
and considers profit accruing therefrom as usury, which is forbidden by the
religious law (Shari'ah *).
115. Junta 3, f. 184 Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 556.
116. Junta 3, f. 141r Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 469
117. Junta 3, f. 132r Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 453.
118. Junta 3, f. 163v Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 516.
119. Junta 3, f. 133r Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 455.
120. See above note 49, and chapter VI, notes 104ff. See also, Abd al-Jalil,
Marie Hayek, Christ and Mystre; Michaud, Jsus; Parrinder, Jesus; Matteo,
Divinit; Pareja, "Relato"; and Vespertino, "Figuras." (See also Junta 9 and
BNM 5302)
121. BMN 4944, f. 88; and chapter V, notes 149ff.
122. BMN 4944, f. 23r; chapter V, notes 177 and 198.
123. BMN 4944, f.1ff; cf. chapter V, notes 117ff.
124. BMN4944, f. 35v; cf. chapter V, notes 140ff.
125. BNM 4944, f. 55r
126. Q4: 71. Jesus ('Isa*) is mentioned sometwenty-nine times in the Qur'an*
and is referred to as "'Isa* Ibn Maryam" (Jesus the son of Mary).
127. Q5: 109, 110, 116.
128. Q4: 147.
129. See Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*, II, 170; I11, 41. BNM 4944, 41v, 62r, 68r, 81r.
Cf. chapter V, notes 149 and 166ff.
130. BNM 4944, f. 67r-67v. In his Libro, Juan Ruz makes, perhaps, some
suggestive remarks regarding the problem surrounding Christian ceremonies
and sacraments, and he does it in an irreverent way. In the Fable of the
Burstard, a cleric is represented by a wolf, who was asked to baptize little pigs
so that they may die as Christians: "bautizat a mis fijuelos porque mueran
cristianos", (stanza 776). He also points to the theological aspects of
confession and penance, maintaining that they are not codified in writing
(stanzas 1130-1131). As such, they can be made directly to God, thus
conforming to Islamic view. However, Juan Ruiz makes the concession that
they can be made to the high echelon of the church, but not to simple and
untutored clerics, who would certainly fall in error for things they cannot do. In
fact, they would be like the blind leading the blind:
En esto yerran mucho, que lo non pueden fazer
de o que fazer no pueden non se deben entremeter;
si el ciego al ciego adiestra o lo quier traer
en la foya dan entreambos e dentro van caer (stanza 1145).
This evaluation does conform to Morisco sentiment which expresses the
general Islamic conception in that God alone is the Confessor. Cf. chapter V,
note 98.
131. BNM 4944, f. 89v.

Page 192
5. The Polemics of the Moriscos
1. A listing of Arabic polemical literature is found in Steinschneider,
Polemische; Anawati, "Po1mique"; Epalza 'Notes." One may single out Ibn
Hazm * of Cordova, who refuted world religions including Judaism and
Christianity showing the superiority of Islam over all of them; see his Fisal*, II,
42ff. One may add Turmeda, Tuhfah*, who launched a bitter attack against
Christianity. On some Christian polemicists, see Daniel, Islam and Arabs; and
Southern, Views.
2. The most incisive work on the building of an image is Daniel, Islam.
3. As quoted by Hitti, Islam, 50.
4. The attacks of al-Kindi were refuted by 'Abadallah* Ibn Isma'il* al-
Hashimiin* his Risalah*.
5. The Martyrs of Cordova were zealot Christians who insulted Islam and its
founder in public knowing that such a conduct would lead to the death
penalty. On their revolt, See Colbert, Martyrs; Simonet, Historia, 413ff; and
Waltz, "Significance."
6. The writings of Alvaro and Euglogio constitute the main Latin documentary
evidence of that period. For details on their writings see Simonet, Historia,
399ff. and 457ff.
7. Daniel, Arabs, chapter 2.
8. La Chanson de Roland, 98.
9. Daniel, Arabs, 232ff.
10. See below, notes 51ff.
11. Kritzeck, Peter, 32ff.
12. Ibid., 115ff. and 155 ff. In addition to the translation of the Qur'an*, Peter
also secured a translation of the biography of Muhammad* and the text of al-
Hashimi's* Risalah* defending Islam.
13. Alverny, "Deux traductions."
14. Jimnex de Rada (1176-1247) wrote his Historia Arabum (Madrid, 1793) in
which he included a biography of the Prophet.
15. Alfonso X (1252-1284) also included a biography of Muhammad* in his
Crnica general. Cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 1255ff.
16. Peter Pascual wrote: Sobre el Seta mahometana and Contra los fatalistas
mahometanos. Cf. Daniel, Islam, 19, and Index.
17. Ramn Martin is the author of Explanatio Symboli Apostolorum et Pugio
Fidei in which he uses primary sources in his refutation of both Judaism and
Islam. Cf. Daniel, Islam, 48-49 and Index.
18. Raymond Lull was an accomplished Arabist with great missionary zeal; he
wrote numerous works dealing with doctrinal matters. Cf. Daniel, Islam, 66,
and Index.
19. Alfonso X, Primera crnica general, 116ff.
20. Alfonso X, Antologa, 92; cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 125ff.
21. Bacon, Opus Majus, where his indebtedness to Arab thinkers is often
recognized.
22. Dante, Divine Comedy, Inf. xxviii.
23. Schwoebel, Shadow, 4ff.
24. As cited by Hitti, Islam, 54ff.
25. Lydgate, Fall of Princes, 921; of. Hitti, Islam, 55.
26. Shakespeare, Henry I/I, I, ii, 140ff.
27. Shakespeare, Romeo and Juliet, V, 184; Henry IV, iii, 84.
28. Hitti, Islam, 56.
29. See above, note 8.

Page 193
30. See Ibn al-Khatib *, A'mal*, 12, 23, 196. The term Rum*, meaning
Roman, was applied ordinarily to the Byzantines, whereas Ifranj meant
"French" or "Westerner," particularly from the time of the Crusades in the
eleventh century. Christians were often referred to as the "Worshipers of the
Cross" in the connotation of idol worship to which the Moriscos added the
label, ''Eaters of Pork" (Cf. chapter II, note 45).
31. Ibn al-Abbar*, Hullah*, II, 126; Ibn al-Khatib*, A'mal*, 203. It is
important to note that both Ibn al-Abbar* and Ibn al-Khatib were Andalusians
who lived at a critical period of Andalusian history.
32. For kafir*, dar* al-harb* dar* al-islam* and Djihad*,: see EI.
33. Ibn Khaldun*, Muqaddimah, I, 119.
34. Ibid, I, 163.
35. Ibid., I, 158ff.
36. Ibid., I, 167.
37. Mas'udi, Muruj*, 34.
38. Sa`id*, Tabaqat*, 8f.
39. Bakri, Jughrafiyah*, 81, as quoted by Chejne, Muslim Spain, 286.
40. Ibid.
41. Ibn Munqidh, An Arab Syrian Gentleman, 161ff.
42. See above, note 1.
43. Q2: 62.
44. Q2: Ill.
45. Q2: 113.
46. Q5: 19.
47. Q5: 51.
48. For ahl al-dhimmah or ahl al-kitab*, see EI.
49. Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*. Asn's translation, Abenham, is being used here.
50. Ibn Hazm*, Radd, 45.
51. Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*, III, 9ff.
52. Ibid., III, 13-14.
53. Ibid., III, 15ff.
54. Ibid., III, 16.
55. Ibid., III, 17ff.
56. Ibid., ill, 19.
57. Ibid., 111, 21.
58. Ibid., III, 22ff.
59. Ibid., III, 26.
60. Ibid., IV, 1-12.
61. Ibid., IV, 31.
62. Ibid., IV, 32.
63. Ibid., III, 36.
64. Ibid., III, 37ff. The question of abrogation (al-nasikh* wa-l-mansukh*) is
accepted in Islamic doctrine not only vis--vis Judaism and Christianity but
within the Qur'an* itself.
65. Ibid., III, 42.
66. Ibid., III, 43.
67. Ibid., III, 68ff.
68. See above, notes 11 and 13.
69. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 127ff.

Page 194
70. On the correspondence of al-Baji * and the French monk, see Cutler, "Who
was the Monk of France." 'Iyad's* work has the interesting title, Kitab* al-
shifa'* wa-ta'rif huquq* al-mustasfa* (The Book of Cure and Determination of
the Rights of the Pure One).
71. Cf. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 215.
72. He is Ahmad* Ibn 'Abd al-Haqq* al-Khazraji* (d. 1187). Cf. Granja,
"Milagros."
73. Cf. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 216.
74. Steinschneider, Polemische, 34. The treatise is analyzed by Asn, "Tratado,"
on the basis of Gayangos' manuscript, no. 31.
75. Asn, "Tratado," 251ff. Gayangos 31, 4-15.
76. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 53.
77. See BNM 4944, f. 1ff; and below, notes 117ff.
78. Asn, "Tratado," 254-255 Gayangos 31, f. 15-16.
79. Ibid., 255-256 = f. 16ff.
80. See BNM 4944; below, notes 134ff.
81. Asn, "Tratado," 256-285 f. 21-30 Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 137.
82. Asn, "Tratado," 258-261 f. 30-54. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 132.
83. BNM 4944, f. 59v and f. 74v Cardaillac, Polmique, II, 99 and 15.
84. Qaysi's Arabic text is analyzed by Asn, "Polmia."
85. BNM 4944 f. 59.
86. Epalza, Tuhfah*, has a good introduction about Turmeda and his works.
87. Asn, 'Po1mica," 306. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 188.
88. Ibid., 301-302. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 174.
89. Epalza, Tuhfah*, 218. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 161.
90. Ibid. 219.
91. Ibid. 227.
92. Ibid. 276-295. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 192.
93. Ibid. 285. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 149.
94. Ibid. 287.
95. Ibid. 289.
96. Ibid., 292ff.
97. Ibid., 297-304. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 144.
98. Ibid., 309-361. Cf. BNM 4944, below, note 206.
99. Ibid., 369-381. Cf, BNM 4944, below, notes 187ff.
100. Ibid., 382-403. Cf. BNM 4944, below, notes 156ff.
101. Ibid., 404-429.
102. Ibid., 450-468.
103. Ibid., 453.
104. Ibid., 455.
105. Ibid., 457.
106. Ibid., 463.
107. Ibid., 469
108. Ibid., 470-497. Cf. BNM 4944, below, notes 134, 161 and 170.
109. See above, note 84.
110. BNM 4944, below notes 177ff.
111. Epalza, Tuhfah*, 487.
112. BNM 4944, f. 49v and 59v.
113. Ibid., f. 59v.
114. Ibid., f. 1-35v.

Page 195
115. Ibid., f. 36r-101v ' Cardaillac, Polmique, II, 4-267. In addition to BNM
4944, one may add the following polemical treatises: BNM 9074; BNM 9655;
Junta 8; Junta 9; RAH T12; RAH V6; and RAH V7.
116. BNM 4944, f. 1r; Cf. above Raqili *, Ta'yid, above, notes 74ff.
117. Ibid., f. 2v.
118. Ibid., f. 3r.
119. Ibid., f. 3v.
120. Ibid., f. 3r.
121. Ibid., f. 4-5.
122. Ibid., f. 6r.
123. Ibid., f. 7r.
124. Ibid., f. 7v.
125. Ibid., f. 74: "puwes no es sino los muslimes f'ijos de Isma'il*. . . ke-elleos
no seran erederos de la tiyerra.
126. Ibid., 7v-8r: "Ke la su onrra i-bondad no ubo neguna menwa
nidefalimento por ella eye siyerba o-katiba de Ibrahim*. "
127. Ibid., 8v.
128. Ibid., 11r-11v.
129. Ibid., f. 16r.
130. Ibid., f. 18r.
131. Ibid., f. 18v.
132. Ibid., f. 20r.
133. Ibid., 22v.
134. Ibid., 27r.
135. Ibid., f. 23r-23v.
136. Ibid., f. 25r-29v.
137. Ibid., f. 30r-30v.
138. Ibid., f. 32r-34v.
139. Ibid., f. 35v: "i-yel-muslim ke tiyene seso i-leye lo-ke dize en este libro
debepensa en-todo esto i-yaghradeser al -kiriyador porke no-lo fizo deskereyido
i-maldicho i-lo-fizo muslim kereyente en el kiriyador e-yen-su al-nnabi
Muhammad*."
140. Ibid., f. 36r.
141. Ibid., f. 36r-101v = Cardaillac, Polmiques, II, 4-267.
142. Ibid., f. 36v-41v = Cardaillac, op cit., 5-27.
143. Ibid., f. 42r-58v = 29-93.
144. Ibid. f. 59r-82r = 97-185.
145. Ibid., f. 83v-83v = 187-191.
146. Ibid., f. 84 r = 193.
147. Ibid., f. 84v-101v = 195-267.
148. Ibid., f. 36 = 93. Cf. Ibn .Hazm*, Fisal*, II, 170, and III, 40.
149. Ibid., f. 40r = 21.
150. Ibid., f. 44v = 39: "Vuwestoro kiriyador vos veye i vos oye . . .. yo vos
veyo i vos oygho."
151. Ibid., f. 45r = 41: "Puwes ke seghamiyento es este tan gharande ke
leyen i-no entiyenden asi komo el-lasno ke liyeba libros."
152. Ibid., f. 45v-46r = 43-45.
153. Ibid., f. 46r = 45.
154. Ibid., f. 46v-47v = 47-51.
155. Ibid., f. 49v-49r = 55-57.

Page 196
156. Ibid., f. 49v = 59.
157. Ibid., f. 52r = 71.
158. Ibid., f. 52v = 71.
159, Ibid., f. 53v = 75.
160. Ibid., f. 54r-54v = 77-79.
161. Ibid., f. 56r = 85.
162. Ibid., f. 56v = 87.
163. Ibid., f. 57r = 89.
164. Cf. above, notes 85ff.
165. bnm 4944, f. 60r-60v = 101-103.
166. Ibid., f. 62r = 105.
167. Ibid., f. 62v = 107.
168. Ibid., f. 63v = 111.
169. Ibid., f. 65r = 117.
170. Ibid., f. 68r = 129.
171. Ibid., f. 68v = 131.
172. Ibid., f. 69r = 133.
173. Ibid., f. 69v = 135.
174. Ibid., f. 71r = 141.
175. Ibid., f. 73v-74r = 151-153.
176. Ibid., f. 74v = 155.
177. Reference is made here to Q5:64 and Q51:47.
178. BNM 4944, f. 76v = 163 : "Puwes a vosotros seya vuwestara ley i-ya-
mila-miya. "(Q6:109).
179. Ibid., f. 78v = 171.
180. Ibid., f. 79r = 173.
181. Ibid., f. 79v = 175.
182. Cf. above, note 85.
183. BNM 4944, f. 81v = 183.
184. Cf. above, note 106.
185. BNM 4944, f. 82v = 187. Cf. above, note 98.
186. Ibid., f. 83r = 189. Cf. Ibn Hazm *, Fisal*, II, 158.
187. Ibid., f. 83v = 191.
188. Ibid., f. 84r = 193.
189. Ibid., f. 84v = 195. Cf. Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*, II, 155.
190. 'Umar Ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz was the Umayyad caliph of Damascus (717-720).
191. BNM 4944, f. 87r = 209.
192. Ibid., f. 87v = 211.
193. Ibid., f. 88v = 211.
194. Ibid., f. 88v = 215.
195. Ibid., f. 89v = 219.
196. Ibid., f. 91r = 225.
197. Ibid., f. 92v-93r = 231-233.
198. Ibid., f. 93v-94v = 235-237.
199. Ibid., f. 95r-97r = 241-249.
200. Ibid., f. 98r-99v = 253-259.
201. Ibid., f. 99v-100r = 259-261.
202. Ibid., f. 100r-100v = 261-263.
203. RAH V7 consists of five folios and was transcribed by Cardaillac,
Polmique, II,

Page 197
269-285.
204. Ibid., f. 3v = II, 277.
205. BNM 4944, f. 67r-67v = Cardaillac, Polmique, II, 125-127.
206. RAH V7, f. 4r = Cardaillac, op; cit., 279.
207. Q3: 129: of. Turmeda, note 98.
208. Daniel, Arabs, 310-312.
209. Cabanelas, Juan de Segovia, 110ff.
210. Ibid., l55ff.
211. Martin Garca, Sermones, often cites the Qur'an *, so does Ribera Florit in
his Polmica. Cf. Sanz, Tratado and Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 387.
212. Andrs, Opera, f. 21ff; cf. Cardaillac, Polmique, I, 165.
213. Pez de Chinchn, Antialcorn, f. 89f.
214. Ibid., f. 100r.
215. Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 310ff.
216. See chapter VI, notes 31ff.
217. Cf. BNM 4944, f. 93r; BNM 9067, f. 7r; BNM 9653, 10r; BNM 9654, f. 3r.
218. BNM 9067, f. 205ff.
219. See above, notes 86ff. As stated in chapter IV, note 49; the space
devoted to Christ in Aljamiado literature is considerable. See BNM 9067, f.
175r; BNM 9074, f. 19r; BNM 9654, f. 3r; BNM 9655, f. 39r; and others.
220. BNM 9653, f. 177; BNM 9654 f. 7.
221. BNM 9067, f. 196r; BNM 9074, 40r; BNM 9654,13r; and BNM 9655, f.
39r.
222. BNM 9653, f. 178r; BNM 9074, 59v, BNM 4944, f. 67r, and RAH V7, 4r.
223. See Turmeda, notes 98ff above. For more details, see Cardaillac,
Morisques et Chrtiens, 310ff.
224. Cf. Turmeda note 105 above. BNM 9655, f. 16r.
225. BNM 9067, f. 64r; BNM 9655, f. 179r. Turmeda note 98 above.
226. BNM 9067, f. 206r; BNM 9074, f. 55v; BNM 9654, f. 14r. Cf. Turmeda,
note 98 above.
6. History, Legends, and Travel
1. BNM 4908; Junta 64/21. Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 181ff; 185ff; 203ff.;
221ff. This work is edited and translated into German a good number of
documents.
2. BNM 5452 = Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 176ff.; 227ff.; 35ff.; and 352ff.
3. BNM 5073; BNM 5228; Junta 64/21, where similar items are found. Cf.
Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 134ff., l51ff., 161ff., and 168ff.
4. BNM 5228, no.7.
5. BNM 4908, no.3.
6. BNM 5267, no. 2.
7. BNM 5073, no. 2.
8. BNM 5073, no. 3.
9. BNM 5073, no.6.
10. BNM 5073, nos. 8, 9, 10, and 11, were transcribed by Lincoln, "Textos."
11. BNM 5073, no. 12, published by Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 252ff.
12. BNM 5073, no. 14, published by Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 236ff., 240ff.,
and 246ff.
13. Saavedra, Discurso, no. 123.
14. Gil, Coleccin, 134-138; Junta 64/10 and Junta 100 published by
Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 34ff. and 354ff.

Page 198
15. Gil, Coleccin, 139-150.
16. See Hoenerbach, Urkunden.
17. Saavedra, Discurso, no. 127.
18. Libro de las luces, translated from the Arabic Kitab * al-anwar*. The work
appeared to have been popular among the Moriscos, and is one of the very few
works of which we have more than one manuscript, mainly, BNM 4955; PR
3225; RAH T18; and BPT 9, described by Gonzalez Palencia, "Noticias," 140-
143. Guilln, Leyendas, II, 29-93, transcribed the portion on the birth of
Muhammad* on the basis of BNM 4955, f. 108-148, and Kontzi, Aljarniado, II,
800-837, transliterated another portion of the same, f. 1v-41r.
19. Rabadan's Discourse was translated into English by Morgan, Moharnetism.
Cf. Stanley, "Poetry" and Ticknor Historia, IV, 275ff., and Saavedra, Discurso,
172ff.
20. BUB D565, f. 115ff.; Junta 8; RAH T8; RAH T12; and RAH T13.
21. BNP 290; RAH T12; and RAH T18.
22. BNM 5053 = Guilln, Leyendas, II, 269-300. Cf. BNP 263 and Junta 9, no.
3.
23. PR 3226, f. 91ff. and BNM 5354.
24. Escorial 1880, no. 10, and PR 3226.
25. BMN 5374, no. 9; BNP 290, no. 7; and RAH T13, no. 25.
26. RAH T12.
27. BNM 5378 and RAH T18. The praise of the cloak is probably based on a
poem composed by al-Busiri* (d. 1294), a manuscript of which is in the
Escorial; 248.
28. Guilln, Leyendas, II, 159-164.
29. RAH T18, f. 120-125 = Guilln, Leyendas, II, 145-158, Cf. BNM 5337 and
chapter VIII, notes 11ff.
30. PR 3226, no. 12.
31. PR 3226, no. 13; RAH T12, no. 9; and BNP 290.
32. BNM 4955, f. 3v.
33. Ibid., f. 46ff.
34. Ibid., f. 93ff.
35. Ibid., f. 103v.
36. Ibid., f. 108.
37. Ibid., f. 110.
38. Ibid., f. 112.
39. Ibid., f. 114.
40. Ibid., f. 118.
41. Ibid., f. 118ff.
42. Ibid., f. 121ff.
43. Ibid., f. 119.
44. Ibid., f. 124ff.
45. Ibid., f. 128ff.
46. Ibid., f. 129.
47. Ibid., f. 131ff.
48. Ibid., f. 136.
49. Q9:1-5
50. See chapter VIII, notes 6ff.
51. Mainly, RAH T17, f. 161-179; transcribed by Guilln, Leyandas, II, 269-
300; and BNM 5053, f. 1-18, transliterated by Kontzi, Aljarniado, II, 839-876.
See also BNP 263 and Junta 9.

Page 199
52. Asn, Escatologa.
53. RAH T17 and BNM 5053 differ in some details. For instance, while RAH
T17, f. 161v, has "a dark night in which neither a rooster sang nor a dog
barked," BNM 5053, f. It, has "a dark night with great thundering and
lightening."
54. RAH T17, f. 161. BNM 5053, f. 1, has: "six hundred wings on which are
inscribed pearls and rubies, each having one hundred years journey
(andadura).
55. RAH T17, f. 163.
56. Ibid., f. 164; cf. BNM 5053, f. 3.
57. Ibid., f. 165.
58. RAH T17, f. 165: "yuzghado es el fecho, "while BNM 5053, f. 3r, reads:
"pagha el feyto akel ke es en la madre del alkitab *."
59. RAH T17, f. 165. BNM 5053, f.3v, has: "Thou art the most honored of
God's creatures" (Ke tu es el mas onrrado de los formados de-Allah*).
60. RAH T17, 165. BNM 5053, f. 3v, refer to different precious stones.
61. RAH T17, f. 166; BNM 5053, f. 4r. 'Praising the Lord" is a rendition of the
arabism "ke attasbihan* kon atasbihes*" (literally, "praise with praises"). Cf.
Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 846.
62. RAH T17, f. 166: "El mas onrrado de los formados de las jentes."
63. Ibid., f. 167; BNM 5053, f. 5r.
64. RAH T17, f. 170, has Idris while BNM 5053, f. 6v, has Moses as the central
figure. From this point on, both manuscripts have different central figures.
65. BNM 5053, f. 8r, lists Adam as a major known figure who is also mentioned
in the first heaven. RAH T17, f. 171, simply mentions the ascention to the fifth
heaven with reference to the opening of a gate that overlooked the abyss of
earth where cheaters and imbibers of wine could be seen suffering damnation
of Hell.
66. RAH T17, f. 172-179, deals with the sixth heaven where Muhammad* is
introduced to the angels Michael and Israfil and where Muhammad* a dialogue
with God with Moses in attendance. BNM 5053, f. 8r-10r, does not mention
any particular figure.
67. BNM 5053, f. 14r.
68. Ibid., f. 15r.
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid., f. 15v-16r.
71. Ibid., f. 18r.
72. RAH T17, f. 177.
73. See chapter VIII, notes 6ff.
74. BNM 4953, no. 12, f. 63vff, (el-alhadith* del al-'arabe y la Doncella).
Guilln, Leyendas, II, 217-232.
75. BNM 9067, no. 14 (Historia de un Profeta y una Profetisa). Guilln,
Leyendas, II, 159-166.
76. RAH T18, f. 1-4 (El milagro de la luna: el-alhadith* del annabi*
Muhammad* con el rey Habib*). Guilln, Leyendas, II, 259-265.
77. RAH T18, f. 4v-20v; Guilln, Leyendas, II, 359-388. Account of
Muhammad's* death also appears in BNP 290; BNP 774; PR 3226, no. 13;
Junta 9, no. 4; Junta 13; RAH T12, no. 9; and RAH T19.
78. RAH T18, f. 12v.
79. Ibid., f. 16ff.
80. Junta 8, f. 156-160. It is interesting to note that the Eastern scholar al-
Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 182, says that the Ten Commandments given to Moses on
Sinai were

Page 200
meant for Muhammad's * community.
81. Junta 8, f. 80-108. Al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 315-322, devotes ample space to
Baluqiyas* search. He is said to have found a large number of people reciting
the confession of faith (shahadah*) in which Muhammad's* name is included.
82. BNM 4953, f. 2v-16r; transliterated by Hegyi, Edicin, 2-13.
83. See chapter V, notes 75ff.
84. RAH V3.
85. Junta 4.
86. Junta 43, no. 6.
87. Junta 4, f. 180; Gil, Coleccin, 97-98.
88. BNM 4953, f. 184r-187; transliterated by Hegyi, Edicin, 167-169.
89. BUB D565.
90. BNM 4953, f. 78v-90; Guilln, Leyendas, III, 65-82.
91. BNM 4953, f. 86vff.
92. Guilln, Leyendas, III, 187.
93. BNM 4953, f. 77r-78r; transliterated by Hegyi, Edicin, 64-65.
94. See chapter VIII, notes 9ff.
95. See chapter VIII, notes 11ff.
96. RAH T18, f. 114; cf. chapter VIII, note 31.
97. Guilln, Leyendas, II, 217ff. Cf. above, note 74.
98. BNM 5337, no. 4.
99. See chapter VIII, notes 24ff.
100. See chapter VIII, notes 16ff.
101. RAH S1 and RAH T18.
102. Guilln, Leyendas, III, 278-286.
103. Junta 8, f. 73-81.
104. Mainly, BNM 5378.
105. Abraham (Ibrahim*) is mentioned some sixty-five times in the Qur'an*.
Al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 63-87, deals with various aspects of his life: his birth; the
danger that faced him in establishing monotheism; his travel to Egypt where
Hagar was given to his wife Sarah as slave; Isma'il's* birth from Hagar and his
wandering in the desert where the Zamzam well was dug by Gabriel (p. 72);
Abraham's journey to Mecca where he built the Ka'bah assisted by Isma'il*;
and other details. His qualities are described as "friend of God"; "father of
hospitality"; "the Imam* (leader) of those who believe in one God''; and "the
one whom God named the first true Muslim." See Moubarak, Abraham. It is for
this reason that Abraham occupies a prominent place in Aljamiado literature as
attested by the following manuscripts: BNM 5313, no. 9; Junta 3, no. 8; Junta
9, f. 73-77; PR 3226, no. 8; RAH T12, no. 2.
106. Isma'il* was particularly important to the Moriscos as the true ancestors
of Arabs and Muslims, in view of the fact that the Moriscos were labeled
Agarenos. That is, they were considered descendants of Hagar and Abraham;
and Isma'il* was viewed as a bastard by Judeo-Christian polemicists. Thus, the
circumstances surrounding his birth and his role as the true heir of mankind
were defended against the charges of illegitimacy (see BNM 4944, f. 1-35; cf.
chapter V, notes 117ff.). Though Isma'il* may not be as important as Abraham
in the Islamic tradition, he is mentioned some twelve times in the Qur'an* and
al-Tha'alibi* Qisas*, 88-90, considered him important enough to include him
among the major prophets treated by him.

Page 201
107. Cf. Guilln, Leyendas, III, 287-306.
108. BNM 5305, no. 6; Guilln, Leyendas, I, 225-266. Cf. al-Tha'alibi *,
Qisas*, 135-144, where he gives a moving account of Job's suffering and final
rejuvenation.
109. Al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 94-125, says that the story of Joseph has been
regarded as the best story by virtue of conveying a good conduct, patience,
forgiveness, continence, unity (of God), knowledge of biographies, and
interpretation of dreams. This popularity, no doubt, was kept alive by the
Moriscos, who preserved much of the Oriental version as contained in al-
Tha'alibi's work. See BNM 5292 and RAH T12.
110. BNM 247; Morf, Poema; Menndez Pidal, Poema. See also Guilln,
Leyenda de Jos, and Klenk, "Leyenda."
111. BNM 5305, no. 1; Guilln, Leyendas,, I, 315-381. Moses appears more
than one hundred and thirty times in the Qur'an* and is highly regarded in
Muslim traditions. Al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 148-221, devotes ample space to him
and deals with his birth, youth, exodus from and return to Egypt, miracles and
commandments. His importance among the Moriscos may be gauged by the
extant Aljamiado manuscripts dealing with various aspects of his life: BPT 10,
no. 7; Junta 4; Junta 9; Junta 40; RAH T8; RAH T13; and RAH T19.
112. BNM 6061, no. 1, and RAH T13, no. 23.
113. RAH T19, no. 3, f. 6ff.
114. BNM 5305, no. 1, f. 1ff.; Guilln, Leyendas, I, 315-322.
115. BNM 5223, f. 273. PR 3226, no. 5.
116. BNM 5305, f. 64-103; Guilln, Leyendas, I, 281-311. Cf. RAH T9, no. 2.
Solomon appears some seventeen times in the Qur'an* and al-Tha'alibi*,
Qisas*, 257-293, mentions several of his extraordinary powers and his
association with demons. The Moriscos regarded him highly at the religious and
magical level. Cf. chapter VII, notes 117ff.
117. BNM 5305, no. 6.
118. BNM 5254; Guilln, Leyenda de Alejandro, and Nykl, Rerkontamiento.
Alexander the Great is mentioned in the Qur'an* under Dhu-l-Qarnayn* (The
Two Horned). As such, he was the object of commentaries and elaborate
stories. In the Arabic version as given by al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 322-332,
Alexander is considered not only a believer (mu'min, Ibid., 63), but a
prophetthough not a messenger (rasul*). In a tradition, Muhammad* is
reported to have said: "I do not know whether or not Dhu-l-Qarnayn*
(Alexander) was a prophet." (Ibid., 324). However, when he established his
kingdom in a wide area of the world, God revealed Himself to him saying: "I
have sent you to all creatures of East and West and made you my proof."
(Ibid., 324). Moreover, the Angel Raphael is said to have been his friend.
(Ibid., 329). It is significant to note that the legend was known in Western
Islam (See Garcia Gmez, Texto) and that it had its Spanish counterpart in the
Libro de Alexandre.
119. Q18: 83.
120. See chapter V, notes 86ff., and notes 149ff. It should be mentioned that
Jesus ("Ism) appears twenty-five times in the Qur'an* as a prophet and a man
created from dust. Al-Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 342-466, gives a straightforward
account about Christ who is looked upon with reverencereverence that
continued unabated among the Moriscos despite the heated controversies
between them and their Christian neighbors.

Page 202
121. Gil, Coleccin, 33-35.
122. Samarqandi (BNM 4871, f. 328-335; `n, Leyendas, III, 321-347.
123. BNM 4953, f. 90v-100v; Guilln, Leyendas, II, 131-144; Hegyi, Edicin,
79-89.
124. Samarqandi (4871, f. 328-335); Guilln, Leyendas, III, 321-347.
125. Samarqandi (BNM 4871, f. 139-160); Guilln, Leyendas, III, 351-388. Cf.
Junta 4, no. 2.
126. BNM 5301, f. 1-8; Guilln, Leyendas, III, 307-317. Cf. Lincoln, "Textos,"
based on BNP 774.
127. See above, notes 51ff.
128. Gil, Coleccin, 61-71.
129. Ibid., 70-72.
130. Junta 64/21, f. 1r-4v = Kontzi, Aljarniado, II, 750-752.
131. Gil, Coleccin, 73-76.
132. See chapter 111, notes 45ff.
133. BNP 290, no. 4, contains information for the traveler (avisos para el
caminante) about provisions, routes, places, etc.
134. RAH T16, no. 2.
135. Junta 13, f. 179-219; Pano y Ruata, Coplas; Gil, Coleccin, 78-96.
136. Gil, Colleccin, 89.
137. Lincoln, "Itinerary."
138.BNP 290, no. 4.
139. See chapter VIII, notes 9ff.
140. Ibn Hisham *, Sirat rasul* Allah*.
141. See chapter VIII, notes 11ff.
142. Ibid., notes 80ff.
143. Tha':alibi*, Qisas*, 86.
144. Ibid., 94.
145. Ibid., 260ff.
146. See chapter VII, notes 117ff.
7. Sorcery, Talisman, and the Sciences
1. On the extent of transmission of the Arabic sciences in the West, see
Sarton, Inroduction; Haskins, Studies; Mieli, Science; Dunlop. Arabic Science;
Mills Vallicrosa, Estudios; Vernet, Cultura. It must be emphasized that Spain
played an important role in the process of transmission and offered a fertile
ground for acculturation and cross-fertilization. See Chejne, "Islamization" and
"Role."
2. At a meeting of bishops in 1335 at Salamanca, Christians were urged not to
use the services of malicious Jews and Saracens (Fernandez y Gonzlez, Estado
social, 207). This kind of prohibition excluded Jews and Moors from engaging
in jobs such as grocers, surgeons, and apothecaries (Ibid., 213). Cf. Garcia
Ballester, Historia, 51.
3. Ribera, Enseanza," 248.
4. Fernndez y Gonzlez, Estado social, 386.
5. Cardoner, "Seis mujeres."
6. On the general subject of magic and sciences, see Thorndike, History and
Malinowski, Magic. For Islam, see Fahd, Divination.
7. On the superstitions of the Moriscos, see Ribera, "Supersticiones"; Garrido
Atienza, "Moriscos grandinos"; for Spain in general, see Cirac, Procesos and
Caro Baroja, Vidas.

Page 203
8. Ibn Khaldun *, Muqaddimah, III, 156.
9. Ibid., III, 158f.
10. Ibid., III, 161ff.
11. Ibid., III, 171ff. It must be emphasized, however, that Muslims had been
ambivalent with respect to sorcery, talismans, and astrology, and there were
heated controversies, in which some supporting them while others disavowing
them. Already in the tenth century, Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 308-314, included
them among the sciences. He was followed, among others, by the
seventeenth-century Hajji* Khalifah*, Kashf, I, 33-35, who listed them along
with works written on them. In the section devoted to the magical arts and to
works written on them, Ibn al-Nadim* says that sorcerers and magicians claim
that devils, genies, and spirits obey them and comply with their commands. He
recognizes a variety of such "sciences": incantations ('az'im*), which are
achieved through a compact with the devil; magic (sihr*); white magic (al-
nirjiyat*); tricks (hiyal*); talismans (Tilasmat*) that are based on the
observation of the stars; knowledge of the merit of God's names, prayers, and
numbers ('ilm al-khawass*); making oneself invisible ('ilm al-khafa*'); help with
the qualities of drugs (isti'anah* bi-khawass* al-adwiyah); physiognomy
(firasah*); palmistry (ikhtilaj*); chiromancy ('ilm al-asair*); detection of mines
('ilm istinbat* al-ma'adin); forecasting rain ('ilm nuzul* al-ghayth); predicting
the future ('ilm al-'irafah*); omens (fa'l); prevention of future happenings
(zajir); lot casting (qur'ah); geomancy ('ilm al-raml); and knowledge of good or
bad days ('ilm al-ikhtiyarat*.
12. Astronomy and astrology often appear as "twin sisters" in Muslim
scholarship. However, their intimiate relationship was questioned in the course
of time, engendering a heated controversy with regard to their respective
merit, some dissavowing astrology altogether while others recognizing its merit
and validity. See Vernet, Astronoma. Cf. Chejme, Ibm Hazm, chapter IX.
13. On Arabic medicine in Europe, see Schipperges, Assimilation.
14. On medicine among the Moriscos, see the penetrating studies of Garcia-
Ballester, Historia and Medicina. Cf. below, notes 66ff.
15. BNM 4937, Memoria de los quartos del ao, f. 1-6.
16. BNM 5267, f. 66ff. contains similar treatise.
17. Junta 22. Cf. Ribera, Manuscritos, 98-106, where it is described. Gil,
Coleccin, 115-130, has an excerpt and Ribera made use of it in his
"Supersticiones." It should be noted that The Book of Marvellous Sayings (El
libro de dichos maravillosos) contains almost all the items mentioned in Ibn al-
Nadim, Fihrist, 308-314. See above, note 11.
18. BNM 5373.
19. Junta 59, f. 216-224v, and f. 228-233r = Kontzi, Aljamiado, 717-747.
20. Alkitab* de suwertes (BNM 5300).
21. Junta 22, f. 291-331.
22. Gil, Coleccin, 3.
23. Ibid., 3ff.
24. Ibid., 6ff.
25. Ibid., 8.
26. Ibid., 9.
27. Ibid., 11.
28. Letana para pedir agua (Junta 23) and El alkitab* del rogar por agua
(Junta 30).
29. Los meses del ao (BNM 4955, f. 1-13; BNM 5306; BNM 5306; BNM 6064,
n. 64;

Page 204
BNP 290, no. 11; RAH T4, no. 1; RAH T13, no. 15).
30. BNM 5354, f. 91-104r. It should be noted that the month of Ramadan *
and others often receive special treatment in treatises and general works. See
BNM 5223; Junta 9; RAH S1; RAH T13. Cf. Samarqandi (4871, chapter 43).
31. See Ribera, "Supersticiones," 493ff. Such notions of good and bad days
were common among ancient Near Eastern people. Cf. Fahd, Divination, 468ff.
32. Surez, "Das," transliterated and analyzed BNP 1163. Discerning the good
and bad days is known in Arabic as ilm al-ikhtiyarat* (cf. above, note 11).
33. Ibid., 177; cf. PR 3226, f. 94ff.
34. Gil, Coleccin, 12-14; cf. RAH T13, f. 1ff.
35. Ibid., 12.
36. Ibid., 13-14.
37. Ibid., 14.
38. Several spells or incantations could be found in BNM 4937, f. 3-16; BNM
5267, f. 65ff; 5380, f. 143, among others.
39. Mainly, RAH T13, f. 150ff., and RAH V26, no. 3.
40. BNM 4937, f. 3ff.
41. RAH V25.
42. BNM 5385, f. 74; BNM 5377, nos. 7 and 23; RAH T1, no. 5; RAH T3, no.
9; RAH T9; RAH V24; and RAH V27.
43. RAH T11.
44. Junta 59, f. 228v = Kontzi, Aljarniado, II, 743.
45. Gil, Coleccin, 115.
46. Ibid., 116.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid., 117.
49. Ibid., 130.
50. An arabism from khatim, pl. khawatim*.
51. Junta 59, f. 218v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 724-725.
52. Ibid., f. 223r = 738.
53. Gil, Coleccin, 121ff.
54. Ibid., 125.
55. Ibid., 125-126.
56. RAH T8, no. 10; cf. RAH V25.
57. Junta 59, f. 217v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 721.
58. BNM 4953, f 152r = Hegyi, Edicin, 140.
59. Junta 59, f. 223v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 739ff. Cf. Junta 22, f. 122v.
60. BNM 5300.
61. Junta 59, f. 223ff. = Kontzi, Aljarniado, II, 739-740. Atado is a calque of
the Arabic marbut* or ma'qud* meaning "bound" or "tied up," in a state of
impotency as a result of magic, spirit, or birth defect. Thus the formula is
meant to free the individual from this bondage. See Suyuti*, Rahmah*, 111ff.
and 121ff.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid., f. 217 = 720.
64. Ibid., f. 216v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 719.
65. Ibid., f. 216 v = 718.
66. BNM5273.
67. Tratado muy noble de los cinco sabios doctores de medicina (BNM 4937, f.
25-39).

Page 205
68. Tratado muy noble (BNM 5267, f. 73-111 = Hoenerbach, Urkunden,
317ff.), is similar to BNM 4937 of the preceding note.
69. BNM 5078 = Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 368ff. and 375ff.) contains medical
prescriptions.
70. BNM 5452, nos. 16, 18, and 19.
71. BNM 5238.
72. RAH T15 contains "practica de medicina" and is trilingual: Castilian, Latin,
and Arabic.
73. Ibn Zuhr belonged to a distinguished family of Andalusian physicians. He
was probably Marwan * 'Abd al-Malik Ibn Abi* 'Ala*' (d. 1162), known to the
West as Avenzoar.
74. RAH T16.
75. Ibid., f. 70.
76. Ibid., f. 40.
77. Ibid., f. 48.
78. Ibid., f. 51.
79. Ibid., f. 77. Other prescriptions (rrecebtas) appear in Junta 37; Junta 59;
RAH V28; RAH V29; and RAH V31.
80. Ribera, "Supersticiones," 512-513.
81. Ibid., 508-509.
82. Garcia Ballester, Historia, 182.
83. The granting of ijazah* (certificate) was a common practice in classical
Islam; it was often issued by established scholars to students studying a
particular work. Thus, a student could have as many certificates as the number
of teachers.
84. The text of the ijazah* was published by Seco de Lucena, "Titlo."
85. Cabanelas, "El morisco granadino."
86. Actas Cortes de Castilla (Madrid, November 13, 1607), XXIII, 583ff., as
quoted by Garca Ballester, Historia, 111.
87. Ibid., 587; Garcia Ballester, Historia, 112.
88. Ibid.
89. Garcia Ballester, Historia, 120ff.
90. Ibid., 133. Cf. Gonzalez Palencia, "Curandero."
91. Ibid., 120.
92. Carboner, "Seis mujeres."
93. Garcia Ballester, Historia, 125.
94. Ibid., 147.
95. Ibid., 160.
96. Ibid., 156.
97. Ibid., 159.
98. Ibid., 14ff.
99. Ibid., 122.
100. Cirac, Procesos.
101. See chapter VIII, notes 8ff.
102. Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*, V, 147ff. and 168ff. For a more detailed account of
the occult sciences, see Chejne, Ibn Hazm*. chapter IX.
103. Ibn Hazm*, Fisal*, II, 164ff. and 186ff. Cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 172.
104. Ibn Khaldun*, Muqaddimah, III, 116ff.
105. Caro Baroja, Moriscos, 132-133.
106. Caro Baroja, Vidas, II, 157.

Page 206
107. Ibid., I, 107ff.
108. Such pacts with the Devil appear in Juan Manuel, Conde Lucanor,
Ejemplo XLV, and Juan Ruz, Libro, stanzas 1454-75.
109. Juan Ruz, Libro, stanzas 123-152.
110. Ibid., stanza 140.
111. Ibid., stanzas 152, 576-632.
112. Caro Baroja, Vidas, II, 163.
113. Ibid., II, 173.
114. Lea, History, IV, 192.
115. Caro Baroja, Vidas, II, 176.
116. Ibid., I, 191, has such frmulas:
De lugar en lugar
de orilla en orilla
sin Dios ni Santa Maria.
117. See chapter VI, note 116. The tenth-century Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 309-
311, says that incantations ('aza'im *) can be laudable or blameworthy; they
are laudable in that Solomon was the first one who enslaved and employed
spirits and demons, contracting a pact with seventy of them who complied
with his wishes. On the other hand, incantations are blameworthy if they are
performed by way of magic in which the magician becomes subservient to the
Devil for accomplishing his goal. Moreover, the eleventh-century al-Tha'alibi*,
Qisas*, 257-293, says that God himself had endowed Solomon with
extraordinary traits and gifts such as making the wind subservient to him so
that he could use it as a form of transport; having the devils weave him a
carpet in the middle of which was placed a throne of gold and surrounded by
three thousands chairs; having an army made up of spirits, genies, beasts, and
birds; knowing the language of birds; and building a flying city and marvellous
edifices. Besides, he had his magical ring with which he per-formed
extraordinary feats.
118. The Clavicula Salomonis was extant in both Hebrew and Latin versions.
English edition, ed. S. L. McGregor Mathers (London, 1899).
119. See chapter VII, note 17.
120. Caro Baroja, Vidas, I, 135ff.
121. In his Vidas, Caro Baroja gives the profiles of several sorcerersmostly Old
Christianswho appeared before the tribunals of the Inquisition and about
whom there is ample information regarding the nature of the charges against
them. The case of Velasco, I, 267ff., offers insightful information regarding the
practice of sorcery.
122. Ibid., I, 283: "Y vien puede ser aya yo sido como los gitanos que hacen
los hurtos los vecnos y echansele a ellos.
123. Ibid., I, 295-297.
124. Ibid., I, 209.
125. Ibid., I, 219ff. The case of Dr. Torralba is in many respects similar to that
of the Morisco Romn Ramrez. Cf. above, note 90ff.
126. See chapter VIII, note 45.
127. See chapter VIII, note 16.
128. See chapter VIII, note 29.
129. See chapter VIII, note 27. This and the above extraordinary occurrences
bring to mind similar extraordinary marvels as found in the Arabian Nights. In
the Story of the Merchant and the Genie, a sorcerer converts a woman into a
hind, and a

Page 207
slave and her child into a cow and a calf, respectively. In the Story of the
Prince Ahmad *, there is a magic carpet that flies, an ivory tube that allows to
see the desired object from enormous distances, and an apple that cures all
maladies. Finally, in the Story of Aladdin, there is the wonderful lamp by means
of which all desires beyond one's dreams are fulfilled on simple request.
130. Caro Baroja, Vidas, II, 17.
131. Ibid., II, 18.
132. Ibid., II, 47.
133. Ibid., II, 131.
8. Secular Literature
1. Saavedra, Discurso, 187.
2. Ibid., 189. There is a great deal of arabism in aljamiado literature,
particularly in religious texts. The Moriscos saw special meaning to some of the
religious expressions.
3. Galms, "lnters literaria," 190.
4. Ibid., 202.
5. On Arabic epic literature, see Hammer-Purgstall, "Chevalerie"; Heller, "Sirat
'Antar"; Conrad, "Delhemma''; "Delhemma Sayyid al-Battal"; "Principaus
personnages"; and "Dat* al-Himma." See also Ribera, "pica"; Menndez Pidal
Epopeya. But the most comprehensive and penetrating studies on the subject
are: 'Abd al-Badi', pica; Marcos, Poesa; and Galms, pica and his edition of
the Aljamiado work, El libro de los batallas.
6. El libro de los batallas (BNM 5337) was first transcribed by Guilln,
Leyendas, and recently published in a scholarly transliteration by Galams,
Libra.
7. For more details, see Marcos, Poesa, 225ff. and 269ff.
8. See Heller, "Sirat 'Antar."
9. Junta 3, f. 154r-154v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 495-496.
10. See below, note 31, The Legend of 'All and the Forty Girls.
11. The Battle of Hunayn* deals with the conquest of Mecca and exists in two
manuscripts: Esta es la batalla de Badri i Hunayn* (BNM 5337, f. 48r-61r =
Galms, Libra, I, 184-212); and Esta es la estoriya de la konkista de la kasa
de la Makka onrrada (RAH T18, f. 120r-125r = Galms, Libra, 1, 184-212, and
Guilln, Leyendas, II, 145-158).
12. BNM :5337, f. 59r = Galms, Libra, I, 207.
13. Esta es la batalla de al-Asiyad i los de Makka kon l-annabi* (BNM 5337, f.
1r-13v = Galms, Libra, I, 103-121, and Guilln, Leyendas, II, 233-258).
14. BNM 5337, f. 7v = Galms, Libra, I, 112.
15. Ibid., f. 9r = Galms, Libra, I, 115.
16. Este es el rrekontamiyento del rrey al-Muhalhal ibnu al-Fayadi* kon Khalid
Ibnu al-Walid al-Makhzumiyu (BNM 5337, f. 61r-86r = Galms, Libra, I, 213-
244, and Guilln, Leyendas, II, 167-216.
17. Esta es la batalla del vali Yarmuq* i su konkista gharande (BNM 5337, f.
95r-148v = Galms, Libro, I, 257-325, and Guilln, Leyendas, III, 83-186.
18. Ibid., f. 95v = Galms, Libra, I, 256.
19. BNM 5337, f. 14r-31v = Galms, Libra, 1, 122-145, and Guilln, Leyendas,
II, 325-358.
20. Ibid., f. 28v = Galms, Libro, I, 140.
21. Ibid., f. 26v = Galms, Libro, I, 138.

Page 208
22. Esta es la batalla de al-Ashyab ibnu Hanqar * (BNM 5337, f. 86r-95r =
Galms, Libro, I, 245-256).
23. Ibid., 86v = Galms, Libro, I, 245.
24. El alhadith* del alkathar del oro i la estoriya de la kuluwebra kon 'Ali Ibnu
Abi Talib* (PR 3226, f. 1r-39r = Galms, Libro, I, 326-344, and Guilln,
Leyendas, III, 201-230.
25. Ibid., f. 10v-11r = Galms, Libro, I, 331.
26. Ibid., f. 19v = Galms, Libro, I, 335.
27. Ibid., f. 35v = Galms, Libro, I, 343.
28. La batalla de khuzaymata al-Bariqiyyah* i de al-Akhwas* ibnu Mukhad*
(BNM 5337, f. 31v-36r = Galms, Libro, I, 146-151).
29. El alhadith* de Wara il-Hujurati* (BNM 5337, f. 36r-46v = Galms, Libro,
I, 152-183.) There is another version (BNM 5313, f. 81r-111v = Galms, Libro,
I, 152-183).
30. Ibid., 44v = Galms, Libro, I, 176.
31. Leyenda de 'Ali y las cuarenta doncellas (RAH T18, f. 114r-120r = Galms,
Libro, I, 345-355, and Guilln, Leyendas, III, 231-246).
32. Ibid., 119r = Galms, Libro, I, 353.
33. Ibid., f. 119v = Galms, Libro, I, 354.
34. Galms, pica, 21. For Maghazi* literature, see Paret, Maghazi*.
35. 'Abd al-Badi*', pica.
36. Marcos, Poesa.
37. Galms, pica, and his incisive introduction to the Libro. Cf. above, note 5.
38. Edited and transliterated by Galms, Historia, on the basis of RAH VI. Cf.
Saavedra, "Historia," who rendered it into Latin characters but without
following a rigorous system of transliteration.
39. El bao de Zarieb, is found in two manuscripts (Junta 4 and RAH T12) and
was reproduced by Gil, Coleccin, 97-114, on the basis of Junta 4. See
Saavedra, "El alhadith."
40. Asn, "original."
41. La donzella Carcayona is extant in BNM 5313 f. 134ff.; BNM 9067, no. 11;
Junta 3, f. 75ff.; Junta 57; and RAH, V4. Guilln, Leyendas, I, 181-224,
transcribed it on the basis of BNM 5313, f. 134-181v.
42. Gil, Coleccin, 46-51.
43. Ibid., 51.
44. Rrekontamiyento muy buweno ke kontesiyo a partida de unos sabiyos
salihes* (BNM 5313, f. 66-76, transcribed by Guilln, Leyendas, 1, 267-280).
45. Rrekontamiyento de Tamim al-Addar* (BNM 4953, f. 100v-128r = Hegyi,
Edicin, 90-117, and Guilln, Leyendas, II, 97-127). On the Arabic version of
the story, see Basset, "Aventures."
46. Except for one occasion in which Muhammad* is pictured to have smashed
the idols with his sword.
47. Transcribed by Guilln, Leyendas, II, 159-166.
48. Este es el relato del l-annabi Muhammad* kon el rrey Habib* (RAH T18, f.
1-4 = Guilln, Leyendas, II, 259-265).
49. Este es el alhadith* del al'arabi i la donzella (BNM 4953, f. 128v-140r =
Hegyi, Edicin, 118-129, and Guilln, Leyendas, II, 217-230).
50. Arabic wisdom sayings in the form of aphorisms and proverbs formed an
important part of Arabic belles/lettres (adab). This is also the case for medieval
Spanish

Page 209
literature as attested by the Libro de Alixandre, Libro de los buenos
proverbios, Libro de los doce sabios, and others.
51. Libro de las mil y doscientas sentencias de Muhammad * (BNM 5354, f. 1-
85. Cf. Junta 8, nos. 13, 16, 18, 20, and 23).
52. See GAL, I, 418, and S, 1, 584. 'Abdallah al-Quda'i* was an Eastern
scholar who wrote several works, among which is the Kitab* al-shihab* (Boor
of the Stars), which contains The One Thousand and Two Hundred Sayings of
the Messenger of God (Alf wa-mi'ata* kalimah min Hadith* rasul* Allah*).
53. BNM 5354, f. 3v.
54. Ibid.
55. Ibid.
56. Ibid., f. 4r.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid. Most probably this is a rendition from the Arabic: ra'su al-hikmati*
makha* fatu allahi* (lit., the beginning of wisdom is the fear of God). Observe
that ra's has the dual meaning of "head" and "beginning" and the Morisco
translator used the calque kabesa for ra's.
60. Ibid., f. 4v. Saytan* (devil) is a arabism.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid., 5r. Jahannam (Hell) is an arabism.
63. Ibid. Jahiles* (ignorant) is an arabism of Jahil*, pl. jahilun*. It is relevant
to note that the Moriscos disregarded the Arabic plural formation and simply
added an s to the Arabic singular for the formation of the plural as is often the
case for Spanish.
64. Ibid. Azine (adultery) is an arabism of al-zina*'.
65. Ibid., f. 5v.
66. Ibid., f. 7v. Lajanna is an arabism of al-jannah (Paradise).
67. Ibid. Khalaqados (created) is an arabism from the roots kh-l-q meaning "to
create," on the basis of which the Moriscos formed the verb khalaqar and the
participle khalaqados. This is one of many examples.
68. Ibid. Again kabesa is a calque of ra's meaning "head" or beginning.
69. Ibid., 8r.
70. Ibid. El-wazir is an arabism of al-wazir* (vizier).
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid., f. 71r.
73. Ibid.
74. Libro i-taraslado de buwenas doktrinas i-kastighos i-buwenas kostumeres
(BNM 5267, 1ff.) that in part deals with acting "with science and knowledge"
and the rewards accruing from glorifying God, acknowledging His unity, asking
His forgiveness.
75. Alkitab* de preicas i esemplos i doktrinas para medicinar al alma i amar
otra vida i aborrecer este mundo (Junta 53).
76. Kastighos para las jentes (Junta 8).
77. Los kastighos de 'Ali* (RAH T13, f. 221v-233).
78. Los kastighos de alhakim* a su hijo (BNM 5313, f. 51-60).
79. Los kastighos de Dukama el-alhakim* a su hijo (BNM 4953, f. 72r-74r =
Hegyi, Edicin, 59-63). Dukama cannot be identified and may refer to
Luqman* or other pre-Islamic legendary figure.

Page 210
80. In fact, Luqman * appears in the Qur'an* (Chapter 31: 12-13) as a man
whom God endowed with the gift of wisdom (hikmah*) and as admonisher.
Tha'alibi*, Qisas*, 312-315, says that he may have been an Israelite or a Black
Nubian, who was a carpenter or tailor by trade, but endowed with wisdom. See
El and Basset, Loqman.
81. BNM 4953, f. 72r.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid., 73r.
84. Ibid., 73v.
85. Ibid., 74r.
86. Ibid.
87. Ibid., 74v.
88. Ibid., 75r.
89. Ibid., 75v.
90. Ibn al-Nadim*, Fihrist, 304-308.
91. A summary of The Unique Necklace appears in Chejne, Muslim Spain, 204-
208.
92. Dozy, Histoire, I, 9ff.
93. Cf. Galms, pica, 18.
94. Hammer-Purgstall, "Chevalerie."
95. See Heller in the EI and 'Abd al-Badi*', pica, 52.
96. Canard, "Delhemma" and "principaus personnages."
97. 'Abd al-Badi', pica, 43.
98. Galms, pica, 133f.
99. Mo Cid, verses 405ff; cf. Marcos, Poesa, 292.
100. See above, note 23ff.
101. Ribera, "pica."
102. For the Arabic text, see Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, 'Iqd, IV, 501-572; Spanish
translation in Marcos, Poesa, 107-137; and English translation by Monroe in
JAOS, 91 (1971), 67#95.
103. Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 314. One may refer to Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, 'Iqd, I 99-
179, who devotes a whole book to war, describing the warrior's qualities of
perseverance, audacity, courage and others; he delves into the qualities of
horses, their names, and description of weapons. Cf. Juan Manual, Libro del
caballero, describing the art of chivalry.
104. Fares, L'honneur, 31ff.
105. Ibid., 72; cf. Marcos, Poesa, 249.
106. Galms, pica, 54ff., suggests that Campeador and Mo Cid are mere
renditions from the Arabic ghalib* and sayyidi, respectively.
107. Ibid., 21.
108. In the Aljamiado texts, 'A!i appears to owe his allegiance and loyalty to
Muhammad* and is motivated by a strong commitment to Islam.
109. According to Galms, pica, 66, Roland's Durandal and Almace are
renditions from the Arabic dhu-l-andar (possessor of brilliance) and almas*
(diamond), respectively.
110. Endowing a horse with a name was a common practice among pre-
Islamic Arabs. Cf. Marcos, Poesa, 232.
111. This procedure is quite common in Aljamiado texts in which 'Ali always
appears to have engaged his equal first and the rank and file of the army
afterward. Cf. above, note 32.

Page 211
112. Cf. Marcos, Poesa, 263.
113. Craftiness and deceit in combating the enemy do not appear to constitute
blameworthy qualities and are found in both Arabic, Spanish, and Aljamiado.
Cf. Galms, pica, 68ff. Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, 'Iqd, I, 127, cites a prophetic
tradition that says: "War is deceit (khud'ah)." He adds that the Prophet himself
would appear to adopt one strategem while intending to follow another.
114. Galms, pica, 90ff.
115. Ibid., 98ff.
116. Cervantes, Don Quijote, chapter I, 23.
117. Ibid., chapter 2, 28.
118. Ibid.
119. Ibid., chapter III.
120. For more details and bibliographical data on these works, see Alborg,
Historia, 150ff, Cf. Chejne, Muslim Spain, 407 ff., and "Role." See bibliography
under Libro. In a recent work, Lacarra, Cuentstica, gives ample details to the
presence of Kalilah * wa-Dimnah, the Sindbar, and Barlaam in such medieval
Spanish works.
9. Morisco Poetry
1. Zajal (Sp. zejl) is essentially a strophic composition in colloquial Arabic
starting ordinarily with a refrain and ending with the same, or something
rhyming with it, which is called kharjah. For a full description of the structure
of zajal and its kindred muwashshah*. which is written in classical Arabic, see
Chejne, Muslim Spain, chapter XIII.
2.Cf. Saavedra, Discurso, 183ff.
3. For a general view of classical poetry, see Chejne, Muslim Spain, chapter
XII.
4. BNM 247 = Marf, Poema, RAH T12=Menndez Pidal, Poema. Cf. Ticknor,
Historia, IV, 422ff.; and Saavedra, Discurso, 162.
5. Almadha de alabandsa al-annabi Muhammad* (Escorial, 1880, f. 16-30)
which is a translaiton from Arabic into Aljamiado consisting of seventy-one
coplas. See Miller, Drei Morisco Gedichte. Cf. Estas son las loblas del annabi*
Muhammad* (Junta 13, f. 188r-192r and 244v-249r=Kontzi, Aljamiado, II,
679-699). Also, Junta 9, f. 16ff.
6. Alabansa ada Allah* (Escorial, 1880, f. 37vff.). Koblas as Allah (Junta 37, f.
272-275); and Una suplica a Allah* (RAH T7, no. 1).
7. Coplas in alabansa del adin del alislam i del annabi* Muhammad* (Junta 52,
f. 375ff).
8. Poesla pidiendo misericordia por la de todos los profetas (Escorial, 1880,
40ff.) consisting of fifteen couplets and published by M11er, Drei Morisco
Gedichte.
9. El poema alburda (BNM 5377), consisting of sixteen folios.
10. BNM 9067, no. 1; which also contains Un romance contra la religion
cristiana, no. 20; and another romance by Juan Alfonso, no. 23, f. 205r-208v,
which is reproduced by Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 480-483, who also
has another romance by the same author (BNM 9067, 212r-215v=484-488).
These romances are written in Latin script.
11. Coronica y relation de la esclarecida descendencia Sharifa (BUB D565, f.
1ff.).
12. Comentacion sobre un tratado que conpuso Ibrahim* de Bulfad (BNM
9653),

Page 212
written in Latin script.
13. BNM 9067; cf. above, note 10.
14. Discorso de la luz y descendencia y linaje claro de nuestro caudillo y bien
aventurado anabi Muhammad * (British Museum, Harl. 7501), which consists
of 351 folios and thirty cantos written in Latin script. See Morgan,
Mahometism; Stanley, "Poetry"; and Ticknor, Historia, IV, 275, which contains
some excerpts.
15. Gayangos, "Language," 83.
16. The so-called manuscript B refers to BNM 247 and manuscript A to RAH
T12. Cf. above, note 4.
17. Morf, Poema, believes that ms. B was written in the fifteenth century while
Menndez Pidal, Poema, places part of ms. A in the fourteenth century and the
remainder in the sixteenth century.
18. Rrekontamiyento de Jakob i de su fijo Yusuf* (BNM 5292). CF. Guilln,
Leyenda de Jos.
19. Galms, "Inters literario," 199.
20. Alhadith de Yusuf* (RAH T12, f. 1 =Mendz Pidal, Poema, 15-16).
21. Poem A (RAH T12) is incomplete and concludes with Joseph's relation with
Zulaykhah. For the whole story, see the prose version in BNM 5292 =Guilln,
Leyenda de Jos. of which Gayangos, "Language," 85-90, gives and excellent
summary.
22. Koblas del annabi Muhammad* (Junta 1882-188v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II
679-681). Cf. Manzanares, "Textos."
23. Ibid., f. 246r-246v. = 691-692. Cf. Junta 9= Manzanares, "Textos," 315-
316. It must be observed that the whole refrain: "Ya* habibi*, ya*
Muhammad*/ wa alssalatu* 'ala* Muhammad*" is in Arabic and is repeated
after each couplets according to the best tradition of Zajal or muwashshah*.
24. Alabansa ada Allah* (Escorial, 1880, 36v-38v = Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 766-
767). Cf. Mller, Drei Morisco Gedichte, 238-242.
25. Coplas en alabansa del adin del alislam* i del annabi Muhammad* (Junta
52, f. 575-578v and Junta 17, f. 272-276=Manzanares, Textos").
26. BUB D565; cf. above, note 11, and Saavedra, Discurso, 287-288.
27. Saavedra, Discurso, 168, and Galms, "Inters literario," 200-201.
28. BNM 9653, f. 66. Cf. Saavedra, Discurso, 169, and Galms, "Inters
literario," 201.
29. BNM 9653, f. 234r. Cf. Saavedra, Discurso, 169, and Galms, "Inters
literario," 201.
30. BNM 9653, f. 12.
31. Mainly, BNM 9067; BNM 9653; BNM 9655; and RAH S2. Cf. Cardaillac,
Morisques et Chrtiens, 184.
32. As quoted by Saavedra, Discurso, 170-171.
33. BNM 9067, f. 205r-208v=Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 480-483.
34. BNM 9067, f. 212r-215=Cardaillac, Morisques et Chrtiens, 484-488.
35. Saavedra, Discurso, 171, quotes the first part of the poem.
36. BNM 9654, f. 10r=Saavedra, Discurso, 172, and Cardaillac, Morisques et
Chrtiens, 181.
37. Gayangos, "Language," 92.
38. See chapter VI, notes 19ff. Also note 14.
39. See chapter V, notes 75ff. and 117ff.

Page 213
40. See chapter IV, note 61.
41. As quoted by Saavedra, Discurso, 173.
42. Ibid., 176.
43. Ibid., 178.
44. ibid., 179.
45. Ibid, 180.
46. Gil, Coleccin, 89-90 (Junta 13, f. 179-219). Cf. Pano y Ruata, Coplas.

Page 214
List of Abbreviations
AHDE. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Espaol
AHN. Archivo Kistrico Nacional
AHR. American Historical Review
AIC. Archivo Inquisitorial de Cuenca
AR. Archivum Romanicum
BAE. Biblioteca de Autores Espaoles
BAH. Biblioteca Arbico-Hispana
BAS. Bibliotheca Arabo-Sicula
BCB. Biblioteca Central de Barcelona
BEA. Bulletin des tudes arabes (Algiers)
BELOV. Bibliothque de l`cole des langues Orientales Vivantes
BEO. Bulletin d'tudes orientales
BH. Bulletin Hispanique
BHS. Bulletin of Hispanic Studies
BNM. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid
BNP. Bibliothque Nationale de Paris
BPT. Biblioteca Provincial de Toledo

Page 215
BRABI Boletn de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona
BRAE. Boletn de la Real Academia Espaola
BRAH. Boletn de la Real Academia de Historia
BUB. Biblioteca de la Universidad de Bolonia
BUG. Boletn de la Universidad de Granada
Byzantium. Byzantium.
Casiri. M. Casiri, Biblioteca Arabico-Hispana Escurialensis
CEM. Cuadernos de Estudios Medievales
CHE. Cuadernos de Historia de la medicina espaola
CT. Cahiers de Tunis
EI. Encyclopedia of Islam
CAI. C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur
HR. Hispanic Review
JA. Journal asiatique
JAOS. Journal of the American Oriental Society
IJMES. International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
JNES. Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Junta. J. Ribera, et al., Manuscritos rabes y aljamiados de la Biblioteca de la
Junta
MAO. Mlanges africans et orientaux.
MCV. Mlanges de la Casa de Velzquez.
MEAH. Miscelnea de Estudios Arabes y Hebraicos
MHE. Memorial Histric Espaol
MO. Le Monde Oriental
MRAH. Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia
MW. Muslim World
NBAE. Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espaoles
OE. Obras Escogidas de Historia y Filolga rabe
PIHEM. Publications de L 'Institut de Hautes tudes Marrocaines
PR. Palacio Real
RABM. Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos
RAH. Real Academia de Histori
RCEH. Revista del Centro de Estudios Histricos de Granada y Su Reino
RDTP. Revista de Dialectologa y Tradiciones Populares
RE. Revista de Espaa
REI. Revue des tudes Islamiques
RFE. Revista de Filologa Espaola
RH. Revue Hispanique
RIEEI. Revista del Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islmicos
RIEI. Revista del lnstituto de Estudios Isimicos
RO. Revista de Occidente
RT. Revue Tunisienne
RPh. Romance Philology
SEI. A Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam
SI. Studia Islamica
ZDMG. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Geselschaft

Page 216
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. "Les bandits morisques en Andalousie au XVIme sicle." Revue d'Histoire
Moderne et Contemporaine 21 (1974), 389-400.
. "Combien de morisques ont t expuls du royaume de Grenade." MCV 8
(1971), 397-399.
. "La expulsion des morisques du royaume de Grenade et leur repartition en
Castille." MCV 6 (1970), 210-246.
. "Les morisques d'Extremadure au XVIme sicle." Annales de Drnographie
Historique, 1974, 431-448.
Vinas Mey, C. El problema de la tierra en Espaa en los siglos XVI y XVII.
Madrid, 1941.
Waltz, J. "Significance of the Voluntary Martyrs of Ninth Century Cordova." MW
1970.
Weiditz, C. Das Trachtenbuch des Christoph Weiditz yon seinen Reisen nach
Spanien (1529) und den Niederlanden (1531/32), ed. T. Hampe. Berlin-
Leipzig, 1927.
al-Zajjaj *. Taqrib.
Zapata, S. Expulsin de los moriscos rebeldes de la Sierra y y Muela de Cortes.
Valencia, 1635.
Zbiss, S. M. Prsence espagnole a tunis, 1969.
Zettersteen, K. V. "Ein Handbuch der religiosen Pflichten der Mohammedaner
in Aljamia." MO 15 (1921), 1-174.
. "Notice sur un ritual musulman en langue espagnole en caracteres arabes et
latin." Centenario della nascit di Michele Amari, 1, 277-291.
. "Some Chapters of the Coran in Spanish Transliteration." MO 5 (1911), 39-
41.
Aljamiado Manuscripts
Aljamiado manuscripts are, for the most part, described by Saavedra, Discurso;
Guilln Robles, Catlogo; Ribera et. al., Manuscritos; and Gonztlez Palencia,
"Noticias." Most manuscripts are multiple consisting of various items and lack
titles. They are listed here as to their content insofar as they are mentioned in
the text. Reference to editions or transliterations is given in abbreviated form
after each item. Titles are given for the most part in modern Spanish spelling.
BCB. Biblioteca Central de Barcelona
BCB 680. Consists of miscellanea: bilingual invocations and traditions; a portion
of which was edited and transliterated by Chejne, Plegaria.
BM. British Museum
BM: Harlow 7501 (Saavedra 68; cf. Morgan, Mahometism; Stanley, "Poetry."
BNP 8162).
BNM. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.
BNM 245 = Saavedra 13. Sumario de la relacin y ejercicio espiritual por el
Mancebo de Arvalo. Also, Junta 73.
BNM 2076 = Saavedra 2. Brevario Sunni. Also, BNM 6016; Junta 1; RAH MS 3.
BNM 4238 = Saavedra 48. Miscelnea de papeles sueltos.
BNM 4870 = Saavedra 11. Alkitab* de la tafria pot Abu-l-Qasim* 'U aydallah*
Ibn

Page 233
al-Husayn * Ibn Shiha*. Also, Gonzlez Palencia, "Noticias," 8; Junta 33.
BNM 4871 = Saavedra 10. Kitab* al-Samarqandi. Also Junta 6.
BNM 4907 = Saavedra 34. Fragmentos (Qur'anic* chapters in Arabic and
Aljamiado).
BNM 4908 = Saavedra 24. Documentos y fragmentos varios aljamiados,
Castellanos y rabes. (Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 180-193, 203-226, and 377-
384).
BNM 4934. Documentos varios en latn, rabe, Catellano y lemosin.
BNM 4937 = Saavedra 20. Memoria de los cuartos del ano.
BNM 4938 = Saavedra 22. Alcorn abreviado.
BNM 4944 = Saavedra 23. Disputa contra loss judos y disputa contra los
cristianos. Photocopy and transliteration of folios 36r-100v by D. Cardaillac,
Polmique; and transliteration of folios 36r-59 by Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 777-
789.
BNM 4953 = Saavedra 21. Alhadil* Ibn Sarjun* (castigos de 'Umar, Dukama,
Luqman; rey Tabi'a; Tamim al-Addar*; el rabe y la doncella). Transliterated
by O. Hegyi, Edicin.
BNM 4955 = Saavedra 27. Kitab* al-anwar* (libro de las luces). Transliterated,
Kontzi, Aijamiado, II, 799-838. Cf. Gonzlez Palencia, "Noticias," 9.
BNM 4897. Tratado jurdico.
BNM 5043 = Saavedra 12. Papel suelto (contains a letter to a religious
scholar).
BNM 5052. Inventario de los bienes matrimoniales de dona mayor Alvez.
BNM 5053 = Saavedra 37. Recontamiento que recont el-annab Muhammad*
cuando subi a los cielos y las maravillas que Allah le di ver. Transliterated
Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 839-876.
BNM 5073 = Saavedra 38. Documentos ratios en castellano, rabe y aljama
(Litigation and contracts; Lincoln, "Aljamiado Texts"; Hoenerbach, Urkunden,
135-175, 236-258, 276-283, 318-325, and 334-342.
BNM 5078 = Saavedra 39. Fragmentos de un alcor abreviado. Recetas
(Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 368-370 and 375-376).
BNM 5081 = Saavedra 39. Del Fablimiento del alcoran y del bien que se hace
con el.
BNM 5098. Novelas rabes.
BNM 5223 = Saavedra 36. Miscelnea (The Beautiful Names of God; prayers,
lunar months, advices, Day of Judgment, etc.).
BNM 5223, 5346, 5377, 5378, 5384, 5385 and 5389. Devocionario musulman.
BNM 5228 = Saavedra 17. Memoria a mi Miguel de Zeyne; Alcorn; oraciones,
etc.
BNM 5238. Documentos en rabe y aljama.
BNM 5252 = Saavedra 26. Tratado y declaracin y gua para seguir y
mantener el adin de alislam. Transliterated Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 877-886.
BNM 5254 = Saavedra 16. Recontamientos del Rey Alixandre. Transliterated,
Nykl, Abjamiado Literature.
BNM 5267 = Saavedra 25. Libro y traslado de buenas doctrinas y castigos y
buenas costumbres. Hoenerbach, Urkunden, 197-198 and 271-374.
BNM 5292 = Saavedra 47. Recontamiento de Yacob y de su fijo Yucof (Morf,
Poema; Menndez Pidal, Poema).
BNM 5300 = Saavedra 42. Alkitab* de suertes.
BNM 5301 = Saavedra 41. Alhadith* de dos amigos (Guil1n, Leyendas, III,
307-317; Lincoln, "Aljamiado Texts"; Labib, "Spanish").
BNM 5302 = Saavedra 40. La historia de 'Isa*.
BNM 5305 = Saavedra 45. Alhadith* de Musa, 'Umar, 'Isa, Ayyub*,
Sulayman*. (Guilln, Leyendas).

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BNM 5306. Soler All Ibn Muhammad * Ibn Muhammad*. Brevario. (Cf. Junta
1).
BNM 5313 = Saavedra 15. Alcorn abreviado; los castigos del alhakim*; La
docella Carcayona (Guilln, Leyendas, I, 181-224; cf. Junta 3, no. 2), etc.
BNM 5319 = Saavedra 18. Comentario cannico moral de Abu* Muhammad*
'Abdallah Ibn Abi* Zayd.
BNM 5337 = Saavedra 33. Batallas de los primeros tiempos del islamismo.
Guilln, Leyendas, II, 145ff; Galms, Libro, I.
BNM 5354 = Saavedra 44. La Alfadila* de los alsalaes*; los nombres de las
lunas.
BNM 5373. Libro de moriscos.
BNM 5374 = Saavedra 49. Prcticas religiosas musulmanas usadas entre los
moriscos (Ablution, prayer, fasting, etc.).
BNM 5377 = Saavedra 32. El poema alburda; los siete alhaykales; oraciones,
etc.
BNM 5378 = Saavedra 29. Miscelnea: tahlil alcorn; los siete alhaykales; los
treinta y siete lugares del alcorn en que se nombra la unidad de Ailh, etc.
BNM 5380 = Saavedra 50. Alhaykales y otros documentos moriscos (manner of
pronouncing the Arabic letters and the Beautiful Names of God).
BNM 5385 = Saavedra 31. Los 37 lugares del alcorn donde se proclama la
unidad de Dios; los nombres de Allah*; los siete alhaykales.
BNM 5452 = Saavedra 35. Documentos various (Hoenerbacn, Urkunden, 199-
202, 227-229, 326-333, and 352-253).
BNM 6016 = Saavedra 3. Un memorial y sumario de los principales
mandamientos (In Latin script) by 'Isa* de Jabir*. Cf. Gayangos, Suma; BNM
2076; Junta I and Junta 55.
BNM 9067 = Saavedra 9. (In Latin script). Explicacin de tminos religiosos y
legales; tratado de la doctrina Islmica segn el rito de Malik*; resena sobre
las principales herejas Islmicas; Historia de la doncella Caracyona; historia de
un profeta y una profetisa; discusin contra la divinidad de Cristo; contra la
Trinidad; la falsedad de la religion cristiana; y romances contra la religion
cristiana por Juan Alfonso (L. Cardaillac, Morisques, 481-488). Ed. Arocena,
Manuscrito.
BNM 9074 = Saavedra 4. (In Latin script). Apologia contra la ley cristiana by
Muhammad* Alguazir.
BNM 9534 = Saavedra 6. Explicacin de la ley Islmica.
BNM 9653 = Saavedra 5. Comentacin sobre un tratado que compuso
Ibrahim* de Bolfad. (In Latin script).
BNM 9655 = Saavedra 8. (In Latin script). Apologia contra la la religion
cristiana.
BNM 9656 = Saavedra 7. Artculos de la ley mahometana y explicacin de ella
en Castellano.
BNP. Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris.
BNP 1844 = Saavedra 59. Captulos de alcorn y oraciones.
BNP 774 = Saavedra 60. Historia de la muerte del annabi; rogaria; oraciones;
demandas de judos; los cinco asalaes*; messes y fiestas; escndalos; profeca
de San Esidoro; profeca de Muhammad* sobre Espana (Lincoln, "Aijamiado
Prophecies").
BNP 263 = Saavedra 64. Alfadila* del dia* de 'ashura* y del al-jum'ah;
alhadith* del annabi cuando puy a los cielos; alsutbas*; meses del ano.
BNP 1163 = Los escojidos das de la luna (Sarez, "Das").
BNP 8162 = Saavedra 61. Discurso de la luz by Muhammad* Rabadan (BM:
Harlow 7501).

Page 235
BPT. Biblioteca Provincial de Toledo
BPT I = Saavedra 54. Materia religiosa.
BPT 7 = Saavedra 55. Alkitab * de la tafria (BNM 4870 and Junta 33).
BPT 9. Kitab* al-anwar* by al-Bakri* (BNM 4955 and PR 3225).
BUB. Biblioteca de la Universidad de Bolonia.
BUB D565 = Saavedra 69. Crnica y relacin de la esclerecida descendencia
Sharifah, los que vinieron de 'Ali* Ibn Abi* Talib*.
Escorial 1880 = Saavedra 53. Aljutba* de Ramadan*; alabanza al anabi;
alabanza ad Allah*; Poesa (Muller, "Drei MoriscoGedichte"; Kontzi, Aljamiado,
II, 765-776).
Junta. Manuscritos rabes y aljamiados en la biblioteca de la Junta (Ribera et
al. Manuscritos).
Junta 1. Brevario Sunni de 'Isa* de Jabir* (BNM 2076; BNM 6016; RAH S3; cf.
Gayangos, Suma).
Junta 3. Captulos del alcorn; casos de derecho (Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 347-
667).
Junta 4. Cdice de miscelnea: el wasiya* de 'Ali*; dia* de juicio; Musa* con
Allah; aldu'a; aguado (wudu`*) asala*; el wasiyah* del gran turco (Snchez,
"Turcos"); bano de Zarieb (Saavedra, "Alhadiz").
Junta 6. Kitab* al-Samarqandi (BNM 4871).
Junta 8. Castigos para las gentes; nacimiento de Muhammad*; Alhadith* de
Ibrahim*; alhadith de Musa*; alfadilas de laylat al-qadr; das del Hajj*; la carta
de la muerte; cuentos de los sabios; ventaja del pobre sobre el rico; derecho;
tratado pol contra los judos; mximas morales.
Junta 9. Miscelanea*: Nacimiento y genealoga del profeta; coplas (Muller);
ascension de Muhammad*; muerte de Muhammad*; rituals; alhadith* de
Ibrahim* (Junta 8); nacimiento de 'Is*; alfadilas* de los meses; alhadith* de
Musa*; libro de polmica.
Junta 12. Modo de leer el alcorn segn Nafi*; el al-'ajurrimiyah; rituals.
Junta 13. F casos sobre materia religiosa; ejercicios caligrficos; rogativas;
dichos del profeta; las coplas del annabi (Kontzi, Aljamiado, II, 678-710);
coplas del alhijante* de Puey Moncon (Pano); muerte del annabi.
Junta 18. Azoras alcornicas (Vernet, "Coranes aljamiados").
Junta 20. Miscelanea: oraciones y sermones.
Junta 22. Libro de dichos maravillosos (recetas mgicas; formulas y signos
cabalsticos; amulets (Gil, Textos, 115ff.); conjuros; nombres mgicos).
Junta 23. Letana para pedir agua.
Junta 24. Cuentas; oraciones; azoras alcornicas; carta de la muerte; ventajas
de los das de la semana.
Junta 25. Fragmentos de gramtica rabe; azoras aIcornicas; aljutbas;
Junta 26. Alkiib* quest en l el conto de Dhu-l-Qarnaya; sortilegios y
pronsticos.
Junta 28. Miscelnea: alzoras alcornicas; preceptos religiosos; oraciones.
Junta 29. Kitab* al-shihab* by Abu* 'Abdalla* Muhammad* Ibn Salam Ibn
Ja'far Ibn 'Ali al-Quda'i* (texto arabe con traduccin aljamiada interlinear).
Junta 39. Also BNM 5354.
Junta 30. El alkitab* del rogar por agua.
Junta 33. El alkitab* de la tofria (BNM 4870).
Junta 37. Miscelnea: alhadith de la calabera; alhadith* del rey Muhalhal;
fragment de gramtica rabe; tratado de medicina; cuentos; coplas a Dios.
Junta 39. Miscelnea: Kitab* al-shihab*; azoras aIcornicas; hadith* (bi-
lingue).

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Junta 40. Miscelnea: Azoras alcornicas; alhadith * de Musa*.
Junta 41. Miscelnea: azoras alcornicas; rogaria del agua (Kontzi, aljamiado,
II, 712-716).
Junta 42. Miscelnea: azoras alcornicas; adu'a.
Junta 43. Miscelnea: Amuletos; alburda; futuh* al-Andalus.
Junta 44. Miscelnea: Nombres de Allah*; los siete alhaykales; oraciones
Junta 47. Comentario (Tafsira) pot el Mancebo de Arvalo. (BNM 245).
Junta 52. Traduccion del arabe- Coplas.
Junta 53. Alkitab de preicas y ejemplos y doctrinas para medicinar el alma y
amar la otra bida y aborrecer este mundo.
Junta 55. Devocionario musulman.
Junta 56. Devocionario musulman.
Junta 59. Recetas medicinales; talismanes (Kontzi, Aljamiado, 11, 718-748).
Junta 60. Brevario Sunni de 'Isa* de Jabir* (In Latin script; cf. Jabir*).
Junta 62. Tafsira del Mancebo de Arevalo (cf. Mancebo).
Junta 64. Dichos de Jess; parao and dilogo con Jess (Kontzi, aljamiado, II,
750-764).
Junta 73. El Mancebo de Arvalo (BNM 245; cf. Mancebo).
PR. Palacio Real.
PR 3225 = Saavedra 51. Libro de las luces (Kitab* al-anwar* by al-Babkri; cf.
al-Bakri*).
PR 3226 = Saavedra 52. El alhadith* del alczar; alhadith* del annabi; el
alhadith* de los milagros.
RAH. Real Academia de Historia.
RAH S1 = Saavedra 70. Gualardn del ayuno y del asala*; alhadith* de la
muerte de Bilal*; alhadith* de un rey de al-Yaman; alhadith* del nacimiento
de'Isa*; alfadila* del ayuno y del mes Ramadan*.
RAH S3 = Saavedra 72. Brevario sunni de'Isa* de Jabir* (cf. Jabir*).
RAH S4 = Saavedra 73. Leyes de moros.
RAH S5 = Saavedra 74, El hundidor de cismas y erejas.
RAH T1 = Saavedra 75. Los 37 lugares del alcor donde se enuncia la unidad
de Dios; los 99 nombres de Allh; la carta de la muerte.
RAH T2 = Saavedra 76. Los siete alhaykales; adu'as.
RAH T3 = Saavedra 77. Los 37 lugares del alcorn en que se dice la unidad de
Dios; os 99 hombres de Allah*; los siete alhaykales.
RAH T4 = Saavedra 78. La orden y la regla de las lunas; rituals.
RAH T5 = Saavedra 79. Traduccin de azoras alcornicas (Q 5:1, Q 11: 158, Q
59: 18-24).
RAH T6 = Saavedra 80. Azoras alcornicas; los nombres de Allah*; du 'as;
tahlil.
RAH T7 = Saavedra 81. Una splica a Allah* en verso.
RAH T8 = Saavedra 82. Alcorn abreviado; la orden y regla de las lunas; los
cinco asalaes*; las demandas de Musa*; predicacin en el nacimiento del
annabi; captulos para la mujer que no puede parir.
RAH T9 = Saavedra 83. Formulario matrimonial; historia de Solomn; alhirz*
para la alhabiba*.
RAH T10 = Saavedra 84. Un comentario del Zanati sobre la sura* 97 (Surat*
al-Qadr).
RAH T11 = Saavedra 85. Un hirz con palabras griegas y hebreas; incovaciones
a las cuatro estaciones del ano; ngeles de cada d; alhirz* alqasim*.

Page 237
RAH T12 = Saavedra 86, Alhadith * de Yusuf*; alhadith* de Ibrahim*; historia
del nacimiento de Muhammad*; historia de un solitario Israelita; el castigo de
'Umar a su hijo; alhadith del legarto; alhadith de Bilal*; la disputa con los
cristianos; alhadith* del bano de Zarieb; alhadith* de Tamim; explicacin de
unas palabras de una obra de al-Ghazzali*; dos jutbas*; texto y traduccin del
captulo 36 del alcor.
RAH T13 = Saavedra 87. Pronsticos acerca del ano; desenganacion que izo
el-ashaytan* al annab Muhammad*; respuesta del Mufti de Oran; Los cuartos
del ano; alcorn con taduccin comentada; aljutba*; adu'a para decir cada
manana; la carta de la muerte; recetario; hombres de las lunas; alnushra de
Muhammad*; alfadila* de los meses de Rayab y de Sha'ban*; los cinco
asalaes*; los escndalos; los cinco almalakes; las demandas que hizo Sarjil;
recontamiento de cuando Musa* fabl con Allah; los castigos de 'Ali; las
demandas de los judos; historia del nacimiento del annabi; historia del
fundamento del adin del alislam*.
RAH T15 = Saavedra 89. Prctica de medicina.
RAH T16 = Saavedra 90. Coleccin de recetas; itinerario de Venecia a Espana.
RAH T17 = Saavedra 91. El libro de las luces (cf. al-Bakri*); historia del da del
juicio; historia del puyomiento del annabi.
RAH T18 = Saavedra 92. El alhadith* del annabi con el rey Habib*; muerte de
Muhammad*; libro de las luces (cf. al-Bakri); alhadith* de 'Ali con cuarenta
doncellas; historia de la conquista de la casa de Meca; el wasiya* del gran
turco llamado Muhammad* 'Uthman* (Snchez, ''Turcos"); alhadith* de la
muerte de Bilal*; traduccin de una oracin; poema en alabanza de
Muhammad*.
RAH T19 = Saavedra 93. El castigo de 'Umar; alhadith* de 'Umar; alhadith de
Musa*; los da nozientes y aprovechantes; las lunas del ano; las fadas buenas;
los nom- bres fermosos de Allah*; alcorn; rituals; alkitab* de las suertes;
alkitab* de suenos; preguntas de unos judos a Muhammad*; Allah* y Musa*;
muerte de Muhammad*; derechos de familia.
RAH V1 = Saavedra 94. Fragmentos de Paris y Viana (Guilln, "Historia";
Galms, Historia).
RAH V2 = Saavedra 95. Fragmento de un alhadith* de Muhammad*.
RAH V3 = Saavedra 96. Fragmentos de una historia de al-Hayyay* Ibn Ibn
Yusuf*.
RAH V4 = Saavedra 97. Fragmento de la historia de la doncellaa Carcayona.
RAH V6 = Saavedra 99. Fragmentos de la disputa de los muslimes con los
cristianos sobre la unidad de Allah.
RAH V7 = Saavedra 100. Diputacion de los muslimes con los judos;
fragmentos de la disputacin de los muslimes con los cristianos (D. Cardaillac,
Polmique, II, 269-285).
RAH V8 = Saavedra 101. Fragmentos de alcorn.
RAH V9 = Saavedra 102. Fragmentos de alcorm.
RAH V10 = Saavedra 103. Fragmentos d alcorn; ngeles y genios; conjuros.
RAH V11 = Saavedra 104. Oraciones.
RAH V12 = Saavedra 105. Aljutba
RAH V13 = Saavedra 106. Unos atasbihes*; versculos de alcorn; oracin;
ejercicio de escritura.
RAH V14 = Saavedra 107. Lo que se dice despus de la aliqama*.
RAH V15 = Saavedra 108. Dos aljutbas.
RAH V17 = Saavedra I10, Los 37 lugares del alcorn en que se afirma la
unidad de

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Allah *; azoras y oraciones.
RAH V21 = Saavedra 114. Catlago en columna de los vocablos
correspondientes a unas aljutbas*.
RAH V24 = Saavedra 117. Valor de un hirz.
RAH V25 = Saavedra 118. Cdulas mgicas para varias enfermedades.
RAH V26 = Saavedra 119. Nombres cabalsticos de Allah*; anushara; rituals;
los nombres de Allah*.
RAH V27 = Saavedra 120. Frmulas cabalsticas.
RAH V28 = Saavedra 121. Receta latina.
RAH V29 = Saavedra 122. Receta.
RAH V30 = Saavedra 123. Litigio.
RAH V31 = Saavedra 124. Recetas.

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Index
A
'Abbasid *, 71
'Abdallah, 82, 99
'Abd al-Badi*, 146
'Abd al-Malik (Caliph), 106
'Abd al-Manaf*, 19
'Abd al-Muttalib*, 99, 100
'Abd al-Rahman* (Caliph of Cordoba), 65, 73, 147
Abencerraje, 30
abid*, 110
ablution, 59
Abode of Peace, 76
Abode of War, 76
Abraham, 82, 84, 97, 102, 107, 119, 171
Abu* Bakr, 104, 105
Abu* Hurayrah, 55
Abu-I-Qasim*, 56
Abu* Talib*, 98, 101
Abu-I-Wali-d* Baji*, 80, 81
Abu* Zakariya* Yahya*, 81
adab, 37, 145
adaheas, 63
Adam, 34, 84, 88, 97, 102, 120
addu'a, 61
adhan*, 60
adib, 32, 33
Advice for People, 56
Advice for the Traveler, 112
Afghanis, 41
agarenos, 93
Aguilar, Gaspar de, 13
ahl-al-dhimmah, 3, 78
ahl-al-kitab*, 3, 78
Ahmad*, 28, 85; see Muhammad*
'A'ishah* (wife of Muhammad*), 105
'ajam, 43
'ajamiyyah, al-, 37, 42
ajemi, 38
'Ajurrmiyyah, 34
Akhbar*, 147
alabansa, 156
Albaicn, revolt of, 7
albaraka, 62, 111
albela, 61
Alcal, Pedro de, 6, 16
alchemy, 129
Alexander the Great (of Macedon), 97, 113, 119, 171;
in Islamic tradition, 108
alfaqui, 126, 127
alfaquies, 10, 21, 24, 33, 36, 37, 38, 126
Alfonso VI (of Castile), 2
Alfonso X (of Castile), 74, 80, 116, 150
Alfonso, Juan, 25, 48, 94, 158-161
Alfonso, Pedro, 73, 149
algaravia, 34
Algeria, 14
algharibu, 144
Algiers, 159
Alguazi, Muhammad*, 25, 94
alhajjes*, 52
Alhama, 5
Alhambra, 30
alharfes*, 123
alhasanas*, 59
'Ali*, 106;
role in Islamic movement, 106, 138:
in literature, 134, 135, 136;
legend of the forty girls, 138;
Shi'ite partisans, 138;
narratives, in poetry, 156, 157, 158
Alif, 42, 124
'alimes*, 20, 33, 36, 125
Aljama (Romance), 19, 21, 38
Aljamiado; literature, 2, 24, 33, 36, 40, 45, 46, 47, 67, 80, 97, 132, 133;
translations, 24, 36, 37, 38, 45, 46, 47, 52, 61;
origins, 35, 40, 43;
authors, 39;
tradition, 52;
biblical figures, 53;
manuscripts, 81, 85;
polemics, 82;
and occult, 117, 124, 130, 131
aljanna, 59
aljihad*, 37, 40; see jihad*
aljines, 122
Alkitab*-d-Allah*, 68, 82, 91; see Qu'ran*
Alkitab* de al-Samarqandi*. See Book of al-Samarqandi*
Allat*, 137
Almoncadid de la Sierra, 33, 46
Almsgiving, 61
almu'adane, 60
Alpujarras, revolt of, 10, 11, 19, 23
alqahara, 111
alqasar*, 62
alsajdado, 59
aluma, 59, 60, 62
Alvaro, 72
alwadu*, 59, 66, 110
alzuhar*,60

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America, 7, 8
Aminah *, 99, 101
'Amr*, 135
amulets, 9, 117, 118
Andalus, al-, 18, 19, 22, 25, 26, 73
Andalusia, 3, 17, 27
Andalusian(s), 32, 125
Andrs, Juan, 29, 52, 93
'Antar, 134, 139, 146
Antialcor, 93
antichrist, 109
anusara, 121, 123
'aquiqah*, 63
Aquinas, Thomas, 74
Arab(s), 7, 29, 30, 74, 87;
authors, 32;
conquest of Spain, 171
Arabic, 4;
language, 2, 9, 10, 19, 34, 42, 44, 52;
catechism, 6;
prohibition of, 10;
manuscripts, 30, 33;
education, 33, 42;
lexicography, 34;
translations, 35, 36, 37, 45, 61, 74, 115, 124;
script, 41, 42, 43;
text, 55;
scientific, 74, 116, 117, 124;
historiography, 112;
narratives, 134;
literature, 145;
literary genres, 147;
poetry, 150
Arabic Epic and Its Influence on Castilian Epic, 146
Arabic Narrative Poetry and Hispanic Epic, 146
(The) Arabian Nights, 140
Arabian Peninsula, 63, 104
arabization, 47, 152
'arafa, 120
Aragn, 3, 4, 17, 19, 81, 83;
documents of, 43
Archpriest of Hits, 129
Arevalo, Mancebo de. See Mancebo of Arevalo
Aristotle, 108
Armada (Spanish), 8, 11
arrizke, 120
Art for Learning Rapidly the Arabic Language, 6
Asadiyyal, al-, Abu* Du'ayb, 100
asajadada, 110
asdrese. See chess
Ashyab, al-, 136
Asn, 46
Asir*, al-, 'Abdallah, 85
asma'* al-husna*, al-, 58
asmar*, 145
assadaqa*, 110
'assar*, al-, 60
assirat*,59
Assyrian (kings), 86
astrology, 117, 129, 130
astronomy, 116, 129, 130
asunna, 58; see Sunnah
'asura*, 119
Asyad*, al-, 134
atahar*, 59
'atama, al-, 60
Averroes, 50, 74
Avezara, 90
Avicenna, 118
Awakening the Negligent and Illuminating the Road of the Nonce, 56
Ayala, 16
azake, l-, 61
'azima, al-, 118
B
ba', 42, 124
Bacon, Roger, 74, 75
Bahira*, 98, 101
Bakri*, al-, 38, 77, 98, 101, 112, 113, 162
bala'*, al - See albela
Balearic Islands, 14, 28
Balkhi*, 'Abd al-Rahman* Ibn Muhammad* al-, 65
Ballester, Garca, 126
Baluqiya*, 105
Banegas*, Yuse, 46
Barakha*, 86
Barbarossa (brothers), 10
Baroja, Caro, 15
barragan, 136
basmala, 123
(The) Bath of Zarieb, 106, 139
(The) Battle of Asyad* and Mecca, 134
(The) Battle of Hunayn, 134
(The) Battle of Khuzamah al-Bariqiyyah, 137
(The) Battle of Muhalhil, 134
Battle of the Trench, 138
Battle of Yarmuk, 135
Belief in God and Muhammad*, 57
Berber(s), 7, 23
beverages, 65
Bibliothque Nationale (Paris), 44
Bilal*, 107
Biographies and Raids (Al-Siyar wa-l-maghazi*), 138
Biographies of Prophets (Qisas* al-anbiya'), 113
Bolfad, Ibrahim de, 48, 158, 159
Bologna, University of, 44
Book of Admonitions and Examples, 56
(The) Book of Battles, 47, 101, 133
(The) Book of Divination, 119
(The) Book of Good Doctrine, 125
(The) Book of Good Doctrines, Counsels and Good Behaviors, 144
Book of Good Love, 149, 150, 151
(The) Book of Good Proverbs, 149

Page 241
Book of Light, 38, 98, 162
(The) Book of Marvelous Sayings, 118, 119, 130
Book of Omens, 26
(The) Book of One Hundred Chapters, 149
Book of Philosophy, 149
Book of the Prophets, 81
Book of al-Samarqandi *, 56
Book of Stars, 38
(The) Book of the Twelve Wisemen, 149
Boronat y Barrachina, 1
Bougie, 8
Braudel, 14
Brevario Sunni, 38, 39, 40, 56, 57
British Museum, 44
Bunol, Gaspar Capdal de, 127
Buraq*, 101, 102, 104
burla, 88
Burns, 3, 18
buweno, 124
buwen servidor de Allah*, 65
Byzantine, 135
C
caballeria, 147
caballero, 147
Caldern, Estabanez*, 44
Cambridge, University of, 46
Campeador, 148
Canabelas, 30
Cantigas, 150
Cararajal, Marmol, 1
Carcayona, 140, 170
Carci, Martn, 52
Cardaillac, L., 47, 87, 94
Cardona, Aznar, 13
Caro, 128
Castile, 3, 4, 7, 17
Castillo, Alonso del, 30, 31, 127
Castro, 7
Catalua, 17
Catholic Kings, 4, 5, 9
Catholics, 11, 167, 168
Cervantes, Miguel de, 148
Ceuta, 14
Chanson d'Antioche, 73
Chanson de Gesta, 73
Chanson de Roland, 72, 75
Charles (son of Philip II), 128
Charles (V of Austria, I of Spain), 9, 10
charms, 118
Chejne, Anwar, 47
chess, 66
chevalier, 147
Christianity, 2, 5, 8, 18, 23, 25, 27, 28, 32, 52, 69, 70, 71, 77, 79
Christianization, 4, 16, 171
Christians, 1, 2, 23, 24, 28, 29, 33, 52, 61, 71, 75, 78;
society, 4, 126, 169;
"Old," 8, 10, 13, 18, 29, 127;
Spanish, 14, 25;
as oppressor, 18, 20, 36, 42, 66, 171;
literature, 30;
community, 31, 76;
contacts with Muslims, 37;
western (Rum*), 75;
heretics, 96;
conception of God, 107;
in poetry, 159, 160
Chronicle (of Theoppanes), 71
cibdad, 48
Cid, el, 146, 147, 148
Cinchon, Prez de, 95
Cirre, Manzanares de, 46
Cirujano, 127
Cisneros, Francisco Ximenez de, 6, 7, 9, 124
ciudad, 48
Clement VII (Pope), 9
Cluny, 5, 73
Codera, 46
Colada, 148
Compendium of Relation and Spiritual Exercise, 40
Conde Lucanor, 149
Confirmation of Religion (Ta'yid al-millah), 81, 82, 87
Constantinople, 14, 27, 74:
conquest of, 8
conversos, 33
Coplas, 45
Cordova, 2, 4, 73;
martyrs of, 71
Cordova, Francisco de, 128
corsairs, 23
Cortes of Castile, 127
Corts Jronimo, 129
cosa de burla, 95
(The) Counsels for People, 144
(The) Counsels of 'Ali, 144
(The) Counsels of Dukama to His Son, 144
(The) Counsels of a Wiseman to His Son, 144
Couplet Exalting the Geneology of '`Ali*, 151
Couplet in Praise of Islam, 151
Couplets Invoking the Intercession of Prophets, 151
Couplets of Lament, 151
Couplets Praising the Prophet's Cloak, 151
Court (Cortes) de Madrigal, 4
Courts of Monzon, 10
Creation, 97, 107, 113
Crnica General de Espana*, 74
Crusades, 73, 76, 77
cuaderna va, 152, 154, 157
Cuenca, 36, 44
D
dad*, 43
Dal*, 43, 124

Page 242
Damascus, 28
Daniel, 73, 81
Dante, 101
Dnvila, 15
Day of Judgment, 101, 109, 164
Days of the Arabs (Ayyam * al-'Arab), 146
Days of Ignorance (Ayyam* al-Jahiliyyah*), 146
death, 64
dekonkordamiyento, 87
Denominations and Sects, 78
Descent and Limpid Genealogy of Our Blessed Leader, the Prophet
Muhammad*, 98
Desputas, 90
Devil, 79, 107, 124, 127, 128
Dhat* al-himmah wa-l-battal*, 146
Dhi il-qi'da, 120
Dhu el-Hijja*, 120
Dhu-l-fiqar*, See Dhulfiqar
Dhulfiqar, 134, 136, 138, 148
Diaspara, 93
dichos vanos, 90
didactic literature, 142-149
dietary law, 64
Dioscorides, 125, 127
Disciplina Clericalis, 149
Discourse of Light, 98, 162
Discurso (of Saavedra), 44, 45, 46
disparate, 95
Diane Comedy, 74, 101
Divine Power, 129
dogmatizadores, 10, 39
Domninguez, 15
Don Quijote, 148
Dove`s Ring, 140
du 'a*. See addu'a
Dukama, 143
Dulcinea, 148
E
East, 32
Egypt, 8, 25
el-ashshaytan*, 59
elburje, 119
el-din* de alisallam*, 26
elhajje*, 65
elhirze*, 118
el-jaba (Arabic: al-Jubbah), 140
eljines, 137
el-meskalamiyento, 91
el-salama, 122
el-saytanos, 137
el-subh*, 60
England, 8, 44
enxenplos, 149
epic literature, 133-139, 147
eschatology, 109
Escorial, the library of, 30, 44
espada, 134
Estremadura, 3, 17
Eucharist, 84, 161
Eulogius, 72
Europe, 74
Eve, 119
exorcism, 118
F
fa*, 42
fads, 63
Farabi*, al-, 74
faras, 147
faris*, 147
fasahah*, 133
fasting, 61, 62
fata*, 138
fatihah*, 53
Fatimah* (grandmother of Muhammad*), 99
Fatimah* (daughter of Muhammad*), 104, 107, 131, 137, 138, 139
fatwa*, 24
Feast of the Lamb, 61, 120
Fernando V (of Aragon), 4
Fez, 14
fida*. See fada
fiqh, 51, 56
firanji, 76
Ford, 14
France, 5, 13, 14
French, 8
(The) Fright of the Day of Judgment, 162
Frontier Romanceros, 8
fuqaha*, 36
furusiyyah*, 147
G
Gabriel (Archangel), 28, 75, 101, 102, 103, 107, 119, 135, 137, 138, 170
gacis, 21
Galacians, 77
Galen, 118, 125
Galms, 46, 146
games, 65
gandoles, 23
Garca, Martn, 93
Gaudix, documents of, 44
Gayangos, 44, 45, 46, 151, 161
Genizah, 49
Germany, 44
Gesta Francorum, 73
Ghafilin*, 38
Ghalib*, 48
Ghalib*, Banu*, 136
gharabiyas, 38
gharadas, 59

Page 243
Ghazali *, al-, 37, 40, 74
ghuwalardon, 61
Gil, 45
Golden Age (of Spanish Literature), 129
Goldolphin Collection at Oxford, 46
Gonzalez, Fernndez y, 44
Gospels, the, 94
goyim, 87
Granada, 5, 6, 18, 19, 20;
fall of, 2, 32, 126;
University of, 30, 127;
book-burning, 124
Granadans, Rebellion, 11
Greco-Arabic: medicine, 125
Greek, 84
Guadaijara, Marcos de, 13
Guerres, Frontonterizas, 147
Guidance and Maintenance of the Faith, 38
Guide to Salvation, 40
H
ha'*, 43
hadith*, 51, 77, 78, 97, 112, 147
Hafsa* (wife of Muhammad*), 105
Hagor, 81, 85, 86, 107
Hajjaj*, al-, 106
Halimah*, 100
harames*, 65
Harith*, al- 135
Harvey, 45
Hasan (son of 'Ali*), 105
Hausas, 41
Hawi*, 116
Hayah*, 83
Heaven, 99, 107
Hebrew, 42
Hegi, 41, 47
Hell, 102
Henares, University of Alcala de, 6, 124
herbs, 122
Herman of Dalmatia, 73
Hippocrates, 118, 125
Hispanic Literature, 145
History of the Conquest of Spain by the Moors, 30
(The) History of the Loves of Paris and Viana, 139; See Paris and Viana
Hoenerbach, 46
Holy House (baytu almaqadis, Arabic: Bayt al- Magdis), 102
Holy Land, 73
Holy Office, 127
Holy War. See aljihad* and jihad*
Hornachos: expulsion, 13
hospitals, 124
Huesca, 42
Husayn* (son of 'Ali*), 105
I
Iberian Peninsula, 2, 41, 111, 145, 163
iblis*, 140
Ibn 'Abbs, 'Abdallah, 55
Ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz*, 'Umar, 87
Ibn 'Abd-Manaf*, Hashim*, 98
Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, 37, 145, 146, 147
Ibn Abi Talib*, 'Ali*, 136
Ibn Anas, Malik*, 56, 57
Ibn Battutah*, 111
Ibn Dawud, Muhammad* Ibn Muhammad*, 22, 23
Ibn Dinar*, Malik*, 65, 66
Ibn Faraj, Faraj (of Banu* Sarraj*), 19, 23
Ibn Hafsun*, 73
Ibn al-Haytham, 74
Ibn Hayyan*, 32
Ibn Hazm*, 32, 50, 73, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 85, 87,129, 140
Ibn Hisham*, 112
Ibn Ishaq*, al-Kindi*, 112
Ibn Jallab* 'Ubaydalla Ibn al-Husayn*, 56
Ibn Jubayr, 111
Ibn Khaldun*, 76, 116, 129
Ibn Malik*, Anas, 55
Ibn Mashfuq*, al-Akhdar, 136
Ibn Mas'ud, 'Abdallah, 55
Ibn Munqidh, 'Usamah*, 77
Ibn Muslim, Abu-l-Hasan* 'Ali Ibn Muhammad*, 126
Ibn al-Nadim*, 145, 147
Ibn Rushd, 32, 74
Ibn Sab'in*, 81
Ibn Sina*, 74, 116, 125
Ibn Umayyah, 19, 23
Ibn al- Wafir*, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125
Ibn al-Walid*, Khalid, 107, 134, 135, 136, 137
Ibn Zuhr, 116, 125
ijazah*, 126
Ikshadil, 39
imam*, 60
Incantations, 121;
letters, 126
Indians, 7
Indonesians, 41
injurya, 86
Inquisition, 4, 7, 8, 10, 25, 27, 37, 51, 58, 61, 63, 126, 167;
of Valencia, 11, 39;
tribunal, 128, 129, 130, 131
Inquisitor General, 10;
of Aragn, 53
Institute of Asn Palacios (Madrid), 47
iqamah*, 60
'Iqd al-forid*, al-. See Unique Necklace

Page 244
Isabella, 4
Irving, 14
Irving, Washington, 145
Isaac, 81
'Isa * de Jabir*. See Jabir*, 'Isa* de
Islam, 5, 32, 64, 74, 78;
religion, 2, 35;
triumph over Christianity, 55;
confrontation with Christianity, 69, 71;
conversion of Jews and Christians, 82
Islamic, 4, 19, 32, 33, 39, 58;
community, 20;
traditions, 24;
beliefs, 57, 51;
authors, 50;
doctrine, 57, 70, 169;
law, 61
Islamization, 71
Isma'il*, 81;
descendants, 86, 87, 107
isnad*, 113
J
Jabir*, 'Isa* de, 37, 39, 41, 44, 56, 57, 58, 93
Jacob, 86, 88
jahannam, 62
Jahiz*, al-, 50
James I (of Aragn), 3
Jerusalem, 26, 111
Jesus, 82, 97;
prophecies, 82
Jews, 4, 5, 12, 22, 26, 29, 42, 70, 73, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 86, 124
jim*, 42, 124
jihad(s)* , 16, 63, 146
jizyah, 3, 76
John (Apostle) 83, 84
John of Damascus, 71
Joseph, 44, 113, 152, 153
Joseph's Poem, 45
Juan (of Austria, brother of Philip II), 23
Judaism, 32, 52
Jumada* al-Thani*, 120
Jumada* al-Ula*, 120
jurisprudence. See fiqh
K
Ka'bah, 99, 109, 113, 120
kaballero, 89, 90
kaf*, 42
kafires*, 89
kalaridad, 59
Kali1ah* wa-Dhimnah, 149
hardenales, 38
karta de la muwerte, 64
kastigos, 89
kastigos i kostumberes, 142
Katibo, al-, 'Abdallah, 88, 90
Khadijah* (wife of Muhammad*), 73, 98, 101
Khalaqa, 48
khalaqar, 48
khalaqador, 48
khaleqar, 98
Kharaj*, 3, 76
Khawetimes, 122
Khazraji, al-, 81
Khurafat*, 145
khutbah, 61
Khuzamah, 137
kereyensiya, 58
kereyentes, 88
(The) Key of Solomon (Clavicula Solomonis), 130
Kindi*, al-, 71, 74
Kitab* al-anwar*, 98
Klenck, 46
kon el-korason, 58
Kontzi, 47
kuffar*, 78
L
Labib, 47
Laguna, Andrs, 127
laKalorar i-resplndor, 57
lam*, 42
La Mora Zayda, 146
Lapeyre, 15
Los eskrituras tarastornadas, 91
Latin, 2, 7, 42, 94, 116
Latinization, 4, 16, 48, 152
Leaden Books, 30
Lebanese, 42
Legend of Alexander the Great, 44
Legend of 'Ali* and the Forty Girls, 137
Legend of al-Ashyab Ibn Hangar, 136
Legend of the Golden Castle, 136
Legend of al-Harith*, 135
Legend of Joseph, 45
Legend of Wara* al-Hujurah*, 137
Leon (Emperor), 87, 91
Lrida, 82, 83
Lerma, Duke of, 12, 13
Levant, 10
Leyendas Moriscas, 45
lexicography, 34
El Libro de los enganos* e los asymientos de las mugeres, 149
Libro de las Suwertes, 119
Libros Plumbeos, 30
Lillo, Lpez, 46
Limpieza de Sangre, 75
Lincoln, 46
Loghoro, 66
Longs, 46
Los buwenos nomberes, 58
Los escandalos, 28
Los Infantes de Lara, 146
Lucanor, Count; 149
Luke, 79, 83, 85
Lull, Raymond, 93
Luna, Juande, 30

Page 245
Luna, Miquel de, 30, 127
Luqman *, 113, 144
Lutherans, 8, 10
Luz, 98
Lydgate, John, 75
M
madrasah, 116
magical formulas, 117, 118
Mahomet, ou le fanatisme, 75
Malqun*, 88
Maltese, 41
Ma'mun*, al-, 71
Manaf*, al-, 'Abd. See 'Abd al-Manaf*
Mancebo (of Arevalo), 25, 37, 39, 40, 41, 46, 57, 111
mansebo, 65, 134
Mansur*, al- (Abi* Ibn 'Amir), 106, 139
Manuel, Juan, 149
Marcos, 146
Maria (martyr), 72
Mark (Apostle), 79
Mark of Toledo, 52, 74
marriage, 64
Marti, Ramon, 74
Martyr Movement, 72
masaha, 58
Mas'udi*, al-, 77
Materia Medica, 125, 127
mathematics, 116
Matthew, 79, 83, 85
Mecca, 26, 40, 45, 63, 99, 111;
fall of, 135
medical knowledge, 124
medicine, 115
Medico, 127
Medina, 63
Mediterranean, 8, 9, 13
Memoria, 125
Memoriya, 96
Mendoza, Iego Lpez de, 6
Mendoza, Salazar de, 13
Mencu, 46
meskida, 102
mezquin, 8
Michael (Archangel), 28
Middle Ages, 126
Milagros de Berceo, 152
minbar, 61
Mio Cid, 148
mi'raj*, 45, 59, 60, 80, 101, 104, 110, 162
Moraleda, 47
Monon, Puey de, 45, 46, 47, 63, 111, 165
monfies, 11, 19, 22, 23
Monzon: document of 1564, 39
Moors, 27
Moorish, 24;
dress, 7;
lady of Ubeda, 37, 39, 111
moreras, 3, 18, 116
Morf, 44
Moriscos, 17, 26, 29, 30;
conversion of, 7, 9, 13;
inquisition, 8;
and the Arabic language, 10, 33, 38, 52;
revolt and aftermath, 10-13;
slaves, 10;
heretics, 12, 75;
edict of 1566, 19;
edict of 1567, 20;
scholars, 20, 37;
terms of capitulation of 1492, 20;
baptism, 24, 63;
marriage, 24, 36, 64;
traditions, 26, 33;
expulsion (1609-1614), 28;
fusion with Christianity, 29;
community, 31;
education, 32, 33, 36, 41, 42, 43;
exile, 34;
latinization, 38;
literary development, 42, 44, 46, 170;
with Christianity, 46, 88;
writings of, 48, 51, 104, 106-114, 132, 133, 134;
ablution, 59;
center of worship, 61;
customs, 63-66;
chess, 66;
poker, 66;
polemics, 92;
historical perspective, 96, 97;
religion, 116;
sciences, 116;
physician, 126, 127;
epic narratives, 152-138;
poetry, 151
Moses, 84, 86, 87, 97
Mozarabs, 3, 4, 57, 40, 42, 147
mu'adhdhin. See alm'uadane
Mudajjan. See Mudejar
Mudejar, 2, 3, 4, 16, 17, 19, 29, 39, 115, 147;
practice of religion, 33;
conversion, 38
Mudejars of Castile, 44
Mufti of Oran: inquiry of 1563, 24, 46
Mufti of Segovia, 39
Muhalhil, 135
Muhammad*, 12, 24, 25, 26, 34, 44, 52, 57, 58, 64, 65, 66, 70, 72, 74, 79,
87, 111, 121;
prophecy, 27, 57, 85;
mi'raj*, 45;
prophecy in religion, 78, 83;
in Aljamiado literature, 83, 136, 137, 138;
biography, 97-106
Muharram*, 63, 119
Muladies, 7
Muley, Francisco Nez. See Nez. Francisco Muley
Mller, 44
Munzer, 20
Muqtadir, al-, 81
Murcia, 10;
conquest, 4
murwah, 146, 148
Musa*, 106
Muslim Spain, 47
Muslims, 2, 3, 9, 23, 24, 26, 27, 29, 57, 70, 71, 76, 82;
Turks, 8;
society, 18;
and Arabic Language, 33, 36;
traditions, 41, 130;
non-Arabic speaking, 52;
Spaniards, 73;
and occult, 128-131
Muwalladun*. See Muladies

Page 246
Muwashshah *, 150
My Lord and Maximum Hero. See Sayyidi al-battal*, al-
N
Nahis, 120
Narration of the Bath of Zarieb, 45
Nastur, 88
National Library (Madrid), 44, 45, 47, 85
Nestorous. See Nastur
(The) Ninety-Nine Names of His Divine Majesty, 162
Noah, 97, 107
Normans, 73
North Africa, 25, 32, 34, 93
North Africans, 8, 9, 10, 18, 22
novellas, 139, 140, 141, 142
nuevas, 147
Nuez, Francisco Muley, 29, 30, 67;
opposition to Edict of 1567, 20, 21, 22
O
occult, 128, 129
One Thousand and Two Hundred Words, 142
Opus Majus, 74
Oran, 8
Orthodox Caliphs, 55
Osri, 105
Ottoman Empire, 8, 10, 28
Ottoman Turks, 74, 168
P
Pachet, Jeronimo, 128
Pakistanis, 42
Palencia, Gonzlez, 45
Pana y Ruata, 46
Paraclete, 83, 85, 88, 91, 107
Paradise, 98, 99, 102, 110
Paris and Viana, 46;
see History of the Loves of Paris and Viana
Pascual, Peter, 74
Pascuas del Carnero, 63
Patronio, 149
Paul, 84, 88
Perfectus, 72
Persian, 41, 42, 43
per viam pacis et doctrinae, 93
peskuweso, 65
Peter (Apostle), 84
Peter the Venerable, 52, 73, 80
Phillip II, 10, 11, 12, 23, 30, 128
Phillip III, 11, 12, 128
physician, 125
Pidal, Menndez, 46
Pilgrimage, 63, 111
Pinterete, 128
piracy, 9
pirates, 8
Pryadad, 110, 111
Poema del Cid, 146, 147
Poem of Joseph, 44, 151, 152
poker, 66
poliko, 124
Porkes. See poker
Praise and Exaltation of the Prophet Muhammad*, 151, 152, 153
Praise (alabansa) of God, 156
prayer, 59
Promised Tree, 101
Prophecies, 27, 28
Prophetic traditions, 51
Protestantism, 9, 10, 168
Provincial Library of Toledo, 44
Q
qaf*, 42
Qanun*, 116
Qasidah*, 150
Qaydar, 87
Qaysi*, al-, 32, 82, 83, 85, 87, 90
Qiblah, 60, 64, 65, 66
Quda'i*, al-, 38, 78, 142
Qur'an*, 19, 33, 36, 42, 46, 47, 51, 52, 58, 60, 67, 68, 70, 72, 77, 82, 97,
106, 117;
commentary, 35, 53;
translation of, 39, 47, 52, 73, 74, 93;
verse, 63, 124
Quraysh, 99, 104, 138
R
Rabadan, Muhammad*, 39, 44, 48, 93, 98, 151, 158, 161, 162
Rabat, 14
Rabi'al-Awwal*, 120
Rabi'al-Thani*, 120
Rada, Jimnez de, 74
Rajab, 120
rajaz, 146
Ramadan*, 10, 56, 63, 120
Ramrez, Mara, 127
Ramrez, Romn, 127, 128
Raqili*, al-, Muhammad*, 19, 32, 85, 86, 87
Razi*, al-, 116, 118, 125
razon menguara, 90
Reconquest, 2, 4, 6, 16, 19, 29, 30, 31, 37, 42, 92, 115, 167
Regla, 15
Religious Life of the Moriscos, 45, 57
religious practices, 57
Renaissance, 73
revelation, 111
Ribera, 16, 45, 46, 47, 146
Rincon, Juan del, 40, 41, 42
Robert of Ketton, 73
Robles, Guilln, 45, 46
Rocinante, 148
Romance (language), 35, 36, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47

Page 247
Romans, 29
Royal Academy of History (Madrid), 41, 44, 47
Royal Spanish Academy, 44
ruhallah *, 90
Ruiz, Juan, 129, 149
S
Saavedra, 40, 44, 45, 46, 133
Sabaeans, 78
Sabidor, 82
sabiduriyas, 37
sabiyos, 36, 37
Sacro Monte, discovery of, 30
Sa'd, 120
sad*, 43
Safar*, 119
Sa* 'id of Toledo, 77
Saladin, 74
Salamanca, University of, 33
Sal, 14
Samarqandi*, al-, 38, 46, 56
Sanador, 126, 127
Snchez, 45
Sanhaji*, 34
San Isidoro, 27
SaqaLibah (Slavs), 77
Saracens, 4, 71, 74
Saragossa, 10, 26, 33, 81;
conquest of, 2;
library of the Pilaf Church, 44
Sarah, 85
Satan, 100
Savant, 126
Sayyid, 148
Sayyidi al-battal*, al-, 148
Schwoebel, 73
sciences, 129
Scriptures, 78
Seal of Prophecy, 94
Seal of Prophets, 97, 98, 101
seals, 117, 122
Secret of Secrets, 149
seular literature, 132
Segorbe (Bishop of), 12
Segovia, Juan de (Bishop) 5, 39, 93
Segovia, Moorish community, 39
sembalanses, 91
Sendebar, 149
Senores*, 13
sensiyas, 37
Sermons, 93
Seth, 98
Seven Heavens, 110
Seven Phillars of Prayers, 60
Seville, 4, 10;
conquest of, 2
Sha'ban*, 120
Shakespeare, 75
sharhe*, 53
Shari'ah*, 3, 55, 56
Shawwal*, 120
Sicily, 14, 28, 71, 83
Sidratu almutaha, 103
Sillos, 123
Simancas, documents of, 44
Sixtus V (Pope), 130
Social History of Medicine, 126
Solomon, 105, 113, 119
Somalis, 41
Song to the Months (Lunas) of the Year, 162
Sorcerers, 130
Sorcery, 116, 117, 130
Soucuellanos, 36
Southern, 73
Spain, 20, 25, 34, 71
Spanish, 1, 2, 4, 28;
society, 30;
literature, 33, 129;
expressions, 49
Stanley, 44
Story of the Arab and the Girl, 142
Story of Carcayona, 139
Story of the City of Alaton, 45
Story of the Miracle of the Moon, 142
Story of the Muslim Scholar, 140
Story of the Prophetess and a Prophet, 141
Story of a Qur'anic Commentary, 105
Story of Sarjil Ibn Sarjun Sarjun*, 105
Story of Tabi'u, 109
Story of Tamim* al Dari*, 140
Story of Two Friends, 109
Story of the Wine Drinker, 65
Story of a Worshipper, 110
Story of a Worshipper and the Naked Woman, 140
Summa totius haeresis Saracenorum, 74
su-mujer, 86
Sunnah, 38, 58
Superstitions, 117
surat* altin*, 54
Sword of Allah, 135
Syria, 105
T
ta*, 42
Tafria, 56
tafri'ah. See Tafria
Tafsir*, 51, 53
Tafsira, 39, 40, 41, 56, 57
tahlil, 53
tahur, 60
Talavera, Hernando de, 6, 168
Tales of the Alhambra, 145
Talibi*, Muhammad*, 94
talisman, 116, 117
Tamim (story of), 131, 140
Tangier, 14
taqiyah*, 23, 24, 52, 170