1. The document discusses the complex relationship many early 19th century poets had with the French Revolution and revolutionary political systems. While initially attracted to revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty, many grew disillusioned as the Revolution descended into violence and authoritarianism.
2. It provides examples of how poets like Holderlin and Wordsworth experienced shifts from early enthusiasm for the Revolution to later hostility as they witnessed the Reign of Terror and rise of Napoleon. Both were attracted to revolutionary ideals but repulsed by its excesses and centralization of power.
3. The document suggests their changing political views were influenced both by personal experiences and intellectual disillusionment with how revolutionary ideals were implemented in reality. It notes this pattern
1. The document discusses the complex relationship many early 19th century poets had with the French Revolution and revolutionary political systems. While initially attracted to revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty, many grew disillusioned as the Revolution descended into violence and authoritarianism.
2. It provides examples of how poets like Holderlin and Wordsworth experienced shifts from early enthusiasm for the Revolution to later hostility as they witnessed the Reign of Terror and rise of Napoleon. Both were attracted to revolutionary ideals but repulsed by its excesses and centralization of power.
3. The document suggests their changing political views were influenced both by personal experiences and intellectual disillusionment with how revolutionary ideals were implemented in reality. It notes this pattern
1. The document discusses the complex relationship many early 19th century poets had with the French Revolution and revolutionary political systems. While initially attracted to revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty, many grew disillusioned as the Revolution descended into violence and authoritarianism.
2. It provides examples of how poets like Holderlin and Wordsworth experienced shifts from early enthusiasm for the Revolution to later hostility as they witnessed the Reign of Terror and rise of Napoleon. Both were attracted to revolutionary ideals but repulsed by its excesses and centralization of power.
3. The document suggests their changing political views were influenced both by personal experiences and intellectual disillusionment with how revolutionary ideals were implemented in reality. It notes this pattern
1. The document discusses the complex relationship many early 19th century poets had with the French Revolution and revolutionary political systems. While initially attracted to revolutionary ideals of equality and liberty, many grew disillusioned as the Revolution descended into violence and authoritarianism.
2. It provides examples of how poets like Holderlin and Wordsworth experienced shifts from early enthusiasm for the Revolution to later hostility as they witnessed the Reign of Terror and rise of Napoleon. Both were attracted to revolutionary ideals but repulsed by its excesses and centralization of power.
3. The document suggests their changing political views were influenced both by personal experiences and intellectual disillusionment with how revolutionary ideals were implemented in reality. It notes this pattern
The passage discusses the history of modern poetry and the fascination poets felt towards systems of critical reason. It also talks about different perspectives on the French Revolution among German Romantics and the development of themes in modern poetry around language, community, and the relationship between poetry and history.
Initially most of the German Romantics felt enthusiasm and sympathy for the revolutionary movement in France, though they later converted to Catholicism and monarchic absolutism due to the ambiguity of Romanticism and the historical dilemmas they faced.
Some of the central themes of modern poetry discussed in the text include poetry and history, language and community, and poetry as the frontier between divine and human speech.
3 Children of the Mire
At least half of the history of modern poetry is the story of the
fascination poets have felt toward systems fashioned by critical reason. "Fascina te" in this context means bewitch, mesmerize- and deceive. As in the case of the German Romantics, repul- sion inevitably followed attraction. This group is usually considered Catholic and monarchic, and hostile to the French Revolution. Nevertheless, initially most of them felt enthusiasm and syrnpathy for the revolutionary movement. Indeed, their conversion to Catholicism and to monarchic absolutism was as much the consequence of the ambiguity of Romanticism- always torn between two extremes-as of the nature of the historical dilemma faced by this generation. The French Revo- lution had two aspects: as arevolutionary movement it offered European nations auniversal vision of man and anew concep- tion of society and of the State; as anational movement it strengthened French expansionism outside the country, and, within, the policy of centralization begun by Richelieu. The wars against the Consulate and the Empire were simultaneously wars of nationalliberation and wars in defense of monarchic absolutismo For example, the Spanish liberals who collaborated 38 Children of the Mire with the French were loyal to their political ideas but disloyal to their country, whereas other Spaniards had to resign them- selves to combining the cause of Spanish independence with that of the wretched Ferdinand VII and the Church. Apart from political circumstances, the attitude of the Ger- man Romantics was far from conservative. Holderlin comes to mind (though, like Blake, he is not strictly Romantic, and for the same reasons: chronologically both slightly antedate Romanticism and extend past it, to reach us today). In the days of the FirstCoalition against the French Republic (J une 1792), he wrote to his sister: "Pray that the revolutionaries defeat the Austrians, for otherwise the princes wl1abuse their power dreadfully. Believe me and pray for the French who are the defenders of the rights of man." A little later, in 1797, he wrote an ode to Bonaparte-to the liberator of Italy, not to the general who was to turn, he charged scornfully in another letter, into "a sort of dictator." The theme of Holderlin's novel Hyperion is dual: love for Diotima is inseparable from the establishment of a community of free men. The point of union between love of Diotima and love of freedom is poetry. Hyperiori's struggle for his country's freedom is also his strug- gle to found afree society, and the establishment of this idyllic community implies areturn to Ancient Greece. Poetry and history, language and community, poetry as frontier between divine and human speech-these oppositions became the central themes of modern poetry. The dream of a free and egalitarian community, inherited from Rousseau, reappears among the early German Romantics, 1 J 39 Children of the Mire again linked with love, but more violently and sharply. They saw love as transgression of social bond s, and exalted woman not as erotic object but as erotic subject too. Novalis spoke of poetic communism, envisioning asociety in which both the consumption and production of poetry would be acollective acto In Lucinda (1799), Frederick Schlegel made an apology for free love. His novel may seem naive today, but Novalis wanted to give it the subtitle, Cynical or Diabolic Fantasies. This phrase anticipated one of the most powerful and persistent currents of modern literature: the taste for sacrilege and blasphemy, the strange and the grotesque, the marriage of the commonplace and the supernatural, in short, the love of irony, that great invention of the Romantics. It is precisely irony, in Schlegel's sense of the word-Iove for the contradiction which lives in each of us, and awareness of this contradiction- that nourishes and destroys German Romanticism. This was the first and most daring of the poetic revolutions, the first to explore the underground regions of the dream, unconscious thought, and eroticism. It was also the first to turn nostalgia for the past into an aesthetic and apolitical programo The English Romantics provide asimilar example. While students at Cambridge, Southey and Coleridge conceived the idea of Pantisocracy as a free, egalitarian, communistic society which was to combine the "innocence of the patriarchal epoch" with the "refinements of modern Europe." The revolutionary theme of libertarian communism and the religious theme of the restoration of original innocence were thus interwoven. Coleridge and Southey decided to leave for America to found their pantisocratic society on the new continent, but the former 40 Children of the Mire changed his mind when he found out that Southey wanted to take aservant with him! Many years later Southey was visited in his Lake District retreat by the young Shelley and his first wife, Harriet. The old ex-Republican poet found his young admirer, "exactly as I was in 1794"; yet, writing of this visit to his friend Elizabeth Hitchener (J anuary 7, 1812), Shelley says "Southey is aman corrupted by the world, contaminated by custom." Wordsworth first visited France in 1790. Ayear later, when he was twenty-one years old and just down from Cambridge, his enthusiasm for the Republic took him back to France, where he spent two years, first in Paris and then in Orlans. He was a Girondin sympathizer. This fact, together with his revulsion at the revolutionary terror, explains his dislike of the J acobins, whom he called the "tribe of Moloch." As many twen tieth- century writers would do with the struggles of the Russian Revolution, Wordsworth took the side of one of the factions trying to take control of the French Revolution: the losing side. In his autobiographical poem The Prelude-with that hyperbolic style filled with capitalletters which makes this great poet also one of the most pompous of his century-he describes one of the happiest moments of his life. It was a day in a town on the coast where "all that I saw or felt/Was gentleness and peace," and he heard a traveler recently landed from France say: "Robespierre is dead." He feels no less antipathy for Bonaparte, and in the same poem tells how, when he learned that the Pope had crowned Napoleon Emperor, he felt it was "This last opprobrium, when we see apeople / ... take a lesson from the dog / Returning to his vomit." 41 Children of the Mire Faced with the disasters of history and the "degradation of the era," Wordsworth returns to childhood and its moments of translucency. Time splits in half, so that, rather than looking at reality, we look through it. What Wordsworth sees, as perhaps no one before or after him has seen, is not a fantastic world, but reality as it is: the tree, the stone, the stream, each firm, resting on its own reality in asort of immobility which does not negate movement. These blocks of living time, spaces flowing slowly before the mind's eye, are avision of the other time, atime different from the time of history with its kings and nations under arms, its revolutionary councils and its blood- thirsty priests, its guillotines and gallows. The time of child- hood is the time of imagination, that facuJ ty called by Wordsworth the "soul of nature," to signify that it is apower beyond the humano Imagination does not reside in man; rather it is the spirit of the place and of the moment. It is not only the power that allows us to see both the visible and the hidden aspects of reality, but also the means whereby Nature looks at herself through the poet's eyes. Through imagination Nature speaks to us and to herself. The vicissitudes of Wordsworth's political passion can be explained in terms of his private life. His years of enthusiasm for the Revolution can be said to be those of his love for Annette (Arme Marie Vallon), a French girl whom he abandoned as soon as he started to change his political opinions. The years of his growing hostility for revolutionary movements coincide with his decision to leave the world and live in the country with his wife and sister Dorothy. But this simplistic explanation diminishes us, not Wordsworth. There is another explanation, 42 Children of the Mire an intellectual and historical one that has to do with Words- worth's poltical affinity for the Girondins, his repugnance toward the esprit de sy strne of the J acobins, the moral and philosophical convictions which led him to carry his Protestant disapproval of papist universalism to revolutionary universalism and his Englishman's reaction to Napoleori's attempted invasion. This explanation combines the liberal's antipathy for revolu- tionary despotism with the patriot's antagonism toward the hegemonic pretensions of a foreign power, and, with reserva- tions, can be applied also to the German Romantics. To consider the conflict between the early Romantics and the French Revolution as an episode in the c1ashbetween authoritarianism and freedom is not totally false, nor is it completely true. No, there is another explanation. The phenomenon is seen time and again in different historical circumstances, throughout the nineteenth century and afterward, with more intensity, down to the present. It is hardly necessary to cite the experi- ences of Mayakovsky, Pasternak, Mandelstam, and so many other Russian poets, artists, and writers; the polemics of the Surrealists with the Third International; the bitterness of Csar Vallejo, torn between loyalty to poetry and loyalty to the Communist Party; the quarrels about "socialist realism" and- but why go on? Modern poetry has been and is arevolutionary passion, but this passion has been an unhappy one. There has been attraction and rejection; and it is not the philosophers but ~ the revolutionaries who have banished the poets from their republic. The reason for rejection is the same as for attraction: both revolu tion and poetry attempt to destroy the present, the time of history which is that of inequality, and to restore 43 Children of the Mire the other time. But poetry's time is not that of revolution, the dated time of critical reason, the future of the Utopias; it is the time before time, the time of la vie antrieure which reappears in the ch!ld's timeless glance. Poetry's ambiguity toward critical reason and its historical incarnations, the revolutionary movements, is one side of the coin; the other side is its ambiguity toward Christianity. Again, attraction and rejection. Almost all the great Romantics, heirs of Rousseau and eighteenth-century deism, were religion- oriented, but what were the actual beliefs of Holderlin, Blake, Coleridge, Hugo, Nerval? One might ask the same question of those who openly declared themselves irreligious. Shelley's atheism is areligious passion. In 1810, in aletter to Thomas Hogg he writes: "O! I burn with impatience for the moment of Christianity's dissolution; it has injured me ... 1will stab the wretch in secret." This is odd language for an atheist and fore- shadows the Nietzsche of later years. Rejection of religion and love for religion: each poet invents his own mythology, and each mythology is amixture of different beliefs, rediscovered myths, and personal obsessions. Holderlin's Christ is a sun god, and in that enigmatic poem called "The Only One," J esus turns into the brother of Hercules and of that Dionysus who "yoked his chariot to a team of tigers and went down to the Indus." The Virgin of the poems of Novalis is the mother of Christ and the pre-Christian Night, his fiance Sophie, and Death. Nerval's Aurelia is Isis, Pandora, and the actress J enny Colon, his unhappy love. The religions and loves of the Roman- tics are heresies, syncretisms, apostasies, blasphemies, conver- 44 Children of the Mire sions. Romantic ambiguity has two modes, in the musical meaning of the word: irony, which introd uces the negation of subjectivity into the realm of objectivity; and anguish, which drops ahint of nothingness into the fullness of being. Irony reveals the duality of what seemed whole, the split in what s identical, the other side of reason; it is the disruption of the principIe of identity. Anguish shows that existence is empty, that life is death, that heaven is adesert; it is the fracturing of religion. The death of God is a Romantic theme. It is not philosophical but religious: as far as reason is concerned, God either exists or does not exist. If He exists, He cannot die; if not, how can someone who has never existed die? But this reasoning is only valid from the point of view of monotheism and the rectilinear and irreversible time of the West. The ancients knew that the gods were mortal; they were manifestations of cyclical time and as such would come to life again and die again. Up and down the Mediterranean coastline sailors heard avoice at night saying "Pan is dead," and this voice announcing the god's death also announced his resurrection. The Nahuatllegend tells us that QuetzaJ coatl abandons Tula; immolates himself; becomes the double planet, Morning and Evening Star; and will one day return to claim his heritage. But Christ carne to earth only once, for each event in the sacred history of Christianity is unique and will not be repeated. If someone says "God is dead," he is announcing an unrepeatable fact: God is dead forever. Within the concept of time as a linear and irreversible progres- sion, the death of God is unthinkable, for the death of God opens the gates of contingency and unreason. There is adouble 45 Children of the Mire reply to this: irony, humor, intellectual paradox; and also the poetic paradox, the image. Both appear in all the Romantics. The predilection for the grotesque, the horrible, the strange, the sublime, and the bizarre; the aesthetic of contrasts; the pact between laughter and tears, prose and poetry, agnosticism and faith; the sudden changes of mood, the antics-everything that turns each Romantic poet into an lcarus, aSatan, and a clown is essentially anguish and irony. Although the source of each of these attitudes is religious, it is astrange and contradictory sort of religion since it consists of the awareness that religion is hollow. Romantic religiosity is irreligious, ironic; Romantic irreligion is religious, anguished. The theme of the death of God, in this religious/irreligious sense, appears for the first time, 1think, in lean Paul Richter. In this great precursor are merged all the trends and currents which will unfold in nineteenth- and twentieth-century poetry- and novel-writing-oneirism, humor, anguish, the mingling of genres, fantastic literature allied with realism and realism joined to philosophical speculation. lean Paul's Dream is adream of the death of God; its complete title isSpeech of Christ, from the Universe, That There Is No God (1796). In an earlier version of the work, significantly, it is not Christ but Shakespeare who announces the news. For the Romantics, Shakespeare was the poet by antonomasia, as Virgil had been for the Middle Ages. Thus, when lean Paullets the announcement come from the mouth of the English poet, he forecasts what all the Romantics will say later: poets are clairvoyants and prophets through whom the spirit speaks. The poet replaces the priest, and poetry becomes arevelation rivaling the Scripture.s. The 46 Children of the Mire de~i~itive version of lean Paul's Dream underscores the deeply ~eIIglOUScharacter of this essential text, and, at the same time, its completely blasphemous nature. It is not aphilosopher or apoet, but Christ himself, the son of God, who affirms that God does not existo And the place where this is made known is a church in acemetery. The time may be midnight, but how can one know for sure, since the face of the clock has neither numbers nor hands, and on its empty surface ablack hand tirelessly traces signs which disappear at once and which the dead try in vain to decipher. Descending into the midst of the clamoring shades, Christ says: "1have explored the worlds, flown up to the suns, and 1have found no God. 1have been to the extreme limits of the universe, 1have looked into the abyss and shouted 'Father, where are you?' but 1heard only the rain falling into the depths and the everlasting tempest which no order governs." Dead children crowd around Christ and ask "J esus, have we no Father?" He replies, "We are all orphan;." Two themes are intertwined in the Dream: the death of the Christian God, the universal Father and Creator of the world: and the absence of adivine or natural order regulating the ' movement of the universe. The second theme directly contra- dicts the ideas spread by the new philosophy among the cult- vated spirits of the time. Enlightenment philosophers had attacked Christianity and its God made man, but the deists as well as the materialists postulated the existence of a universal order. With few exceptions the eighteenth century believed in a cosmos ruled by laws which did not differ essentially from those of reason. An intelligent necessity, divine or natural, moved the world. The universe was arational mechanism. 47 Children of the Mire J ean Paul's vision manifests the exact opposite: disorder, incoherence. The universe is not amechanism but avast form- lessness agitated in away which without exaggeration can be called passionate. That rain which is falling from the very beginning into the endless abyss, and that everlasting storm on alandscape in convulsion are the very image of contingency. In this lawless universe, this world cast adrift, this grotesque vision of the cosmos, "eternity les heavy upon chaos and when it consumes it, eternity is itself consumed." Wehave before us the "fallen Nature" of the Christians, but the relation between God and the world is inverted. lt is not the world fallen from God's hand that casts itself into nothingness, but God himself who falls into the pit of death. This is an enormous blasphemy.iat once irony and anguish. Philosophy had conceived aworld moved not by a creator but by an intelligent order; for J ean Paul contingency is a consequence of the death of God. The universe is chaos because it has no creator. J ean Paul's atheism is religious and clashes with the atheism of the philoso- phers, for he replaces the image of the world as amechanism with that of a convulsive world, endlessly in death throes yet never dying. In the existential sphere universal contingency is called orphanhood. And the first orphan, the Great Orphan, is none other than Christ. Dream scandalizes the philosopher as well as the priest, the atheist as well as the believer. J ean Paul's dream was dreamed, thought, and suffered by many poets, philosophers, and novelists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Nietzsche, Dostoevski, Mallarm, J oyce, Valry. It was known in France thanks to Madame de Stael's book On Germany (1814). There is a poem by Nerval, com- 48 Children of the Mire posed of five sonnets and entitled "Christ on the Mount of Olives" (1844), which is an adaptation of the Dream. J ean Paul's text is convulsive, abrupt, and exaggerated. The French poet does away with the confessional, psychological element. His is the account, not of adream, but of amyth; not the nightmare of apoet in a cemetery church, but Christ's mono- logue before his sleeping disciples. A magnificent line, "le dieu manque a l'autel o je suis lavictime " (There is no God at the altar on which 1am the victim), in the first sonnet broaches a theme not found in lean Paul and which the following son- nets bring to a climax in the very last line of all. It is the theme of the eternal return, which will reappear with unparalleled intensity and lucidity in Nietzsche, again associated with the theme of the death of God. In Nerval's poem, Christ's sacrifice in this godless world converts him into anew god-except that he becomes adivinity who has little in common with the Christian God. Nerval's Christ is an Icarus, aPhathon , a beautiful, wounded Attis whom Cybele brings back to life. The earth becomes intoxicated with this precious blood, Olympus collapses into the abyss, and Caesar asks the oracle of J upiter Ammon, "Who is this new god?" The oracle is silent, for the only one who can explain this mystery to the world is "Celui qui donna l'rne aux enfants du limen" (He who breathed a soul into the children of the mire). This mystery is insoluble, for He who breathes asoul into the Adam of mud is the Father, the Creator, that very God who is absent from the altar where Christ is the victim. A century and ahalf later Fernando Pessoa faces the same enigma and his answer is somewhat similar to Nerval's. There is no God but there are 49 Children of the Mire gods, and time is circular: "Dios es un hombre de otro Dios ms grande; / Tambin tuvo cada, Adn supremo; / Tambin, aunque criador, l fue criatura" (God is aman to another, greater God, and .this greatest Adam also fell; Though the creator, he was acreature). The poetic consciousness of the West has accepted the death of God as though it were amyth; or rather, this death truly has been a myth, not merely an episode in the history of our society's religious ideas. The theme of universal orphanhood, as symbolized in Christ, the great orphan and elder brother of the orphan children who are all mankind, expresses apsychic experience recalling the path of negation of the mystics. It is that "dark night" in which we feel ourselves adrift, abandoned in ahostile or indifferent world, guilty without guilt, and innocent without innocence. However, there is an essential difference: it is a night without an end, Christianity without God. At the same time, the death of God awakens in the poetic imagination a sense of mythic storytelling, and astrange cos- mogony is created in which each god is the creature, the Adam, of another godo It is the return to cyclical time, the transmuta- tion of aChristian theme into apagan myth. An incomplete paganism, aChristian paganism permeated with anguish for the falI into contingency. These two experiences-Christianity without God, and Christian paganism-have been basic elements of Western poetry and literature since the Romantic era. In both we face adouble transgression. The death of God converts the atheism of the philosophers into areligious experience and amyth; in turn this experience denies its very origin: the myth is empty, a play of 50 Children of the Mire reflections on the lonely consciousness of the poet, for there is no one on the altar, not even Christ the victim. Anguish and irony: faced with the future time of critical reason and revolu- tion, poetry affirms the nonsequential time of sensibility and imagination, original time. In the face of Christian eternity, it affirms the death of God, the fall into contingency, and the plurality of gods and myths. But each of these negations turns against itself: the time of the imagination is not amythic but arevolutionary time; the death of God is not aphilosophic but areligious theme, amyth. Romantic poetry is revolution- ary, not with but against the revolutions of the century; and its religion is atransgression of religion. In the Middle Ages poetry was the handmaiden of religion; in the Romantic era it was the true religion, the fountainhead of the Holy Scriptures. Rousseau and Herder had shown that language answered man 's emotional rather than spiritual needs; not hunger but love, fear, or wonder mde us speak. Humanity's first credos were poems. Whether we are dealing with magic spells, litanies, myths, or prayers, the poetic imagination is there from the start. Without poetic imagination there would be no rnyths or Holy Scriptures; at the sarne time, and also from the beginning, religion confiscates the products of poetic imagina- tion for her own ends. The charm of myths does not lie in their religious nature-these beliefs are not ours-but from the fact that in them poetic storytelling transfigures the world and reality. One of the cardinal functions of poetry is to show the other side, the wonders of everyday life: not poetic irreality but the prodigious reality of the world. Religion takes over 51 Children of the Mire these visions, transforms works of imagination into beliefs, and beliefs into systems. But even then the poet gives perceptible form to religious ideas, transmutes them into images, and ani- mates them: cosmogonies and genealogies are poems, Holy Scriptures are written by poets. lndeed, the poet is the geog- rapher and the historian of heaven and he11: Dante describes the geography and the inhabitants of the other world; Milton tells us the true story of the Fall. The critique of religion undertaken by eighteenth-century philosophy shattered Christianity as the basis of society. The fragmentation of eternity into historical time made it possible for poetry to conceive of itself as the real foundation of society. Poetry was believed to be the true religion and knowledge. Bibles, Gospels, and Korans had been denounced by the philoso- phers as bundles of old wives' tales and fantasies. At the same time, even materialists recognized that these tales possessed apoetic truth. In their search for afoundation predating revealed or natural religion, poets found allies among the philosophers. Kant's influence was decisive in the second phase of Coleridge's thought. The German philosopher had shown that between the sense data and the understanding, the particu- lar and the universal, the "productive imagination" acted as intermediary. Through it the subject transcends himself: imagination projects and presents the objects of the sense data to the understanding. Imagination is the condition of knowl- edge: without it there could be no link between perception and judgment. For Coleridge the imagination is not only the necessary condition for all knowledge, it is also the faculty which converts ideas into symbols and symbols into presences. 52 Children of the Mire Imagination is "a form of Being": no longer just knowledge but wisdom. Coleridge believed there was no difference between poetic imagination and religious revelation, except that the latter is historie and changing, whereas poets (insofar as they are poets, and whatever their beliefs may be) are not "the slaves of any sectarian opinion." He also said that religion was the "poetry of mankind." Years before, Novalis had written that "Religion is practical poetry" and poetry was the "first reli- gion of humanity." There are many such quotations, aIl with the same meaning: Romantic poets were the first to affirm the historical and spiritual priority of poetry over official religion and philosophy. For them the poetic word is the founding word. In this bold affirmation lies the root of the heterodoxy of modern poetry in the face of religions and ideologies alike. In the figure of William Blake are concentrated a11the con- tradictions of the first generation of Romantics; they explode in an affirmation transcending Romanticism. Was Blake really a Romantic? Nature worship, one of the traits of Romantic poetry, does not appear in his work. He considered the world of imagination eternal, the world of generation finite and temporal. The first was mental, the other was a "vegetable glass" distorting our vision. These ideas seem to link him with the Gnostics, but his love for the body and his exaltation of erotic desire and pleasure ("sooner murder an infant in its cradle than nurse unacted desires") set him in opposition to the Neoplatonic tradition. Was he aChristian? His is not the Christians' Christ, but anude Titan bathed in the radiant sea of erotic energy, ademiurge for whom irnagining and doing, 53 Children of the Mire desire and satisfaction are one and the same. His Christ reminds us of Satan; his huge body, like agigantic cloud lit by lightning, is covered with the flaming letters of the proverbs of Hel!. In the earIy years of the French Revolution, Blake used to walk about the streets of London with the blood-red Phrygian cap on his head. His political enthusiasm eventualIy waned, but not the ardor of his imagination, at once libertarian and liberating: "All Bibles or sacred codes have been the causes of the fol- lowing Errors: l. That Man has two real existing principIes: Viz: aBody and aSou!. 2. That Energy, call'd Evil, is alone from the Body; and that Reason, call'd Good, is alone from the Soul. 3. That God will torment Man in Eternity for folIowing his Energies. "But the folIowing Contraries to these are True: l. Man has no Body distinct from his Soul; for that call'd Body is a portion of Soul discern'd by the five Senses, the chief inlets of Soul in this age. 2. Energy is the only life, and is from the Body; and Reason is the bound or outward circumference of Energy. 3. Energy is Eternal Delight." The violence of Blake's anti-Christian affirmations prefigured that of Rimbaud and Nietzsche. He attacked the rationalistic deism of the philosophers just as violen tly: Vol taire and Rousseau were victims of his anger, and in his prophetic poems Newton and Locke appear as agents of Urizen, the demiurge of evi!. Urizen is the lord of systematic reason, inventor of the morality which imprisons men in its syIlogisms, divides them 54 Children of the Mire one against the other, and each against himself. Urizen: reason without body and without wings, the great jailer. Blake not only denounced the superstition of philosophy and the idolatry of reason, but, in the century of the first industrial revolution and in the country which was the cradle of this revolution, he prophesied the dangers of the cult of progress. The landscape of England was starting to change, and hiIls and vaIleys were becoming covered with the vegetation of industry: iron, coal, dust, and waste. He is in aIl things our contemporary. In Blakc's contradictions and eccentricities there is alarger coherence not found in any of his critics. Eliot charged his mythology with being undigested and syncretistic, aprivate religion made up of fragments of myths and eccentric beliefs. One could accuse most modern poets of the same thing, from Holderlin and Nerval to Yeats and Rilke; faced with the progres- sive disintegration of Christian mythology, poets-not excluding the poet of The Waste Land-have had to invent more or less personal mythologies made up of fragments of philosophies and religions. In spite of this diversity of poetic systems-rather, in its very center-a common belief can be discerned. This belief is the true religion of modern poetry, frorn Romanticism to Surrealism, and it appears in aIl poets, sometimes implicitly but more often explicitly. I am talking about analogy. The belief in correspondences between aIl beings and worlds predates Christianity, crosses the Middle Ages, and, through Neopla- tionism, illuminism, and occultisrn, reaches the nineteenth cen- tury. Since then, secretly or openly, it has never failed to nourish Western poets, from Goethe to Balzac, frorn Baudelaire and MaIlarm to Yeats and Pessoa. 55 Children of the Mire AnaIogy outIived paganism and will probabIy outIive Christi- anity and contemporary scientism. It has had aduaI function in the history of modern poetry: it was the principIe before all principIes, before the reason of phiIosophies and the reveIation of religions; and this principIe coincided with poetry itseIf. Poetry is one of the manifestations of analogy ; rhymes and al!iterations, metaphors and metonymies are modes of operation in analogicaI thought. A poem is aspiral sequence which turns ceaseIessly without ever returning completely to its beginning. If anaJ ogy turns the universe into apoem, a text made up of oppositions which become resolved in correspondences, it also makes the poem auniverse. Thus, we can read the universe, we can live the poem. In the first case poetry is knowledge; in the second, it is action. In both it borders on philosophy and religion, but only to contradict them. The poetic image shapes a reality which rivals the vision of the revolutionary and that of the religious. Poetry is the other coherence, made not of reasons but of rhythms. And there is amoment when the correspond- ence is broken ; there is adissonance which in the poem is cal!ed "irony," and in life "mortality." Modern poetry is awareness of this dissonance within analogy. Poetic mythologies, including those of Christian poets, grow old and become dust as do religions and philosophies. But poetry remains, and thus we can continue to read the Vedas and Bibles, not as religious but as poetic texts. Here again is Blake: "The Poetic Genius is the True Man ... al! sects of Philosophy are adapted from the Poetic Genius ... the Religions of al! Nations are derived from each Nation's different reception of the Poetic Genius." Although religions belong to history and perish, in al! of them anonreIigious seed survives: poetic imagination. Hume wouId have smiled at such astrange idea. Whorn can we believe? Hume and his critique of religion or Blake and his exaltation of imagination? For al! the founders- Wordsworth, Coleridge, Holderlin, lean PauI, Novalis-poetry is the world of nonsequential time, the time of the body and of desire. Beginning word: founding word. But also disintegrat- ing word, the breaking away from analogy through irony or anguish, through the awareness of history which in them is the knowledge of death. 56 Children of the Mire 57 Children of the Mire 4 Analogy and Irony thing, but aprofession of faith and an act. Even the doctrine of "art for art's sake," which seems to deny this attitude, confirms and prolongs it, for it was an ethic as well as an aesthetic, and quite often implied areligious or political stance. Romanticism was born almost simultaneously in England and in Germany, and spread throughout Europe like a spiritual epidemic. The pre-eminence of German and English Romanti- cism comes not only from chronological precedence, but from a combination of critical insight and poetic originality. In both languages poetic creation is interwoven with critical reflections on the nature ofpoetry, made with an intensity, originality, and penetration unparalleled in other European literatures. The critical texts of the English and German Romantics were true revolutionary manifestos, and established atradition which con- tinues today. The joining of theory and practice, poetry and poetics, was one more manifestation of the Romantic aspiration to unite the extremes-art and life, timeless antiquity and contemporary history, imagination and irony. By means of the dialogue between prose and poetry they tried to revitalize poetry by immersing it in everyday speech-and to idealize prose by dissolving the logic of discourse in the logic of the image. As consequences of this interpenetration, we see through- out the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the emergence of the prose poem and the periodic renovation of poetic language by increasingly strong injections of popular speech. But in 1800, as again in 1920, what was new was not so much that poets were speculating in prose about poetry, but that this speculation over- flowed the limits of the old poetics, proclaiming that the new poetry was also a new way of feeling and living. The union of poetry and prose is a constant among English A literary movement, Romanticism was also anew morality, anew eroticism, and anew politics. lt may not have been areligion, but it was more than an aesthetic and aphilosophy: away of thinking, feeling, falling in love, fighting, traveling-a way of living and away of dying. Frederick Schlegel, in one of his programmatic writings, said that Roman ticism not only proposed the dissolution and mixture of literary genres and ideas of beauty, it also sought the fusion of life and poetry by means of the contradictory but convergent actions of imagina- tion and irony. Even more, its aim was to socialize poetry. Romantic thought unfolds in two directions which end in fusion: the search for that anterior principIe which makes poetry the basis of language and thus of society; and the union of this principie with life and history. If poetry was rnan's first language-or if language is essentially apoetic operation which consists of seeing the world as a fabric of symbols and relationships between these symbols=then each society is built upon apoem. If the revolution of the modern age is the move- ment of society back to its origins, to the primordial pact of equal with equal, then this revolution becomes one with poetry. Blake said: "all men are alike in the Poetic Genius." Romantic poetry, too, claims to be action; apoem is not only averbal 58 Children of the Mire 59 Analogy and Irony and German Romantics, although it is not visible in all poets with the same intensity and in the same fashion. In some, such as Coleridge and Novalis, verse and prose, despite their inter- communication, are clearly independent. Wehave Kubla Khan and The Ancient Mariner on one side, the critical texts of Biographia Literaria on the other; or the Hymns to the Nigh t as opposed to the philosophical prose of the Fragments. In other poets inspiration and reflection blend equally in prose and verse. Neither Holderlin nor Wordsworth is aphilosophical poet, fortunately for them, but in both thought tends to turn into perceptible image. In apoet like Blake, the poetic image is inseparable from speculative thinking, and the frontier between prose.and poetry cannot be distinguished. Whatever the differences-and they are profound-which separate these poets, they al! conceive of poetry as avital experience involving the totality of the human being. A poem is not only averbal reality; it is also an act. The poet speaks, and as he speaks, he makes. This making is above all a making of himself: poetry is not only self-knowledge but self-creation. The reader repeats the poet's experience of self-creation, and poetry becomes incarna te in history. Behind this idea Iives the old belief in the power of words: poetry thought and lived as amagical operation destined to transmute reality. The analogy between magic and poetry, arecurring theme throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, originates with the German Romantics. The conception of poetry as magic implies an aesthetic of action. Art ceases to be exclusively representation and contemplation; it becomes also an intervention in reality. If art mirrors the world, then the mirror is magical; it changes the world. Baroque and Neoclassical aesthetics insisted on astrict division between art and Iife. Although their ideas of beauty were very different, both emphasized the ideal nature of a work of art. When Romanticism affirmed the primacy of inspiration, passion, and sensibility, it erased the boundary between art and life. The poem was avital experience, and life acquired the intensity of poetry. For Caldern life is illusion and deceit because it has the duration and consistency of dreams; for the Romantics what redeems life from the horror of its monotony is that it is adream. The Romantics see the dream as "a second Iife," away to recover the true life, the life of primordial time. Poetry is the reconquest of innocence. How can we fail to see the religious roots of this attitude and its intimate relation with the Protestant tradition? Romanticism originated in England and Germany not only because i t was a break with the Greco-Roman aesthetic, but because of its spiritual link with Protestantismo The inward nature of religious experience stressed by Protestantism, as opposed to the ritual- ism of Rome, supplied the psychic and moral preconditions for the Romantic upheaval. Romanticism was above all a turning inward of the poetic vision. Protestantism made the individual consciousness of each believer the theater of the religious mystery; Romanticism disrupted the impersonal aesthetic of the Greco-Rornan tradition, and allowed the poet's ego to become the primary reali ty. To say that the spiritual roots of Romanticism lie in the Protestant tradition may seem overly bold, especially if we remember the conversions of various German Romantics to Catholicism. But the true meaning of these conversions is c1ear if one considers that Romanticism was areaction against 60 Children of the Mire 61 Analogy and Irony eighteenth-century rationalism. The Catholicism of the German Romantics was antirationalism, and it was no less ambiguous than their admiration for Caldern. Their reading of the Spanish dramatist was more aprofession of faith than a true reading; August Schlegel saw in him the negation of Racine, but he did not realize that Caldern's plays contain arational order no less rigorous than that of the French poet, rather more so. Racine's theme is aesthetic and psychological: human passions; Caldern's theme is theological: original sin and human free- domo The Romantic interpretation of Caldern confused Baroque poetry and Catholic neoscholasticism with anticlassi- cism and antirationalism. The literary frontiers of Romanticism are the same as the reli- gious frontiers of Protestantismo These frontiers were primarily linguistic. Romanticism was born and reached maturity in countries whose languages did not originate in Rome. The Latin tradition, central in Western culture up to that time, was finally broken. Other traditions appeared: popular and traditional poetry from Germany and England, Gothic art, Celtic and Germanic mythologies. The rejection of the image of Greece provided by the Latin tradition caused the discovery (or inven- tion) of another Greece-the Greece of Herder and Holderlin, that will become Nietzsche's and our own. Dante's guide in Hell is Virgil, Faust's, Mephistopheles. "The Classics!" says Blake, referring to Homer and Virgil, "It is the Classics, not Goths or Monks, that desolate Europe with wars." And he adds: "Grecian is Mathematic Form but Gothic is Living Form." As for Rome: "a warlike State never can produce Art." From the Romantics on, the Western world recognized itself as a tradition differing from that of Rome, and this tradition is not single but multiple. Linguistic influence unfolds on deeper levels. Romantic poetry was not only a change of styles, but a change of beliefs, and this is what distinguishes it radically from the other movements of the pasto Neither Baroque nor Neoclassical art rejected the Western system of beliefs. To find aparallel to the Romantic revolution we must go back to the Renaissance, above all, to Provencal poetry. This last comparison is particularly revealing, because in Provencal as in Romantic poetry there is an undeni- able relation, still not completely understood, between the metrical revolution, the new sensibility, and the central position occupied by women in both movements. In Romanticism, the metrical revolution consisted of resurrecting the traditional poetic rhythms of Germany and England. There is areciprocal relation between the resurrection of rhythms and forms and the reappearance of analogy. The Romantic vision of the universe and of man was inspired by analogy. And analogy fused with prosody: it was avision more felt than thought, and more heard than felt. Analogy conceives of the world as rhythm: everything corresponds because everything fits together and rhymes. It is not only acosmic syntax, it is also prosody. If the universe is a script, a text, or a web of signs, the rotation of these signs is governed by rhythm. Correspondence and analogy are but names for universal rhythm. Although analogical vision inspires Dante as well as the Renaissance Neoplatonists, its reappearance in the Romantic era coincides with the rejection of Neoclassical archetypes and the discovery of national poetic traditions. In unveiling 62 Children of the Mire 63 Analogy and Irony their traditional poetic rhythms, the English and German Romantics resuscitated the analogical vision of the world and of mano It is impossible to prove a cause-and-effect relation between accentual versification and analogical vision, it is impossible also not to see that there is ahistorical relation between them. The appearance of the first, in the Romantic period, is inseparable from the second. Analogical vision had been preserved as an idea by the occultist, hermetic, and libertine sects of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; when English and German poets translated this idea of "the world as rhythm," they translated it literally, turned it into verbal rhythm, into poems. The philosophers had thought of the world as rhythm; the poets heard the rhythm. It was not the language of the spheres-although they thought it was-but the language of men. The evolution of verse forms in the Romance languages is also an indirect proof of the correspondence between accentual versification and analogical vision. The relation between the versification systems of the Romance and Germanic languages is one of inverse symmetry. In the former, the stress of the accents is secondary to the syllabic meter, while in the latter the syllabic count is secondary to the rhythmic distribution of accents. Accentual versification is more akin to song than to discourse; the danger of English and German verse lies not in intellectual dryness but in Iyric confusion. The distinctive feature of Romance prosody isjust the opposite. The tendency to regularity, dominant since the Renaissance and fortified by the influence of French Neoclassicism, was aconstant feature in versification systems down to the Romantic periodo Syllabic 64 Children of the Mire versification easily turns into abstract measurement and, as the example of eighteenth-century French poetry shows, into discourse and reasoning in verse. Prose consumes poetry-not the lively, colloquial prose which is one of the sources of poetry, but the prose of oratory and intellectual discourse. Eloquence rath~r than songo By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Latin languages had lost their powers of enchant- ment and could no longer be vehicles for thought as antidis- cursive and essentially rhythmic as analogy. If the resurrection of analogy coincided in Germany and in England with the return to traditional poetic forms, in Latin countries it coincided with the revolt against regular syllabic versification. In French this revolt was more violent and total than in ltalian or Spanish because syllabic versification dominated French poetry more than it did other Romance languages. lt is significant that the two great precursors of the Romantic movement in France were prose writers, Rousseau and Chateaubriand; analogical vision unfolds more readily in French prose than in the abstract meters of poetry. It is no less significant that among the central works of real French Romanticism we find Aurelia, Nerval's novel, and ahandful of narrations by Charles Nodier. Finally, among the great creations of French poetry of the last century we find the prose poem, aform which realizes the Romantic desire to mix pros eand poetry. Such a form could have developed only in alanguage in which the absence of tonic accents limits the rhythmic resources of free verse. As for verse: Hugo unmade and remade the Alexandrine: , Baudelaire introduced reflection, doubt, irony-the mental 65 Analogy and Irony caesura which rather than breaking the regular meter tends to produce psychic irregularity, exception; Rimbaud experimented with popular poetry, song, free verse. The prosodic renovation ended in two contradictory extremes: the broken lively rhythms of Laforgue and Corbire and the musical score/constellation of Un coup de des. Laforgue and Corbire had aprofound influence on the poets of both Americas, Lugones, Pound, Eliot, and Lpez Velarde. With Mallarrne was born a form which belongs neither to the nineteenth century nor to the first half of the twentieth century, but to the present. This haphazard enumeration has only one purpose: to show that the general movement of French poetry during the last century can be seen as arevolt against traditional syllabic versification. The revolt coinided with the search for the principie that rules the universe and the poem: analogy. 1have already referred to "real French Romanticism." Actually there are two: one is the official Romanticism of the textbooks and histories of literature-eloquent, sentimental, and discursive-exemplified by Musset and Lamartine; the other, which for me is the real one, is made up of avery small number of works and authors: Nerval, Nodier, Hugo in his last period, and the so-called "minor Romantics." In fact, the true French heirs of German and English Romanticism are the poets who come after the official Romantics, from Gautier and Baudelaire to the Symbolists. These poets give us adifferent version of Romanticism. Different, and yet the same, because the history of modero poetry is asurprising confirmation of the principie of analogy: each work is the negation, the resurrection, and the 66 Children of the Mire transfigura tion of the others. In this way French poetry of the second half of the last century-to call it Symbolist would be to mutilate it-is inseparable from German and English Romanti- cism: it is its prolongation, but also its metaphor. It is atransla- tion in which Romanticism turos back upon itself, contemplates and supersedes itself, questions and transcends itself. This is the other European Romanticism. In each of the great French poets of this period the fan of analogical correspondences opens and closes; in the same way, the history of French poetry, from Les Chimres to Un coup de des, can be seen as avast analogy. Each poet is astanza in that poem of poems which is French poetry, and each poem is aversion, ametaphor of this plural text. lf apoem is a system of equivalences, as Roman J akobson has said-rhymes and allitera- tions which are echoes, rhythms which play with reflections, identity of metaphors and comparisons-then French poetry as awhole becomes asystem of systems of equivalences, an analogy of analogies. In its turo, this analogical system is an analogy of the original Romanticism of both Germans and Englishmen. To understand the unity of European poetry without violating its plurality we must conceive of it as an analogical system. Each work is aunique reality and at the same time a translation of the others-its metaphor. The influence of the occultists, Gnostics, Cabalists, alchemists, and other marginal figures was also deeply feIt by the French poets. At times they drank from the same fountain as the German Romantics (J akob Bohrne, for instance, was known in France through Louis Claude de Saint-Martin.) The occultist tradition, on the other hand, had become associated with 67 Analogy and Irony