Egypt Under Roman Rule

932
932
v.5
60-06503
Mine
A history of
JSgypt
60-06503
HISTORY OF EGYPT
VOL. V.
ROMAN RULE
This History
ivitt
comprise Six Volumes :
Vol.
Vol.
I.
Dynasties I.-XVI,
By W. M. By W. M.
F.
PETRIE
II.
XVII.-XX.
F.
F.
PETRIE
PETRIE
Vol. III.
XXI.-XXX,
By W. M.
By
J. P.
Vol. IV. Ptolemaic Dynasty.

Vol.
MAHAFFY
V.
Roman
Rule.
By
J.
G. MILNE
Vol. VI, Arabic Egypt.
By STANLEY LANE POOLE
HISTORY OF EGYPT
UNDER ROMAN RULE
BY
J.
GRAFTON MILNE,
SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF
C.C.C.,
M.A.
OXKORD
WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS
SECOND EDITION
METHUEN
36
& CO. LTD.

W.C.
ESSEX STREET
LONDON
First Published
February
September
/%
/<?/?
Second Edition
PREFACE
IT
of papyri, under to the consideration, period belonging* waiting* But for publication in half a dozen different museums. the additions to our knowledge made by the documents
of
may seem somewhat premature to Issue Roman Egypt, when there are masses
a History
already published are so considerable, that it will be of service to students to have them briefly summarised. It must be recognised that the story of Egypt during
Roman rule is not, and probably never anything like a connected narrative. From time to time a chance notice by some writer throws a momentary light on the state of the country but, for the most part, events in Egypt were too monotonously
the centuries of
will be,
;
uninteresting for the historians of the Roman Empire to pay any attention to them. Egypt supplied corn, not men, to Rome.
There
I
is
one point on which
should like to forestall
criticism.
In the spelling of proper names and titles, have found it impossible to be consistent when deal-
ing with the mixture of Egyptian, Greek, and Latin which prevailed during the period. And so I have used whatever form was most familiar to me, as it drachmae " seemed better even to write the Latinized beside the Greek "arourai," than to fall into the " Thebai " the more so, pedantry of such a style as
* l
vi
PREFACE
it is
when
as yEliiis
necessary to deal with such compound names Eudsemon or Aurelius Didymus.
I have to thank Professor Petrie for continual help and advice throughout the time that I have been preparing this book, both in Egypt and in England. Mr, F. G. Kenyon and Mr. B. P. Grenfell have most
kindly put at my disposal the proof-sheets of their publications of papyri, and the latter has also made a number of valuable suggestions while Mr. F. LI.
;
has given me information on various points connected with Egyptian religion. I have tried to
Griffith
acknowledge in the references all facts and ideas which I have drawn from other writers, but I feel that I owe a special debt to Professor Mommsen and Professor J. B. Bury in a wider sense than can be stated there. And I must also thank Mr. D. S. Crichton for much careful work in preparing the index and my wife, for
;
constant clerical assistance.
LONDON,
i$th September 1898,
CONTENTS
I'AGK
PREFACE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CHAT.
I.
V
.
......
. .
ix
xiil
II.
THE ORGANISATION OF EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS THE FIRST CENTURY OF ROMAN RULE IN EGYPT,
.
III.
IV.
30 B.C.-68 A.D. A CENTURY OF PROSPERITY, 68-192 A.D. THE DECAY OF THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM, 193-283 A.D.
.
...
.
.
.
15
39
67
V.
VI.
VII.
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE CHURCH, 284-379 A.I) ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 379-527 A.D UNION OF TEMPORAL AND RELIGIOUS POWER, 527642 A.D.
.
.
84
96
IO6 Ij8
VIII.
THE REVENUES AND TAXATION OF EGYPT

RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS
LIFE IN
. . .
IX.
.128
.
X.
APP.
I.
THE TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF EGYPT

IN
.
159
THE ROMAN GARRISON

PREFECTS OF EGYPT
EGYPT
.
,
....
.
169
II.
III.
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GHIZEH MUSEUM
IV.
V.
NOTES REFERENCES
INDEX
.......... ..,.....,.
.
.
.176
183
196
.23!
249
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIG.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5. 6.
Augustus Deb6t 9. Talmis: Temple from behind 10. Dendur: Temple n. Pselkis Temple and Pylon 12. Hiera Sykaminos Temple
:
: :
7. 8.
forming Augustus, and Hekt giving him Tentyra Talmis Front of Temple Tentyra Temple from the south Augustus Talmis
1
Augustus Temple K, Philae Augustus adoring- Isis Tentyra Philse : Temple of Hathor
:
.
TAGE 16
17 17
18 18
Khnum
life
13. 14.
15.
Tiberius
Philse
:
Great Court Tentyra: Portico of Temple. (Photo, by W. M.

Petrie.)
1
West
Philse side of
Tiberius : Philse 17. Stele of Tiberius adoring Isis and Horns, in Ghizeh Museum. (Photo by J. G. M.) iS. Tiberius : Philse 19. Caligula : Tentyra 20. Alexandria Ruins of the Gymnasium, (Ainslie, Views
16.
,
21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

26. 27.
Egypt.) Claudius: Philse

Latopolis
Petrie.
:
in
Capitals of columns.
:
Hermopolis Magna Temple. (Description de 1'Egypte.) Tentyra Karanis Interior of Temple of Piiepherfts and Petesouchos. (Photo, by J. G. M.)
)^
Nero
Nero
...... ...... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ........ ........

.
... ,19 .20 ...... .20 ...... ... .21 ........

22 22
23 25 2^
F.
26 27
27 28 29
(Photo, by
.
W. M.
.
(
30 32
32 33 35
F.
.
Ombos
:
Karanis
Gateway of Nero in Temple of Pnepheros and Petesouchos. (Photo, by J. G. M.)

.
.........
.
.
35 36
37
x
FIG.
PAGE
28.
Galley of Nero.
:
(Bodleian.)
. . .
. . . . .
29.
30.
31. 32.
33. 34.
Galba: Thebes Otho Thebes ^ Karanis Gateway of Vespasian in Temple of Pnepheros and Petcsouchos. (Photo, by J. "G. M.) Alexandria: "Cleopatra's Needle and Roman tower. (Description de 1'Egypte.) Roman Stele in Ghizeh Museum. (Photo, by J, G,
.
...
38 39 40
43
44
45 46 47 49 49 50
51
M.)
Titus: Latopolis 35. Domitian : Latopolis 36. Nerva : Latopolis Latopolis 37. Trajan
:
38. 39.
40. 41.
42. 43.
44. 45. 46.
Temple of Trajan Trajan dancing Tentyra Tentyra Gateway of Trajan Trajan: Philse Roman fortress of Babylon. (Description de 1'Egypte.) Hadrian Philaa Mummy portrait from Hawara Statue of Antinous? (Vatican.) Arch of Triumph. (Description de Antinoopolis
Phila^
:
1
....... ........ ........ ......

. . . . .
51
.....
.
52 53 55 56 57
1'Egypte.) 47. Antinoopolis.

48. 49. 50.
51.
52. 53. Aurelius: Latopolis 54. Antaeopolis: Temple.

55. 56.
57.
:
(Description de 1'Egypte.) Cartouche of Sabina Hadrian approaching- Alexandria. (British Museum.) Hadrian greeted by Alexandria. (British Museum.) Antoninus Pius Tentyra Phoenix: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (Bodleian.)
:
.
Commodus Latopolis Roman tombstones from Abydos

:
58.
59. 60. 61. 62.
(Photo, by J. G. M.) Severus Latopolis Severus and Julia : Latopolis Caracalla and Geta Latopolis
:
Geta: Latopolis Colossal head of Caracalla W. M. F. Petrie.)

.
... ....... ....... .....". ........ ...... ........

.
.
57 58 59 60 60
61
.
,
(Description de 1'Egypte.)
:
62 63 64 65
in
Ghizeh Museum.
68 69 70
71 71
7l
from Koptos.
.
.
(Photo, bv
.
Latopolis 63. Statue, face recut to likeness of Caracalla Museum. (Photo, by J. G. M.)
:
.
. .
Caracalla
72
72
in
Ghizeh
74 74 76 77 78 79
64. 65. 66.

67. 68. 69.
Wady Khardassy Greek tablets

:
Roman lamp
in
form of a boat.
Decius: Latopolis Inscription of Quietus: from Koptos. (Petrie Collection.) Coin of M. lulius Êmilianus. (British Museum.) Miniature altar. (Petrie Collection.)
,
.
(Petrie Collection.)
....
.
FIG.
xl
70. Altar
71. 72.
Roman
Philce
:
M. Aurelius Belakabos (Photo, by W. M. F. Petrie.)

of
-
(Petrie Collection.) (British Museum.) 74. Coin of Domitius Domitianus.

73. 75. 76.
.
Roman
terra-cotta figures Arch of Diocletian lamps and handles.
......
(Pelric Collection.)
.
....
from
.
PAGE
Koptos,
79
Si
at Alexandria Roman lamp in form of a gateway. (Petrie Collection.) Interior looking west. (Photo. 77. The Red Monastery
1
Column of Diocletian
G. M.)
....
(Photo,
85 85 86 87 88
by
78.
79.
J.
The White Monastery

G. M.)
The White Monastery

:
.........
:
."
98
101
North door.
by
J.
J.
South wall.
(Photo, by
G.
80. ST. 82. 83.

84.
M.) Byzantine sculptures from Almas. (E.E.F. Report.). Byzantine capital from Annas. (E.E.F. Report.) Coptic tombstones in Ghizeh Museum. (Photo, by
:
. :
104 106 108

109
W. M.
F. Petrie.)
:
Coptic tombstones
in
Ghizeh Museum.
W. M.
(Photo, by
(Pelrie
F. Petrie.)
.
.
in
114
T
Designs from fragments of Coptic pottery.

Collection.)
. . .
.
.113
.
85. 86.
Coptic painted pottery.

Tariff-Stele of
:
Koptos
.
^
in
.
Ghizeh Museum.
.
. .
(Photo.
.
.
by
87.
J.
G. M.)
23
88.
89.
90.
91. 92.
93. 94. 95. 96.
97. . . . 98. . (Bodleian.) 99. Helios: Coin of Hadrian. roo. Artemis: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) lor. Selene : Coin of Julia Paula. (British Museum.)
. .
at Rome. (Photo. 130 by W. M. F. Petrie.) 133 Figure of Bes Tentyra. (Photo, by W. M. F. Petrie.) Phthah Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.) 132 Zeus Ammon Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.) 133' Pantheistic Zeus Sarapis Coin of Hadrian. (British .134 Museum.) 134 Temple of Zeus Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.). Zeus: Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.) 135 Hera: Coin of Nero. (British Museum.) 135 Poseidon Coin of Claudius II. (British Museum.) 135 135 Kybele: Coin of Julia Domna. (British Museum.) 136 Apollo: Coin of Nero. (British Museum.)
:
Soknopaiou Nesos (Photo by J. G. M.) Column with figures of priests

Stele from
:
in
Ghizeh Museum.
129
102. 103.
104.
Athene: Coin of Gallienus. (British Museum.) Temple of Athene Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British
.
136 136 136 137

137 137 138 138
Museum.)
105. 1 06.
Ares: Coin of Hadrian. (Bodleian.) Dionysos Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.) Pan: Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.).
.
xii
1'AGE
FIG.
107. 108.
(British Museum.) Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) e meter of Coin of (British Trajan. Persephone 109. Rape
II.
.
Hermes: Coin of Claudius

:
138 138
Museum.) no. Triptolemos Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum. in. Dioskouroi Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.) Coin of Trajan. (Bodleian.) 112. Herakles Coin of Severus Alexander. (British 113. Asklepios Museum.) Museum. Alexander. of Severus Coin (British 114. Hygieia: Coin of Hadrian. (Bodleian.) 115. Sarapis
:
138 139 139 139 140 140 140

141
116.
117.
Head
of Sarapis.
.
(Plaque in Petrie Collection.)

, . . . , .
.
118. 119.
1
20.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125. 126.
Temple of Sarapis; Coin of M. Aurelius. (British .141 Museum.) 141 Sarapeion and Hadrianon. (British Museum.) Museum. Hadrian. of Coin (British 142 Sarapis: Museum. Isis and Sarapis. ). (Vatican 142 Coin Isis of Museum. of ) Temple Trajan. (British 143 Isis Pharia: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) 143 Coin of Faustina II. (British Museum.) Isis Sothis 143 Isis: CoinofNerva. (Bodleian.) 144 Coin of M. Aurelius. (Bodleian.) Isis suckling" Horus 144 Bronze Sistrum at Naples. (Photo, by W. M. F.
.
....
Petrie.)
127.
child in military dress. (Terra-cotta In Petrie Collection.) Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.) 128. Harpokrates from Koptos. (Photo, by W. M. F. 129. Osiris with stars
: .
:
Horus as a
.......
.......
....
.
144
145 145
Petrie.)
130.
131.
132. 133.
Hermanubis Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.) Temple of Hermanubis: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) Temple of Nilus Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.
:
146 147
147 148 148 148 148
Nilus: Coin of Nero. (Bodleian.) 134. Nilus: Coin of Trajan. (British Museum.) 135. Euthenia: CoinofLivia. (British Museum.) Coin of Antoninus Pius. 136. Temple of Tyche *
:
(British
,
f
137.
138.
139. 140. 141.
142.
143.
Museum.) Tyche: Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.) Tyche of Alexandria Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) Coin of Hadrian. (British Museum.) Alexandria^: Roma: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.) Roma: Coin of Antoninus Pius. (Bodleian.) The White Monastery Old nave of church, now the courtyard. (Photo, by J. G. M.) The White Monastery: Walled-in columns of nave. (Photo, by J. G. M.)
:
. .
.
150 150
ICJQ
150 150 150

156
157
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
B.C.H. B.G.U.
B.M.
C.I. (jr.
.
. .
USED
Bulletin de Correspon dance Hell^nique. Griechische Urkunden aus den. Kg-1. Museen zu
Berlin. British Museum.
Corpus
,,
Iiiscriptionuni
,,
C.I.L.
Grsecarum. Lalinarum.
C.P.R. E.E.F.
,, Papyrorum Raineri. Egypt Exploration Fund.
G.G.P. G.G.P. G.O.P. M.A.

.
i.
ii.
.
M.G.
N.
et E.
Pap. Gen. P.S.B.A.
an Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and other papyri. Grenfell and Hunt, Greek Papyri ii. ,, ,, Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Muse"e d'Alexandrie. Musê de Ghizeh. Notices et Extraits des MSS. du Louvre. Papyrus de Gen&vc, ed. J. Nicole. Proceeding's of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
Grenfell,
R.A. R.E. R.E.G.

.
Revue
,,
Arch<k>logfique.
,,
Egyptologîque. des fitudes Grecques.
A HISTORY OF EGYPT ROMAN EGYPT

CHAPTER
r.
I
THE ORGANISATION OF EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS

of Egypt by the Romans produced change In the internal organisation of the country. It was always the policy of Roman statesmen, when a country possessing" a fully developed system of government was added to their empire, to interfere as little as and there was a possible with existing institutions special reason in the case of Egypt for adopting this
little
;
THE conquest
course.
spoil of
The country was,

;
In
a sense, the personal
fruit of his victory over a Roman rival, albeit a recreant to Roman ideas and, as the personal property of that rival's wife, was confiscated for the private
was the
Augustus while the older provinces of the Roman Empire had been won from foreign kings for the Republic by its generals and with Its armies, Egypt
;
benefit of the victor.

2. The elaborate system of government which had gradually been developed by the native and Greek kings was therefore taken over bodily by the Roman In all probability the lower grades of emperors. officials were left to complete their terms of office even in so high a position as that of epistrategos there
:
ORGANISATION OF EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS
found a Greek, Ptolemaios, the son of Henikleides, and as in later thirteen years after the conquest times that post was always held by a Roman, it may be presumed that he had continued in his place undisis
;
turbed by the change of dynasty. For, indeed, the Roman conquest of Egypt was practically nothing more than a change of dynasty, and was attended by far less disturbance than had many times been caused by the transference of power In the time of the native kings, which Augustus chose to follow 3. In the course with regard to the government of Egypt, he was guided partly by his personal claim explained above, and partly by considerations of prudence ^ the country was rich, and could easily furnish the materials for supporting a revolt while, at the same time, anyone who held Egypt could cause great inconvenience to the population of Rome without any further hostile measures than simply stopping the export of corn from Alexandria, and could thus practically starve Rome
:
;
Moreside, as Vespasian proposed to do.^ Egypt was difficult of access, especially from Rome there was only one harbour on the Mediterranean coast available for large vessels, at Alexandria ;^ and the approaches by land across the deserts, either from east or west, were dangerous for a body of any The Egyptians, too, were large number of men. the most trivial always ready for a disturbance question would raise faction-fights among the crowds of various nations and beliefs who inhabited Alexto
his
over,
5 andria/ while the inhabitants of the upper country from time to time took up arms to settle their local grievances < ) and from such small beginnings there
)
(i
serious troubles, unless prompt and vigorous measures were taken. In all these reasons lay a great argument for autocratic rule, which could act on such an occasion without the danger of delay which might arise from the necessity of consulting the senate, purely formal as the consultation might be, to get consent to measures which seemed good to the emperor. 4. Egypt was therefore treated as the personal domain
might
arise
THE PREFECT
of the
and from him, directly or Egyptian officials held their posts. To guard against any possibility of senatorial interference, no member of the senate was allowed to take office, or even to set foot, without the special leave of the emperor, in the country/ 7) The highest position was usually filled by a Roman of that of prefect 8 equestrian rank < > on one occasion at least a freedman/ 9) and on one an Alexandrian/ 10) who had obtained the Roman citizenship, were placed in this office. 'The prefect, nominally a procurator of the emperor, was really a viceroy, taking" almost the whole part played in the system of government by the Greek kings. His power was limited only by the right of appeal to the emperor and he was head of every branch of the 11 administration, financial, judicial, and military/ ) The sum -total that was to be raised by taxation was determined by the emperor but the prefect was responsible to him for the collection and transmission of the money to Rome/ -) and consequently was particularly concerned to supervise the collectors and other subordinate officials, with a view of keeping in check their exactions, which tended to diminish the revenues of the state 13 and also had to decide upon claims of exemption from taxation made by commun;
Roman emperor
indirectly, all the
>
ities
or individuals/ 11 )
The judicial
)
duties of the prefect,
which theoretically embraced all cases, both civil and criminal, were lightened by the .delegation of authority to lower officials;^ 5 but large numbers of legal questions came before him for settlement, as petitions
for the redress of injuries could be addressed directly to him/ 1 and he received appeals or references from the inferior courts/ 17) He went on circuit throughout the country, probably every year, to try such causes/ 18) He was also specially concerned to inquire into the 19) The efficiency of the police of the various districts/ nominations to subordinate offices and liturgies, and 2 ) and appeals against them, also came before him;( for official inquiries from him emanated the orders and returns, such as the census lists of persons and
*')

all
property of
kinds which were constantly required,

1
) for the safe keeping of these and other records/All the troops in Egypt were under his control, and
and
their complaints and disputes were specially referred 2 He held office at the will of the to him for decision/ -) and was not, apparently, appointed for any
emperor,
definite period
C23> the longest recorded tenure of the that of Vitrasius Pollio, who was in office being and he was Egypt for upwards of sixteen years assisted by a council of Romans, who sat in the
;
:
prsetorium/
25 )
absence acted for him/- 7 in His work lay chiefly hearing and deciding cases which had already been investigated by lower magis1 8) The trates, and referred by them to his jurisdiction/ majority of the prefects of Egypt would not be acquainted with legal procedure, and would require an assessor to help them in their judicial work. And he filled the the dikaiodotes was such an assessor He place taken by legatt juridicl in other provinces. was, like the prefect, appointed by the emperor himself,
circuit
the immediate subordinate 5. In judicial matters, of the prefect was the dikaiodotes/~ ) who went on
t;
with him, and
in his
'
and was usually a

6.
Roman
knight.
archidikastes/'
;
judicial officer was the according to Strabo, a His court usually sat at local Alexandrian judge/ 30) Alexandria but he had competence in civil cases from all parts of the country/31 ) and on one occasion Ls recorded to have tried a case at Memphis/ 3 -) He appears to have had special charge of the archives at Alexandria, and to have been the ordinary judge before
The only other purely

29)
who was,
whom civil
7.
to the
too,
cases were brought which Involved reference documents preserved in those archives. He,
citizen.
was usually a Roman
Immediately subordinate to the prefect there were, 33 ultimately, three epistrategoi/ ) appointed respectively for the Thebais, the Heptanomis and Arslnoite nome, and the Delta. In Upper Egypt such an official had existed in Ptolemaic times but no evidence for the
;
DIVISIONAL OFFICERS
appointment of an epistrategos either in Middle or Lower Egypt is found before the second century of the Empire. With one exception, to which reference has already been made, under Augustus, the epistrategoi were always, so far as is known, Romans they were the lowest of the imperial officials appointed from Rome, and as such were the usual delegates for the exercise of many of the powers nominally fulfilled by the prefect. They held no military authority, except in so far as the soldiers were employed for police duties but they frequently appear as competent judges in cases arising- in their dioceses, through which they went on circuit. (34 They were also charged with the task of choosing on behalf of the government, from names submitted to them by the local scribes, men to hold the unpaid offices, such as that of strategos or 35 gymnasiarch.^ ) A considerable part of their work, was that of intermediaries for the transmishowever,
;
;
sion to the authorities of the nomes of the orders of the prefect, and the obtaining for the central government of returns of taxation, population, and the like.W 8. Below the epistrategos came the strategos, W) who occupied the next step for the transmission to and fro of orders and returns. The unit of government for the strategoi was the nome ; though occasionally two nomes were temporarily united under one strategos,^ or one nome \vas divided between two strategoi. W) In judicial affairs, they were the usual recipients of complaints, where proceedings were to be taken under the civil law < 4 ) and for the purpose of hearing such they made circuits of their nomes, probably every month (41 ) but, except when the power was specially delegated to them by the prefect, dikaiodotes, or archidikastes, they
:
had no competence to deliver judgment <42> complaints, when received, were filed to await the visit of the In such cases, however, it is probprefect on circuit. able that the strategos made a preliminary investigation, to satisfy himself that there was a prwia facie and he certainly took evidence on oath, grievance 43 copies of which were filed like the complaints.^
:

all
census returns, whether of land, persons, were addressed to him, as well as to the In financial matters, census officers and scribes.
Copies of
or animals,
the strategos was responsible for the collection of the taxes in his nome, and consequently had to supervise the assessments of the districts into which it was divided, and to take steps to recover debts due for taxes ;(45 > he was also required to arrange the incidence of the various liturgies, such as the corvee for the maintenance of the dykes and canals. ( ) Strategoi were appointed for a period of three years, presumably from the inhabitants or property-holders of the nomes for which they were to hold office, by the epistrategoi, the nominations being confirmed by the prefect. W)
4(>1
They were chosen

and Egyptians
their office, security for
;
indifferently from Romans, Greeks, and were required, upon entry into to give up all other work, and to provide
the proper observance of their duties, besides taking an oath to act according" to la\v;( 48 ) while, at the close of their term, their accounts were subjected to an official audit before the prefect. 9. With the strategos was habitually associated the royal scribe, who was his assistant in all departments of his work, especially In receiving returns ( :'> and col-
and, on lecting evidence for legal proceedings ; occasion^ could act on his behalf.^ The royal scribe, to judge from the records preserved, served for about the same period as the strategos, though, in one
case at least, a scribe, Herakleides, was in office for over five years. He was probably also appointed In the same manner. Instances of the appointment of Romans to this post are rarer than to that of
strategos.
10. The nomarchs/ who had originally filled the chief positions in each nome, had been deposed from most of their functions by the strategoi but they were still retained under the latter as financial officers, and also appear to have had some special duties in connection with the transport of goods. <56 ) They exercised some supervision over the collection of the taxes/50)
54 )
;
VILLAGE AUTHORITIES
7
< 57 )
and the payment of the money to the local treasury. They were responsible for the performance of these
duties to the government, and were liable, in default of raising* the due amount of revenue, to have their 5S property confiscated. ( ) In connection with their position of supervisors of taxation, they were apparently ranked as the financial authorities for the various trades and occupations of the nome/ 59) 11. The records of the nome were kept by the bibliophylakes, with whom copies of all official documents were deposited/ 00) and who received notice of all 61 changes in the ownership of land/ ) together with of the nome returns from the landholders periodical 62 describing their property/ ) They were divided into two departments, the one concerned with the work of 33 ) land-registry/* the other with the financial statements of the district/ 04 ) The staff of the former at Arsinoe
numbered two.
12. The local government of the villages was in the hands of a number of officials, whose precise relationThe elders ship to each other is hard to determine. were probably responsible for the general management of affairs they were a body of men known in one instance to have numbered about ten, and in another four, and to have been of no very substantial position, possessing, in the first case, incomes of four or five hundred drachmae, and in the second eight hundred/ 06) They acted as intermediaries for the payment of taxes and were held liable to on behalf of their village (
;
(3
the authorities of the nome for the peace of its inhabitants which liability carried with it the duty of assisting to present malefactors for trial, and of collecting
;
evidence
when required/07 The elders probably formed the village council, 13. which is only known from a single instance, in which
)
its president appears as hiring two dancing-girls for the service of the village, doubtless to dance at a
festival/08)
village scribe was the person ultimately responsible for the supply of all the various items of
14.
The
ORGANISATION OF EGYPT UNDER THE ROWANS

:
it information required by the central government was he who drew up lists of the inhabitants of the village, their several holdings of land, the extent to, and manner in, which each holding was cultivated and generally g'ave all particulars necessary for the In assessment of the taxes upon each Individual. connection with this duty, he had also to supply the names of men suitable to be appointed to the liturgies of the village. < 09> 15. In his work of cataloguing the inhabitants, the village scribe was assisted by the laographoi, who were appointed in each village for the sole purpose of collecting census return s.^
;
16.
The agoranomoi
chiefly, if
( ri)
were village
officials
who
not entirely, occupied with the execution and registration of contracts, wills, and other The parties to the contract attended legal documents. before an agoranomos, and, after it was drawn up,
were
probably by the clerk, and signed, it was registered, and a copy deposited in the local archives.^ If the contract was not drawn up at the agoranomeion, notice had to be given there of its completion.^ In the
Arsinoite nome,
been made
contracts appear habitually to have the grapheion ; ( r ^ or, if completed 75 privately, to have been registered there < ) but it does not seem clear whether the grapheion was under the control of the agoranomos. was 17. The police administration of the under the general supervision of the two eirenarchai subordinate to them there were in each village one or two archephodoi, who were the officials responsible for the custody and production of offenders in court < 78 > in which duty the elders or others were sometimes associated with them/ 70) The euschemones and eirenophylakes appear to have held about the same rank, and to have performed similar duties to those of the The actual work of arrest was done by archephodoi. the lestopiastai or phylakes/81 ) the latter of whom were paid officers, and were divided into classes according to their work. In the maintenance of order, however,
at
:
nome^
FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION
the
assistance of the military was constantly summoned and the centurions of the Roman army were empowered to receive complaints, in the same manner
;
as the strategoi, with the addition that they could order the summary arrest of offenders. < s -> 1 8. There were also a number of officials in the towns and villages whose precise functions it is at the exegetai/ 83 ) present impossible to determine
:
84 euschemones/ ) kosmetai/ ) and gymnasiarchs.W These were probably all offices which were imposed as liturgies upon the wealthier members of the community and the holders of them shared with the elders the general management of the affairs of their town or In this capacity they could be called upon by villag'e. the higher officials to give such assistance as might be required in the government of the district, by col8r>
;
lecting taxes, arresting criminals, or supplying evidence with regard to the state of their local affairs. It is possible that the exegetai were introduced into the government of the towns when they were granted the privilege of electing senates but in Alexandria, at any rate, the office of exegetes was not dependent on the existence of a senate. 19. The revenues of the country, in addition to the general authority exercised over them by the prefect, received the special supervision of the idiologos, who was appointed by the emperor, and who, in view of
;
the position of Egypt in the imperial economy as the private property of the emperor, was virtually the steward of the country he was nominally subordinate to the prefect, but, being independently appointed, would be likely to serve as a check on any attempt to vary the imperial orders with regard to the taxation The directions as to the amount of of Egypt/ 87) revenue to be raised, its assessment, and the money when collected, passed along the usual channel of officials and subordinates, from prefect to strategos but the actual collection was done by a special body of officers, the praktores, who were divided into classes according" to the taxes with which they dealt poll
; ;
io

88)
;
5
'
tax/
01 and so corn tax/ 89) bath tax/ stephanikon, of the inhabitants number a this for forth purpose of each village of sufficient income which in one case was 1000 drachmae were chosen by the strategics That the from nominations by the village scribe/9 -) liturgy of collecting" taxes was a burdensome one, in respect of the time and expense involved, is shown by a deed in which a man who had been named as praktor appointed a deputy, and paid him 252 drachmae
)
and
yearly to do the work.W The praktores were assisted 94 by another body, the epiteretai ;< ) and, in the case of the wheat and barley taxes, by the paralemptai/ 95 ) The money taxes were usually paid into the public or other bank of the village/ 90 ) while the taxes in kind went to the village granary, which was in charge of the 97 sitologoi/ ) who had to make monthly returns as to the amount of corn stored therein. 20. In addition to the strategos of the nome, there was a second check upon the collection of corn in the dekaprotoi, who were appointed to hold office in the toparchies, into which the nomes were divided, and to 118 supervise the storage of grain in the granaries/ ) 21. The collection of customs-duties at the stations on the Nile and on the roads leading across the desert, was in the hands of companies of farmers <") and other indirect taxes, such as the fees on sales and on the registration of contracts, were likewise farmed/ 100 ) That the position of farmer of taxes was not a very profitable one, and, in fact, was probably little better than a liturgy, especially after Nero had reformed the system of collection by publishing tariffs, may be gathered from the reluctance to continue their work which is sometimes stated to have been shown by the farmers, and from the special orders which had to be issued by the prefects against compelling them to undertake the duties/ 101 ) The collection of some taxes, such as the poll tax, appears at some places to have been done indifferently by the farmers of the customs and the praktores <102> it may be surmised that the latter, in places where a body of farmers existed, made
;
:
CITY GOVERNMENT
11
some arrangement with them to take over the work of revenue collection. 22. The domain lands, consisting* of the large properties which had belonged to the Ptolemies, together with the possessions of state debtors, and those for which no heirs or claimants appeared, were 103 ) administered, under the idiologos, by a dioiketes who was probably, like the idiologos, always a Roman and a body of epitropoi or procurators/ 104 )
<
23. The administration of the large towns naturally stood on a somewhat different footing to that of the Alexandria had been deprived of its senate villages. 105) but it still enjoyed a separate body of by Augustus
<
;
specially nominated by the prefect himself/ 100) The exegetes answered to the strategoi of the nomes, having the general charge of the government of the city, and was privileged to wear the purple. The hypomnematographos was the counterpart of the royal scribes, and acted as the clerk of the city. The local courts were presided over by the archidikastes, who had also, however, as has been seen above, extraneous functions. There was, naturally, a body of police, whose commander was dignified with the title of strategos and in addition to the agoranomoi and
officers,
;
who were
gymnasiarchs, whose place was similar to that which they held in the country towns, there was at least one imperial procurator of Neapolis and the Mausoleum of Alexander specially attached to Alexandria. < 107 The Alexandrian citizenship in itself carried certain more or less substantial privileges, the chief of which was the exemption from poll tax and liturgies ; the citizens also shared in the distributions of corn, and were entitled to be scourged with rods instead of whips ; and it was only through the Alexandrian citizenship that an Egyptian could attain to the Roman, until Caracalla gave the latter privilege broadcast to all the 108^ Severus had, a few years previously, provincials/ restored their senate to the Alexandrians < 109) but there is no evidence to show how far it superseded the previous form of government.
;
12
24. At Ptolemais- Hermiou, the administration of the city on the Hellenic pattern, with archons and its foundation by the a senate, established on Ptolemies, was seemingly left to subsist as it stood by 110 Augustus/ ) and Naukratis also probably preserved its 111 separate magistrates/ ) Antinoopolis was built and as a Greek state, with a senate, Hadrian organised by 11 -) And at the end of the century tribes/ and prytany, the chief tow ns of the nomes were granted the privilege 11:! 114 of self-government. Arsinoe/ > Ilerakleopolis/ ) 115 ) ^ lli ^ are known and Hermopolis/ Oxyrhynchos
r
instances,
but
its
doubtless
senate.
nome had
in
archons
At Thebes H7 also there were the time of Hadrian in this case, however,
(
every other
)
;
metropolis of
the office
was probably a
religious
one,
as
it
was
in
hereditary, and the political importance of the second century was extremely small.
Thebes
25. So far as can be ascertained from the scanty evidence, the reorganisation of Egypt, which took place at the end of the third century, under Diocletian, effected more change in the titles than in the actual duties of the officials concerned in the government. The prefect of Egypt, to whose province Upper and Lower Libya that is, Gyrene and Paraitonium were Middle and added, received the title of Augustalis. Lower Egypt, with Libya, were under his special and in place of the epistrategoi of the supervision Thebaid, Heptanomis and Delta are found in the time of Theodosius II., the presides of Arcadia,
;
Augustamnica Secunda, Thebais, and Aegyptiaca, and of the two divisions of Libya, and the corrector of Augustamnica Prima. The military forces were placed under a dux, whose authority extended over 'the whole
country,
split
till
about 380 A.D., when the province was
three military divisions the limes Aegypti, including Lower and Middle Egypt, under a comes the Thebaid, under a dux and the two divisions of Libya, likewise under a dux.( UH) 26. The prefect of Egypt was not only deprived of his control of the troops by the appointment of the
up
;
into
BYZANTINE OFFICIALS
;
13
comes under the Diocletianic reorganisation he was also superseded in his financial duties by a new official,
who apparently took the place of the but was not, as he had been, subordinate to the prefect. The dioiketes, who had special charge of the imperial domain land, continued to exist with the 119 changed title of epitropos of the royal property/ ) the subordinate officials the 27. Among* strategoi almost disappear in the Byzantine period, and their place appears to have been taken in the Arsmoite nome by the pagarchs, who were not, however, like them, appointed to the charge of a nome, but merely to thatof a pagus or division of a nome/ 1 - ) In the Herniopolite nome the prsepositus pagi held an identical 121 At Oxyrhynchos there is found another position/ official, the logistes, who more nearly resembled the strategos in the extent of his jurisdiction over the whole nome, and who fulfilled similar duties < 12 he is once associated with the strategos/ 123 ) 28. The local government of the towns continued in the hands of the senates while in the villages the elders likewise remained as the chief authorities of A few other minor officials appear their districts/ 124 the ephor and the quadrarius, associated with the komarch, and subordinate to the pra^positus pagi, and the exactores, who had taken the duties of tax collection which formerly belonged to the praktores : these were appointed by nomination for one year, a second year of office only being allowed if such were the custom of the district, or if no other suitable persons could be
the catholicus,
icliologos,
)
:
'-)
found/ 125 >

29. The military authorities still took a considerable part in the administration of justice, especially with regard to criminal offences. The correspondence of Flavins Abinnaeus, prefect of the camp at Dionysias in the reign of Constantius IL, shows that complaints were frequently laid before him with petitions for redress against injuries ; and the superior officer whose aid he was requested to invoke was the dux, another 120 ) That his judicial functions were military official/
i4
perhaps somewhat irregular, may be gathered from the fact that on one occasion a serious dispute as to jurisdiction arose between him and the civil officials,/ -")
1
However, though as a military officer he may not have possessed any statutory powers in such legal matters, and he his authority was unquestionably recognised had the great advantage over the local officials, that his decisions could be promptly enforced by the soldiers
;
under his command. It was probably this consideration more than any other which caused the frequent
reference of criminal cases in Egypt to military officers. 30. In the sixth century fresh officials occur in subordinate posts : the epimeletes of the public treasury d-8) the ethnikos and embolator or arkarikarios, who were both collectors of taxes < 129) the pronoetes, who was But it is interesting" to also a financial official. ( 13 )
;
observe how almost the whole government of a village, apart from the mere duties of tax-collection, seems to have passed into the hands of the wealthy landed proprietor in some cases in the Oxyrhynchite nome, where the leading house was that of Flavins Apion ; so that on one occasion a village actually describes that house as its pagarch. This custom had been attacked by the laws against patronage but the orders of the government were of little avail against the needs of the Egyptians. < 131 > [See Note IX., p. 216, for a comparison of the ancient and modern local government of Egypt.]
;
CHAPTER
II
THE FIRST CENTURY OF ROMAN RULE

30 B.C. -68 A.D.
IN EGYPT,
AUGUSTUS.
30 B.C.-I4 A.D.
Alexandria SokNikopolis. nopaiou Ncsos peribolos of temple of outside Soknopaios. Tentyra: hypostyle, back wall, east and west walls of great temple of Isis Typhonium. temple Koptos: small chapel. Philas: east wall, temple K east and north walls, temple Talmis J. Debot west wall of temple. temple. Den.duri front wall of temple. Pselkis pronaos completed. [In almost all the cases where the name of Augustus appears on buildings, it merely shows that a work previously
Buildings.
: :
begun was
is
being*
carried
on.
The
small chapel at Koptos
have been entirely
built in
The dedicated for him. inscription from Soknopaiou Nesos in the Ghizeh Museum refers to a building which has probably been destroyed. The
temple of Isis at Tentyra was
building of Nikopolis
Inscriptions.
perhaps an exception, and may The propylon of the his reign.
Is mentioned by Dio Cassius (li. 18).] L.D. iv. 69, 70, 71, 72, 73. Demotic Greek: C.I.G. 4715, 4723, 4909, 5080; M.A. 32. 6r, 65 App. iii. i Rec. Trav. 1890, p. 62 Lumbroso, Document! Greci del Mus. Egiz. di Torino, App. II. Trilingual Sitzungsb. d. Kaiserl. Akad, zu Berlin, 1896, p. 469. B.G.U. 174, 189, 543, 580; G.G.P. I. 45, 46, iL 40; Papyri. C.P.R. 224; Petrie, Hawara, p. 36, No. 244; Pap. B.M.
Hieroglyphic
;
L.D.
vi.
;
256 d, e, 262, 354. Ostraka. B.M. 12,612, 12,618 (R.E.

i.
iv. p.
183).
deaths of Antony and Cleopatra secured the immediate recognition of Augustus as their successor
15
THE
i6
THE FIRST CENTURY

and he was thus Rome, leaving* to the prefect the work connected with the settlement
;
by the population of Lower ligypt

able to return to greater part of the
Before his of the country. departure, however, he took three steps to impress upon the Greeks of Alexandria that they were no longer to look for special privileges as from rulers of their own race, or to arrogate to themselves the position of a sovereign class. In addition to depriving them of their senate/ '"-) and thus destroying the most characteristically Hellenic part of he local the government, granted to the Jews of the city a renewal of all the rights
1
privileges which they had enjoyed under the Ptolemies, thus placing them on a position of equality with the Greeks, or even of superiority for, FIG. i. on the one hand, they were Augustus: Temple K, allowed to choose an ethnarch or a council of elders to regulate their own affairs, ( ) while the Greeks lost their right to elect a senate though, on the other, they were liable to pay the poll tax, from which the Greeks were free* These concessions were granted to the Jews by Augustus, to whom that nation had been of considerable service, the teeth of a request from the Greeks for their refusal. The third blow aimed at the Greek population, which if it had succeeded in its object would have been the heaviest of all, was the foundation of a new city, named Nikopolis, four miles east of Alexandria/ 134 ) To this Augustus seemingly designed to remove the seat of government and the official
and
l;!:>1
SUBJUGATION OF UPPER EGYPT

celebrations of religion,
But the new settlement never
only continued to exist as the camp of the Roman

garrison.
2.
flourished,
and
of
The submission Lower Egypt to the

government
Roman
did not carry with it that of the southern

districts,
which
little
for
many
years had been
subject in
more
than name to the kings of Egypt. So the first

duties which
fell
to the
Fl ^ 2. Augustus adoring Isis: Tentyra. prefect, Cornelius in consisted Gallus, suppressing- disturbances up the
new
country.
Heroopolis was the
first city
to rise against
[29 B.C.
p IG>
the
'
3.
philoe
Temple
'
of Hathor.
l35 Romans, and to be retaken.< > V 2

' '
A more
widely
''
'
i8
THE FIRST CENTURY
[30 B.C.-68 A.D.
spread revolt was caused in the Thebaid by the arrival of the Roman tax-collectors but the Egyptians were no match for the legions
which
fifteen
followed.
In
days the rebels were crushed in two

pitched battles, and the country was secured by the reduction of the towns of Boresis, Koptos, Keramike, Diospolis,
and Ophieum.
The
FIG.
Khnura forming Augustus, and 4. Hekt giving him life Tentyra.

:
prefect marched on to Syene, and on the island of Phil 32 met
ambassadors
of
the
First
king of the Ethiopians.
The region beyond the
FIG.
5.
-Talmis: Front of Temple.
Cataract had been for over a century entirely independent of Egypt and Gallus, not caring to venture into
;
THE EARLIEST PREFECTS
19
unknown country, came to terms with the ambassadors^ by which the border territory known as the Triakontaschoinoi was constituted a Roman protectorate, but 180 ) left in the hands of the Êthiopians/ 3. This easy conquest of the country was celebrated
by Callus with such extravagant praise of himself, that
he aroused the displeasure of his master. He caused statues to be set up in his honour, and inscriptions co be carved on public buildings and Augustus, lest the Egyptians should hold the viceroy above the emperor, recalled him from his province; whereupon he. committed suicide/ 187 Gains Petronius, was called upon 4. His successor, to suppress a rising of the Alexandrians probably one
;
28 B.C.
FIG.
6.
Tentyra
Temple from the
south.
of the general riots in which the turbulent mob of the chief city of Egypt indulged from time to time/ 138 ) and the soldiers It was, at any rate, easily quelled were turned to the more useful task of clearing the
;
irrigation canals, which had silted up during the reigns of the later Ptolemies to such an extent as seriously to
diminish the amount of land available for cultivation/ 189 ) successfully accomplished, so that a rise of twelve cubits at Memphis, when the Nile -was in flood, conferred as much benefit on the country as one of fourteen had done in previous years. Gallus, the third prefect, was specially 5. Êlius commissioned to subdue the districts of Êthiopia, Trogodytica, and Arabia. Through these the tradeand the routes from Central Africa and India ran
The work was
THE FIRST CEN TURY

Y
[30 n.r.-fiR A. p.
Romans, imagining that the valuable goods which they received along these channels were produced by their
OJ
immediate neighbours, designed to get into their

of districts possession such wealth. Callus accordingly built a fleet at
Cieopatris,
and sailed to
attack Arabia with a force of 10,000 Roman troops, 1000 Nabatasans, and $00 Jews, the two latter contingents being supplied by the client-kings Obodas and Herod. The expedition
landed at Leuke on the Arabian coast, where it wintered, and moved forward in the
Kome
FIG,
7.
Augustus: Taluiis.
spring into the territory of the Sabccans. But by the time that the Romans had reached the Sabaian capital, Mariaba, although they had nowhere met the Arabian forces In a regular battle, they had suffered so much from disease and want of water, that Gallus determined on retreat, without making any serious attempt on the town ;
and withdrew his troops to Nera Kome, whence he returned by way of Myos Hormos and Kop6.
FIG.
8.
The expedition had

through the
Augustus
Debut.
failed largely
INVASION OF ARABIA
21
ignorance or Incapacity of the prefect, who had wasted and forces by an unnecessarily long" voyage and march. If he had obtained proper information about the country he intended to invade, as he might easily have done from merchants, he could have learnt that the route to be followed was the more southerly one from Berenike to the island Katakekaumene. It was possibly on account of this failure that, in the followhis time
FiG.
ing"
9.
Talmis
Temple from behind.
year, the government of Egypt Is found In the hands of Gaius Petronius once more.< 141 During the
)
absence of Êlius Gallus in Arabia, the /Ethiopians had taken the opportunity to break off the friendly relations which .Cornelius Gallus had established with them; and their muster of 30,000 Ill-armed men had seized Syene, Elephantine, and Philse, defeating the
three
district.
cohorts which were stationed in that Petronius, however, brought up a force of 10,000 infantry and 800 cavalry, and drove them back
Roman
THE FIRST CENTURY
[30
UoC~
to Pselkis. There three clays were spent in fruitless negotiations, at the close of which the Romans defeated
them, and successively stormed Pselkis, Premls, and the Êthiopian capital Nabata. Leaving* a garrison,
FIG. io,
Denclur
Temple,
FIG.
1 1.
Pselkis
Temple and Pylon.
WARS ON THE SOUTHERN FRONTIER
23
Petronius returned to Alexandria, only to be recalled next year by the news that his garrison was besieged. It was, however, speedily relieved ; and Kandake, the queen of the Êthiopians, sent ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace, which was granted, and their territory evacuated/ 142 ) A part of the Roman protectorate of the Triakontaschoinoi the district between Syene, the former frontier town, and Hiera Sykaminos, known as the Dodekaschoinoi was, however, now definitely
FIG. 12.
H era Sykaminos
i
Temple,
occupied by Roman troops as a military frontier, seemingly not subject to the civil authorities, and not 14:! From organised, like the rest of Egypt, as a nome.( this time the relations of Egypt and Êthiopia remained on the whole peaceful. A few years later a mission from Kandake into Roman territory left a record on return at Pselkis < 144 ) but with this exception its nothing" is heard of the Êthiopians for many years after the expedition of Petronius.
>
;
THE FIRST CENTURY

TIBERIUS,
14-37.
[3UU.C-6S
A,
Philse: temple J, west wall; east wall and wall of Buildings. colonnade F colonnade D. door ; hypostyle, temple Ombos temple. Apollinopolis Parva ; temple of Isis peribolos. Koptos : temple of Ptolemy XIII. Tentyra pronaos, Athribis pronaos of temple of Thriphis. [The building's executed under Tiberius at Philas were all continuations of earlier undertaking's ; as was the work on the At Apollinopolis Parva, temples at Koptos and Ombos. Tentyra, and Athribis, additions were made or completed to old temples.] Hieroglyphic L.D. iv. 74, 75, 76; Petrie, Kopios T Inscriptions. xxvi. 6, 7, 8. Demotic: L.D. vi. 26, 2*7, 33. Greek: C.I. (3.
4711, 4716, 4716 b, 4963, 5074; M.A. 64; App. iii. 2, 3; Rec. Trav. 1890, p. 62. Latin C.I.L. iii. 6589. P.S.B.A. vii. pp. nff., Nos. 12, 13, 19, 21, pp. 195^., Ostraka.
Hi.
:
No.
Papyri.
ix. p. 198,
No.
4.
636; Petrie, Hawara, p, 36, Nos. 41, 60, 166, K 208, 212-4, 238; Pap. B.M. 195, 256 n, 276, 277, 357, 445. Miscellaneous. A stele of Tiberius adoring- Horns and Isis (M.O.)
197,
B.G.U.
from Apollinopolis Parva

Koptos,
p. 22).
a similar stele from Koptos
(Petrie,
7. During- the remainder of the reign of Augustus, and the whole of that of Tiberius, Egypt remained in a state of comparative tranquillity so that by the tenth year of the latter emperor the three Roman legions which had formed the original garrison of the country had been already reduced to two/ 145 The strict watch which Tiberius kept upon his ministers tended to preserve this tranquillity, by checking" any exaction or oppression on the part of the officials which might
;
GOOD GOVERNMENT OF TIBERIUS

have given occasion
for disturbances
25
among
the people.
FIG. 13.
Tiberius: Philne.
Thus he rebuked the
prefect Êmilius Rectus,
who
sent
FIG, 14.
Philse:
West
side of Great Ccmrt.
to
Rome
a larger amount of tribute than that which
THE FIRST CENTURY

had been
them.<
8.
146 >
[30 B.C.-68 A,r>.
fixed, for flaying his
sheep instead of shearing

in
The same
strictness
appears
his
1
censure
of
Germanicus Caesar, who, when sent out as governor of the East, took the opportunity of visiting Egypt on an
.M:
>l
'
^yî
$4^1
Mi Si
1
1!
,/*M$
1*?;^
FlG.
13.
Tentyra: Portico of Temple,
(Photo, by
W, M.
F. Petrie.)
antiquarian tour, ascending the Nile as far as Syene. He had, however, omitted to obtain permission from the emperor, and had thus broken the law laid down by Augustus, which forbade any Roman citizen of
senatorial rank, without such permission, to enter Alexandria: he had also taken upon himself to open the public granaries in a time of scarcity, and allow the stores of wheat hoarded there to be sold, thus lowering the price of grain and had gone about among- the
;
VISIT
OlP
GERMANTCUS
27
acts
people in a Greek dress without guards, ^^ All these were capable of treasonable interpretation, especl?
FIG. 17.
Stole of Tiberius adoring Isis

1
and Horns, In Ghizdi
Museum,
ally
(Photo,
bj J. G, IL)
when done
in -Egypt, the province
which gave to
THE FIRST CENTURY

its
[jo
possessor the command of Rome, and which was always ready to embark on a new course of sedition
with any leader
who might
call to
it
and they were
visited with severe reproof
by Tiberius.
CALIGULA,
37-41-
hyposlyle of great Koptos passage dedicated to Khem-ra. [The buildings of this reign were apparJBitiJdings.-
-Tout yra
temple.
ently only continuations of the older
works.
Inscriptions.
Greek: C.I.G,
L.D. iv. >;(x Hieroglyphic iii. 5101; Sitzungsb.

:
der Kgl. Preuss. Akacl. 1887, p. 419, No. 125. Latin: P.S.R.A. xviii. p.
107.
Os/raka.T>.S. B. A. v. pp. 84 ft, K. 3VI, 5790 vii. pp. 1 1 ff. No. 20. /VT/^r/.C.P.R. 242; Pap. H.M. 177.
,
e;
9. The last of the prefects appointed by Tiberius, Avillius Flaccus, succeeded for some years in keeping the various factions in Egypt quiet, if not satisfied, by
administering- even-handed justice to all ranks and classes alike, and by holding firmly under control both
ANTI-JEWISH .RIOTING
But the Alexandrian mob and the Roman soldiery. on the death of Tiberius the reins of empire passed into the weaker hands of Caland the old - standing igula enmity of Greeks and Jews soon
;
found
the
for
an
occasion
for
open
of
conflict in the eccentricities
The signal the outbreak was given by
new emperor.
the arrival of Agrippa at Alexandria on his way to the kingdom which his friendship with Caligula had secured him. The Jewish account of what followed, given by Philo and Josephus,
the whole Fia .__ C throws aligula I9 blame on the Greeks but it may the of visits be remarked that Agrippa and son to Alexandria were always coincident with riots. The newly-made king was well known to the Alexand in his sudden elevation andrian money-lenders from bankruptcy to a throne the mob saw an opportunity for the coarse humour in- which they delighted: they dressed up an idiot with a paper crown, and led him about the streets in mockery of the parvenu The disturbance once begun, as the Greeks king. might feel certain that Agrippa would lay the Jewish
naturally
case before his friend the emperor, they proceeded to find a justification for their actions in the plea that the Jews had disregarded the order of Caligula for the erection of statues of himself in all temples, and to enter the Jewish synagogues for the purpose of placing therein such statues. By this stroke of policy they got the prefect on their side, and induced him to withdraw from the Jews the rights of citizenship, to have thirtyeight of the Jewish elders scourged by the public executioner, and to order all the houses in the Jewish quarter Meanwhile the to be searched for concealed arms. Greeks plundered and slew the Jews at their will. 10. The attempts of the Jewish community to lay
THE FIRST CENTURY
[30 p,,,c~68 A. D
a complaint before the emperor were suppressed by His inFlaccus, until Agrippa took up their cause.
was sufficient to secure the disgrace and recall of the prefect, for which a colourable pretext might be found in the facts that he had not been able to keep the
fluence
peace
ship
:
powers
in his province, and had certainly exceeded his in depriving the Jews of the rights of citizen-
although neither of these arguments would be
FIG, 20.
Alexandria: Ruins of the Gymnasium. Egypt.)
(Ainslio,
Views
in
likely to
have any great weight with Caligula
in the
actual decision of the case, as the riots had "arisen over the question of his own deification, and the had
been punished
ii.
Jews
for
precautions talên tion of Flaccus serve to

^
The
opposing his wishes.

in effecting the
deporta-
the strong position held by a prefect of Egypt. JA centurion "was specially despatched from Rome wijth a cohort of soldiers, and, on approaching Alexandria], waited till night fell before
sjhow
JEWISH REPRISALS
He then hurried to suprise the prefect before any news of the arrival of the Roman vessel could reach him, arrested him at a supper party,
he entered the harbour.
and took him back on board without delay. 12. Agrippa had effected the disgrace of Flaccus
but he was unable to procure a favourable hearing at Rome for an embassy which the Jews sent to lay their case before Caligula. This embassy, which^vas headed by Philo, was confronted by another representing; the and the tteeGreeks, whose spokesman was Apion parties exhausted themselves in running about the palace after the emperor, and endeavouring to get a few arguments or explanations interposed in the discussion of domestic trivialities which occupied most of the attention of the court. Finally, as the only question of importance appeared to be the worship of the emperor, the Jews were glad to be dismissed by him with an affectation of contemptuous pity for a people who could not recognise that he was a god/ 148)
;
CLAUDIUS.
41-54.
columns of great corner pillars of Latopolis west pronaos and columns. Philse colonnade. [Under Claudius the records of building refer only to the continuations of work
Buildings. temple.
Tentyra
previously beg-un.]
Inscriptions.
78.
j
Hieroglyphic
5.
L.
D.
iv.
77,
Greek: C.I.G. M.A. 47 App. iii. 4,

vii.
iii.
4956, 4697 b ; Latin : C.I.L.
i-
37? 38,
39;
pp. nff., No. 14. Papyri. B.G.U. 37, 177, 297, 584, 611, 713; G.G.P. ii. 41; C.P.R. 4; G.O.P. B J 39 a 1 39 t> l6 5-
iii. 6624. Osfrakon. P.S.B.A,
>
13. Agrippa reappeared in the tumults which broke and out at Alexandria after the death of Caligula on this occasion the Jews were unquestionably the aggressors. They hoped to be able, under an emperor
;
THE FIRST CENTURY

who was more
[30 B.C. -63 A. n.
favourably disposed towards their nation than the late one had been, to take vengeance on the Greeks
;
and Agrippa, whose influence
was
still
strong*
at
Rome,
procured the countenance of Claudius for their claims and the restoration of the rights of
and self-government which had been conferred upon them by Augustus. He went so far as to appear in public at Alexandria, and read aloud the
citizenship
21.
Claudius
Philse.
imperial edict for the protection of thejews.< 149>
FIG. 22.
Latopolis
Capitals of columns.
(Photo, by
W. M.
F. Petrie.J
TRADE WITH THE EAST
33
14. The hatred of Jews and Greeks, however, was not likely to be stilled by such measures, and when the younger Agrippa, who had been made king of Chalkis by Claudius, came to play the same part at Alexandria as his father, the Greeks, resenting his interference in their affairs, despite his friendship with the emperor, sent an embassy under Isidores the gymnasiarch to Rome to make formal complaint of his behaviour/150 ) 15. Since the time of the expedition of JElius Gallus
FlG. 23.
Hermopolis Magna
Temple.
(Description de 1'Egypte.
into Arabia, the brought into the
Romans had learnt that the goods Red Sea ports by Arab vessels came,
not from Arabia, but from India; and they rapidly took the trade into their own hands. The discovery was partly made by accident, when, in this reign, a Roman tax-collector was driven by a storm from the coast of Arabia to Ceylon < 151 ) but the government took systematic measures to secure the monopoly for In. addition to steps for ships from Egyptian ports.
;
THE FIRST CENTURY
[30 H.C.-68 A.D
the suppression of piracy in the Red Sea, a Roman fleet was sent about this time against Adane, the chief trading -centre of the Arabian coast, and destroyed
15 it/ -) apparently for purely commercial reasons ; and a special customs tariff was adopted, favouring the direct
Indian trade by the imposition of a heavy import duty of twenty-five per cent, on goods from Arabian ports. The development of trade, together with the 1 6. advantages secured to the Egyptians by a settled and careful government, chief amongst which was the improvement of the irrigation system, brought a renewal of prosperity to the country, which was marked by the reopening of the Alexandrian mints under Claudius. Very little fresh coinage was put into circulation in the reign of Augustus, and by the time of Caligula the It now, issue of local money had entirely stopped. however, recommenced, and considerable issues of the debased silver tetradrachms, which served as the
Alexandrian stater, were made. Still larger quantities were struck under Nero indeed, so numerous were the coins then put into circulation, that in the hoards of the succeeding century they habitually form one-half of the
;
total
sum/ 153
NERO.
54-68.
Buildings. Karanis propylon of temple of Pnepheros. Tentyra: east wall, colonnades, and columns of great temple. Koptos: temple of Ptolemy XIII. Ombos : west colonnade. [The only building of Nero which appears to have been more than a continuation of previous work is the propylon at Karanis, which may have been erected wholly in
:
Illahun, p.
Demotic L. D. Greek: C.I.G. iii. 4699; M.A. 144. c vii. R.E.G. No. 10 Petrie, 99, p. 284, 32; E.E.F. Report, 1895-96, p. 16, No. 2. Latin:
:
this reign,] Inscriptions. Hieroglyphic Petrie, Koptos, xxvi, 9.

vi.
;
L.D.
iv. 79,
80
C.I.L.
iii.
30.
Ostmka.
vii.
P.S.B.A. v. pp. 84^, B.M. 5790 k, B.M. [no number]; pp. ii ff., Nos. 1 6, 22.
JEWISH RISING
35
Papyri. B.G.U. 112, 181, 379, 591, 612, 650, 748; G.O.P. i. 99; Pap, B.M. 154, 181, 280, 281. Miscellaneous. Stele of Nero adoring- Min, from Koptos, Petrie,
Koptos,
p. 22.
17. A fresh and unusually serious and Jewish factions broke out soon
riot of the
Greek
after the
accession of Nero.
It
was provoked by the expedition of a large body of Egyptian Jews to

Palestine, with the object of setting Jerusalem free from Roman rule.
The
expedition itself was fruitless,
but the religious fervour which had inspired it and sent it out, found further vent in a quarrel at Alexandria, where the Jews attacked the amphitheatre in which the Greeks were assembled, alleging the illtreatment of certain of their fellows in justification and, but for the
;
FIG. 24.
Nero Tentyra.
:
2 Ej
Karanis
Interior of
Petesouchos,
Temple of Pnepheros and (Photo, by J. G. M.)
THE FIRST CENTURY
[30 B.C.-C8 A.TX
active interposition of the prefect with a number of the Jewish elders, would have set fire to it. The Greeks naturally indulged in reprisals, until the Roman garrison had to be called out to protect the Jews, and
secure them in their

1
own
quarter/
154)
Apart from Alexandria, however, Egypt was peace ful. Even on the southern frontier the tribes of the desert had ceased from troubling in great measure, no doubt, because of the waste which had been made of the debat
8.
;
ops
FIG. 26.
Nero
Ombos.
able ground above the First Cataract, and which secured peace because there was no plunder. A tribune, sent with a scouting party from Syene to Meroe, found nothing along the banks of the Nile but desert/ 153) 19. This mission was connected with a great scheme of conquest in the Eastern provinces to which Nero
was devoting
]
his attention. One of the objects was the invasion of Ethiopia and for this purpose, just before his fall he despatched to Alexandria some of the
;
German legions/ 150
year previously he had seem-
PROSPERITY OF EGYPT
ingiy
37
been expected at Alexandria, as coins were struck bearing the type of the galley which was to 15r convey him ; ( ) and when he heard of the proclama-
FIG. 27.
Karanls
Gateway of Nero
in
Temple
J.
of PnepherOs
and
Petasoyphos,
(Photo, by
G.
M.)
tion of
Galba as emperor by the troops, and of his
approach, he thought of retiring to Egypt, or even of asking for the position of prefect of that country.^ 158 )
.
20,
On
the whole, the internal condition of -Egypt
'
38
THE FIRST CENTURY
had steadily improved during" the first century of its government by the Romans. The immediate results of the conquest by Augustus, it is true, had not been favourable to its prosperity the trade and agriculture had been rapidly deteriorating under the later Ptolemies, and the sudden removal of all the portable property
;
a large from the country,, did not tend to improve matters. There was no remission of taxation a large quantity of corn was withof the court,
representing"
amount of
capital,
the rate drawn yearly as tribute of interest was high eighteen per
;
one early cent./ ) at any rate instance; though shortly afterwards the rate, subsequently normal, of twelve per cent, is found ( T0 ) and all signs point to a general scarcity The consequence of these difficulties may of money. partly be traced in the several outbreaks under But gradually, under the care of a sucAugustus. cession of able prefects, the state of the country was The frontiers were secured against inimproved. vasion by the defeat of the /Ethiopians by Petronius the external trade of the country was enlarged by the development of the Red Sea traffic with India and the East measures were taken, notably by Claudius, for the extension of manufactures and mineral workings ; and the government encouraged agriculture by restoring the means of irrigation in the cleansing of the canals, first done by Petronius in the reign of Augustus, and subsequently by Balbillus in that of Nero. The increase in general prosperity is marked by the large issues of fresh coinage under Claudius and Nero. The decree of the inhabitants of Busiris and the Letopolite nome in honour of Nero and his prefect Balbillus, < 101 > which styles Nero the Agathos Daimon of the world, is probably more than a mere empty formula, and shows the actual feeling of the people towards the government which had done so much to improve the condition of the country.
FIG. 28.
Galley of
150
Nero.
(Bodleian.)
CHAPTER
A CENTURY
GALBA.
68-69.
III
OF PROSPERITY, 68-182 A.D.
Buildings.
inet
Thebes small temple of MedHabu. [At Thebes, the work done in previous
:
reigns Galba.]
Inscriptions.
was
still
continued
under
iv.
Hieroglyphic: L.D.
So,
Greek: C.LG. iii. 4957; tos, c. vi. No. ii.

i.
Petrie,
Kop-
THE
legions sent to
Egypt by Nero went no farther
FIG. 29.
Galba: Thebes.
than Alexandria, and were recalled immediately on the accession of Galba ;< ir>2 > since the idea of an invasion
so
A CENTURY OF PROSPERITY
[68-182 A.D
of ./Ethiopia was not one that was likely to attract the new emperor, and If that project was dropped, there was no need whatever for increasing- the garrison of two legions in Egypt.
OTHO.
69.
Thebes door of small temple Buildings. of Mcdinct Habu. [The building- at Thebes was a continuation of earlier work.]
:
Inscription.
Hieroglyphic: L.I),
iv. So.
2.
These two lesions at
first
showed no
desire to
FIG. 30.
Otho
Thebes.
EMPEROR-MAKING
rival the
1
41
Roman armies of the West in the work of making emperors. They took the oath of allegiance to Galba, and on his murder they accepted Otho with
) The three months' reign of Otho, equal readiness. however, did not seemingly give time for the news of his accession to spread over Egypt generally beyond Alexandria coins were struck there for him at the imperial mint, but in the official and other documents of the upper country no emperor is usually recognised between Galba and Vespasian/ 104 and Otho's name appears only in a single inscription on one of the temples whose erection was continued through all the changes of rulers.
( 1<;:5 ; )
VITELLIUS
3. The news of the proclamation of Vitellius by the troops in Germany, however, induced the Egyptian army to take action, and they joined with the other legions of the East in finding* a candidate of their own. In less than three months after the death of Otho and the accession of Vitellius, Vespasian, who had already been hailed as emperor by the troops under his com-
mand
in Syria,
105 With by the prefect Tiberius Julius Alexander/ the support of all the legions of Syria and Egypt, he was secure in the possession of the East, and might have starved out Rome by simply cutting off the Egyptian corn supplies, as indeed he was advised to do by But be preferred to take more speedy Mucianus.( 1G(i measures, and sent Mucianus with his own son Domi) )
was formally proclaimed
at Alexandria
tian to crush the forces of Vitellius in Italy.
YESPAS1ANUS.
69-79.
[,68-182 A.D.
Buildings.- Karanis: temple of Pnepheros. Oasis of DakLatopolis : architrave.

]iel temple of Annnon Ra. [The gateway of the temple of Pnepheros at Karanis was dedicated for Vespasian. Apart from this, his name only appears on minor parts of building's in progress.
i
Inscriptions*
[j
Aq
L.I), iv. Si. Hieroglyphic: " iii. C.I.G. 4710; E. K, F. Report, 1895-96, p. 6, No. 3; P.S.KA. Lrltin: C LL "' 3't 3^> xL P- 2 - 8
Greeks
fc
33, 34, 6003.

v. pp. 84 ff., B.M. 5791 d, 5790 d, 5791 j, Leyden ; vii. pp. C.I.G. iii. 4863!) Louvre, N. et E., Nos. I, 2. II ff., No. 17 Pap. B.M e 131, Papyri. B.G.U. 184, 251, 594, 595, 597, 644 Pctric, Hawara, p. 36, No. 381,, 140, 260, 261, 282
Cte/Tv^.. P.S.B.A.
;
himself proceeded to Alexandria, that 4, Vespasian he might be ready to adopt the plan of starvation, if 107 his army were defeated/ ) Very shortly after his arrival, however, he received the news of the defeat and murder of Vitellius, and of his own recognition at
Rome.( ) He was naturally received in great state by the Alexandrians, who had not been favoured with the sight of a Roman emperor since the departure of
1(>)S
Augustus
after his conquest, and must have felt how greatly the position of their city was changed from that which it held in the days when it was the home So Vespasian found himself of the kings of Egypt. A blind man, and one with a treated as a god. withered hand, came to him to be healed, in accordance with advice which they said they had received from Sarapis and the report went abroad that he succeeded in restoring them, the one by spitting upon his eyelids, the other by trampling upon him. He was also vouchsafed a vision in the temple of Sarapis, where he saw Basilides, one of the best known men in Alexandria, who was actually at that moment lying seriously ill many miles away.(1G ) 5. But the Alexandrians soon found out that their
;
VESPASIAN AND THE ALEXANDRIANS

god was
43
was so essentially a man of business, who careful of mundane affairs as to increase the taxes and to claim payment of even the smallest debt from his and they revenged themselves for their friends disenchantment by returning to the habits of scurrility
;
p IG
31.
Kararris
Gateway of Vespasian In Temple of Pnepheros and Petesouchos. (Photo, by J. G. M.)

:
with which they amused themselves at the expense of A tax upon salt fish won for Vespasian their rulers. the name of Kybiosaktes, and his anxiety about a loan ofsixobols, that of "the six-oboller." He replied to these witticisms characteristically enough, by ordering a. poll tax of six obols to be laid on the Alexandrians,
44
A CENTURY- OF PROSPERITY
exempt from the direct taxation Egypt were liable son Titus intervened, and secured a pardon for
hitherto been
;
who had
but his
60
to which all other Inhabitants of
the city/ 1
70A.D.]
legions, the 111 Cyrenalca and XXII Deiotariana, which formed the chief part of the Roman garrison of Egypt, were summoned from Alexandria to
The two
FIG. 32.
Alexandria: "Cleopatra's Needle "and Roman tower. (Description del' Egypte.)

)
reinforce the
army which was besieging" Jerusalem/ 171 They remained there until the falf of the city, when they were apparently accompanied back to Egypt by Titus, who had taken his father's place as commandeV against the Jews. During his visit to Egypt he showed
the
same regard
for the feelings of -the" people
which
POPULARITY OF TITUS
45
had formerly led him to intercede with his father on he attended the consebehalf of the Alexandrians cration of a new Apis bull at Memphis, and lent to it the honour of an imperial presence, by appearing in
:
FIG,
33.- Roman
Stele
in Ghizeh
Museum,
(Photo, by
J.
G, M.)
state,
crowned with a diadem.

calculated
to
This action, however,
while
increase the popularity of the Roman government in Egypt by the countenance given to the national religion, was viewed with disfavour at Rome, as if It betokened a desire to seize the crown
prematurely/
172 ^
46
TITUS.
79-8 u
J3uildin<>s.
[6S-TB2 A.D,
Amman
south and cast Latopolis Oasis of Dakhel walls of temple. portal and sanctuary of temple of
:
:
Ra.
[Under Titus, the only buildings recorded

are continuations.) Hieroglyphic: Inscriptions*
L.I),
^6,
iv.
ST.
Greek
App.
iii.
6.
Petrie, Hawara, Papvri. 'G.O.P. i. 165.
p.
No. 321
the first Roman emperor, with the possible exception of Nero, to show any tendency towards a truly Imperial policy in his dealing's with the nations of the Greek East, and to forsake the old traditions of treating them as mere slaves FIG. 34. Titus Latopolis. of Rome, did not live long" enough to exercise much influence on the destinies of the Empire.
7, Titus,
however,
who was
DOMITIANUS.
81-96.
Buildings. Koptos bridge, Latopolis east wall and columns of temple. Kumer-Resras : temple of Isis. Kysis : back wall of temple. [The bridge over the canal at Koptos was
:
The wholly rebuilt under Uomitian. work done on temples was in continuation.]
Inscriptions.
:
L.D. iv. Si. Hieroglyphic Greek C.I.G. iii. 5042, 5043, 5044 Petrie, Koptos, c. vL, No. 4 (mentioned) E.E.F.
:
;
Report, 1893-94, p. 10. Latin: C.I.L. 35 36, 37; Priv. Vet. 15, 18 Petrie, Koptos, c. vi., No. 3. Ostrava. P.S.B.A. v. pp. 84 ff., B.M. 57900, 5790 act, 5789 f, 5788 c, 579oh, 579 li ; vii PP- uff Nos. 23, 24, pp. 89 ff., NosC i, 2. P^j/H.B.G.U. 183, 190, 260, 526, 536, 596; G.G.P. ii. 42, 43;
iij'
;
-
C.P.R. i, 12; G.O.P. i. 45, 48, 72, 72 a, 73, 94, 104, 174, 175 Pap. B.M. 141, 142, 163, 216, 257, 258, 259, 285, 286, 287, 289,
290.
LOCAL DIVINITIES
of local deities, which
47
8.
The recognition
had been
begun by Titus, was carried further under Domitian, by the

scmi-officially
Issue of coins at Alexandria with the

of, and types specially belong173 The ing to, the several nornes/ ) of the various centres of worvigour ship, and the amount of hatred engendered thereby between the Inhabitants of the nomes to which they belonged, Is Illustrated by an anecdote recorded
names
_
LS\
'
by Juvenal, who
during
this
reign
was sent
mand
to hold a subordinate comin the camp at Syene. He tells
how
the
men
of the neighbouring towns of Tentyra and Ombos in the Thebaid, the first of which persecuted the crocodile, while the second worshipped It, took the opportunity of a festival to have a fight and one of the Ombites, who was caught while his fellows were running away, was killed and eaten by the Tenty;
A more serious Instance Is preserved by Plutarch, with reference to the towns of Oxyrhynchos and Kynopolis, in the Heptanomis, where the Roman troops had to be called in to put a stop to a war which had arisen in consequence of Insults offered by the inhabitants of either district to the god of their neighbours. < 1T5 9. At Alexandria, however, the worship of I sis and Sarapis had long overshadowed that of all the other Egyptian gods and from Alexandria the influence of these cults had spread into Italy, where they had gradually become fashionable in spite of the endeavours of the government to suppress them until Domltian himself erected temples to Isis and Sarapis in Rome.( 176 )
rites/174>
>
;
48
NERVA,
96-98.
building* recorded under Nerva was that of the temple of Latopolis, which was proceeding continuously.] Inscriptions, Hieroglyphics L.D. iv. 82. Latin: P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107. Ostrakon, P.S.B.A, v. pp. 124 ff., B.M, 5790 w.
Building,
Latopolis
columns of temple.
[The only
Papyrus.
Pap. B.M.
143.
TRAJAN US.
8-i 17.
Buildings. Panopolis : propylon of temple of Khem. Tentyra : Philse : temple propyloii ; Typhonium. Latopolis : columns.
: : :
O. Elephantine Mammisi temple. Talmis west wall of second court and forecourt of temple. Kysis pylon of temple of Sarapis and Isis. The buildings completed in the reign of Trajan were the temple of Philse, the propylon of the great temple at Tentyra, the pylon dedicated at Kysis, and the propylon at Panopolis. The other works mentioned were still in progress at his death.]
REDUCTION OF GARRISON
Inscriptions.
49
Hieroglyphic: L. D. iv. 82, 83, 84, 85; Cat, dcs Greek: C.I.G. iii, 47136, 4714, 47160, 4823, 4824, 4843, 4984; JVI.A. 15, 70, 100 ; App. iii. 7, 8; R.A. 1889, Latin C.I.L. iii. 24, 25, 38, 79. p. 70 ; P.S.B.A. xvili. p. 107. Ostmka.C.l.G. iii. 4864, 4865, 4866; P.S.B.A. v. pp. 124^, B.M. 5790W, 58190, 5791!, 5791 v, 5791 u, 5790 k, 5790111, 579 y> 57S 8 f 579 f 579 g> 579 * 579 n 579 o 579 1 s 5790!, 5790 a, 5790 s, 5788 e, 5788 b, 5791 f, 5790 b, 57901, vii. pp. n ff., Nos. 25, 5791 e, coll. Aquila Dodgson 2521, pp. 195 ff., Nos. 2, 3, 4, 5; ix. p, 198, No. i; R.E. iv. et E., No. 3; Lumbroso, Docup. 183, L. 7648; Louvre, N. ment! Gr. del Mus. Eg-iz. di Torino, vii. I. B.G.U. 22, 44, "50, 68, 101, 140, 163, 196, 213, 226, 232, Papyri. 252, 281, 350, 360, 415, 418, 446, 538, 715, 718; G.G.P. ii. 44; C.P.R. ii, 13, 28, 170, 171 ; Petric, Hawara, p. 36, Nos. 132, 223, 298, 303; G.O.P. i. 46, 49, 50, 74, 97, 176; Pap. B.M. 171 a, 172, 173, 191, 202, 293, 476a; Louvre, N. et E. 68,
Mons.
p. 113.
>
>
10.
ally
Except at times of festivals, the Egyptians generwere quiet enough so that at some date during the
1
FIG. 36.
Nerva: Latopolis.
FIG. 37.
Trajan
Latopolis.
reign of Trajan the Roman g'arrison was reduced by the withdrawal of one of the two legions which had been
till
[68-182 A.D.
up
177 then maintained in Egypt/ ) Even a famine, which was causec usually the signal for disturbances, a sufficient heigh to rise to Nile the of failure by the in flood, passed quietly partly through the promp
1
FIG. 38.
Philse:
Temple of Trajan.
measures taken by the emperor, who sent back to Alexandria a fleet loaded with Egyptian corn from the stores accumulated in the public granaries/ 178 )
RISING OF THE JEWS

ii.
51
But at Alexandria there were always elements of
FIG. 39.
Trajan dancing : Tentyra.
FIG. 40,
Tentyra
Gateway of Trajan,
CENTURY OF PROSPERITY
115 A.D.,1
116 A.D..]
had kept them quiet for a while. A local rising* in Alexandria was easily put down by the government but in the following year, while the greater part of the Eastern legions were away with the emperor, engaged in the Parthian war, there was a general revolt of the Jews in Egypt, Cyprus, and Cyrene, and to some extent
;
1
disturbance ready in the mutual hatred of the Greeks and Jews. The crushing policy adopted towards the whole Jewish nation after the destruction of Jerusalem
also in Palestine
and Mesopotamia. They massacred
all
O"
FIG. 41.
Trajan
Phike,
the Greeks who fell Into their power, and succeeded in driving the rest into Alexandria, while they dominated the open country. The Greeks, besieged in Alexandria,
retaliated
mained
fleet
in the city ; siege until Marcius
by putting to death any Jews who had rebut they were unable to raise the Turbo arrived with an army and
specially sent to suppress the rising in Egypt and Cyrene, Even then it needed a number of battles to break the spirit of the Jews, and the struggle went on for some months but gradually all those of
;
FORTRESS OF BABYLON
53
them who survived were driven into the desert, there In Alexandria, to take up the profession of robbers. In the Jewish population was practically annihilated.
.
.
_^
.^_
FIG. 42.
Roman
fortress of
Babylon.
(Description
cle
VEgypte.)
consequence of these disturbances, Turbo rebuilt the fortress of Babylon, which served also to guard the head of the canal which Trajan cut from the Nile to
w
the
Red
Sea.( 179 >
54
[6S-i8 8A .D.
HADRIANUS
117-138.
Buildings.
postyle.
Antinoopolis.
Philsc
:
Tcntyra: Typhonium. Lalopolis hyMons Glandianus temple of temple G

:
Zeus Helios Sarapis. [The temple at Mons Claudiaiius was probably a work of the reign of Trajan and Hadrian. The Typhonium at Tcntyra does not appear to have had any further work done on it after this time. No inscriptions of Hadrian have been found
among- the ruins of Antinoopolis but the town was certainly planned, and its building" commenced, by him. Greek: C.T.G, Inscriptions. Hieroglyphic": L.D. iv. 85, 86, 87.
;
j
iiL
4713^ 4721, 4722, 4723, 4724, 4725, 4726, 4728, 4732, 5081 M.A. (unnumbered); R.A. 1870, p. 314, Latin C.I.JL iii. 39,
:
41,42,43,44,45,77. Qstmka. G.l.G. iii. 4867, 4868, 4869, 4870, 4871 P.S.B.A. v. pp. 158 ft*., B.M. 57900, i, 1, p, a, u, 5791 a, g, h, k, 1, n, 57880, vi. pp. 207 ff., Nos, r, 2 ix. p. 198, 12,642, coll. C. Apple! on Nos. 2, 3; Louvre, N. et E. 4; Lunibroso, Doeumenti Or.
; ;
;
del Mtis, Egiz. di Torino,
vii. 3, 5.
Papyri
Iq 53, 69, 70, 73, 109, 114, 136, 176, 182, 193, 339, 352, 394, 420, 457, 459, 464, 465, 581, 647, 706, 742, 755; G.G.P. ii. 45, 45 a, 46; C.P.R. 17, 18, 24, 25, 26, 173, 178, 223, 240 ; Petric, Hawara, p. 36, Nos. 83, 1 16, 1 66, 418; G.O.P. i. 34\% 68, 75, 95, 100, 105, 106, 107, j88; Pap. B.M. 201 a, 208 a, 254, 255, 295, 297 b, 298, 299, 300,
,
B.G.U.
2 3 r > 2 34> 250,
12.
These
disturbances,
which
had not yet been

;
when Hadrian succeeded to the throne, had wrought great damage to the buildings of Alexandria
quelled
and when,
2A.o.j
over the empire, ne reached Egypt, he found ample opportunity for gratifying his passion for architecture in restoring and
in the course of his travels
HADRIAN AT ALEXANDRIA
renewing the temples and other public
1
55
edifices of the
capital/
180 *
FIG. 43.
Hadrian
Phike.
His patronage was also extended to philosophy, the persons of the professors of the Museum ; with whom he held discussions/ 181 ) The advantage, how13.
in
ever, which might possibly have been gained from such imperial condescension, was more than counterbalanced by the presentation to sinecure professorships at Alexandria of wandering sophists, who were apparently not
required even to reside, much less to lecture, but only gave the glory of their names to the Museum in return
56
[68-182 A.D.
Such were Polemon of Laodicea salaries. and Dionysios of Miletos.< 18 ~> 14. The visit of Hadrian to Egypt unquestionably resulted in an artistic revival under Greek influence, which had been waning* since the second century before Christ until this date. This revival is shown most markedly in the coinage, the types and style of which had been under Trajan strongly Egyptian in character,
for their
FIG, 44.
Mummy portrait
from Hawara.
but suddenly revert to Hellenism after the fifth year of Hadrian.^ 183) Another instance may be found in the series of mummy cases from several Roman cemeteries in the Fayum, notably those of Hawara and Rubaiyyat on which the formal face modelled
;
or plaster is replaced, about this time, by a portrait of the deceased person whose body was inside the mummy case ; and these portraits, executed
in
wood
REVIVAL OF GREEK INFLUENCE
57
Fro. 45.
Status of
Antmous?
(Vatican.)
FIG. 46.
Antmoopolis : Arch of triumph,
(Description de TEgypte.
[68-182 A.D.
DEATH OF ANTINOUS
in
59
wax, show distinctly the traditions of Hellenistic art (184) 15. Hadrian was, however, a student of, and believer in Oriental, as well as Greek ideas and his curiously
;
well illustrated by the fate of Antinous. This youth, a favourite of the emperor, was accompanying" him on his voyage up the Nile. According- to the commonly received account, Hadrian had consulted the Egyptian astrologers, who promised him some prolongation of life or fortune if he would sacrifice his most cherished possession and thereon Antinous drowned himself, or was drowned, to secure the fulfilment of the promise/ 185 Whatever the exact circumstances of his death were, he was honoured by Hadrian with a memorial in the shape of a city, named after him Antinoopolis, built in Greek fashion and granted a constitution on the Greek model while he was made the hero-god of the district, which was constituted into an Antinoite nome. The emperor, to secure the prosperity of his new city, constructed a road from it across the desert to the Red Sea, ending at Berenike but it does not appear that any important part of the Indian trade was diverted along this line from the old-established route through Koptos.( 1S6 > 1 6. A second visit was paid to Egypt nine years
eclectic disposition
is
; )
; ;
FiG. 48.- Cartouche of Sabina.
later
is
recorded of this
by the emperor with his wife Sabina. But little visit beyond the names of Hadrian
6o
1
and his followers scratched on the northern colossus at Thebes, which they visited, according to the usual
Hadrian approachFIG. 49. ing Alexandria.

(British
Fir,. 50.
Mu.seum.)
(Ilntish
Hadrian greeted by Alexandria. Museum.)
custom of Roman tourists in Kgypt, to hear the musical sounds which proceeded from it at sunrise. 1<ST)
<
ANTONINUS
B
'it i'Id
Pi US.
InStriptions.
Greekj_ C.I.G.
Alexandria spates to east and Tenfyra: east door, Apollinopolis Parva peribolos of temple of Thebes: anlehall of Harpokrates. small temple of Medinct Habu. Latobasilica. polis sculp! arcs. Syene sekos and pronaos of Tehonemyris temple of Amenebis. [The inscriplion of \ntoninus is the latest that is found on the temple of Medinet Ilabu. The work done at Tchonemyris and Apollinopolis Parva was The invites of Alexandria rebuilding". are mentioned by Malala fxi. 280) and of Nikiou (e. 74).] John Hieroglyphic L.I), iv, 87. Demotic: L.I), vi, 30.
'ings.
:
west.
iii.
App.
iii.
iii.
9,
10,
4683 b, 4713)3, 4766, 4831, 4832, 4955, 5050 ii ; Rec, Trav. xvi. p. 44. Latin* 0,LL.
:"
Os/raka.
6625. C.I.G. iii. 4873, 4874, 487^, 4876, 4877, 4878, 4879, 4880, 4881, 4882, 4883, 4884, 4884!) fP.S.B.A. v. pp. 15811!, B.M. 579 f> ^^585 1 a, 12,070,12,460; vi. pp. 207 ft'., Now. 3^4; Louvre,
N. ct E., Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, n; Lumbroso, Documenti Greci del Mus. Egiz. di Torino, vii. 4.
DISTURBANCES AT ALEXANDRIA
61
B.G.U. 5, 6, 16, 17, 20, 31, 51, 52, 55, 78, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 95, 99, TOO, 102, 104, 105, 107/110!" in', 113, 133, 134, 135, 60, 166, 167, 169-172, 188, 191, 137, 142, 143, 152, 153, 155, 201-212, 214, 227, 239, 254, 256, 257, 262, 263, 265, 272, 273, 278-280, 284, 285, 288-290, 293, 294, 299-301, 328-331, 340, 34 8 3 353-355^ 357> 35 8 37 2 39*> -H 6 4-' 2 4 2 7> 438~443> 453> 462, 463, 468, 469, 472, 488, 489, 492, 512, 516, 517, 524, 544, 545, 5 8 7> 593> 610, 613, 619, 626, 635, 638, 645, 661, 696, 697, 702, 704, 710, 717, 720, 723, 729, 741, 747 Pap. Gen. 5, 6, 8, 8 bis ; G.G.P. i. 47, ii. 463,47,48,49, 50 a, 50 b, 500,51,52,53.1,54 ; C.P.R. 15, 22, 23, 31, 193, 194, 206, 230 ; Louvre, N. ct E. 17, 19, [9 bis; Pciric, Hawara, p. 36, No. 116; G.O.P. i. $9, 98, 10 1, 171 ; Pap. P.M. 178, 196, 296, 301, 303-310, 312-321, 323, 358, 376, 438, 466, 469 a; RivLsta Egiziana, 1894, p. 529.
1
>
>
17. The relg*n of Antoninus passed peaceably in Egypt, with the exception of an outbreak among the Alex-
FIG. 51.
Antoninus Pius
Tontyra.
probably M. Sempronuis andrians, in which the prefect was killed. This disturbance is said to have Liberalis brought upon the city the severe displeasure of the emperor ; but he is also reported to have subsequently visited Alexandria, and to have built a hippodrome and
the gates
known as those of the Sun and of the Moon, which were at the east and west ends of the main street which intersected the city/ 188 ) 18. In the first year of Antoninus was celebrated the
years,
i 3 8A.D.]
completion of a Sothiac period of 1460 when the new year's day of the movable calendar had come round to the day on which the dog-star Sirius
rose heliacally.
The
particular year
for
political
decided considerations, as the
was
probably
astronomers
Phis. (Bodleian.)
their observations/
MARCUS AURELIUS.
i6r-iSo.
L.
VERUS. Bu ildlngs.
:
Bus
ris
temple repaired. Antaiopolis temple rebuilt.
Latopolis:
Philau
outer west
temple,
ple
(5.
wall of ; tem-
[The
building- at
Lato-
polis still continued, At Busiris and An-
taiopolis
old
work
was repaired. The erection of temple atPhila; was perhaps completed in this reign, as the inscription of Aurelius is the
latest
found there. ]
Hieroglyphic
:
Inscriptions.
L.D.
:
iv. 87, 88,
4701, 4704, 4712, 4767.

xviii. p. 107.
Latin
C.T.L.
iil 13, 49,
Greek: C.I.G. iii. 67 P.S.B.A.

;
BUCOLIC REVOLT
Ostmka.C.l.G.
Louvre, N.
fry;-/.
Hi.
4888;
P.S.B.A.
vii.
pp.
195
ff.,
No. 7;
123, 282,
et E.,
No.
13.
18, 26, 49, 55-59, 66, 74, 77, 79, So, 91, 119, 127, 154, 194, 195, 198, 219, 224, 225, 233, 238, 240, 241, 283, 298, 302, 324, 327, 347, 359, 387, 393, 410, 414, 421, 434) 4^1, 5 ! 3> 5'4> 5 2 o> 5 2I > 5 2 5> 537* 54*> 542, 598, 603,
B.G.U.
431, 604,
607, 629, 631, 654, 666, 708, 722; Pap. Gen. 3; G.G.P. ii. 5od,soe,5of,53b, 53c, 53d, 536,53^ 55,56, 57, 58, io8;C.P.R. G.O.P. i. 51, 5, 14, 16, 246; Petrie, Hawara, p. 36, No. 401 62 R 76, 88, 90, 173 ; Pap. B.M. 168, 170, 182 b, 198, 206 c, 324,
;
,
3 2 5> 3 2 7-34Q> 368, 470, 47 *
19, The unusual event of a revolt among" the native Egyptians, as distinct from the occurred under Alexandrians, Marcus Aurelius. The disturbance began among the Bucolic troops, who were recruited from among the inhabitants of the country, and
It employed for home service. soon assumed a national and
religious character. The leader of the rebels was a priest, Isidores, and he administered to his followers, when they took the oath of fidelity, the flesh of a Roman
officer
whom
FIG. 53. Aurelius: Latopolis,
they had captured
and
slain,
an act of ceremonial cannibalism which
The Roman troops typically Egyptian. defeated, and Alexandria almost fell into the even when Avidius Cassius of the insurgents
was
;
were hands
came
from Syria with reinforcements, he was unable to meet them in battle, but devoted himself to sowing" dissensions in their ranks and by these means he was able to break up their league, and crush the separate bands in detail.< liM
;
20.
lion,
Very shortly after the suppression of this rebelcame a military revolt, at the head of which the
He victorious general Avidius Cassius found himself. was said to have been intriguing* with the empress Faustina, in the hope of seizing the imperial power but a false report that after the death of Aurelius
;
64
this event
[68-i8 SA .D
had occurred, led him to allow his troops to Leaving his son Maicianus in Alexandria to take charge of Egypt, he went to Syria to win over the army there, and was promptly acknowledged by them. But the revolt collapsed as rapidly while Aurelius was preparing for war, as it arose Cassius was killed by a centurion, and Mcecianus likewise put to death by the troops in Alexandria/ 101 )
proclaim him emperor.
:
FIG, 54.
Antceopolis
Temple,
(Description de I'Egypte.)
21.
The emperor, notwithstanding

East
;
this
collapse,
visited the
but the rebels escaped without severe

;
Most were rewarded for their timely punishment. submission by a free pardon and even those most deeply implicated, such as the children of Cassius and Gains Calvisius Statianus, the prefect of Egypt, 19 escaped with fines and banishment/ -)
GROWTH OF TRADE
COMMODUS.
180-192.
Karanis: temple of Pnepheros. Buildings. Latopolis west wall and colonnades of temple. [The work done at the temple of Karanis consisted in restoration of the propylon.] fjiscrip/ions. -Hieroglyphic L. D. iv. 88, 89. Greek: C.I.G. ii'i. 4683; E.E.F. Report, 1 895-96, p. 1 6, No. 4. Latin: C. I. L. 111.49. P.S.B.A. vi. pp. 207 ff. No. 5 ; vii. Osiraka.
:
:
pp. 195
ff.,
No.
6.
Papyri.- B.G.U. 12, 28, 39, 60, 71, 72, 81, 82, 92, 115-118, 120, 124, 126, 128, 129, 138, 1 88, 200, 242, 243, 264, 270, 342, 361, 432, 433, 506, 515, 578, 590, 622, 649, 651, 658, 662, 731; Pap. Gen. 18; G.G.P. L 48; ii. 50 g, 50 h,
5<>
i,
;
53g*> 59?
185
C.P.R. 27, 29, 174; G.O.P. 69, Pap. B.M. i66b, 34-1-343? 439, 4 6o 47 2
>
79, 91,
96/166,
22. The clemency of Aurelius did not long avail the family of Cassius, as one of the first acts of Commodus, on
his accession,
was
to put
them
to death. < 11)! >

23. During" the greater part of the period now under review, the prosperity of Egypt appears to have been well maintained at the level which it reached
under Nero. The broader views of imperialism which he

put into practice encourag*ed the development of the and a similarly enprovinces lightened policy was pursued by his successors. The trade with the East continued to exFIG. 55. Commodus tend; in the reign of Antoninus Latopolis. or Aurelius, Roman merchants had g*ot as far as China C1114 ) and the voyag"e to India had
first
;
:
been shortened by the discovery of the monsoon and the consequent abandonment of the coast for the direct route across the open sea from the Arabian Gulf to India. The
66
l68-i8aA.D.
of the Eastern trade is shown by Pliny, who estimated the annual value of the imports from Arabia and India at one hundred millions of sestorces ( ) and alternative routes for the land journey, in addition to the recognised ones from Myoshormos and Berenikc to Koptos, were provided by Trajan, who renewed the canal connecting the Nile with the Red Sea, and by Hadrian, in his road from Berenike to his new foundation of This trade was now chiefly in Egyptian Antinoopolis. hands, and its profits went to enrich the country. Agreeably with the development of trade, the rate and of Interest dropped to ten or twelve per cent. the issue of coinage continued to be steadily plentiful, while the standard was kept up alike in fineness and But in the latter part of the reign of in weight. Antoninus, complaints began to be made about the The first instance preserved of pressure of taxation. a decree of the prefect, ordering those who had left their villages in order to escape the burden of liturgies to return home, and promising a remission of outstanding debts to those who obeyed, is dated in the ( 1!>7 but shortly after154 A.D.] seventeenth year of Antoninus 8 wards, similar decrees seem to have become frequent.^ ) The Bucolic war dealt a serious blow to the agriculture of Egypt spread as it was over several years and over the greater part of the country, while the rebellious troops were drawn from the native cultivators of the ground, its effects were far more serious than those of the only similar war which had occurred in Egypt since the Roman rule had been firmly established -the Jewish revolt under Trajan, which did not concern the Egyptians so much as the Romans and Greeks of the And the results are shown by the fact ruling classes. that the corn supply from Egypt to Rome had, under Commodus, to be supplemented by the institution of an African corn fleet/ ") There was also a distinct drop in the standard of the coinage. The mournful reference, in a letter of about this period, to the hardness of the
amount
llir>
11 '
times, probably gives accurately enough the general feeling of the Egyptian farmers. (-)
CHAPTER
PERTINAX.
Papj/rL-~E.G.U. 646; Pap.
in his reign,
1.
IV
THE DECAY OF THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM
KM.
was written
473. [R.G.U. 46, elated after his death.]
short reign of Pertinax was recognised by the and incidentally the documents dated by it g"ive evidence of the length of time which it took for news to travel from Rome to EgypL lie was proclaimed emperor at Rome on ist January ; and on 6th March the prefect of Egypt Issued orders for a fifteen a decree, days' festival in celebration of his accession the issue of which would naturally have been the first act of the authorities on hearing of the event it com-
THE
Egyptians
He was murdered on 28th March memorated.^ 01 but on 1 9th May this fact was still unknown in the Fayum, as an official document was then dated with
)
;
his name.( :o 2 )
'
DIDIUS JULIANUS.
193-
[PESCENNIUS NIGER.]
[193-194.]
[Osfrako?i.-~ P.S.B.A.
vii.
pp. 195
ff.,
No.
33.
Papyri.
2.
B.G.U.
454,-
G.G.P.
li.
60.]
Julianus,
The successor of Pertinax at was not, however, accepted

67
Rome, Didius
in
Egypt.
No
68
DECAY OF THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM
[193-
coins were struck for
nor has his
him by the Alexandrian mint, name been found In any papyrus. The Egyptians had their own candidate for the throne In
Pescennms Niger, the Roman general
in Syria, \vho
o
(3
**-
g
,a
C/J
S o
had won popularity amongst them while he commanded the troops at Syene, who guarded the frontier
NIGER AS RIVAL EMPEROR

against the wandering- tribes of the desert
;
the reason
for this popularity being* the firm hand with which he kept his men in order, and prevented them from
according- to the usual custom, those He was declared they were set to protect. emperor by the Syrian legions, and the Egyptian army and people joined his side.(- )
plundering*,
whom
0:>>
SEVERUS.
193-211.
JBuiYd/nifs.
Latopolis
north and south

:
walls.
L. D. iv. 89. Inscriptions,- Hieroglyphic Greek: C.I.G. iii. 4680, 4863, 4980,
4981, 4982, 4983, 4984; Petrie, "Koptos, ch. vi,, No. 5 ; M.A. 72. Latin C.I.L. iii. 14, 15, 50, 51, 52, 6580. Osfmka.C.LG. iii. 51 09*, 51092 j P.S.B.A. viu pp. i95ff.j No. 32.
:
PapyrL
156,
>
B.G.U.
199,
2,
10,
15,
25, 41, 42, 45,
61, 62, 63, 67, 97, 98, 106,
29* 3 2 6, 345> 34 6 38-2, 39^ 653, 663, 705, 756; Pap. Gen. 16, 17;
1 08, 121, 139, 215, 2l6, 2j8, 220, 221, 266, 430. 473i 4^4> 5 2 7> 577 6 39> 652,
48^49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 228 i5 6 > 345~34 8 45^ 474>
G.G.P. ii. 61,62; C.P.R. G.O.P. i. 54, 56 Pap. B.M.

;
3.
In the struggle which
followed,
the decreasing-
importance of the Egyptian

granaries became evident. Severus, the rival of Niger, as soon as lie was master of Rome, hastened "to secure, not Egypt, but Africa, in order to protect the cornsupply of the capital show;
ing that
possible
it
was no longer
the
for
master of
Egypt
to starve
Rome
into
FIG. 57.
Severus
Latopolis.
submission, as Vespasian had 04 Ultiproposed to do/- ) the troops of Niger mately, were defeated by Severus at
[194 A. D

Cyzicus
I96A.D.J
;
[io 3 -?8 3 A,U.
and the latter thus secured undisputed possession of the empire.t- of> ) Some time afterwards, he visited K^ypt, and 4. restored to the Alexandrians the privileges of local selfgovernment by a senate,
which had been taken away from them by Augustus.^

' 1
general tranquillity which had prevailed for many years in Alexandria only one disturbance, in the reign of Antoninus, having been recorded since Scvorus and Julia FIG. 58. the last great fight between Latopolis. the Greek and Jewish factions, eighty years before this date probably induced the emperor to confer this favour on the city.
:
The
CARACALLA.
211-217,
GETA.
211-212.
V
Buildings,
'J
Alexandria: camp.
Latopolis: outer walls of temple.
Hieroglyphic: L. D, iv. 89, 90. Greek: C.I.G. iii. Inscriptions^ 4986, 4987, 4988, 4989, 4990, 4991, 4092, 4993. 49945 M.A. 69, 103, 104, 105, 108 j App. iii. 12 j Petrie, Koptos, eh, vi.,
No. 6. Osfra&a.C.I.G. iii. 5109*, 51094 P.S.B.A. ix. p. 198 Lumbroso, Document! Greci del Mas. Egiz. di Torino, vii. 2, Papyri. E.G.U. 64, 145, 159, 186, 222, 223, 266, 275, 321, 322, 336,
;
;
VISIT
OF CARACALLA
;
356, 362, 529, 534, 614, 617, 618, 637, 655, 711 Pap. Gen. i C.P.R. 33, 35, 45, 56-62, 239; G.O.P. i, 108 Pap. B.M. 217, 2 322, 349> 350. 35
;
Miscellaneous,
Statue from Mendes.
Colossal head from Koptos.
5.
Caracalla, his son, also visited Alexandria; but
FIG. 59.
Caracalla and Geta

Latopolis.
FIG. 60.
Geta
Latopolis.
with less pleasant results for the inhabitants.
They
had exercised
scoffing*
at
their talent for satire at his expense, him for his
mimicry of heroes like Alexander and Achilles, and for his murder of his brother
On his approach to Geta. the city, the Alexandrian populace went out to receive
,
[215 A.D,
with honour, which he appeared to reciprocate. After a few days, he announced that he wished to enroll as soldiers those
him
of the youths of the city best fitted to bear arms and, having" thus collected a large body of men upon a plain outside the city walls,
;
he surrounded and charged them With his troops. The
(Photo,
by W. M.F.Petrie.)
[>
93-83
A.D.
massacre which ensued was

continued by the Roman soldiers on their return into the city, where they entered the houses and slew the inhabitants. Caracalla also abolished the games, put
down
the
syssitia,
and
FIG. 62,
Caracalla
Lato polls.
ordered Alexandria to be divided into two parts by at the same time a wall directing the legionaries who had hitherto been stationed outside the walls at Nikoto take up their pol is, quarters inside the city.(-^
;
6.
It
was probably shortly

the
visit
tion In Egyptian affairs. (^ This was not the first time that a freedman had been
of Carathat the Titianus was procurator assassinated by the orders of Aurelius Theocritus, a freedman of the emperor's, who held a commanding posibefore
calla
to
Egypt
the virtual ruler of Egypt. Basileides, a freedman of Claudius, had exercised the chief influence In Alexandria up to the time of the accession of Vespasian and,
;
still
earlier, Julius
Severus
fect
FIG. 63. Statue, face recut to likeness of Caracalla: in
J. G.
had been actually made preby Tiberius,
Ghizeh Museum, M.)
(Photo,
by
CIVIL
WAR
IN
ALEXANDRIA
73
MACRINUS.
217-218,
Papyrus.
7.
-Pap. B.M. 35
1.
more novel step was taken by Macrinus, who,
immediately on his accession to the throne, recalled Julianas the prefect of Egypt, and sent with Basilianus, the new prefect, a senator, Marius Secundus, as second The rule of Augustus, which forbade in command. the appointment of senators to administrative rank in 00 Egypt, was thus for the first time broken/- )
ELAGABALUS.
218-222.
Inscriptions, p. 46.
Greek: C.I.G.
iii.
4996; App.
iii.
13; R.E.G. 1891,
Papyri.
8.
B.G.U. 296, 413, 452, 458, 518, 633, 667; G.G.P. i. 49; C.P.R. 8, 32; G.O.P. i. 61 Pap. B.M. i66a, 352, 353, 477.
;
Basilianus and Marius, however, were not left for As soon as long* in peaceful enjoyment of their offices. Elagabalus had been proclaimed emperor by the Syrian troops, the Roman garrison in Alexandria declared themselves on his side, thus following the precedents set in the cases of Vespasian and Pescennius Niger, both of whom were nominated in Syria and subsequently accepted in Egypt, But the citizens, as the new claimant to the throne professed himself to be the son of their old enemy Caracalla, w ere naturally for opposing him, and supported Basilianus, who had put to death the A general couriers who brought the news from Syria. battle in Alexandria was the result, in xvhich the military got the better, Marius being killed and Basilir
anus
fled to
ALEXANDER SEVERUS.
222-238.
Demotic: L.D, vi. 10. Inscriptions. 4997, 4999, 5000, 5001, 5002., 5068.
Papyri.
22=5,
Greek: C.LG.
ii
-B.G.U. 35/659, 716; C.P.R. 7, 21, 36, 63-69, 75, 81-83, V 243; Louvre, N. et E., No. 69; G.O.P. i. 35 77; Pap.
,
B.M.
176,
So.
74
[193-283 A.D.
9. A justification for the action of Macrinus in disregarding- the rule of Augustus may be found in the greatly diminished importance of Egypt, which was, as has already been pointed out, no longer the sole, or
FIG. 64.
Wady
Khardassy
Greek
tablets.
even the chief, granary of Rome, and was reduced to poverty alike in wealth and spirit. Thus it was no longer to be apprehended that a man of influence would find it easier to gather the materials for a rebellion in Egypt than elsewhere. A
still
more
is
importpreserved in the reign of Alexander Severus, who, when one Epagathus had led a mutiny of the praetorian guards at Rome, despatched him to Egypt as prefect, as though this was a place where he would
Fro, 65. Roman lamp in form of a boat. (Petrie Collection.)
of this
striking decline in
example
ance
DECREASING IMPORTANCE OF EGYPT
75
be removed from any chance of making mischief. It later transpired that the seeming" honour was merely a step to removing- Epagathus from the company and the memory of the praetorian guards, whom the emperor feared to offend, and then quietly having
him executed.
(->1] )
MAXIMINUS.
Inscriptions.
Papyri.
Greek: C.I.G. B.G.U. 735; G.G.P.
iii.
ii.
500^. 67; C.P.R. 6, 84; Pap.

I.
B.M, 2i2b.
GORDIANUS
GORDIANUS
238.
II,
BALBINUS.
PUPIENUS,
GORDIANUS
238-244.
Inscriptions.
III.
Papyri.
Greek: C.I.G. iii. 5004-5008. B.G.U. 84, 141 R.E.G. vii. p. 299, No.
;
G.O.P.
i.
So.
PHILIPPUS.
244-249.
Greek C.T.G. iii. oo 9j B.G.U. 7, 8, 253 G.G. P. ii. Papyri. vii. p. 299, No. 5 G.O.P. i. 81.
Inscriptions.
:
<>
S OIO >
5^9*
;
68, 71
C.P.R. 85
R.E.G.
10. A province which had reached such a low degree of importance as that shown by the foregoing events, counted for little in the making and unmaking of emperors which followed the death of Alexander Severus. The Egyptians seem to have acquiesced in the decisions of fate and the western provinces ; and the officials at Alexandria also recognised without question any claimant who was set up. Such were the two Gordiani in Africa, for whom coins were struck in Egypt simultaneously with those of Maximinus, whom they sought,
76
[193-283 AJ>,
but failed, to overthrow/'21 ^ In one way only did Egypt share with the rest of the East a power in the empire by its poverty. The inability of the government to collect the revenue in the Eastern provinces compelled Philip to make peace with the Goths on the
DECIUS,
249-251.
Building.
[The name of Deems is the last of those which occur on the walls of the temple
of Lfitopolts.]
Inscription,
vii,
Latopolis: west wall of temple,
Hieroglyphic
L.I), iv. 90.

20,
Papyri.B. G. U. 287 fC, P. R.

p. 299,
37 R. K.( 1.
;
No.
r.
ii.
A new
disturbing element was beginning to make its presence felt in Egyptian the growing strength politics of Christianity obliged the
;
rulers of the country to recognise it. There had, indeed,
been occasional attempts, of a more or less local character,
250 A.D.]
made duringthe second century with a view of putting down the new religion; but the first general attack upon it was made in the reign of Deems, when a
systematic test was ordained of compelling every person to FIG. 66. Decius Latopolis. do sacrifice, on pain of denunciation and death if they refused ; while those who fulfilled the test received a certificate from a magistrate, witnessing to the due performance.
:
CALLUS.
251-254.
Papyrus.
l?&p t Gen, 9.
REIGNS OF THE "TYRANTS

ÊMILIANUS.
252-254.
11
77
VALERIANUS.
253-260.
Inscription.
Paj>yrL
Greek App. in, 14. B.G.U. 14, 746; C.P.R. 176; Pap. B.M.
:
211.
GALLIENUS,
260-268.
Inscription.
Greek: C.I.G. iii. 4839. Papyri. B.G.U. 244, 552-557, 579^743, C.P.R. 38, 39.
744, 745;
G.G.P.
ii.
69;
[MACRIANUS I.] [MACRIANUS II.]

[QUIETUS.]
[261-262.]
{Inscription.
Papyrus.
12.
Greek: Petrie, Koptos, G.G.P. 50.]

i.
c. vi.
No.
7.
In the general state of revolution which pervaded during" the time of Gallienus, Egypt shared to the full. At first the Egyptians followed, as they had so often previously done, the lead of Syria, and recognised as
the
Roman Empire
Macriemperors anus with his sons
Macrianus
and
215 But Quietus. < > when these had fallen, the first two in the Illyricum, third at Emesa, the
mob Alexandrian ventured to experiin the making of an emperor on its own account, and
ment
compelled
Marcus
FlG> 67 ._i lnscription of guletus
:
Julius ^Smilianus, the prefect, to ac-
from
tos%
78
[11,3-283 A.I>.
cept their nomination. For a few months the Egyptian emperor ruled with vig'our he drove back the Blemmyes, who were harassing theThebaicl, and was preparing an expedition, probably destined against /Ethiopia, when Theodotus arrived to support the cause of Galli;
enus
In
Alexandria.
During* the contest which followed, the

city
was
the
laid
waste
opposing" parties, who estabFIG. 68.
by
Coin of M. luhus /Emilianus.

(British
Museum.)
lished themselves in different quarters, and made the in-
tervening
;
space
the wall which Caracalla had built across desert the city probably serving* to mark the boundaries of the two factions. Finally, Theodotus got the victory, captured Êmilianus, and sent him as a prisoner to Rome, while Alexandria was left In ruins, and Infected with disease. So great was the mortality caused by these various troubles, that it is reported that the numbers of the inhabitants between the ages of fourteen and eighty were only equal to those of between forty and seventy In former times that is to say, that the population had been reduced to barely a third of its
;
former numbers.
21f) ) ("
CLAUDIUS
268-270.
II.
Pafyrrtts.G.G.F.
13.
ii.
70.
During the last few years the power of the vassal state of Palmyra had been steadily growing under its and when, after his death, his prince Odasnathus widow Zenobia aspired to independence from Rome, one of her first movements was to occupy Egypt. Odaenathus, it is true, had been made by Gallienus commander of the Eastern provinces, in which Egypt would be included but he had never been recognised
;
.'
PALMYRENE INVASION
An Egyptian named Timagenes, in the first there. year of Claudius, invited the Palmyrenes to enter the country and, in response to his invitation, Zenobia sent
;
an army of seventy thousand The men, under Zabdas. Romans, however, though made inferior in numbers, a dogged resistance they but were 'at first defeated
: ;
when the main Palmy rene army withdrew, leaving a small garrison of some five
1
thousand men, these were expelled by Probus, a Roman Zabdas and Ti mageneral. genes thereon returned, and were defeated by Probus but when he attempted to cut off their retreat near
;
FIG. 69.
Miniature
altar,
)
(Petrie Collection.
the superior local of Timagenes secured the victory for the
Babylon,
knowledge
Palmyrenes, and Probus committed suicide. ( 21T

)
14.
During the whole of

of of
in
the
reign authority
Claudius the Roman the
government
Egypt
with
was
practically confined to Alexandria. The Palmyrenes had

allied
themselves
race,
Blemmyes, who were

dred Arab
their
the of kin-
and
from
First
homes above the
Cataract
of the Nile had recently been threatening the

frontier, which had remained undisturbed since the days of Augustus. They
Roman
FIG. 70.
Altar of M.Aurelius
:
Belakabos
from Koptos,
(Photo, by W.
M,
F. Petrie.)
So
[iyj-'Â.u
possibly found support also at Koptos, where, a corps of Palmyrene archers had been stationed by the Roman government. The two Arab tribes now ruled the whole
of Upper Egypt, and finally possessed themselves, in 18 ) part at least, of Alexandria/-
OUINTILLUS.
AURELIANUS.
C.P.R. 9; Pap.
KM.
214.
15.
The Palmyrene government,

1
in spite-
of the fact
that
its
armies were fighting against the

definitely
;
had not
270 A.D.]
renounced its and when its partisans obtained a footing in Alexandria, they struck coins which bear the head of Aurelian on the obverse, while that of Yaballathos the son of Zenobia appears on the reverse/But Aurelian soon broke relations with Zenobia, and went to Egypt to recover that country. He succeeded in driving the Palmyrene forces and their adherents into the suburb known as the Brucheion, and there besieged them. They were forced by hunger to capitulate and
Roman troops, allegiance to the Roman
emperor
111
Aurelian destroyed the greater part of the quarter which they had held, together with the walls of Alexandria/ 220
)
16.
There was
left in
still
a considerable element of disturb-
ance
Egypt
after the expulsion of the
Palmyrenes
of the
from Alexandria.
The most dangerous enemy
Romans was Firmus, the leader of the native Egyptian party, who was acting in concert with the Blemmyes
held
and the remnants of the Palmyrene army. He actually Upper Egypt, and even threatened Alexandria but Aurelian returned to Egypt and defeated him/ 2 - 1 )
;
TACITUS.
275-276.
PACIFICATION OF EGYPT
PROBUS.
276-282.
Si
Papyrus.
B.G.U. 419.
17. The Blemmyes from the southern frontier of Egypt now dominated the whole of the Thebaid, and necessitated the attention of the Roman government and it was only by degrees that Probus, who had been left in command of Egypt by Aurelian, drove them back to their homes. He had also to deal with attacks on the western frontier made by some of the wandering tribes of the Libyan desert and it was not until six or seven years had passed that he finally recovered from them Ptolemais and Koptos, the two chief military He had, in the meantime, stations of Upper Egypt.
;
FIG, 71.
Roman
terra-cotta figures.
(Petric Collection.)
after the death ot Aurelian and the short reign of Tacitus, been named as emperor by the Egyptian legions in opposition to Florianus, the brother of and the Syrian army, reversing the order Tacitus hitherto prevalent, accepted the choice, which was 222 approved by the remainder of the empire/ )
;
82

CARUS.
282-283.
1193-283
A..
/^w/.G.O.P.
i.
55, 55 a, 55 b.
CARINUS.
283-285.
The economic history of Egypt from the time of 1 8, Severus to that of Diocletian shows nothing- but a decline from bad to worse. The oppression of the taxes was such that large numbers of the cultivators of the land were driven to leave their homes and live the life of brigands and a record shows that, in one part of the Fayum, one-sixth of the land formerly assessed for purposes of taxation had gone out of cultivation or was 2 This may to some extent have been unoccupied/
;
--'')
due to the failure of the government to keep the canals open, as Probus employed his troops during the war with the Blemmyes in doing" this work, which ought to have been regularly performed by specially appointed 24 officials yearly ;(- ) but the difficulty of making a living
out of agriculture was probably the chief reason. And as no remission of the total -amount of taxation required from each district appears to have been made, the burden grew the more crushing upon those who struggled on in proportion to the number of those who threw up their farms most crushing of all on the unfortunate men who were forced to undertake the duty of presiding over the collection of the taxes in their villages, and whose property was seized by the government until the full amount of the taxes had been paid into the official bank/ 326) The difficulty found by Philip in raising the imperial revenues from the East has already been mentioned and the rapid deterioration in the size of the coinage it could not deteriorate much In fineness shows, further, the embarrassments of the government. The latter fact explains away to some extent the rise in prices as, for example, that of corn, from eight
;
;
DEPRESSION OF AGRICULTURE
83
drachmae to sixteen or nineteen drachmae an artaba in the course of the century ;C 22(J ) and the farmers were the less able to benefit by this rise, as the greater part of their produce was paid directly in kind to the State by measure and not by value ; while the rise in prices had brought with it a rise in the wages which had to be paid to the labourers, who at the beginning of the
century were receiving from one and two-thirds to three drachmae a day and, forty years later, obtained from four to six drachmae/227) The position of the Egyptian farmers, especially those who held large amounts of land, must have been desperate before Diocletian took in hand the reform of the empire.
;
CHAPTER V
THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE STATE AND THE CHURCH,
284-379
A. i).
DIOCLETIANUS.
284-305.
Building. Philas arch. [The arch at Philse was probably part of a scheme of fortification for the island, executed under Diocletian.] Greek: C.I.G. iii. 4681, 4892. Latin: C.T.L. iil. Inscriptions. 22 ; M.A., E. B.G.U. 13, 94, 286, 373, 624; G.G.P. 11. 72, 74, 75, 76, P/r^/77. R.K.G. vii. p. 299, No. 2 G.O.P, I. 78, ITO; C.P.R. 40, 41
:
;
43, 58, 59> 7T*

I. THE defeat of the Blemmyes by Probtis had only checked their inroads for the moment. From year to year they renewed their attacks on Upper Egypt, finding- no resistance, and probably some help, amongthe inhabitants, who could scarcely suffer more from their plundering- than they did from that of the Roman government. The garrison at Syene was quite and Diocletian incapable of keeping- them in check devised a new plan for the protection of the Thebaid. The military frontier of the Dodekaschoinoi had longbeen Roman only in name and the diminished Roman army in Egypt was unable to spare the troops required for its occupation, while little revenue was to be obtained from the narrow strips of land here available for cultivation indeed, there is no evidence that the Dodekaschoinoi was ever regarded as a source of revenue by the Romans it was certainly never org-an; ; ; ;
84
WITHDRAWAL OF ROMAN FRONTIER
85
ised in the same manner as the rest of the country for So Diocletian withdrew the Roman financial purposes.
FIG. 72.
Philsc:
Arch of Diocletian.
FIG. 73.
Roman lamps and
handles.
Petrie Collection.
86
THE STATE AND THE CHURCH
[284-379 A.D.
frontier
from Hierasykaminos to Sycnc, and invited the Nobatye, one of the wandering- tribes of the western desert, to settle in the Nile valley, and to protect
Upper Egypt against the Blemmyes, promising them an annual subsidy in return for this service. The Blemmyes were at the same time subsidised by the Roman government, in order to buy off their ravages and the fortifi;
295 A.B.]
were strengthened.^- 8 ) had 2. Upper Egypt scarcely been reorganised, when disturbances broke out in Alexandria. Lucius Domitius
cations of the
frontier
new
Domitianus, a
Roman
officer
known
to the
by the nickname of Achilleus,

as
revolted,
Egyptians and was ac-
cepted by the Egyptians Diocletian emperor. was obliged to come in person to Egypt in order to put down the revolt. He besieged Alexandria
FIG. 74,-Comof Domitius Domitianus. x (British Museum.) ;
897A.D.]
and a great part of the which folio wed. (-- 9

>
city
months,\ and ., it by storm was destroyed in the sack

c jo-ht
.
for
,,
finally
took
296 A.D.]
progress when economical reforms and its nature, as an attempt by a Roman commander to seize imperial power, rather than an uprising of the people against Roman rule, is shown by the fact that the rebel emperor found it advisable to adopt the changes which had been ordered by his adversary, and struck coins of the new monetary system.^ ) The reduction of xAlexandria was followed by the complete reorganisation of the whole province
3.
The
;
revolt
of Achilleus
his
was
in
Diocletian introduced
monetary and
of Egypt.
4. The prosperity of Alexandria had been seriously diminished, especially by the sieges in the revolts of JEmilianus and Achilleus and Diocletian decreed that a portion of the corn tribute, which had hitherto been sent by Egypt to Rome, should be diverted to the relief
;
3 os A.D.I
of the citizens of Alexandria. <
In gratitude for this
act of kindness from an emperor
who had
certainly
PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS
87
no reason to love them, the Alexandrians set up the column, still standing, known as Pompey's pillar/- 32
)
5.
The
latter part of the reig'n
of Diocletian was a time of considerable disturbance in Egypt, owing to the persecution of the
Christians, who now numbered amongst them a large proportion
of the
population,
especially
in
Lower Egypt. The new system of government desired to secure, among'st other things, a more
distinctly religious position for the emperor, in the hope that one to
whom
sacrifices
were
offered,
and
who was almost
a god upon earth, might be more secure ag*ainst assassination than the military emperors of the last century had been.(2y3 ) This desire was met by the resistance of the Christians ; and the struggle provoked thereby
was nowhere more keen than
in
Egypt, where the traditions of the country might have led the governColumn of 75. ment to expect that all and more FIG. Diocletian at Alexthan they asked would have been andria. granted at once, and that Diocletian would have been deified as readily as Caligula had But Egyptian fanaticism did not die out in been. those converted to Christianity ; and the endeavours of the Roman officials to secure the worship of the emperor were met by an obstinacy which frequently degenerated into foolishness and wanton provocation. It would be difficult to decide with any approach to accuracy the number of those who were executed on but they were certainly religious grounds in Egypt 234 many, and of all classes of society. )
;

GALERIUS
AND
305-3"^
.305-3 '3-
[A (-379
A, D.
MAXIMTNUS.
Inscription.- Latin: M.A. 78G.O.P, Papyri. --Ji.G.U. 408, 606;
i.
102,
6.
The persecution was
carried
on steadily by Galcrius and Maximinus, the latter of whom earned

313 A, a]
special hatred of the ChrisAfter his defeat by his tians/- 35 ) rival Licmius, he designed to retreat
the
on Egypt, and raise a fresh army there though it may be doubted whether that country alone could have supplied any force capable
;
rival.
of withstanding the troops of his To the support of Licinius, when in his turn he had to defend his possession of the East, Egypt only contributed eighty triremes
FIG. 76.
in
Roman lamp
out of a total of three hundred and
form of a gateway,
CONSTANTINUS
AND
LICINICS.
313-3-3.
Inscriptions.
Greek: App.
i.
iii.
Papyri.
E.G. V. 349, 409,
8; Rec. Trav. xvi. p. 44. 411; Pap, Gen. 13; C.P.R.
233;
G.O.P.
Inscriptions,
42, 53, 60, 84, 103.
Greek: C.T.G. iii. 4770. Latin: C.I.L. iii. 17, 18; M.A. 13 Bull, cle la See. des Anliq. -de France, 1888, p. 273. 52, 83, 83 a, 92. Papyri Pap. Gen. 10; C.P.R. 10, 19; G.O.P.
;
i.
7.
As soon as Constantine obtained
sole power,
323 A.D.]
Christianity became the recognised religion of the But the Egyptian Christians had no sooner State.
been relieved from persecution by the government, than they found fresh occasion for trouble in sectarian quarrels. The dispute which arose between Athanasius
THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY"
89
and Anus on the relationship of the Father and the Son, besides its theological importance, had political consequences which profoundly affected the history of (2;js > The emperor was called upon to decide Egypt.
the point at issue in its earliest stage Alexander, the did bishop of Alexandria, appealed to him, as also and as his letter, declining- to pronounce an Arius to pacify the opponents, opinion, and endeavouring a council of bishops produced no effect, he summoned J2D> Their decision led at Nica3a to formulate a creed. to the excommunication and banishment of Arius ; but when he offered a written explanation, the emperor revoked the order of banishment, and directed Athanreceive asius, who was now bishop of Alexandria, to Arius into the Church again and, upon the refusal of Athaiuisius to obey this order, he was summoned before a fresh council of bishops at Tyre, deposed, and
;
<"
banished.^)
position with
in a peculiar Christian Churches of as Egypt. He was looked upon, to a certain extent, the civil with of arbiter power at theological quarrels, but these decisions his hand to enforce his decisions were only accepted by the parties in whose favour they were given, and consequently the civil power became an instrument of constant use for the settlement of The natural consequence of ecclesiastical matters. this confusion of the functions of Church and State was, that the bishops began to arrogate to themselves the rights of civil officials ; and the charge of attempt*, ing to levy a tax, in the shape of a linen garment^for the support of the Church, was laid against Athanasius,
8.
Thus Constantine had been placed

relation to the
thereby be infringing what had always been of the regarded in Egypt as the sole prerogative is true that taxes had previously been It emperor. alike native, Greek, assigned by the rulers of Egypt, and Roman, for the expenses of the worship of the national gods ; and Athanasius may have held^that he
who would
was entitled to claim assistance for his religion in a but his unauthorised action was taken similar manner
;
90
[884-379^0.
to be one of the signs of a design to overthrow the government of Constantino.
strained between this 9. Relations were constantly They had emperor and the people of Alexandria. and supported his rivals Maximinus and Licinius
;
this fact,
taken together with the notorious unquietness of the Alexandrians, probably contributed to the
decision of Constantine, to set aside the city which had been the chief one of the Greek East in favour of Byzantium, when he wished to found a new capital
This slight upon Alexandria did not for the empire. tend to improve the feeling of the inhabitants towards
and one Philumenus attempted to raise a rebellion in Egypt, with the assistance, as it was but his plans were discovered said, of Athanasius and crushed before any serious rising could occur.
the emperor
;
CONSTANTIUS
337-3^1.
II.
Papvrl.B.G.U.
"G.O.P.
i.
405, 456; Pap. Gen. 11 66, 67, 67 a, 85, 86, 87, 189; Pap.
21, 316,
C.P.R. 247; R.M. 231-237,

;
239-248, 251, 403-418.
The confusion of civil and religious functions led to yet more serious consequences, when the death of Constantine placed Egypt in the hands of his weaker son
10.
Constantius.
Athanasius
now
and
at first the support of the
returned to Alexandria two other partners in

;
the empire, Constantine II. and Constans, protected him against any interference by Constantius, who alone of the three belonged to the opposing Arian
340 A.D.] left
creed/ 241 ) But as soon as the death of Constantine II. a freer hand to Constantius, he deposed Athanasius,
and had Gregory elected as patriarch of Alexandria by a council of bishops held at Antioch. It was not, however, until an armed escort was sent with him that Gregory ventured to enter Alexandria and the metropolitan church was held against him by the sup;
porters of Athanasius, till Syrianus, the general in command of the escort, threatened to storm it.(-' 4 -)
BANISHMENTS OF ATHANASIUS
91
Athanasius thereupon withdrew, and sought refuge at Rome, where he secured the support of Constans and of Julius the bishop of Rome and their joint threats and arguments, after a conference at Constantinople between Constantius and Athanasius, secured the conclusion of an agreement, whereby the emperor and the bishop promised each to restore his theological opponents to the places from which they had been ejected. Athanasius accordingly once more resumed his office
;
Alexandria, where his supporters had kept up a continual disturbance in his absence they had even succeeded in expelling the Arians from many monasin burning the metropolitan church, of teries, and
in
.
which they had been dispossessed. C- 48 ii. That the fear of civil war with Constans was the chief reason which had prompted Constantius to make peace, was shown by the fact that, immediately after the death of his brother, he directed Athanasius This direction was disregarded, and to leave Egypt. it was over a year before Constantius ventured to take further steps. At length Syrianus the general threatened Athanasius with expulsion by force of arms, and carried his threats into effect by attacking him in The bishop, however, escaping from the church. general slaughter, took refuge with his friends and they! successfully concealed him from the emperor's emissaries, who were ordered to produce him dead or alive. Meanwhile the Arian party chose for their patriarch George of Cappadocia, who at once began a course of vigorous measures against his opponents, relying upon the assistance of the government to crush all
)
;
those
who
disagreed with
JULIANUS.
361-363.
Papyrus.
12.
G.O.P.
i.
93.
accession of Julian put a new aspect on the of Alexandria. conflicts During the disputes religious between the Athanasians and Arians of the last two
The
92

had had,
at
[284-379 A.H.
reigns, both parlies
any
rate,
one
common
ground, in the destruction or conversion to Christian uses of all temples and other monuments of polytheism, and they could exercise themselves in this work without any fear of drawing* down upon their heads the But now the followers displeasure of the government. of the older religions had the emperor on their side, and they proceeded to take their revenge. They preferred formal complaints against Artemius, the military
commander in Egypt, and George, the bishop and, though Julian refused to see a deputation which came to Constantinople to bear these complaints, he summoned Artemius before him, and condemned him to As soon death, seemingly for misuse of his authority. as the news of his execution reached Alexandria, the mob rose and attacked George, against whom they had been cherishing a grudge, as well for a proposal made by him to the late emperor that a special house tax should be laid on Alexandria, as for destroying their temples they murdered him in the street, and with him Dracontius the imperial treasurer, and Diodorus,
;
a count.C345)
13. These acts of violence were tacitly approved by the government, though the emperor wrote to say that if there should be similar outrages again perpetrated, he would punish the offenders. But it is probable that they were as much the work of the Athanasian faction as of the pagans, or at any rate of the mob, who held no particular opinions, and were ready to support the At any party who were most violent at the moment. and rate, Athanasius forthwith reappeared in triumph
;
though Julian first published an edict expelling him from Alexandria, as one who had been banished and had returned without permission, and subsequently wrote threatening to fine the prefect if Athanasius were found in Egypt, he does not appear to have left the
capital,
homes of
but to have enjoyed sufficient security his followers/ 246 )
in the
ENLISTMENT OF MONKS IN ARMY

JOVIANUS.
363-364-
93
14. The Athanasian party at length had an emperor of their own sect in Jovian and their leader was able to come out of concealment, and to resume once more
;
the functions of patriarch of Alexandria.^ 47)
VALENS.
364-37S.
Buildings.
Athribis tctrapylon. Alexandria gates of Brucheion. [The building- at Athribis is only known from the inscription preserved in the Ghizch Museum. The erection of the gates of the suburb of Brucheion at Alexandria is mentioned by John
:
:
of Nikiou
Inscription.
(c. 82).]
Greek
i.
App.
54.
iii.
15.
Papyrns.G.G.P.
15. This state of peace between the Egyptians and the government, however, was of short duration. The partition of the empire between Valentinian and Valens gave Egypt into the charge of the latter, and as he was an Arian, he came at once into conflict with the majority of the Egyptian Christians. The popularity of Athanasius, indeed, enabled him to procure the revocation of an edict of banishment which the prefect had issued against him on the ground that the original order of Constantius banishing him had never been revoked, and he held his bishopric thenceforth in peace till his death. But his successor Peter was imprisoned [373 by direction of the emperor, and the Arian patriarch Lucius, who had been originally elected by his party in the time of Julian, was supported by the imperial troops in what is described by the orthodox historians as a course of violent persecution.^ 48) His worst offence, however, in their eyes seems to have been that he assisted In the enforcement of a new law, which abolished the privilege which the monks claimed of
A.D.
If any troops were exemption from military servicedto be recruited in Egypt, where whole towns such as Oxyrhynchos, or even whole districts like the Fayum,
49)
94

it
[^4-379 A.D.
were under monastic vows,
to recognise such a claim to exemption stoutly resisted the attempt to force
was out of the question but the monks them into the
;
S77A.D.]
army, and many of them preferred to risk death fighting against, rather than with, the imperial troops. 1 6. The need of increased armaments was brought home to the government by an incursion of the Saracens, who advanced by the head of the Red Sea across the eastern frontier under the command of their queen Mavia, although they were nominally vassals of the Roman Empire. The imperial forces were apparently
unequal to the task of meeting them, and they had to be bought off by a treaty, of which the only recorded but probably least substantial conditions were the marriage of a daughter of Mavia to the Roman general Victor, and the provision of an Egyptian bishop for the Saracens. (- 5
)
17. The reforms of Diocletian apparently produced a temporary improvement in the economic condition of Egypt, or at any rate effected a check in the downward course of its finances. There is negative evidence for this in the absence of the complaints which had been so frequent during the previous century with regard to the burden of taxation although this may be due to the comparative rarity of documents belonging to this There was certainly a revival of trade with period. the East, when, in the reign of Constantino, Frumentius negotiated treaties of commerce with the Axumitaj of Abyssinia; and Theophilus did likewise a few years later with the Homeritae of Arabia/ 251 ) These two nations now controlled the /Ethiopian and Indian trade as they had done up to the time of Augustus the Roman merchants having allowed the monopoly which the government then secured for them to slip out of Before long, however, tokens of an their hands. Increase in the poverty of the empire begin to be again noticeable in the edicts of Constantius and Valens. The former forbade the custom of patronage, by which
; ;
INCREASING POVERTY OF EGYPT

communities
tection of
95
in Egypt put themselves under the prosome wealthy or influential individual, preferably an official, who could assist them in any difficulties with the government (~ 52 while Valens issued special orders that the curiales, who were responsible for the payment of taxes, should be prevented from moving from the towns into the country, and that they should,
)
;
if
they
fled
to the desert with the object of becoming*
monks, be seized and brought back.(253 ) Perhaps the most striking- evidence, however, is to be found in the law of Valens, which decreed that tribute should not
in money ( ) and, agreeably with this, it is noticeable that comparatively few coins of the period between Constantius and Justinian are found in Egypt, while the evidence of the papyri shows that small accounts were commonly paid in kind.
be paid
254
CHAPTER
VI
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH, 379-527 A.D.
THEODOSIUS
Inscriptions.
I.
Greek: App.
;
Papyri,
Pap. Gen. 12
iii. 16. Latin: C.I.L. Pap. Leydcn Z.
iii.
19.
1. THE troops which had been raised by the violent methods adopted by the officers of Valens were scarcely likely to be ready to serve the government which had pressed them, if any chance of escape were offered. Consequently, in the reign of Theodosius, the Egyptian legions were partly drafted into Macedonia, where and the theio would be less facility for desertion garrison of Egypt was completed by the transfer to it of a number of Goths who had been recruited for
;
This was the first recorded the imperial armv.^'""'' departure from the rule which had been observed by previous emperors, that the Egyptian levies should be reserved for service in their own country/ 251
')
Immediately on his accession, Theodosius decreed that the whole of the Roman Empire should become r>") Christian and this decree was vigorously enforced in Alexandria and Lower Egypt, though in the upper country the authority of the government was scarcely strong enough to secure its observance, even if the officials had cared to do this. For the most part, however, they were either too prudent administrators or too lukewarm Christians if indeed they were not
2.
<'-
90
FALL OF PAGANISM IN ALEXANDRIA

actually
97,
pagans,
frequently
as the
monks
upon an unwillingand habits of the leaders of the Christians were not such as to excite admiration in men possessed of any culture.
:
more fanatical bishops and assertedto try to force religion people the more so as the manners
3. In Alexandria itself, the prsetorian prefect Cynegius, with the imperial troops, assisted the patriarch in the
work of conversion. The temple of Sarapis was the chief The followers point round which the struggle raged. of the older religion gathered to defend it, till the streets became the scene of furious battles at length they were driven into the temple, which they fortified, and were only expelled by the military after much This and most of the other temples bloodshed. captured by the Christians were turned into churches, and the leaders of the philosophical schools were forced to withdraw from Alexandria. ( 25S )
;
ARCADIUS.
395-408.
Payri.G.G.P.
ii.
So, Si, 81 a, 82.
4. From this time the history of Egypt was chiefly determined by the patriarchs of Alexandria, and during the next fifty years, in particular, little is recorded except with regard to the quarrels of the bishops and their followers, which gave the authorities almost as much occupation as did the forced conversion of the pagans. The position of authority in the government, arrogated to himself by the bishop of Alexandria, as well as the spirit in which theological controversy was
carried on, is well illustrated by the history of the dispute which arose with regard to the anthropomorphist conception of God held by the greater part of the Egyptian Church. Theophilus, the patriarch, as though those who did not agree with him were rebels ag*ainst his authority, and therefore against that of the emperor, took a body of soldiers and destroyed a number of the monasteries of Nitriotis which were inhabited by his theological opponents. < 259 > In the civil
98
SUPREMACY OF CHRISTIAN CHURCH
[379-527 A.D.
power thus arrogated by the patriarchs there may be found an anticipation of the Papacy of the Middle Ages.
jry: In
G, M.) (Photo, by J. J.G.5
THEODOSIUS
408-450.
II,
5. If the patriarch interfered with the authority of the imperial government by using the soldiers for his own purposes, the imperial officials also took their part in religious questions. Thus when Theophilus died, and a quarrel arose over the election of his successor, Abundantius, the general in charge of the Roman troops in Egypt, joined in the fray, though his support did not bring victory to the party which he joined. ^ 6 )
415 A.D]
who
The new patriarch, Cyril, fell foul of the Jews, had, during the three centuries which had elapsed since their virtual extermination under Trajan, grown numerous and influential once more in Alexandria.
6.
INVASIONS BY THE BLEMMYES
99
origin of the quarrel is obscure probably it was nothing more than the hatred of the Jews and Christians for one another, coupled with a desire on the part of the mob to plunder the Jews, who were far the richest part of the community. In any case, plunder of the Jews
:
The
actually resulted their quarter of the city was 261 sacked, and they were all driven from their homes. < ) 7. This expulsion and robbery of the chief merchants of Alexandria, the people on whom the prosperity of the city depended, by a mob of monks and vagabonds, was an act which the government could not well overlook. So Orestes, the prefect, tried to interfere but his troops were insufficient to quell the disturbance, and he only drew the hatred of the monks upon himself. He was attacked in the street, and wounded by a stone and the victory remained with Cyril. 2t5 ~) 8. It was probably the friendship of Orestes, and the consequent enmity of Cyril, which led to the murder of The monks, elated at their the philosopher Hypatia. success, sought to sweep out all the pagans, amongst whom they counted the prefect, from Alexandria and they attacked Hypatia, and murdered her in the Church of the Ca2sareum.( 263 ) 9. Since the treaty of Diocletian had interposed the Nobata^ as a buffer State between the Roman frontier at Syene and the land of the Blemmyes, there had been comparatively little trouble experienced in Upper Egypt from the wandering tribes of the desert. The kings of the Nobatae had fulfilled the task to which they had agreed, of making war on the Blemmyes, and had established their authority over the whole of the old Roman military frontier. But, in the latter part of the reign of Theodosms If., the Blemmyes once more appeared in Egyptian territory, and ravaged the Great Oasis, defeating the Roman garrison, and carrying away the inhabitants as captives though they subsequently restored the latter to the governor of the Thebaid, seemingly in order to be free from the encumbrance of guarding prisoners, when their line of retreat was 264 threatened by the neighbouring tribe of the Mazices.< )
;
was what
ioo
[379-527 A.D,
MARCIANUS.
450-457-
453 A.D.]
This renewal of inroads by the Biemmyes was a sign that the Nobatae had failed to keep the terms of the agreement on which they had been settled in the Nile Valley and the general Maximinus undertook an He inflicted a expedition to punish both of the tribes. severe defeat upon them, and compelled them to make a peace for one hundred years, to release all Roman
10.
;
captives, to pay compensation for damage done, the last stipulation being to surrender hostages to which neither the Biemmyes nor the Nobatae
;
and
one
had
On their side, they obtained ever before submitted. leave to visit the temple of Isis at Philas, and at stated times to borrow her statue, and take it into their own country in order to consult it a strange condition for
;
include in the terms, which shows that the old religion could still be recognised for motives of policy.
a Christian
Roman to
11. Very shortly after the conclusion of this treaty, Maximinus died whereupon the Biemmyes and Nobatae at once disregarded their agreement, and invaded the Thebaid, in which they found and recovered the hostages whom they had recently given. But Floras, the prefect of Alexandria, returned to the attack, and compelled them to agree to peace again. 12. The relations between the government and the Church in Alexandria were growing still more strained,
;
<-' ir'>
The former represented

latter those of
the ideas of Constantinople, the

of their usual
Egypt
and when the emperor, to deprive

leader in their
the Alexandrian
mob
risings against his representative, obtained at a general council at Chalkedon the excommunication of Dioscorus,
the patriarch of Alexandria, and sent to replace him an orthodox bishop in the person of Proterius, the populace of Alexandria rose against the imperial nominee, and the imperial troops who escorted him defeated them, and
drove the leaders into the temple of Sarapis, which they burnt with those in it. It needed a reinforcement of
THE RIVAL PATRIARCHS
101
two thousand men and a regular sack of Alexandria and their guilt to secure the new bishop on his throne was brought home to the citizens by a stoppage of the public games, closure of the baths, and withdrawal of
;
the corn supply. < 20C )
LEO L
457-47413.
The
bishopric of Proterius, however,
was
of short
FIG. 78.
The White Monastery
North
cloor,
(Photo, by
J,
G. M.)
102
[379-527 A.D.
Since it was only by the help of the army he had been put in office, so soon as the commander of that army was called away to Upper Egypt, the Alexandrians rose in rebellion, and chose a monk named Before the Timotheus Êlurus as their patriarch. to had murdered return could Alexandria, they prefect
duration.
Proterius. But, in spite of this unmistakable evidence as to the feeling's of the people, the emperor was persuaded by the advice of the bishops to refuse to recog-
and he proceeded to set aside nise a heterodox priest the choice of the Egyptian Church in favour of a nominee
;
of his own, Timotheus Salophaciolus/- 07 )
LEO
474'
II.
ZENO.
474-49 i14. At length the troubles which arose after the accession of Zeno at Constantinople brought for a time to the throne a ruler whose religious opinions were those of the Egyptian Church, in the person of Basilicus, who succeeded in expelling Zeno from his capital. He forthwith restored Timotheus Êlurus to Alexandria and that priest held the office of patriarch until his death, which occurred just in time to save him from fresh deposition by Zeno, who had recovered his
;
475 A.I).]
throne. ( 2GS)
The Alexandrians
then chose Peter
]\f
ongus,
by the emperor's orders in Timotheus Salophaciolus. and thereon a fresh He, however, also soon died dilemma was created by the choice of the people falling upon John. The new patriarch had formerly been sent as representative of the Egyptian Church to Constantias usual, deposed favour of his old nominee,
;
who was,
might in future choose their own bishops and he had been required by the emperor, before the desired favour was granted, to swear that he would not take the bishopric if it were offered to him. In view of this oath, Zeno apparently thought
nople, to ask that they
;
THE RELIGIOUS TRUCE

it
103
the lesser of two evils to disregard John and recall Peter Mongus, who had been chosen by the Church on a previous occasion. He agreed to the publication by the emperor of an edict, styled the Henotikon, which was intended to restore the ecclesiastical position of things which had existed before the Council of Chalkedon had proclaimed war on the opinions of the Egyptians ; and, accordingly, provided that the decrees of that council should be left in oblivion. Peter, however, almost immediately disregarded the agreement, and banished from the Egyptian monasteries all monks who held to the Chalkedonian decrees to which measure the emperor replied by sending a reinforcement to the garrison of Egypt, and deporting the ringleaders of the Alexandrians to Constantinople/ 2 ^ 9 )
;
ANASTASIUS.
491-518.
Papyri.
Pa.p.
B.M. ii3 5a
G.G.P.
i.
55; G.O.P.
i.
141.
15. Peace was secured at length by the death of Peter, and the election of Athanasius to the bishopric and for the rest of the reign of Zeno and the whole
;
of Anastasius, the religious troubles of the It was well for the lulled to rest/ 270 ) Roman rule In Egypt that they were so ended, as the Persians, who had for some time been threatening the Eastern frontier, invaded the Delta. The imperial forces were unable to defend the open
of that
Egyptians were maintenance of
country
retired, in spite of difficulties of supplies in the city/ 271 )
but they held Alexandria until the invaders caused by the insufficiency
1 6. With the view of distracting the attention of the Persians from Egypt, Anastasius sent an embassy to the Homeritse of Arabia, to arrange for an attack by them upon the neighbouring territories of Persia from the south/ 272)
io 4

'
[379-527 A.D.
JUSTINUS
I.
518-527. second embassy was sent to the same Homeritae 17. by Justinus and the results achieved were satisfactory, as far as promises went. The king of the Momenta? undertook to invade the Persian territory, and to keep
open the trade route between Egypt and India. The 278 > promises, however, do not appear to have been kept.('
18. In addition to grasping- at the chief power in the government of Egypt, the Christian Church seems during this period to have concentrated in its hands The monastic most of the wealth of the country.
corporations certainly held large quantities of land, which were cultivated by the monks and the account in the life of Schnoudi, how his monastery fed the prisoners recovered from the Blemmyes for three months, at a cost of 265,000 drachmae, with 85,000 artabai of wheat and 200 artaba of olives, is not improb74 ably correct.^ ) The manner in which whole districts
;
FIG, 79,
The White Monastery
South wall.
(Photo, by
J. .G.
M.
POWER OF THE MONASTERIES
105
were under monastic vows has already been noticed and this would mean that the produce of all the work of the inhabitants would pass through the hands of the These corporations were superiors of the monasteries. strong enough, both in their influence and in their buildings, to resist any undue exactions on the part of the government, and thus to secure their general prosperity and the comfort of each individual member. Those who were not monks, however, suffered severely both at the hands of the government tax-collectors and at those of the wandering desert tribes, whether
;
Saracens on the east, Blemmyes on the south, or Mazices on the west frontier.^- 75 Most of all, perhaps, did Alexandria suffer. The expulsion of the Jews by Cyril dealt a most serious blow to the trade of the city, as the plunderers who seized their houses had neither the ability nor the desire to continue their business. Thus a few years later an additional supply of corn
)
436 A.D.
for the relief of the citizens, in spite of a considerable (- 70 ) decrease in population, was
necessary,
CHAPTER
527-668 A
S
VII
UNION OF TEMPORAL AND RELIGIOUS POWER,

D.
I.
JUSTINIANUS
527-5%.
Papyri
^
J
K.G.IJ U
f;r!6 14^1 J 46
first
305,
364,
370,
'
673,
4o
â J47>
58
11
X ', 48>
85 T 97
'"
-'V205, 206.
736;
Pap.
I2 5,
133,
B.M. u 3 5 b HO, T4 2
i.
THE
ot Justinian
work in Egypt to which was called was the quarrel
the attention of the rival
FIG. So.
Byzantine sculptures
from Ahnas.
(E. E. F. Report.)
UNION OF PREFECT AND PATRIARCH

;
107
and he tried to settle the matter by sending patriarchs a nominee of his own. But the patriarchs from Constantinople, in spite of the assistance given them by the imperial troops, were never able to hold their position and when the second of Justinian's nominees was long" expelled by his flock, he was perforce accompanied by all other Egyptian bishops who dissented from the national Monophysite beliefs. <- 77 ) 2. Justinian met force with force, and gave the new
;
patriarch, Apollinarius, the office also of prefect, so that the ruler of the Church would have more readily at his hand the soldiers who were required to enforce his decisions upon, and collect his revenues from, the people under his care. The new patriarch signalised his arrival by a general massacre of the Alexandrian mob, who refused to receive or listen to him, and even stoned him in the church where he endeavoured to
and thus succeeded in removing the most turbulent among the elements in the country 278 opposed to his rule/ 3. This action on the part of Justinian with regard to the patriarchate virtually amounted to little more
;
address them
than a transference of
all
the temporalities
of
;
the
as Egyptian Church to the prefect of Alexandria henceforward that official, though nominal patriarch, exercised no religious influence, and probably performed a minimum of religious functions. The people of Egypt looked up to the Monophysite or Jacobite patriarch, who was elected by the Churches, and in whose hands the spiritual government of the country
accordingly lay.
4. In addition to uniting the offices of prefect and patriarch, Justinian began to make regular use of the monks and their establishments for military purposes. The strong monasteries of Upper Egypt had for long served as refuges to the surrounding population during the plundering inroads of the desert tribes and now, to protect the passes under Mount Sinai on the road to Egypt from Syria, which had fallen into the hands of the Persians, a group of buildings was erected to
:
joS
TEMPORAL AND RELIGIOUS POWER

(~
[527-668 A.D.
serve the purposes both of monastery and fort, and was erarrisoned with monks. 279)
FIG. 8 1.
Byzantine capital from Alums. (E.E.F. Report.)

:
5.
Any advantage which might have accrued

in its struggle
to the
with the Persians from the treaties concluded by Anastasius and Justinus with the Homeritae of Arabia, was soon nullified by the quarrels of that people with the kingdom of Axum, on the opposite coast of the Red Sea. These quarrels arose out of the Indian trade, in which both nations had considerable interest. The Axumitae accused their neighbours of killing Roman merchants, and undertook and Hadad the king of the duty of punishing them Axum made a successful expedition into Arabia after which he sent an embassy to Alexandria -to renew friendly relations with the Roman government, which were to be strengthened by the despatch of an Egyptian s bishop to Axum.(- ) 6. For a few years the Indian trade flowed smoothly through this channel, to the satisfaction of Justinian, who thus succeeded in diverting to his own dominions what had latterly been a source of profit to his enemies
;
;
Roman Empire
TRADE THROUGH AXUM

;
109
the Persians since, when the Red Sea route was blocked by the Homerltse, the only alternative line for the silk and spices of the East to reach Europe was through Persian territory. It was, however, necessary
;
for Roman ambassadors to visit both Arabia and and at length a fresh Abyssinia from time to time led to determined a quarrel attempt on the part of
FIG. 82.
Coptic tombstones in Ghizeh (Photo, by W. M. F. Petrie.)

:
Museum.
Elesbaan,
-the
His expedition was immediately sucto dependence. as king ; cessful, and he set up a follower of his own but the new ruler was shortly deposed in favour of
king of Axutn, to reduce the Homeritas
Abraham, who, when an Axumite army was sent to reduce the country, won it over to his side, and defeated a second. The Axumitae were thereon obliged to make that they might peace and the hopes of the Romans;
no

in
[527-668 A.D.
succeed
harassing the Persians from this quarter

1
to nothing / 281 ) 7. On the Southern frontier, the treaty Blemmyes and Nobatae after their defeat
came
made with
the
and Florus had been observed
fairly
by Maximinus well, to judge by
the absence of any record of raids from this quarter during the century that had elapsed since that time. But Justinian, whether in consequence of renewed raids
for
by these tribes on the termination of the hundred years which the treaty had been made, or with a view of
putting* a stop to the continuance of pagan rites in the temples of Phike, which had been secured by the pro-
vision in the treaty empowering the barbarians to visit the sacred island yearly for purposes of worship, sent
Narses the Persarmenian up the Nile, with orders to which he did, destroy the temple of Isis at Philse imprisoning the priests, and bringing the statues to
;
Constantinople/8.
8 -)
by
policy similar to that which has been suggested the action of Justinian with regard to the temples of
was shown earlier in his reign in his treatment of the philosophical school of Alexandria, which had been one of the chief strongholds of the older religions,
Philae
he strictly enforced a law against their teaching, and drove the leading professors to take refuge with
till
the Persians.
JUSTINUS
565-578.
Inscription.
II.
Papyri
9.
Greek: C.I.G. iv. 8646. B.G.U. 306; G.O.P. i. 126,
134, 149, 195, 199.
The
377 A.D.]
myes ment was not strong enough to keep its neighbours quiet by force of arms, and the destruction of the temple of Isis at Philae had removed the one object in Roman so they resumed territory for which they felt respect their plundering raids, and obliged the commander of the Thebaid, Theodorus, to renew the fortifications
;
policy of Justinian with regard to the Blemsoon proved an unwise one. The Roman govern-
of
INROADS OF BLEMMYES
TIBERIUS
II.
Papyri.
B.G.V. 317; G.G.P.
i.
60; G.O.P.
i.
135, 144,
193, 198, 202.
10. Further measures were necessary, however, as these fortifications were insufficient in themselves to stop the attacks of the desert tribes and Aristomachus,
;
the general of the Egyptian troops under Tiberius, was obliged to undertake a campaign against the Nubians and Mauretanians, whom he defeated. <- 84 )
11.
Egypt seems
to
have been rapidly drifting into a
FIG. 83.
Coptic tombstones
(Photo,
in
Ghizeh Museum.
by W. M. F.
Petrie.)
what was
lation.
nothing Aristomachus was accused of having behaved too presumptuously in -his command, and was arrested and brought to Constantinople; but was promptly pardoned, and justified his pardon by his victory above
mentioned.
state of anarchy, while officials and subjects alike did right in their own eyes, and the government at Constantinople seemed capable of but vacil-
ii3

MAURICIUS.
582-602.
[527-668^0.
Papyri.
255, 295, 303, 309, 395, 397, 399, 400, 402; Pap. B.M. H3 , IJ3 50 ; G.G.P. ii. 86, 87, 88; Louvre, N. et E. 20, G.O.P. i. 136, 21 bis, 2iter ; Rev. Egypt, iv. pp. 58 IT., No. 17 137, 150, 201, 207.
4
;
B.G.U.
12. Further evidence of the chaotic state of affairs is Certain men given by some events of the next reign. plundered the two villages of Kynopolis and Busiris, in the Delta, "without authorisation from the prefect " and when the officials at Alexandria of the nome threatened them with punishment, they collected a body of men, and seized the corn which was being- sent from thus a famine was caused the country to Alexandria, in the city. The government acted with its usual vacillation John, the prefect of Alexandria, was deposed, but as soon as he had offered an explanation, was reinstated. This measure, naturally, did not check the riots in the country, and an army was required to crush the revolt. Another outbreak of brigandage, under one Azarias, occurred at Panopolis, but proved less serious. (- S5 )
;
:
PHOCAS.
602-610.
/^/j/n".
B.G.U.
3,
365
Roc. Tr.
vi. p.
63,
No.
5.
Heraclius raised the standard of revolt against Phocas, Egypt became for a time the main Bonakis was sent thither to secure seat of the war. the country for the Heraclian party and, after he had defeated the imperial general of Alexandria outside the walls, was received Into the city with enthusiasm by the clergy and people. All Egypt thereon made common cause with the insurgents, two of the prefects alone standing to the side of Phocas ; but reinforcements from Constantinople, under Bonosus, soon arrived and
13.
;
When
made their headquarters at Athribis. In a battle which shortly afterwards took place, Bonakis was killed, and the remnants of his troops were driven into
Alexandria.^' 86 )
INVASION OF PERSIANS
14.
113
Bonakls was
succeeded
in
his
command by
Niketas, who collected the Heraclian forces at AlexOn andria, and went out to attack Bonosus again. this occasion the insurgents were successful but
;
Bonosus
to
inflicted
rallied
his troops
at Nikiou,
threaten Alexandria till on him, when he fled to Constantinople, leaving Niketas master of the country. <- yr)
and continued another defeat had been
HERACLIUS
610-641,
I.
15.
During the whole of the sixth century the pressure
FIG. 84,
Designs from fragments of Coptic pottery.
of the Persians on the eastern frontiers of the Roman Empire had steadily increased and it was beginning to be seriously felt in Egypt when Heraclius was recognised as emperor. As the Persian armies advanced, numerous fugitives from Syria and Palestine took
;
v-S
H4

;
[527-668 A. D.
and when the enemy invaded the refuge in Egypt This Delta, the refugees were driven into Alexandria. city was thus crowded with a great multitude of people and wholly dependent for their support on charity when the difficulty of feeding them, which chiefly fell upon the patriarch John, became an impossibility, through a failure of the harvest, John fled to Cyprus with the imperial general Niketas, and left the province of Egypt to the Persians/ 288 1 6. The new governors of Egypt entered into their as the inheritance quietly, and almost naturally Persian army was largely drawn from Syria and Arabia, whose tribes had been in contact and relationwith the native ship Egyptians from time immemorial. Thus they
;
6i6A.D.j
had no great difficulty the ruling Egypt wealthier classes had

in
;
probably a large intermixtureof Arabs amongst
FIG. 85.
Coptic painted pottery.
who welcomed the of their kinsmen, while the fellaheen at the worst only changed
them,
rule
masters, and possibly preferred the government
of an Oriental to that of a Greek monarch. 17. The Persian rule in Egypt lasted for ten years, until the revolt of the Arabs, under the inspiration of the teaching of Mohammed, deprived the king of Persia of his most effective soldiers, and gave the Romans a chance of recovering some of their lost
Heraclius marched through provinces in the East. with Syria into Egypt, and drove out the Persians them went the patriarch Benjamin, who had received his appointment with their approval when John, the Roman prefect-patriarch, fled, and who would consequently be regarded by the Romans less as a bishop
;
INVASION OF ARABS
115
chosen by the Egyptians than as a rebel who had taken office under the Persians. 1 8. The Romans, however, were not left for long" in the peaceful possession of Egypt, though the inhabitants of the country raised no disturbance at the fresh change of rulers. The Arabs, whose revolt from Persia had enabled Heraclius to recover Egypt, soon began to push forward against the frontiers of the Roman Empire, and to threaten Egypt. For awhile they were bought off by subsidies ;( 2SU > but, on the stoppage of payments, the Saracen general *Amr-ibn-al-*Asi entered Egypt with an army of three thousand men, and, after a month's He siege, captured the frontier fortress of Pelusium. then advanced against Babylon, where Theodorus the
prefect was collecting the Roman troops, and intending to attack the Arabs after the inundation in order to protect
[6 39 ,
Dec.
the sowing of the crops ; but Amr, who had received considerable reinforcements from Arabia, surrounded and defeated the Romans at Heliopolis. He
[6 40 ,
j u iy.
then blockaded the fortress of Babylon, and overran the Fayum and Middle Egypt, the garrisons of which
retired
19.
down the river/- 90 The Roman army had not made much show
)
of
resistance against the invaders, largely on account of the dissensions among their leaders, and the lukewarmness or treachery of the Coptic population. A number
Arabs
of the leading Copts had actually gone over to the the most noted among whom was George, a prefect, who began openly to help them after the battle of Heliopolis. 20. In the course of the autumn, 'Amr advanced Northwards towards the Delta, and drove all the
;
Roman
troops before him into

it,
it.
He was
unable,
however, to penetrate
and was obliged to turn back
and secure the Rif.W
CONSTANTINUS
641.
21. After
II.
the death of Heraclius, the government
n6
[527-668 A .n.
officials at Constantinople decided to try a waiting policy in Egypt ; they directed Theodoras to pay tribute to 'Amr, and so keep him quiet, and at the same time Reto be on the alert for any chance to attack him.
641, April
9th>:i
inforcements for the Egyptian army were also promised, In the meantime, Amr took Babybut never arrived.
e
and a few weeks later Nikiou, from both of which 9 the garrisons retired to Alexandria/" ^
Ion,
HERACLONAS.
641-642.
22.
The
;
lar siege
city of Alexandria was now subjected to a regubut it was in no condition to withstand one.
;
Theodorus the prefect, had been summoned to Rhodes and the two leading commanders left in the city, Domentianus and Menas, quarrelled till they came to
open
conflict. Added to this was the opposition of the clergy to the new emperor Heraclonas, on the ground that he was the offspring of an uncanonical marriage
between Heraclius and his niece Martina. At length Theodorus returned, and settled the quarrel by exand at the same time Cyrus the pelling Domentianus
;
641, Oct.
I?t
'-1
patriarch arrived, with authority to conclude peace. Peace was what the Romans and Egyptians alike desired so Cyrus went to Babylon, and came to terms
;
He agreed that tribute should be paid by the Alexandrians, and that the Roman forces should evacuate Alexandria in eleven months, on condition that in the meantime there should be a cessation of
with 'Amr.
hostilities,
and that the Jews and Christians should
thereafter remain unmolested. (- 04 )
CONSTANS
642-668.
642, Sept.
II.
17tL
In accordance with the agreement, Theodorus and his troops withdrew from Alexandria at the end of the specified time, and the Roman Empire in
23,
was ended.
Egypt
POVERTY OF EGYPT
117
The seen, became dependent on some rich man/ consequence of this poverty was shown in the indifference with which the Egyptians regarded any change in their government, and the entire absence of any attempt to take a part in deciding who should rule in the State or the Church. They had sunk so low, that even religious controvers}* could not rouse them. Only in Alexandria the factions in the circus could raise a fight from time to time, and distract the attention of the populace from the laborious task of opposing the Arabs to the more congenial one of breaking each other's heads/ 298)
207 )
24. There Is little detailed evidence for judging" of the general condition of Egypt during the last century of its government by the Romans. But the impression produced by reading its history is one of hopeless The cultivators of the soil were merely repoverty. garded as so many machines for raising corn and corn became almost the only industry and currency of 00 Egypt/- ) What wealth there was, was concentrated in a few hands, and whole villages, as has been already
;
CHAPTER
THE amount which was
VIII

1.
He not year. only decided how much revenue w as to be raised in the province, but issued special directions as to the manner in which it was to be collected. < 2 ") His orders were addressed to the prefect, from whom they passed in turn to the epistrategoi, strategoi, and village Each of these officials determined, in authorities. regard to assessed taxes, how the amount required from his own district should be divided among" the smaller districts which were comprised in it. Thus the prefect fixed the sum to be paid by each epistrategia, the epistrategos that by each nome in his province, the strategos that by each village in his nome, while the village authorities decided and collected the payments due from each individual.^ 00 ) 2. The most Important of all the taxes levied in Egypt was the corn tax, which was collected in kind from the villages, and used to furnish the tribute of corn sent to feed Rome. For the purpose of this tax there was kept an elaborate register of lands under 301 cultivation/ ^ by the aid of which the village authorities assessed upon the farmers the amounts respectively In determining these amounts, they were payable. directed to have special regard to the rise of the Nile, so that lands which had been out of the reach of the flood in any particular year should be more lightly taxed
r
was a matter consideration of the emperor year by

to the Imperial treasury
to be contributed by Egypt for the special
118
THE CORN TAX
119
than those which had been fertilised by the inundation.^ 02 ) The exact manner in which the incidence of the tax was ultimately decided is not certain but it appears probable that each village as a whole was liable to pay a certain amount, and that this liability was
;
met, in the first instance, by any common property which the village possessed, while the surplus over and above what this produced was divided amongst the individual members of the community, at rates which were most likely calculated on the amount of land each held and the crops raised on each holding/ 300 ) In one list, which apparently refers to this tax, the rates vary from two and a half to seven artabai per aroura, the commonest rate being four and twenty-seven fortieths artabai/ 304 ) The actual work of collection of the tax was in the hands of the sitologoi and their assistants,^ 05 ) who also had charge of the public granaries, and were required to make monthly returns of the corn stored therein to the strategos/-"' 01 The amount required from the village, known as embole or epibole, was drawn from these granaries and transported to the river by carriers, who were obliged to keep a certain number of camels or asses for the public service, and received in return a 07 It was then delivered to the regular allowance/" ) on the river, who conveyed it to the imperial shipmasters all the expenses, up to and granaries at Alexandria including delivery at Alexandria, being paid by the authorities of the village which sent the corn/308) The lands of Alexandria and the Menelaite nome were
')
exempt from this tax/ ') Payments for the corn tax were made, in some and fhe tax instances, in money instead of in kind was in these cases received by the praktor of corn
:
specially
3.
310 taxes, in place of the sitologos/ ) Probably it was open to a farmer to pay in the value of the corn for
which he was liable, in place of the corn itself. 4. Another tax, payable, like the embole, and collected by the sitologoi, was the annona.
;
corn, Details as to this tax are rare but it appears probable that it was for the supply of the allowance of corn made to
in
i2o

(
Alexandria, as the embole was for that to Rome and n> Constantinople. In connection with the corn tax should be mentioned =;. the custom by which each year the local authorities supplied to the farmers in their district seed-corn, at the rate of an artaba of corn for each aroura farmed/-'11 -) This corn was repaid after harvest to the granaries, with an addition of two choinikes to the artaba, or onetwenty-fourth, as interest, and a varying* sum for cost The interest on the loan doubtless of collection/" 13 ^ went into the common store of the village to assist in meeting the demands for Rome and elsewhere. 6. The sitologoi had to meet a further charge upon the village granaries in the form of certain payments for charitable purposes, which were made in corn < 314 ) but it does not appear whether the supply for these payments was raised by a special tax, or whether it came from the common property of the village, 7. In place of the corn which was exacted from the farmers whose land was sown for this crop, those
;
holdings which were used for growing garden produce, or as vineyards, fig-plantations, palm-groves, or oliveyards, were liable to a tax payable in money, and collected by the praktores of money taxes. The rate, however, cannot be determined, and the manner of assessment even seems to have varied. In one case the tax was ten drachmae per aroura/ ni5 ) in another list it was from twenty to forty/316) while in a third the payments made bear no fixed proportion at all to the amount of land held/ :117) An allowance was made in the collection of this tax, as in that of the corn tax, for
unoccupied or waste lands.

S,
;n8>
There were other taxes on land, payable in money, the nature and amount of which is at present obscure. A charge of naubion " is several times mentioned 310>
f (
<
but there is nothing to show what its precise object was, beyond the fact that it appears among other imposts levied on real property nor what its rate was, except in one instance, where it seems to have been assessed at approximately one hundred drachmae per
;
PROPERTY TAXES
121
aroura/ :;2 ) Entries of receipts for u geometria" are also found on the same lists with most of the taxes 1 already mentioned;^- ) but the particulars relating* to it was this charge cannot be determined possibly the
:
surveyor's fee for his work in connection with obtaining" the necessary particulars of each estate for the govern-
ment.
9.
collected
House property was subject to a tax, which was by the same praktores as the land taxes,
in money. It may be a chance merely that the three receipts for this tax which have been preserved are for a hundred drachmae or multiples of a hundred;^ 23) but in the absence of other evidence it is perhaps reasonable to suppose that the rate was a hundred drachmae for each house. Another tax, apparently levied only on house property, was that
which were payable
described as arithmetikon, which also was usually collected by the praktores. The sums entered as received from this source, however, are much smaller than those from the house tax ( - ) but they do not give any guidance as to the manner of the assessment. 10. The cattle taxes were levied on the various kinds of flocks and herds separately ; receipts for payments
:J
:J
324 325 ;12 respect of oxen/ ) sheep/ ) and camels ( ) are and taxes were doubtless also laid on goats and asses, though no examples of these occur. Only in regard to the tax on camels is it possible to conjecture the rate of the impost ; in this case the entries of receipts are almost invariably multiples of ten drachmae, which suggests that that sum was the tax on each One instance, however, is preserved of a tax camel. ( ;J27 ) but receipt for twenty drachmas paid on ten camels ; this may have been an instalment only/328 ) For the purposes of these taxes a yearly census of all kinds of live stock liable to them was taken by the local authorities.^320) For the collection of this branch of the revenue the praktores were responsible. 11. All inhabitants of Egypt between the ages of fourteen and sixty, with the exception of certain
in
found
privileged
classes,
were
liable
to
130 pay a poll-tax/' )
122
THE
REVEi\ UES
T
AND TAXATION OF EGYPT
Numerous receipts for payments of this tax exist on ostraka, dating" from the first and second centuries these show it to have risen from sixteen drachmas for each person under Nero to seventeen about the first year of Trajan, and further to twenty soon after the accession of Antoninus Pius.( ni ) This rise may possibly be connected with the depreciation of the coinage, A which proceeded in about the same proportion. census was taken from house to house every fourteen years specially with a view to this tax the returns were sent in to the strategx>s and royal scribe of the nome, the laographoi of the village, and the village scribe, and gave full particulars as to the inhabitants of each house < 332) and interim returns had to be furnished to
;
;
'
in families between the poll-tax Alexandrian citizens were exempt/ 034 ) and doubtless also Romans domiciled in Egypt ; so, too, were the Katoikoi, who were the descendants of the Greek soldiers originally settled in Egypt by the Ptolemies, and held their lands, nominally at any rate, on condition of liability to 3 It appears also that a certain military service.^ number of priests at each temple were allowed to be
state
any changes which took place

;!: ' :i
the census years. <
From
'')
exempt. ( 12. Another direct tax was the stephanikon, which was levied, so far as is known, only about the begin83 anc j may have been in ning of the third century C theory a revival of the old custom of making a national present to the king on his accession, which was, however, extended into a sort of recurrent "benevolence." It was collected by special praktores, and consisted in payments of sums of four drachmae, 13. A tax was also paid by traders of all descriptions, the sums payable being reckoned on the monthly This was therereceipts of the business in each case. fore a kind of income-tax ; but the percentage charged cannot be discovered, though both on ostraka and
)
*')
:>:!
papyri there are numerous entries of payments on this
account/338
14.
The
indirect taxation
was
chiefly levied in the
CUSTOMS AND DUES
123
form of customs and entrance dues, which were colnot only from merchants and others entering the country, but also from those passing- from one part
lected,
FIG. 86.
Tariff-Stele of
Museum.
(Photo,
Koptos : in Ghizeh by J. G. M.)
province to another, as a sort of octroi. addition to the custom-houses, of which records have been preserved, at Syene for the Nile 3 *9 trade/ ) at Koptos for the desert road from the Red
of
the
Thus,
in
i2 4
341 ) 340 Sea,< > and in the Fayum for goods from the Sahara/ there were stations at Schedia/ 042 ) two hundred and forty stades above Alexandria, where toll was collected from boats passing to and from the city, and at Hermopolis^ ) for the trade between Upper and Lower 344 ) gives the rates Egypt. A stele found at Koptos^ charged there on passengers and equipages, which were as follows steersmen from the Red Sea, ten drachmae boatswains, ten drachmas ; seamen, five
1
drachmae shipwrights, five drachmae artisans, eight drachmae; prostitutes, one hundred and eight drachmae; women entering the country, twenty drachmae wives of soldiers, twenty drachmae camel tickets, one obol
;
ticket for the husband in sealing of ticket, two obols a departing caravan, one drachma all his women at an ass, two obols a waggon four drachmae each a ship's mast, twenty with a tilt, four drachmas drachmae a ship's } ard, four drachma) a funeral to the desert and back, one drachmae four obols. The charge for camel tickets is found also in the Prosopite and Letopolite nomes, at the head of the desert roads The duty on goods, to Nitriotis and the Fayum. ;)4f^ both imported and exported, collected at the stations of Soknopaiou Nesos/ 040) Karanis/ 47> Philadelphia/ 348 ) and Bacchias ( ) in the Fayum, was an ad 'valorem charge of three per cent. and it may be assumed to have been the same at other custom - houses except that at the Red Sea ports there was apparently a pre;
'
;1>4
ferential duty against goods coming through Arabia.^ In addition to the customs, there was a further charge made at the Fayum stations for the maintenance of a guard along the desert roads. The collection of these
50 )
taxes
15.
was
sold to farmers.
(
>
Other indirect taxes, which were farmed in the same way as the customs, ;i51 were the enkyklion, a ;I52 fee of ten per cent, on sales a fine of five per cent, on inheritance,^ 53 ) and one at a similar rate on the manumission of slaves ;( S54> and a fee, apparently of one-sixth per cent., for the registration of legal documents. :155> Also, in case of failure to fulfil a 'contract,
(
<
LITURGIES
it was customary for a fine benefit of the treasury. < 3:>i; >
1
125
to
be inflicted for the
extraordinary burden which was laid upon Egypt consisted in the posting*-rights claimed by officials and though these were expressly restricted by decree of the prefect to the right to demand lodgings, and this only by those who had the proper authorisation from headquarters, the numerous
6.
An
the inhabitants of
who were continually journeying about must have been a source of very considerable expense to their hosts/357 Attendance on the higher officials was probably a hereditary liturgy, as it is recorded to have been in the case of a man whose duty it was to row in the State-boat of the governor of the Thebaid (:j58) this practice was perhaps derived from the slave-labour of slave-families who had settled into other work. A similar liturgy appears in another instance at Oxyrhynchos, where each tribe in turn had to supply a sailor to serve on a public boat engaged in the trans559 port of corn/* ) The most burdensome, however, of the liturgies which were laid upon the Egyptians \vere the local administrative posts, such as that of strategos or praktor < ) even in the earlier and better years of Roman rule it was stated in an official decree that many strategoi had been ruined by their term of
officials
still
)
;
;!tj
office (;JG1 ) while the labour of the work of collecting taxes which fell on the praktor may be judged from the fact that a man nominated to the post paid a
;
deputy two hundred and fifty -two drachma yearly, which would represent about six months' wages/ 102 Under these circumstances, it was not remarkable that many men fled from home to escape these burdens as they might feel that they were bound to lose all they had, and so might as well let their property be confiscated without having three years' worry in addition to the loss. From these liturgies Alexandrians were exempt/ 363) and therefore also Romans priests, too, could claim a similar freedom/ 364) which was also
;
;
accorded to veterans for a period of their discharge/365 )
five
years after
126
17. The work of repairing" the dykes and clearing" the canals partook somewhat of the nature of a liturgy, inasmuch as it was compulsory, though really it was Every cultivator joint labour for a common purpose. of land had to give five days in the summer of each G(5 year to this w ork, for which he received a certificate ;^ ) he could or, if he preferred, apparently purchase exemption at the rate of five days' wages of a labourer, which amounted to six drachmae and four obols in the
r
second century ,( :5G7 )

1
8.
During the
'
later period of the
Roman
rule, the
Egyptians were required to furnish supplies for the

:ir 8 > the earliest instance of this is in imperial troops ; < One case is found of a the reign of Diocletian/ 3 this for same made object by the Church payment money of Apollinopolis Magna on account of a troop of soldiers ;;7 ) It was perhaps this tax quartered in a monastery / which Valens fixed at the rate of a soldier's clothing for every thirty arourai of Iand.(' i71 > 19. Temple property was not, as such, exempt from It paid the ordinary taxes ( 372 ) and there taxation. were, in addition, special taxes levied under the names of altar-tax < 373 ) and tax on offerings ^ 74 ) the former of which appears to have been calculated at the rate of four per cent, on the receipts of the temple/ 875 ^ It would seem, also, that the State exacted a due on each
calf sacrificed. These charges possibly represented the share claimed by the emperor in the offerings made to the gods. Another tax is mentioned in connection with the two first-named, under the title of lesoneia ( 37? )
( :iT(i >
;
but it can only be supposed, from its association, to have been a tax on temples. The priests also paid a 378 special tax, known as epistatikon/ ) but nothing definite is recorded about the rate or object of this payment. On the other hand, a subvention was given from the imperial treasury towards the expenses of maintenance of the temples of the gods in which
;
respect the
Roman emperors
followed the practice of
their Greek predecessors.^ 79^ 20. While the whole of Egypt was, in theory, the
ROYAL ESTATES
were
127
private property of the Roman emperor, certain lands in a special sense his domain. These consisted of the old royal inheritance of the Ptolemies, which was increased by confiscation of the estates of debtors to the treasury and criminals, and by the reversion of unclaimed land ;(:IS ) though, on the other hand, domainland, at any rate of the two latter classes, was from time to time sold/ 381 ) The land was let out to cultivators by the imperial procurators ; and an example
is
preserved
of a notice,
stating"
what
royal lands
were wanting tenants/ 382) Quarries and mines also belonged to the imperial domain, and were usually worked directly by the State, convict labour being 883 employed under the direction of a military guard/ )
CHAPTER
IX
1. THE religious ideas of Egypt had, by the time of the Roman conquest, been influenced and modified to a considerable extent by those of the Greeks, especially where there was most mixture of races. The process of modification had gone forward, however, unequally in different directions some of the' old Egyptian g"ods
:
remained almost unaffected, even in districts where there was a strong* Greek element ; others were simply identified in name with the Greek divinities who most while the attributes and wornearly resembled them ship of others were entirely remodelled in accordance with Greek taste. To these varying" developments of the Egyptian religious system there was to be added the purely Hellenic theology which was preserved by many of the more cultured Greeks ; and a certain leaven of Roman ideas was introduced for reasons of State by the new government. Outside of all the rest Egyptian, Greek, and Roman stood the Jews, who had exercised little or no influence on the ideas of the Egyptians, and were unaffected in their turn by Egyptian theology; although the influence of the philosophy of Alexandria is strongly marked in some of the later Jewish writings. 2. The least modification of the ancient Egyptian system was naturally found in the country districts, where the cultivators of the soil, who had never been touched by Greek learning, and whom the Greek priests had no desire to proselytise, continued placidly to wor;
128
LOCAL PRIESTHOOD
129
ship the gods of their ancestors in the manner of their The Fayum papyri have preserved numerancestors. ous records of the priesthood, possessions, and services of Soknopaios a form of Sebek, the crocodile g"od of the Arsinoite nome which enable a fairly complete idea of the general nature of local Egyptian worship to
be formed.^) Nesos the modern 3. There was at Soknopaiou Dimeh a temple of Soknopaios, in which he was associated with Isis Nepherses.^JS5 ^ This temple was probably the centre of worship for the peasants of the whole district an inscription in the Ghizeh Museum
;
FIG. 87.
Stele
from Soknopaiou Nesos

Photo, by
its
J.
in
Ghizeh
Museum.
refers to
G.
M)
the rebuilding- of
precinct wall by the
86 shepherds of Nilopolis,^ ^ while another inscription calls Soknopaios the god of the nome, and requires copies of a decree of the prefect, relating to the privileges of the priests, to be set up in proper places throughout the nome/ 38 ^ These priests were organised in five
1
9-
tribes,<
sss > membership of which appears to have been not to have hereditary, and, in the case of a woman,
;
the five tribes.^ 90 ) college of five elders, representing In most respects the iest ^scarcely to be dis' .
been changed by marriage (389 > and the affairs of the priesthood were placed in the general charge of a
tinguished from the ordinary peasant many of them \vere

;
;J91 > and were not dethey voted exclusively to
unlettered,
<
the service of the

temple, but were free to pursue other oc-
cupations ( the modern

;
392 )
like
der-
vishes, who belong to religious fraternities
and join
in
festivals, but like ordinary
work
inditheir
viduals
living.
for
They had
restrictions
;
certain
laid
upon them the wearing of woollen FIG. S3. Column with figures of priests: at garments and long Rome. (Photo, by \V" M. F. Petrie.) hair being forbidand they had to be solemnly circumcised by
leave of the high priest in childhood.^ 94 ) On the other hand, they received a daily allowance of an artaba of corn throughout the year, and an extra amount of four artabai daily at feast times, which seem to have occupied nearly half the year, and during which they would be required to be in attendance at the temple @w>) and a subvention was paid towards the They claimed expenses of the temples by the State.
;
MINOR NATIVE DEITIES
131
exemption from forced labour, and this privilege was more than once definitely affirmed by orders from the prefect, although in terms which suggest that it was not always respected by the local authorities.^'-"'') They were not, however, free from taxes, which they would naturally have to pay in respect of the lands which they occupied and cultivated in the intervals of their
but a certain number of priests at each temple were allowed to escape the poll-tax.^ ") The temples also had to pay taxes on their landed property though the temple buildings themselves were perhaps exempt. ( ) Soknopaios at Soknopaiou Nesos were 4.. With associated Sokonpieios & w > or Sokopiaiis/ 100 > which are probably variant names of another form of Sebek, and 401 Enoupis/ ' who was probably Anubis. Other local deities of the Fayum were Pnepheros and Petesouchos, whose temple has been found at Karanis ;^ 40 ^ Sokanobkonneus, who appears to have been the god of Bacchias ( 4U Phemnoeris, who may have belonged to
priestly duties
;
11
;
;jlis
j)
Hexapotamos (10i) and Sukatoimos/ 10 ^ Of these, Petesouchos and Sokanobkonneus may be regarded as local forms of Sebek, the most generally accepted form of whose name, Souchos, is found ui Arsinoe, 400 Nilopolis, and Soknopaiou Xesos in the Fay urn/
;
and also in an inscription from a site in the nome of Ombos.< J07 > 5. Other local deities, whose worship persisted until Roman times without any recorded identification of their personalities with Greek gods, are Thriphis, the pronaos of whose temple at Athribis was dedicated under Tiberius 4U8> Amenebis, whose temple at Tchonemyris in the Theban Oasis \vas rebuilt under Antoninus, and to whom an inscription of homage was found at Kysis in the same Oasis ^ ) Thoeris, whose worship at Oxyrhynchos continued to the beginning" of the
^
;
Oil
fourth century
inscriptions
<-
( 41
;
Mandoulis, to
whom many
votive
were written by the soldiers stationed at Talmis 411 ) and Srouptichis, mentioned in inscriptions f12 at Khardassy.( ) Bes is represented in the work at
;
132
Tentyra, dating* from the time of Trajan, and Roman terra-cotta figures of him are found ; and Phthah ap
FIG. 89.
Figure of Bus
Tentyra.
(Photo, by
W. M.
is
F. Petrie.)
pears on the coins of Hadrian

in inscriptions.
6.
It
but neither
mentioned
however,
was much more common, when the Greeks found

Egyptian
that the attributes of an
god resembled those of a Greek, for them to identify the two and unite their worship. Such a tendency was
nothing foreign either to Egyptian or Greek theology, both of which systems had pursued this process of identifiMuseum.) 'cation from the earliest times. And the economy thus there were obvious advantages effected, especially for the Greeks, who, in most Egyptian country towns, would not be sufficiently numerous or sufficiently wealthy to build or endow a temple for
FK;. QO.- Phthah Coin of Hadrian. (British
:
UNION OF GREEK AND NATIVE GODS
133
their own gods, and could thus simply get the enjoyment of the existing" establishments. It is not to be supposed, however, that the union of the deities went farther than their names Pan Khem was still Pan to the Greek, and Khem to the Egyptian, neither race really assimilating" the religious conceptions of the other. It was only in such rare cases as that of Sebek, for whom as the crocodile g"od the Greeks could not find an equivalent, that they accepted the Egyptian
;
ideas.
7. The most patent instances of this assimilation may be found in the Greek names of the nomes and
one< (4i,-)) p an Khem was worshipped at Panopolis and in the neighbour414 ing districts of the desert.^ ) At and at Philae Tentyra temples were built to Aphrodite as identified with
towns of Egypt. When the Greeks conquered the country, they renamed many of the old nome capitals by the simple process of taking the nearest Greek equivalent to the god who was worshipped in each town, and styling it as his city thus Thebes, the city of Amen, became Diospolis ; and Tes-Hor, the town of the raising of Horus, was called Apollinopolis. 8. Instances of the worship of gods under double names, however, are not very common in the Roman At Pselkis there was a temple of Hermes period. Pautnuphis, to whom inscriptions of homage wers addressed either under his compound name or a single
:
Zeus Ammon, one of of the joint gods, is commonly represented on coins tar'>; Fia and a dedication to him with the mon Coin of Hadrian. (British addition of a third name, Chnubis, is Muscura -) found in a quarry near Philse.C 4 In the last instance there appears to have been a conjunction of the two ram-headed gods Khnum and Amen. 9. In Alexandria and Ptolemais Hermiou, where the Greek element was large enough to support temples without relying on the native endowments, the old
')
:
Hathor.( 4i; the earliest
134
sight,
Egyptian deities had for the most part passed out of and the gods were worshipped under purely
Hellenic attributes.
and garrison would
The arrival of the Roman officials bring- a considerable accession of
strength to this party, who had hitherto consisted mainfy of the direct descendants of the Ptolemaic settlers, with such of the Alexandrian philosophers as thought it worth their while to worship anything-. The Roman official religious inscriptions, as distinct from in the names private expressions of homage, are usually of Greek gods, and the religious types on the coins struck at "Alexandria are mainly Greek rather than Egyptian. Even on the nome coins, which, as representhave been expected to ing" a quasi-local issue, might bear figures of the old nome gods, the usual type is one chosen" from the Greek point" of view by the authorities at Alexandria. < 418> 10. Zeus was known mainly in his compound forms. His Graeco-Egyptian title as Zeus Ammon has already been noticed ; and as Zeus Helios Sarapis he was
41 ^ worshipped at Canopus/
and two temples were
FIG.
92.
:
Sarapis
(British
Zeus Pantheistic Coin of Hadrian.
FIG.
93.
Temple of Zeus
Coin of Trajan.
(British
Museum.)
Museum. )
erected to
in the reign of to this title also a pantheistic type on the coins is attributable^ 421 ) An altar dedicated to Zeus Helios Soter was found at Ptolemais Hermiou, and an 422) On a inscription to Zeus Helios opposite Koptos/
him at Mons Claudianus
Hadrian
;<*
20 >
ZEUS AXD HERA

coin of Trajan a temple of Zeus, presumably at Alexis represented, within which is a statue of the Greek Zeus, naked and holding- a thunderbolt/4 - 3) The type of Zeus is a common one on Alexandrian coins but, with the exception of the busts of Zeus Olympics and Zeus Nemeios on tetradrachms of Nero/ 4 - 4 ) issued
andria,
;
FIG. 94. -Zeus Coin of Trajan. (British

:
Fro.
95.
Hera
of
Coin
{
Nero.
)
Museum.)
in
British
Museum.
connection with local g*ames at the time of probably his intention to visit Egypt, there are no special forms that can be identified. 11. Hera, on the other hand, scarcely appears at all In Egypt. As Juno she is associated with Jupiter Ammon Chnubis in the Latin inscription mentioned above ; ( 125> and the bust of Hera Argêia is found in the same series of Neronian tetradrachms as the local types of Zeus.( 42 ) 12. The only traces of the worship of Poseidon and
FIG. 96.
II.
Poseidon:
FIG.
97.
Kybele :
of
Julia (British
Coin of Claudius
(British
Coin
Mu-
seum. }
;
Domna. Museum.)
exists
and to Kronos there Kybele are in the coin types one dedication in the Ghizeh Museum, from
427 ) Apollinopolis Parva.C
36
13. To Apollo, jointly with Sarapis and Isis, a temple at Senskis, near the emerald mines of the eastern desert, was dedicated ; (4 8) an inscription of homage to him was
-
the Ghizeh Museum/ 429 ) A a dedicatory inscription to with from Ombos, Sphinx 430 Apollo and other gods, has been discovered/ Among the Apollo types on the coins, which are not uncommon.
found at Kysis
in the
is
Theban Oasis, and another, of
unknown
origin,
in
FIG.
98.
Coin
(British
of
Apollo Nero,
FIG. 99. Helios : Coin of Hadrian, (Bodleian.)
Museum.)
should be noticed the figures of the Apollo of Kanachos at Branchidae, on coins of Antoninus Pius,* 431 ) and the
busts of Apollo Pythios and Apollo Aktios in the " "games series of Nero/432) 14. Helios, in the simple form, as distinguished from the pantheistic Zeus Helios Sarapis, is represented by 43 purely Greek types on the coins/ ) even the nome coins of Heliopolis and Diospolis M.agna. 15. Artemis likewise occurs only on coins, and in the Greek form of the huntress goddess C434) and Selene
-'
also
is
:35 always represented by a Greek type/ )
FIG.
loo, Artem is Coin of Antoninus

:
FIG.
lor.
Selene
Pius.
(British Mu-
Coin of Julia Paula.

(British
Museum.)
seum.)
GREEK DIVINITIES
1 6. Athene Is, next to Zeus, the most frequently represented of the Greek divinities on coins, but no
Fi
i. Athene 102. Coin of Gallienus.
FIG. 103.
Temple
Coin
of
of Athene: Antoninus Tins,
(British
Museum.)
(British
Museum.)
Her inscriptions to her have been as yet discovered. temple at Alexandria is found on a coin of Antoninus Pius (4n ) and she furnishes the type for the nome coins of Sais and Oxyrhynchos. K!7) The Saite form is that of the goddess holding" an owl, identified as Athene Archegetis, with reference to the idea that Athens was a colony of Sais, while at Oxyrhynchos she appears holding" a double axe, usually of Egyptian form, with rounded edges. In both these localities she had taken the place, in the mind of the Alexandrians, of the Egyptian goddess Nit (4;l8 but it is noticeable that no reference to her occurs in the papyri from Oxyrhynchos. 17. Ares similarly appears on the
; <"
coins, in the Upper Sebennyte nome, as the supplanter of a native 43 ) He Is represented, god, Horns. both here and on the Alexandrian series, in a typically Greek form. 1 8. Other Greek deities who occur very occasionally on the coins are Hermes/440 Pan/441 ) Dionysos, and
( )
nome
FIG.
Ares : 104. Coin of Hadrian.

^
The local identifications Aphrodite. of the first two with Mandoulls and Khcm have already been mentioned, and the compound deity Hermanubis will
(44 ~)
(Bodleian.)
138
be noticed
dite
was
later. Among* the people, however, Aphrovery popular, to judg*e by the number of small
FIG. 105. Dionysos Coin of Trajan. (British Mu:
Pan FIG. 106. Coin of Had:
FIG. 107. Hermes: Coin of Claudius

II.
setim.)
rian.
(British
(British
)
Mu-
Museum.).
seum.
terra-cotta figures of her which are found in Egypt'; and a figure of Aphrodite is entered in a list of articles pawned on a papyrus from Oxyrhynchos. A. statue of Aphrodite set up in the reign of Antoninus has been discovered, and a small chapel south of the great
temple at
Ombos was
apparently dedicated to her in
the reign of Domitian/443) 19, Demeter, as the goddess of corn, was a popular goddess at Alexandria and a reference to priests of Demeter, apparently at Hexapotamos, is found in the
;
FIG. 108. Demeter: Coin of Antoninus
FIG.
109. Rape of Persephone: Coin of Trajan. (Brit-
Pius. (British Museum. )
ish
Museum.)
MINOR GREEK DIVINITIES

) (
139
Fayum papyri/ 444 The types of Demeter on coins are common 44 and two empresses Messalina^446 and
) )
;
are represented in the form of Demeter. 20. Persephone did not share in the popularity of Demeter and the only representation of her is one, 448 > apparently copied from a picture, on a coin of Trajan. < 21. Triptolemos, on the other hand, occurs several times, and is shown scattering- seed from a bag-, standI40 > ing- in a car drawn by two serpents, Ag-athodaemones.(
)
;
Sabina^ 447
FIG.
no. Triptolemos Coin of Hadrian. (British Mu:
Dioskouroi: Coin FIG. in. of Trajan. (British Mu-
seum. )
seum. )
22. The worship of the Dioskouroi was naturally familiar at Alexandria, where the Pharos wr as dedicated and in this connection they are represented to them on a coin of Trajan, standing- on either side of Isis Pharia.( l5 ) They were known, however, outside Alexandria as well, a stele was dedicated to them at
;
Nesos/451 ) and in the papyri there occurs an oath in their name.(4r>2) 23. The identification of Herakles with Harpokrates, one of the specially Alexandrian deities, through the form of Haroeris, the elder Horus, prevented his appearing to any extent FIG. 112. Herakles: Coin of Trajan. in the Greek theology of Egypt, as in (Bodleian.) this case the local god overshadowed the imported one. With one exception, in the time of
Soknopaiou
Fayum
140
it
Trajan,
was not
until the reign of

5>;
Maximianus that
Herakles as a simple type was represented on the Alexandrian coins, ^ ) the groups of the labours of Herakles on the large bronze series of Antoninus^) being pictorial rather than religious and on the coins of Maximianus his appearance is, of course, due to the special fancy of the emperor. 24. Asklepios and Hygieia were deities of considerable importance in the Alexandrian system, and an
;
their
interesting inscription, relating to the restoration temple at Ptolemais Hermiou in the reign
of of
Fra. 113.
Asklepios: Coin ot
(British
Si'vcrus Alexander.
FIG. 114. Hygieia: Coin of Severus Alexander, (British
Museum. )
Museum. )
Trajan,
25.
is
(^ preserved.
4f>(>>
Their figures are frequently
found on coins .(
The
Isis, and ment of Gneco-Egyptian religion, and presents the most complete instance of the fusion of the two theoloIt was in accordance with the Egyptian custom gies.
distinctively Alexandrian triad of Sarapis, Harpokrates stands by itself in the develop-
FIG.
115.
Sarapis
Coin
of
Hadrian.
that the triad was appropriated to the Greek city as its foundation, and all three of the deities were originally But the leading member Egyptian. of the triad was practically unknown, a mere local form of Osiris-Apis, whose temple happened to stand on the site of Alexandria/457 ) until he
(Bodleian.)
was brought under Greek
influence.
SARAPIS
141
Then
there was built up, out of sources partly Greek and partly Egyptian, the conception of a god whose popularity quickly outstripped that of any other deity, local or foreign, in Egypt, and spread even to Rome.
The new
deity had none of the attributes
of the bull Apis

in virtue of his
but,
con-
nection with the lower world, as an Osirian, he was identified with the Greek Hades and a statue of Hades by
;
Bryaxis was imported under Ptolemy I. or II., and adopted as the

Head of Sara pis. (Plaque hi FIG. 116. tvpe of Sarapis. ("^ Petrie Collection. ) This statue was placed in the great temple of Sarapis at Alexandria, and is 459 represented therein on the Alexandrian coins/ ) The Sarapeion of Alexandria, as the temple of the chief god of the capital city, became in a way the special government temple and in this connection it was used
;
FIG. 117.
ish
Temple
of Sura pis:
(Brit-
FIG.
1 1 8.
Coin of M. Aurelius.
Hadrianon.
Museum.)
Sarapeion and (British
Museum.)
to house the great public library of Alexandria. adjunct to the temple known as the Hadrianon,
;
An
was
apparently built by Hadrian, on whose coins it is shown ( 4GO> and this may perhaps be identified with
142
the library of Hadrian, to which an edict of the prefect Flavins Titianus refers as newly erected for the reception of the State archives.* 461 ) A temple of Sarapis is also mentioned in this period as existing at Oxyu rhynchos ^ -) a pylon was dedicated to Sarapis and Isis at Kysis in the Great Oasis under Trajan (4(js > a temple was built to them at Senskis under Gallienus ; (4C4 ) and numerous FIG. 119. Sarapis evidences of Sarapis-worship, in the
;
;
:
Coin of Hadrian.
(British
Museum.)
form of prayers addressed to him and references to his neokoroi, are

papyri. ^''^
district, the
The extent to which, worship of Sarapis had supplanted that of the local gods -Soknopaios and Sokonpieios may perhaps be judged from the
found
in the
Fayum
in the
last-named
fact that, in the papyri,
ten
prayers
addressed
to Sarapis are found, as against two to the local
&"d s ^'^
-
And
when
Christianity became the ruling religion in Egypt, the temples of Sarapis at Alexandria and of IsIs at'Philae were the last strongholds of the older faith. 26. "Isis, the consort of Sarapis, never underwent the same process of Hellenisation, but always remained one of the most purely Egyptian deities.
There
Is
FIG. 120. -Isis and Sarapis. (Vatican Museum. }
a curious contrast between the development of Alexandrian concep-
ISIS
143
of these two closely linked gx>ds. Sarapis lost practically all his original Egyptian attributes,, and was worshipped in Greek forms, by Greek ideas ; while a tendency was shown to unite
tlons
him with Zeus and Helios in a singie personality, as Osiris had been united with Ra. Isis, on the other hand, is always represented by statues of Egyptian type, and her temple, as shown on Alexandrian coins, is Egyptian ^'^ and, instead of becoming identified with other deities, she was more frequently
;
localised with
some
distinctive
FIG. 121. Temple of Isis Coin of Trajan. (British
Museum.) Thus, at Alexandria, epithet. she was worshipped as Isis Pharia,< 4flS Isis Plousia/ 4
>
Isis
Sothis,(
47
and
Isis
of
Menuthis
< 471 >

;
at
Mons
Porphyrites
an
(
;
Myrionymos
of
Nabana
in
was found, dedicated to Isis 472) Isis Nanaia was one of the deities the Fayum/ 47 ^ and it was probably to
altar
FIG. 122.
Isis Pharia : Coin oFAntoninusPius. (Riitibh
Isis Sothis: Coin FIG. 123. of Faustina IL (British
Museum.)
Museum. )
;
her that the Nanaion at Alexandria was dedicated < 4T4 > Isis Nepherses and Isis Nephremmis were associated with Soknopaios at Soknopaiou Nesos^ 47 ^, and were also worshipped at Nilopolis ; <470) and at Hiera Syka477 In rninos she is addressed as Rhodosternos.< >
144
addition to these, she Is associated with Sarapis in dedications at Kysis and Senskis, as already mentioned ( 47S ) a propylon at Tentyra was erected to her under Augustus;^ 711 ) and stelai dedicated to her
;
FIG. 124. Nerva.
Tsis
Coin of
FIG. 125.
Isis
:
suckling
(Bodleian.)
Horus
Coin of M.
(Bodleian.)
Aurelius.
have" been found at Apollinopolis Parva, where there was a hereditary prostates of Isis, and at Pathyra.(4S ) There was also a temple of Isis at Oxyrhynchos.<481 ) The great centre of Isis-worship, however, was at Phllse, where inscriptions of homage continued to be
FIG. 126.
Bronze Sistrum
(Photo, by
W, M.
: at Naples. F. Potrie.)
HARPOKRATES
4 written down to the middle of the fifth century/ though the persistence of the old pag-anism here' was probably due in part to political motives as the Nobata?, whose territory extended up to the Roman frontier, were worshippers of Isis, and resorted yearly to Phihe to borrow the temple statue for a brief "space of time: and thus the temple of Isis might be able, by its sanctity, to protect Philae, if not the" whole Roman frontier, against the raids of the Nobata?/ 18 "* 27. The worship of Harpokrates, who, as Har-pakhruti, or Horns the infant, was the remaining member of the Alexandrian triad, shows a development "more nearly
;
'-')
resembling that of Isis than that of Sarapis. Like Isis", he remained Egyptian, and was localised elsewhere than Alexandria but this localisation was apparently accomplished by a certain variation of type, to .judge
;
FIG.
Horns as a child in 127. military dress. (Terra-cotta in Petrie Collection.)
FIG. 128. Harpokrates: Coin of Trajan. (British Museum. )
by the representations on the Alexandrian coins. At Alexandria itself, Harpokrates was worshipped as a at Herakleopolis Magna, he was identified, child through the form of Haroeris (the elder Horns), with Heracles; at Mendes, he appears as a bearded, man,
;
-10
146
;
at Pelusium, his distinguisha pomegranate at Canopus, he is represented with the body of a crocodile from the waist downwards at Taua and Buto, his type is the Egyptian, one of a youth sitting* on a lotus flower/484 ) Apart from the coin types, official recognition of Harpokrates is rare the base of a statue of him was found at Alex485 andria/ ) and he is mentioned in connection with the 486 temples of Soknopaios at Soknopaiou Nesos/ ) and of Zeus Kapitolios at Arsinoe/487 ) and associated with Isis in the stele from Apollinopolis Parva <48S ) he also appears among- the gods of Nabana in the Fayum/ 489 ) But that the worship of Harpokrates or Horus was popular among the common people throughout Egypt, is shown by the multitudes of terra - cotta figures, of usually poor workmanship and evidently intended to suit the wants of the lower classes, which are found/ 490 ) And he appears, with Sarapis and Isis, in the types of the Roman coinage under Julian, when the revived
ing*
with the local ram's horn

attribute
is
paganism sought
its
inspiration mainly from Egypt.
FIG. 129.
Osiris with stars
from Koptos.
(Photo,
by
W. M.
F. Petrie.)
OSIRIS
AND
IIERAIAXUBIS
147
28. Osiris, in Alexandria at any rate, was completely overshadowed by Sarapis. In the Roman period there nor is no mention of him in papyri or inscriptions does he appear on coins, except in the peculiar type of the Canopic vases with a human head, some of which represent him wearing" the atef crown /'lsn and others with a crown of rams' horns, uraei, disk, and 40 At Koptos, however, where he was worplumes/ shipped as Min, dedications to him are found down to
;
-
>
-')
the time of Nero/"

29.
!il<:)
distinctively Alexandrian a His name, like that of Sarapis, was borrowed from the older Egyptian mythology, which had a compound of Horns and Anubis, or Har-m-Anup
Hermanubis was as
deity as Sarapis.
FICJ. 130.
Heimanubis
(
Coin
)
J/KJ.
of Hadrian.
British
Museum
131:, Temple of Hermanubis Coin of Antoninus Pius. (British Museum.)

:
and, as Sarapis for the Greek included the attributes 4l>4 of Hades, so did Hermanubis those of Hermes. < > A is temple of Hermanubis, presumably at Alexandria, 41 5 ) Pius/ of Antoninus on coins represented
'
30.
There was also an
interesting*
development
''')
of
Nile-worship at Alexandria, where the river-god was 40 His to a. certain extent assimilated with Sarapis/ temple, with the statue inside it seated on rocks, 497> and either his bust, appears on a coin of Hadrian ;( or his figure reclining on a hippopotamus or a crocodile, with small figures up to the number of sixteen, representing the cubits of the flood-rise, is commonly found as a type/498 ) As the consort of Nilus, Euthenia was
48
on the brought into the rank of the gods, and appears 500 > coins either alone 409 or with her husband.
<
>
<
FIG. 132. Coin of
Temple of Kilns: Hadnar. (British Museum.)
FiG.
133.
Coin
of
Nilus Nero.
(Bodleian.)
FIG. 134.
Kilns
(Biitish
Coin
of
FIG. 135.
Euthenia:
of
Livia.
Trnjaru
Museum.)
Coin
(British
Museum.)
The Roman conquerors of Egypt did not add fresh religious ideas to those they found already Perhaps the only distinctively existing in the country. Roman worship known was that of Jupiter Capitolinus, to whom a temple was dedicated at Arsinoe. There is preserved a fairly long record of the procedure at this temple in the reign of Caracalla, which shows it to have been mainly a centre for the worship of the
31.
many
imperial family in general and the reigning emperor in 01 The festivals recorded to have been particular.^ ) celebrated there during* a period of three months are two in honour of the deified Severus, one to celebrate
:
KMPERORAYORSHIP
140
the proclamation of Julia Domna as mother of the armies, and seven variously relating to Caracalla together with a feast to commemorate the birthday of Rome. A Capitotium, which may have been a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, also existed at Oxyrhynchos.^30 -) 32. The worship of the emperors was more Egyptian than Roman. From time immemorial the rulers of Egypt had occupied a semi-divine position in the minds of their subjects and an emperor who was far away at Rome would be even more an object of mysterious awe than one w ho might be seen from time to time
;
Consequently, though Augustus and Tiberius discouraged the desire to deify them in their lifetime, Caligula had no sooner expressed his designs on godhead than the Alexandrians wholeheartedly fell in with his wishes, and worshipped him. So, also, when Vespasian visited Alexandria, immediately after his proclamation, the people expected him to work miracles of healing/"^ Augustus himself is named Zeus Eleutherios on the propylon of the temple of Isis at 30 ^ and on an inscription from Arsinoe ;<: o: and Tentyra/'" a decree of the inhabitants of Busiris and the Letopolite nome addresses Nero as the Agathos Daimon of the world. ^ >uo An Inscription of the reign of Caracallu shows that, in addition to priests of "the emperors, presumably Scverus and Caracalla, there were at Alexandria priests of Trajan and Antoninus Pius, and of the Hadrianeion, which was probably devoted to the worship of Hadrian. {5U7 > There was also a Hadrianeion at Memphis, and a Caisareum is mentioned in an Oxy^
by
his
people.
'
')
')
1 '
rhynchan papyrus/"'
33. The Roman government exercised a kind of general supervision over the religious affairs of Egypt u through the high priest of Alexandria and all Egypt," who was a Roman probably appointed directly by the Oi> emperor. ^ ) He had not only the supreme authority over the priests of the whole of the province/ 510 ) but was also charged with the control of the treasures of the temples/ 5I1 > 34. There is no direct evidence how far the worship
of the Fortune of the city of Alexandria persisted in Roman times though the Tycheion Is represented on
;
FlC. 136. Temple of Tyche Coin of Antoninus 'Pius.

(British
'
FIG. 137.
Tyche: Coin
of
Hadrian. (British Museum.)
Museum.)
FIG. 138. andria:

Pius.
Com of Antoninus
(British
Tyche of AlexMtueuni.)
FIG. Alex139. andria: Coin of
Hadrian. (British
Museum).
FIG.
140.
)
Roma:
Pius.
Coin
of
Antoninus
(British
FIG. 141, Roma Coin of Antoninus Pius.

:
Museum.
(Bodleian.)
THE JEWS
coins,
151
and Tyche
variety gives
is a favourite type one interesting the Tyche of Alexandria. The types

;
of Alexandria and
Rome
probably have no religious
meaning.
35. As has already been remarked, the Jews, who formed an important section of the community, especially in Alexandria, stood wholly apart In religious matters from Egyptians, Romans, and Greeks. There was, however, one development of Jewish ideas which was peculiar to Egypt, in the sect of the Therapeutai, described by Philo.^ 1 -) This sect existed in a settlement near Lake Mareotis, where they lived a monastic Both life, devoted wholly to study and meditation. men and women were admitted to the community, and each member had a separate cell, where he remained alone for six days out of the week, only meeting his fellows in the synagogue on the seventh day and in a This contemplative festival held every fiftieth day.
life was not unknown in Egypt among the followers of the old national religion, who had perhaps been first induced to it by Buddhist missionaries from India but the fact that the Jews, who were most unlikely to have consciously borrowed any ideas from a foreign creed, were found adopting the same eremitic seclusion, suggests that the habit was at any rate encouraged by the physical character of the country. In Egypt, the desert is always close at hand for those who wish and it exercises a peculiar to retire from the world fascination, easier to feel than to describe, over minds which have risen to a higher religion than mere fetichism, tempting those who enter it to stay and think
; ;
their lives
The same religious tendency was away. shortly afterwards displayed to a wider extent in the Christian Church, and, borrowed by it from Egypt,
spread throughout Europe,

36. The introduction of Christianity into Egypt is reported to have taken place in the reign of Nero, when the Apostle Mark visited Alexandria.^ 13) No records of the earliest years of the Alexandrian Church are preserved, beyond the list of bishops, but it rapidly
152
assumed a place among' the philosophical sects of the them and in return receiving influence and, as Alexandria was the home of more schools of thought than any other place in the Roman world,
4
city, influencing'
so Christianity there not unnaturally developed an unusually large number of peculiar ideas. The earliest Egyptian heresy was Gnostic, founded by Basilides of Alexandria in the time of Hadrian a4 ) which mainly consisted in an attempt to blend Christianity and the and the Christian Gnosticism was old Egyptian magic further extended by other Alexandrian philosophers. 37. The first appointments of Christian bishops in Egypt outside Alexandria were made in the reign of
(-
Aurelius,
when Demetrius,
lf) )
;
patriarch
of
Alexandria,
and shortly afterwards the catechetical school of Alexandria was founded by Pantsenus The growing for the training" of Christian students.^ 10 importance of the Christians was marked in the reign of Severus by the first organised persecution in )l Egypt. ^ This, however, did not check the spread of the religion and about thirty years later it was found advisable to increase the number of Egyptian bishops Fresh persecutions were from three to twenty.^518 but Gallienus, who ordered by Decius and Valerian had quite enough political difficulties to face in Egypt without complicating" them by religious ones, stopped the persecution and granted liberty of religion to the
)
1
nominated three ^
(<
Christians.^ 11
')
38. This edict of toleration enabled the Christians to build themselves churches and the small church of Al Mu'allakah at Old Cairo may be dated to very 5 -) In a papyrus from Oxyshortly after this period. rhynchos of about 300 A.D., reference is made to the north and south churches/ 5 21 ) and doubtless most But these other large towns- were similarly provided. churches were all ordered to be destroyed, and the Christians to be forced to change their belief, by
;
'
Diocletian
tinued.^"2 ^
39.
and
for
some years the persecution con"
The " conversion
of Constantine,
however,
GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY
brought
t\vo
153
Christianity into power; and for the next centuries the Christians were constantly active, to except during- the brief reign of Julian, in trying" root out the pagans and they pursued their work as old religion had relentlessly as the ministers of the tried to 'suppress Christianity. Perhaps the most notorious instance of the ruthlessness of the monks was the murder of Hypatia at Alexandria, at the in;
> But every bishop, stigation of the patriarch Cyril.^ and every abbot, apparently thought himself at liberty to do as he liked with pagans and their property. Thus Macarius, bishop of Tkoou, and his companions made a
2y
raid on a village, and burnt not only a temple and M> three hundred and six idols, but also the high priest.^The life of Schnoudi represents him as similarly engaged in attacking villages near Panopolis, and even Panopolis for the glory of itself, and burning houses and temples God */5 -5> so that it is not to be wondered at that the made, complaint of him to the of
people
40.
Panopolis
ment intended
say what position the governto take up with regard to^ paganism. each local Apparently it was left to the discretion of official whether he interfered in the religious disputes of his districts and the average official would probably be satisfied if the peace was not too flagrantly broken. Here and there a zealous Christian governor might assist the local ecclesiastics in their holy war, as helped Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria,
It
is
difficult to
Cynegius
to destroy the might try to
"Sarapeum ( r) or a confirmed pagan check the work of destruction, as a before him governor of Antinoe summoned Schnoudi but such interference of the civil power would be an That the central government was not unexception. is willing to use the old gods for diplomatic purposes, shown by the treaty of Maximinus with the Nobatae in the reign of Marcian, one of the conditions of which was a yearly loan of the statue of Isis at Philse to the
;
barbarians.^
41,
The
political
importance of the divisions
in
the
154
Christian Churches of Egypt can hardly be overestimated. Egypt was the birthplace of the Arian heresy, which provided the first pretext for a definite breach between the Eastern and Western divisions of the Roman Empire, in the dispute between Constans and Constantius over the banishment of Athanasius by the latter and the religious difference thus begun was thereafter, under varied forms, continued as the most marked outward sign in all the quarrels which led to The the final severance of Rome and Constantinople. growth of the antagonism between the imperial patriarchate of Alexandria (which represented the official creed of Constantinople) and the native Jacobite Church has already been traced. Its results were, first, the union of the civil and religious power in the persons of the prefect -patriarch, of Justinian, Apollinarius, and his successors, who furnished a precedent for the temporal dominion of the Popes in the Middle Ages ; and, secondly, the subsequent dissensions which opened Egypt successively to the Persians and Arabs, and lost it to the Roman Empire. 42. The special existence of these divisions in Egyptian Christianity may be traced to the mixture of races in the country. The Greek ruling class had never
;
and it amalgamated with their Egyptian subjects was natural that each section should follow its own So long as the gods in question were religious ideas. pagan deities, whose accommodating attributes allowed them to be identified at the will of their worshippers
;
the with one another, no serious difficulties arose Greek and the Egyptian could worship each his own god in the same temple, and the priest was equally satisfied. But when the leaders of the Christian Church, partly, no doubt, from a desire to mark their separation from such loose theology, sought to enforce a cast-iron orthodoxy, set forth in creeds, each word of which must be literally believed on pain of everlasting damnation, the innate differences of the Greek and Egyptian mind began to be manifested. The philosophical subtleties of the Alexandrian school were quite unsuited to the
;
INFLUENCES ON CHRISTIANITY
;
155
and, consequently, in comprehension of the fellah the Arian and Monophysite controversies, the native Egyptian Church on each occasion held to the simpler form of belief. 43. The Christian Church in Egypt, however, was not uninfluenced by the older religion of the country. The importance of the Platonists of Alexandria in the early development of Christianity, particularly in the doctrine of the Logos, is well known. A more striking example of the debt of Christianity to paganism may be found in the worship of Mary as the mother of Jesus, the idea of which was probably, as the artistic representations were certainly, borrowed from the 5ll) Egyptian conception of Isis with her child Horus.< ) And it is not improbable that the development of the doctrine of the Trinity, which formed no part of the original Jewish Christianity, may be traced to Egyptian as the whole of the older Egyptian theology influence was permeated with the idea of triple divinity, as seen both in the triads of gods which the various cities worshipped, and in the threefold names, representing three differing aspects of the same personality, under which each god might be addressed. 44. But the most important contribution of Egypt to the life of the Christian Churches was the habit of monasticism. This has already been noticed in connection with the Jewish sect of the Therapeutai and the custom of withdrawing from the world, for meditation in the solitude of the desert, was adopted also by the Christians. The earliest Christian hermits mentioned and the rapidity lived about the time of Constantme with which the system spread may be judged from the fact that half a century later, in the reign of Valens, the monasteries were not only well established and recognised by law as bodies competent to hold pro51 ^ but were so popular as to present a serious perty/ difficulty to the government, on account of the number of men who claimed exemption from military service or fljl ) A large liturgies on the ground of monastic vows.(
;
number
of the monasteries occupied the old temples.
56
or any otner buildings, such as towers or pylons, which
were at hand. Examples of such occupation were seen by Rufinus, about the end of the fourth century, at and the manner in which a military Oxyrhynchos building could be adapted for monastic purposes may
;
532 The be seen in the Roman fortress of Babylon. in instances most desert monasteries were probably collections of separate cells> related only by their neigh<
>
FIG. 142.-
The White Monastery

courtyard.
(Hioto. by J.
Old nave of church, now the (J. M.)
MONASTICJSM
157
bourhood; but a fe\v instances of convents were already to be found in the time of Rufinus, the largest being". at Tabenna, which held three thousand monks. As the weakness of the central government increased, it befor the monks to provide for their own safety against the desert tribes, who from time to time raided the country and so the fortiess type of monasthe earliest example of which perhaps is the
came necessary
FIG. 143.
The White Monasu. rv

(Photo, by
Walled-m Columns
G. M.)
of nave,
J.
158
White Monastery, became common.
This building" dated to about the reign of Constantius, and presents outwardly a huge expanse of blank Avail, broken only by windows high up, and by two small entrances which could easily be blocked. Such a monastery could stand a long siege against marauders,
may be
if sufficiently provisioned and the extent of provision kept may be judged from the account in the Life of Schnoudi, of how his monastery maintained for three months twenty thousand men, as well as women and 3:J children, who had been rescued from the Blemmyes.("' ) The district round had just been raided, and it is not probable that any large supplies could have been drawn thence so that it must be supposed that the eighty-five thousand artabai of wheat, as well as the numerous other articles of food ? with which the monks supplied their guests, must have been stored in the monastery. The -military use of these Egyptian monasteries was, however, only a secondary one but Justinian borrowed from them, doubtless, his idea when he erected a monastery to g*uard the passes under Mount Sinai against attacks from Northern Arabia. :M ) J n other countries, which were not exposed, like Egypt, to sudden raids from the desert, there was not the same incentive to conventual life but nevertheless it was this system, rather than the eremitic, which finally spread throughout Europe, and moulded the ideas of the Christian Church of the Middle Aees.
;
;
;
CHAPTER X
LIFE IN THE
1.
TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF EGYPT
recent discoveries of papyri have thrown a conamount of light on the life of the inhabitants of Egypt during* the period of Roman rule and some points in particular may be noticed as of special interest. The most complete view of town life will doubtless be given by the Oxyrhynchos papyri, when they are all published but even those which have already appeared, forming a comparatively small part of the whole mass, furnish an extremely interesting picture. 2. The public buildings of the town of Oxyrhynchos are catalogued, in a list of the watchmen who were distributed over the town at some date early in the third 5:J5 There are found there temples of Sarapis, century. < and Thoeris (the special deity of the town), which Isis,
siderable
;
;
THE
all had special watchmen assigned to them, six being placed in the temple of Sarapis, one in that of Isis, and seven in that of Thoeris, from which the relative sizes and importance of the temples may perhaps be conThere was also a Caesareum, which had no jectured. watchman ; and a tetrastyle dedicated to Thoeris is mentioned. Two churches, the north and the south, come in the list but these were not at the date regarded as public buildings, and only appear as giving
;
their names to streets. Three watchmen were assigned to the theatre, two to the gymnasium, and one to the Besides these buildings, there is mention Nilometer. made of the Capitolium, of three sets of baths and of" four gates.
159
160
LIFE IN
list 'of buildings can be taken as repre3. This sentative of the usual condition of an Egyptian town of It shows that, in the religious life, the the period. special local worship and that of Sarapis and I sis were but that the still those recognised by the authorities Christians had made their appearance as an organised body, and were at any rate not ignored. The Csesareum -nn^.the Capitolium marked the Roman supremacy ; and the baths, the gymnasium, and the theatre supplied the
;
needs which had been introduced into Egyptian life by the Greeks. 4. At Oxyrhynchos the gymnasium and its sports appear to have assumed considerable importance. The following- proclamation, dated in 323, shows the popular feeling* with regard to them
:
Dioscorides, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome. The assault at arms by the youths will take place tomorrow, the 24th. Tradition, no less than the distinguished character of the festival, requires that they should do their utmost in the gymnastic display. The
spectators will be present at
<s
two performances."^'^
The privileges which were granted to a victor in the games appears from another papyrus containing a copy
of a letter sent in 292 by the senate of Oxyrhynchos to the strategos, the message of which is "At a meeting" of our body a despatch was read from Theodorus, who was recently chosen in place of Areion the scribe to proceed to his highness the prefect and In this despatch he exattend his immaculate court. plained that he is a victor in the games and exempted have therefore nominated Atirelius from inquiries. to serve, and we send you word accordingly, in order that this fact may be brought to his knowledge, and no time be lost in his departure and attendance upon the f y7 court. pray for your health, dearest brother." ( ) at In the the gymnasium Oxy5. Byzantine period, rhynchos was apparently supplanted by the racecourse. In the sixth and seventh centuries, this, like most other things at Oxyrhynchos, apparently belonged to Flavius Apion ; as a certain John, in a document addressed to
We
We
'
AMUSEMENTS OF THE PEOPLE
i6r
u Apion, styles himself by the help of God contractor of the racecourse belonging to your honourable house, and of the stable belonging to your said honourable house. "(ass) Tiie spectators at Oxyrhynchos, as elsewhere, divided themselves into the factions of the Blues and the Greens and each side seems to have kept its own starters, and to have provided funds for the maintenance of its horses as receipts are preserved, one for io8| carats "paid by the most eminent Georgius the secretary to the two starters of the horses on the side of the Blues as their month's wages, "< 53t? and another for a solidus less four carats " paid by the most eminent Anastasius the banker for the cost of an embrocation bought for the use of the horses of the The public circus on the side of the Greens, "(ô) violence of party spirit over the circus games was increased by the tendency to identify the two factions with the two sections of the Christian Church and the extent to which the partisans indulged their quarrel is shown by the fact that, even while the Romans were shut up in Alexandria by 'Amr, there were open battles
; :
>
in the streets between the Blues, led by Domentianus, prefect of the Fayum, and the Greens, led by Menas the
6.
The
inhabitants of the villages would naturally

;
ave to look to the metropolis of the nome for the provision of most of their amusements but a record is preserved among the Fayum papyri showing that the chief men of the villages were not unmindful of the It runs as follows pleasures of their fellows. u To Attrelius Theon, keeper of the training-school, from Aurelius Asclepiades, son of Philadelphus, president of the council of the village of Bacchias. I desire to hire from you Tisais the dancing girl and another, to dance for us in the above village for (fifteen ?) days from the I3th Phaophi by the old calendar. You shall receive as pay thirty-six drachmae a day, and for the whole period three artabai of wheat, and fifteen couples of loaves ; also three donkeys to fetch them and take them back. "CM2)
;
ii
162
LIFE IN
Three brief letters from Oxyrhynchos are interest" " showing the existence of society in the town. Apparently the fashionable hour for dinner-parties was and the ninth, which would be early in the afternoon such dinner-parties could be held in one of the temples while the festivals of the gods furnished opportunities
7.
ing, as
for social displays.
The
invitations are
at the table of the lord Serapis in the Serapseum, to-morrow, the 1 5th, at 9 o'clock. "(543 ) " Herais requests your company at dinner, in celebration of the marriage of her children, at her house to544 morrow, the sth, at 9 o'clock. < >
3 '
" Chgeremon requests your company at dinner,
Be "Greeting, my dear Serenia, from Petosiris. sure, dear, to come up on the 2oth for the birthday festival of the god, and let me know whether you are by boat or by donkey, in order that we may
I send for you accordingly. Take care not to forget. "( 545 health. continued for your pray 8. There is, however, comparatively little evidence of luxury to be found either in the records of the life of
)
coming
Roman Egypt preserved in the papyri, or in the objects discovered in the excavation of Roman sites, Alexandria excepted. At Bacchias, the houses of which were probably as carefully investigated as any Roman town in Egypt, the catalogue of domestic articles found was
" wooden bowls, platters, boxes, writing-tablets, styles, and reed pipes bone dice, pins, and toilet implements ; bronze rings and pins combs, terra-cotta figurines, memorial prism-shaped shrines in wood (one in marble with four painted figures in relief), and so forth." 546 ) And other Roman sites have produced similar results. 9. The artistic products of Roman Egypt also show a low level of style, which gives ground for arguing
;
<
It that the general standard of life was likewise low. is true that the painted portraits from the mummies of the Fayurn show a fair amount of technical skill ; (547 > but these are the only objects, other than public monuments, which deserve the name of works of art. The pottery and terra-cottas of the Roman period are coarse, <M8> and
ART AND INDUSTRIES

the tombstones
163
5
entire absence of taste. < 549 executed for public or semi-public purposes, though there is a certain amount of mastery of conventional technique to be found in some of the earlier stelai/550 > there is at the same time much ex551 ) and the style of art rapidly tremely bad work deteriorated in the second century. Statues of Caracalla seem to have been set up in many places In Egypt at the time of his visit to the country/ 552) and those which have been discovered vie with each other in ugliness (553 in one instance the artist could rise no higher than 554 The few recutting the face of an older statue/ ) remains of the work of the later period are thoroughly debased. It Is interesting to find among the Oxyrhynchos papyri a letter, dated in 357, from a logistes and the strategos of the nome, requesting Aurelius Sineeis, " In accordance with the directions of the letter, to construct a statue of our lord the most glorious prefect Pomponius Metrodorus."(555) It would be still more interesting to know what the statue was like when It
show an
Even
In sculptures
<
constructed. But if the Egyptians were not luxurious, they were at any rate industrious. The "letter of Hadrian to Servianus," probably written in the third century, says that in Alexandria "no one Is idle: some work "( 556 > glass, others make paper, others weave linen. These three manufactures furnished the bulk of the 557 Egyptian export trade/ ) If the supply of corn to Rome, which went rather by way of tribute than of trade, be left out of consideration : Aurelian, indeed, Included them with corn in the contributions to be sent 558 by Egypt to the capital/ ) Glass and paper were manufactured chiefly at Alexandria ; but the weaving of linen cloth was an industry practised in all parts of the country and no occupation, save that of husbandman, is as commonly mentioned in the papyri as that of weaver/559) To this day excellent weaving Is done In small villages, which are often renowned for special The trades of each nome were organised in fabrics. guilds, whose affairs were managed by presidents elected
10.
;
was
164
LIFE IN
;
each month
( 56 ) and a series of declarations from various guilds of Oxyrhynchos those of coppersmiths, bakers, beersellers, oilsellers, and beekeepers has been found, in which each guild stales the value of the goods In stock at the end of the month. As an example may be taken the declaration of the coppersmiths "To Flavins Eusebius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from the guild of coppersmiths of Oxyrhynchos, dethrough me, Aurelius Thonius, son of Macer. clare that at our own assessment the value given below of the goods we have in stock is that for the present month, and we swear the divine oath that our statement is correct. The value is as follows, of malleable bronze six pounds, worth 1000 denarii, and of cast bronze four pounds* In the consulship of Flavius Ursus and Flavius Polemius the most illustrious, Athyr 30 (Signed) I, Aurelius Thonius, make the aforesaid de-
We
claration.'^ 561 ) These declarations serve to show how close a supervision was exercised by the local authorities over the tradesmen of their district and another papyrus gives further evidence of the restrictions placed on business. *To Flavius Thennyras, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Nil us, son of Didymus, of the
;
illustrious
and most
illustrious city of
Oxyrhynchos, an
56 breaking the oath)."< 9 The main occupation of Egypt was, however, and always has been, agriculture. A special interest therefore attaches to the papyri which deal with farm work and one long document, from Hermopolis, gives a general view of the occupations of the labourers on an Egyptian farm for several months of the year.<563) It appears from this that in Thoth (August-September)
I hereby agree, on the egg-seller by trade. august, divine oath by our lord the Emperor and the Caesars, to offer my eggs in the market-place publicly, for sale and for the supply of the said city, every day without intermission ; and I acknowledge that it shall be unlawful for me in the future to sell secretly or in my house. If I am detected so doing (I shall be liable to the penalty
for
ii.
AGRICULTURE
the main the flood
165
work consisted was then high
in attending- to the dykes, as also men were employed in

:
lands uncovered by the water, in the next month, Phaophi (September-October), the dykes still required artificial attention, but less, as the river subsided irrigation was still carried on, and the breaking up of the ground was begun in Athyr (October-November) the corn was sown, and the land had to be manured and watered in Tybi (December January) the growartificial irrigation of the in carting manure, and
weeding
ing crops only required watering and manuring, and hands were turned to vine-dressing and palm-cutting while In Pharmouthi and Pachon (March-May) all were Another busy harvesting- and thrashing the corn. papyrus, from Memphis, gives particulars of the work done in Mesore (July August).( 504) In this month there was a large body of men required to watch and repair the dykes others were employed in clearing up after the thrashing of the harvest, and carrying away the while chaff from the thrashing-floor to be used as fuel
:
;
spare hands were put to the repair of farm implements. 12. The chief crops grown were corn and barley; 5<JC 50G but, in addition to these, lentils ( > and flax< > were not infrequently sown and garden grounds, with olives, A figs, palms, and vines, are commonly mentioned. considerable amount of land must also have been used
;
as pasture/507^ which would be probably sown pasture, The proporchiefly clover, as in modern times. tionate amount of land devoted to these various crops probably corresponded approximately with that of the present day, when over half of the total area under cultivation is employed for the growing* of cereals.
Cotton, rice, and sugarcane have been introduced, and between them occupy about one-sixth of the land, which may have resulted in a diminution in the amount of corn grown and Indian corn has taken a place among the cereals of Egypt but, with these exceptions, the
; :
crops now raised are tioned in the papyri.

13.
much
the
same as those men-
large
number of
leases of land are preserved,
i66
LIFE IN

)
and give information as to the rents usual in the country. 508 In the first, the They fall into two distinct classes/ rent paid was a stated number of artabai of corn, varying from one to seven and a half per aroura in the
;
second, it was a fixed proportion of the produce, the lowest rate being one-half and the highest four-fifths. The terms of the leases do not give any sufficient evidence for distinguishing between these two classes, which both occur in all parts of the country and at all
periods.
14. The wages of the Egyptian labourers, so far as can be judged from the rather scanty records, show a tendency to rise steadily in nominal amount during the first three centuries. Thus, in 78 A.D., labourers at 569 ) Hermopolis received from three to five obols a day in the middle of the second century the ordinary day's
<
;
wages of a workman
to judge from the
;
in the
Fayum were
eight obols,
sum
from labour on dykes were paid two and a half drachmae, and a bricklayer's labourer t\vo drachmae 571 and in 255 the rate at 572 This Memphis was from six to nine drachmae daily/ rise, however, was due probably rather to the depreciation in the coinage than to any improvement in the
( )
;
fixed for purchasing exemption (5 ~) in 215, bricklayers at Arsinoe
seem
position of the workmen, as the prices of all articles to show a corresponding advance. 15. In one way the papyri give a rather unfavourable impression of the Egyptians, on account of the number of complaints made to the local authorities of thefts and assaults. The impression is perhaps not quite
;
a fair one, as the evil deeds were naturally chronicled, while the good ones went unrecorded but the Romans, not without reason, regarded Egypt as a country speci573 ) Some of the cases may ally liable to disturbance/ serve to show how quarrels arose in Egyptian villages for instance, a formal complaint lodged with the strategos of the Herakleid district of the Arsinoite nome by Tarmouthis, a female seller of vegetables, sets forth that " on the fourth of this month, Taorsenouphis, wife of Animonios Phimon, an elder of the village of Bacchias,
;
CRIME IX EGYPT
167
though she had no occasion against me, came to my house and made herself most unpleasant to me besides tearing my tunic and cloak, she carried off sixteen drachmae that I had put by, the price of vegetables 1 had sold. And on the fifth her husband Ammonios Phimon came into my house, pretending he was looking for my husband, and took my lamp and went up into the house and he went off with a pair of silver armlets weighing forty drachmas, my husband being away from horne."( 574 A more serious accusation is one addressed to the prefect from the Great Oasis by Syrus son of Petechon. He states: U I married a wife of my own ., a freeborn woman of free parents, and tribe, Tsek have children by her. Now Tabes, daughter of Ammonios, and her husband Laloi, and Psenesis and Straton their sons, have committed an act which disgraces all the chiefs of the town, and shows their recklessness they carried off my wife and children aforesaid to their
;
house, calling them slaves, though they are free, wife has brothers living who are free; and when I remonstrated they seized me and beat me 75) Perhaps the most curious commentshamefully."^' aries on the state of Egypt, however, may be found in On one occasion a man came to the life of Schnoudi. on told him, and, being by the saint that he was a murderer, remembered an incident which had apparhow he had taken his ently passed out of his memory sword, gone out, and killed a woman, no reason whatever being suggested for this/570 ) At the same time the dux was on his way up the river ; and, when a number of robbers were presented to him, he promptly 577) But the lawlessput them to death without trial/ ness of Egypt was unquestionably much greater in the latter half of the Roman period ; and, as has already been seen, during the last fifty years before the Arab conquest, the country was practically in a state of
own
and
my
anarchy.
APPENDIX
THE ROMAN GARRISON
IN
EGYPT
UNDER Augustus, the Roman garrison of Egypt was furnished by three legions, one of which was stationed at Alexandria and a second at Babylon tog-ether with nine cohorts, three being* at Alexandria and three at
;
Syene (Strabo, xvii. i). But one legion had already been withdrawn by the time of Tiberius (Tac. Ann.
and the garrison continued at this strength, the legions left being the iii Cyrenaica and the xxii Deiotariana, till the time of Trajan, who, not before the year 99 (cf. B.G.U. 140), withdrew these two and substituted for them a single new one, the ii Traiana Fortis, which continued to serve in Egypt for the rest of its history. There Is no further account to be found of the Roman army in Egypt as a whole till that given by the Notitia Dignitatum, which mentions eig^ht legions, eleven companies of cavalry, thirty alae, and nineteen cohorts, as stationed in the province. The Roman troops in Egypt were, as has been shown by Mommsen (Hermes, xix. p. 4), mainly recruited from Egypt ; with the exception that, in the first
iv. 5),
Cyrenaica and xxii Deiotariana proportion of Galatians were found among the troops. He explains this circumstance by the supposition that, with the kingdoms of Egypt and Galatia, Augustus took over the Ptolemaic and In later times the Deiotarian armies (ibid. p. 51). Egyptian troops were never sent out of the country and this fact, coupled with the constitution of the
century,
when
the
iii
were in garrison, a
largê
169
170
THE ROMAN GARRISON
IN
EGYPT
Egyptian army, shows how the province was treated and the forces raised there were used only for home service (Hermes, xix. p. 218). This rule was first broken by Valens, who, as already shown (ch. V. 15), sent some of the Egyptian
as a separate kingdom,
serve in other provinces, and filled their places with Goths ; and so, in the lists of the Notitia Dignitatum, the ala ii nova ^gyptiorum is found serving at Cartha in Mesopotamia, and the cohors ii Êgyptiorum at Vallis Diocletiana in Phoenicia. The following tables give the references to the various legions, cohorts, ala3, and other troops which
soldiers to
have been preserved in Egypt. [The legions whose names are bracketed were probably not stationed in Egypt.]
Dedication, by priests at Koptos -[315!Legio i Ilfyrica. (Rec. Trav. xvi. p. 44). Similar dedication, from Syene
{323} (Inscr. App.
iii.
8).
Legio Legio Legio

Legio
Stationed at Philse {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). i Valentiniana. Stationed at Koptos {c. 425 \ (Not. Digru). ii Flavia Constantia 77iebceorum. Stationed at Cusae
i
Maximiana.
{c. 425!-
(Not. Digti.)-
ii Trajana. vexillus at Pselkls {109} (C.I.L. iii. 79). Graffito of a soldier at Thebes {127} (C.I.L. iii. 42). centurion at Syene -[c. 140 (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107,
No.
2).
A A
J-
veteran in
Fayum
*[i43l"
(B.G.U,
113).
soldier transferred into coh. i Aug. Prast. Lusitanorum Soldiers {148, i6i[- (B.G.U. 265, 195). {156} (B.G.U. 696). centurion at Syene {162} (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, soldier {167} (B.G.U. 240). No, 3). Dedication by tribune at Alexandria -[176!- (C.I.L. iii. 13). Veterans at
Alexandria {194}- (C.I.L. iii. 6580). Soldier {201} (B.G.U. Restoration of camp under centurion {175} (M.A. 156). 101), Equites promoti secundi at Tentyra {302} (G.G.P. ii. Stationed at Parembole and Apollinopolis magna 74).
{c.
425} (Not. Dig-n.).
[Dates not fixed precisely.]
Tombstones at Alexandria (C.I.L. iii. 6592, 6593, 6594, 6595, 6596, 6605, 6609, 6611, 6613 M.A. 92, 92 A, 89 A Rev, Arch. 1891, p. 333, No. 9). Dedication at Alexandria (M.A. Soldier (B.G.U. 378). 14). Stationed at Hermonthis {c. 425} Legio ii Valentiniana.
; ;
(Not. Digru). [Legio iii Augusta.] Graffito by a tribune at Thebes Graffito by a soldier at Thebes (C.I.L. iii. 67). (C.I.L. iii. 52).
THE ROMAN GARRISON

j*c,
IN
EGYPT
171
iii Cyrenaica. Inscription of homage at Pselkis {33} Dedication at Ekfas {47/8} (C.I.L. iii. '(C.I.G. iii. 5101). Sent to Jewish war {c. 70} (Tac. Hist. v. i). 6624). Graffito by a soldier at Thebes {8o/ij- (C.I.L. Jii. 34)-
A SQlCUer -^95;- t-rap. 174 It.;. quarters {99/100 or 102/3} (B.G.U. 140). Dedication by a centurion [Undated.]
JD.IVA.
a
(M.G.
Legio
iii
301). 6602, 6607).
Tombstones
at Ptolemais at Alexandria (C.I.L. iii. 6599,
Legio
Graffito opposite Girgeh (R.E.G. i. p. 311). l< Andros," '* Praesentia," DiocJetiana. Stationed at Ombos, and Thebes {c. 425} (Not. Digfn.). Statue dedicated by centurion at Alexandria iii Gallica.
Legio iv Legio v Macedonica.
Stationed at
Memphis
{c.
425} (Not,
Legio
-ui'i
Claudia
Stationed at
Oxyrhynchos {295} (G.O.P.
Legio xi Claudia.
i.
Stationed at Oxyrhynchos {295} (G.O.P.

Graffito
43).
[Legio -vii Fulminafa.] {65} (C.I.L. iii. 30).
A
A
by a
veteran in
primipilaris at Thebes Fayum {138} (B.G.U.
Legwxiii Gemina. Stationed at Babylon

[Legio x-v ApolUnaris.}
-\c. 425} (Not. Digri-)centurion in charge of works at Mons Claudianus {under Trajan} (C.I.L. iii. 25). A soldier {15} (Pap. B.M. 256*). Legio xxii Deiotariana. Dedication at Ekfas {47/8} (C.I.L. iii. 6624). Graffito at
Thebes
{c. 70}
(Tac. Hist. v. i). Graffito at Thebes {84} (C.I.L. Reference to winter quarters {99/100 or 102/3^ iii. 36. iii* (B.G.U. 140). Graffiti at Thebes {147, 189} (C.I.G. 4766, 4768). iii. 6598, [Undated.] Tombstones at Alexandria (C.I.L. Arch. 1891, 6600, 6602, 6606, 6608, 6623, 6623 a; Rev. iii. at Thebes 58, Graffiti 57, 56, (C.I.L. p- 333, No. 12).
60).
{65} (C.I.L.
iii.
30).
Withdrawn
to
Jewish war
soldier
(B.G.U. 455)-
Equites StaUesianL
Stationed at Pelusium
{c.
425}
^ (Mot,
,
Equites *Saraceni
ThamudenL
Stationed at Scense Veteran-
42^} (Not. Dig-n.). at Tentyra, Koptos, Equites Sagiffarii indigene. Stationed (Not. Diospolis, LatopoHs, and Maximianopolis {c. 425}
{c.
orum
Equites scutarii.
Dign.).
Stationed
at
HermopoHs
{c.
425} (Not.
172
THE ROMAN GARRISON

Equites felices Honoriani.
(Not, Dig-n.).
Rqitites (Not. Dig-n.).
IN
EGYPT
{c,
Stationed at Asphynis
Stationed
at
425} 425}
Mauri
scutarn.
Lykopolis
{359!-
-Jc.
Rquites cataphmctarii.
3*6) Milifes miliarenses.
vexillatio at
Arsinoe
;
(B.G.U.
Ala
Ala Ala
Abasgorum.
Stationed at Syene -[c. 425 (Not. Dign.). Stationed at Hibis, in the Great Oasis
at Selle
-[c.
{c. 425} (Not, Digrn.)Stationed i J&gyptioruiu.
425;-
ii
/Egyptwmm.
'
Stationed at Tacosiris
(Not, Dign.). {c. 425} (Not.
Dign.).
Soldiers {159]- (B.G.U. 142), {177} Stationed at Thaubastis {c. 425!- (Not Dig-n.). Ala Aprictna, Discharg-e of veterans {83)- (C.I.L. iii. Const. Graffito by presoldier -[120} (B.G.U. 69). Vet. xv.). fect at Thebes -[170]- (C.I.L. iii. 49). Stationed at Hipponon Inscription at Syene { ? } (C.I.L/ {c. 425!- (Not. Dig-n. ).
Ala, ii Ulpia
..
Afrorum.
(B.G.U.
241).
iii.
Ala H Arabnm. Stationed at Terenuthis {425} (Not. Dign.). Ala Arcadiana. [No station.] {c. 425} (Not. Dig-n.). Ala ii Armemorum* Stationed in Lesser Oasis -|c. 425} (Not.
Dign.)-
6626).
Ala
ii
Assyriorum*
Stationed at "Sosteos"
J-
{c.
425}
iii.
(Not.
Dign.).
Ala Augusta.
Vet. xv.).
Discharge of veterans {83
(C.I.L.
Const.
Ala iv Britonum. Stationed at Isium {c. 425]- (Not. Dig-n.). Ala ijovia cataphractariorum. Stationed at Pampanis -Jc. 425}
(Not. Dign.).
Ala Commagenorum.
Const. Vet. xv.).
iii.
Dischargee of veterans -[83]- (C.I.L. iii. Graffito at Talmis {? ist cent.} (C.I.G. *
5057).
Ala
Ala
iii
dromedariorum.
Stationed at Maximianopolis
{c.
425
j-
(Not. Dign.).
ii
Herculia dromedariorum.
Stationed at "Psinaula"
!1
{c. 425]- (Not. Dig-n.). Ala i Valeria dromedariorum.
Stationed at " Prectis
{c.
425}
(Not. Dign.).
Ala
Francontm.
Stationed at Contra Apollinopolis

;
{c.
425}
(Not. Dign.).
Ala Gallica. Soldiers {191} (G.G.P. J, 48 G.G.P. 2, 51). Ala Antoniana Gall'ca. A sesquiplicarius {217!- (B.G.U- 614). Ala Veterana Gallica. Dedications at Alexandria {191!- (C.I.L.
iii.
14,
15).
Stationed
"
at
Rhinocorura
{c.
4255-
(Not.
Dign.).
Ala Germanorum. Stationed at Pescla {c. 425]- (Not. Dign.). Ala i Herculia. Stationed at Scenre extra Gerrhas -Jc. 425}
(Not. Dign.).
Ala
i Iberoriim.
Stationed at Thmuis
{c.
425} (Not. Dign.).
THE ROMAN GARRISON

Ala
HTuitrorttm.
IN
EGYPT
173
Deeurion hi charge of quarries at Philse {c. 203! (C.LL.370). Ala Xeptunia. Stationed at Chenoboskion -[c. 4215! (Not.
Ala via Palmyrenorum.

(Not. Dign.). Ala if Prcclectorum,
Dign.).
Stationed at
Phcenikon
{c.
{c.
-[c.
425}
(Not.
Stationed at Dionysias
in
42=5}
Ala
Ala
Quadorum.
Stationed
Lesser Oasis
425} (Not.
Dign.).
*u Rcetontm. Stationed at Scenai Veteranorum {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Ala tni Sarmatarum* Stationed at Scenaj Mandrorum {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Ala i Thracum RIauretana. A soldier -{154/5!- (B.G.U. 26). decurioii transferred into coh. i Aug-. Prset. Lusitan. Dedication at Alexandria -[loaj- (C.I.L. {156;- (B.G.U. 696). iii. Camp at Qantarah {288} (Inscr. E.E.F. Tanis, 14).
ii.
p. 98).
Ala Ala
Tingitana. Dign.).
<viii
Stationed at Thimanepsis Stationed at Neapolis
{c.
-Jc,
425} (Not.
Vandalorum.
425} (Not.
Ala Vocontiorunt. At Koptos {134} (B.G.U. 114). Dedication by duplicarius, opposite Koptos {164} (Inscr. in G.G.P. ii.
Graffito at Getol-et-Tonkh { ? \ (R.E.G. I. p. 311, No. 6). A soldier {2/30.} (B.G.U. 4). Ala vii HercuUa Tofttntaria. Stationed at Contra Latopolis
p. 85).
{c.
Stationed at AbydOvS {c. 425} (Not. Ala via Ala Theodosiana. [No station] {c. 425} (Not. Digii.). Stationed at Bureaus Seven ix Alamannonim. Cohors
.
425} (Not. Dig-n.).
Dig-n.).
{c. 425}
(Not. Dig*n.). Cohors i Apanurorum* A soldier {144} ( B. G. U. 729). A soldier {145} (Pap, B.M. 178). A soldier {Antoninus} (B.G.U. 462). Stationed at Silsilis libellarius {2nd cent.} (B.G.U. 243). {0.425} (Not. Digii.)Cohors ii Astuntm. Stationed at Btisiris {c. 425] (Not, Digii.). Stationed at Panopolis {c. 425} Cohors xi Chamavorum. (Not. Dign.)Cohors i Flauia Cilicum. Discharge of veterans {83} (C.I.L. iii. Const. Vet. xv.). soldier exchanged into coh. i Aug-.
Lusitanorum {156} (B.G.U. 696). Cohors iFlavia Cilicum equitata. Tribune at Mons Claudianus
Prset,
{118} (C.I.G. 4713), Prefect (C.I.R. 18). Built basilica at Syene {c. 140} (C.I.L. iii. 6625). Erected altar at Syene {c. 140} (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, No. 2). Erected altar at Syene {162} (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, No. 3) [probably = coh. i equitata {154/5} (B.G.U. 26) and coh. 5 Flavia {158} (Inscr. App. Iii. 10)].
174
THE ROMAN GARRISON

Conors
CoJiors
i
i
IN
EGYPT
Damascenorum.
Hpireorum.
Prefect {135^- (B.G.U. 73, 136). Stationed at Castra Judseorum {c. 425}
(Not. Dign.). Cohors i>lt Franconun. (Not. Dign.). Cohors Hi Galatarum.

Dign.),
Stationed
at
Diospolis
{c.
{c.
425}
Stationed at Cephro
Graffito
425} (Not.
I
Cohors
*vii
Hyrcanornm.
by
prefect at Thebes
(C.LL. Hi. 59). Cohors i Hispanorum.

P.S.B.A.
Discharge of veterans {83} (C.I.L.
in.
Const. Vet. xv.). Cohors i Hispanorum eqiiitata.

(Inscr.
xviii. p. 107,
Cohors
ii
Hispanornm.
Erected altar at Syene {98} No. i). Graffiti at Talmis {84} (C.LG. iii.
Stationed at Oxyrhynchos 5043, 5044, 5045, 5046, ^047). { 295 }JG.p.P. 1.43). Cohors ii Hispanornm equitata. Graffito by prefect at Thebes {195} (C.I.L. iii. 50). Erected altar at Syene {39} (Inscr. Cohors ItyrcEoritm. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, No. i). Cohors ii Ityrceorum, Discharge of veterans {83} (C.I.L. iii. Graffito at Pselkis {136} (C.LG. iii. Const. Vet. xv.). 5081). Graffito at Talmis {147} (C.LG. iii. 5050). Stationed Graffito at Hiera Sykaminos at Aiy {c, 425} (Not, Dign)
{probably ist or 2nd cent.} (C.LG. iii. 5110). Cohors ii Ityr&omm cquitata. Erected altar at Syene {98} (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, No. i). Cohors iii Ityr&orwn . Discharge of veterans {83} (C.I.L. iii. Const Vet. xv.). Graffito at Gebel-et-Toidh \ ? } (R.E.G.
i.
p. 311,
No.
7).
Cohors iv Jufhungorum. Stationed at Aphroditopolis {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Cohors i Augtistct Pretoria Lvtsitanorum. Camp at Hierakotiiii. Stationed at same place 22). polis {288} (C.I.L. |c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Cohors i Augusta Pretoria Liisitanorum equitctta. In winter quarters at Contrapollonopolis major : strength, 6 centurions, 3 decurions, 114 horse, 19 camel-riders, 363 foot
{
I56}
(B.G.U. 696).
Stationed at Nanmmthis {c. 425} Cohors iv Numtdorum. (Not. Dign.). Cohors i (Attg-ttsfa) Paunonwrtim. Discharge of veterans {c. 83} Stationed at Thmuis {c. 425} (C.I.L. iii. Const. Vet. xv.). (Not. Dign.). rum. scutata Romano civium A soldier {143/4} (B.G.U, Cohors Stationed at Muthis {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Tomb741), stone at Alexandria { ? } (C.I.L. Hi. 66.10). Cohors i Sagittarionim* Stationed at "Naisiu" {c. 425} (Not. Dign.). Cohors v Syenensium, Stationed at Svene 4c. 42 ^ (Not.
THE ROMAN GARRISON
IN
EGYPT
175
Cohors vf Suganibrorum. Stationed at Castra Lapiclariorum {c. 425} (Not. Digrn.). Cohors i Theboeorum* Discharge of veterans [83!- (C.I.L. iii. Const. \"et. xv.). Soldier at Cortis (Rivista |ii6j Graffiti at Tahnis { ? j (C.I.G. Egfiziana, 1894., p. 529). iii. at Hiera ? 5052, 5053, 5054, 5055), Sycaminos { } (C.I.G.
iii.
5117).
t
Cohors
(Inscr. CoJiors ii
iii.
Tkcbceorum equitctta* Erected altar at Syene {98} P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107, No. i). Tkeb&orum. Discharge of veterans {83} (C.I.L. iii.
Graffito of prefect at
Const. Vet. xv.).

37).
Thebes
{95} (C.I.L.
-jc.
CoJiors i Felix Theodosiana,
Stationed at Elephantine
425}
Flavia Thracum, Graffito at Wady Hammamat {Domitian} (Letr. Rech. 427). Cohors ii Thracitni. Ostrakon at Thebes {c. 200} (R.E. ii.
CoJiors
i
(Not. Dig-n.).
Stationed at Muson [c. 425}- (Not. Dig-n.). p. 346). " Cohors ix Tsanorutn. Stationed at " Nitnn -{c. 42=;)
Dign.).
(Not.
Nitmenis Transtigritanorum. A soldier at Arsinoe {498! (B.M. Pap. 113, 5a). Numerus Auxiliariomm Constantianontm. A soldier (B.G.U. 316). Numerus Hermonthitorum (525)- (B.G.U. 673). Stationed at Hermopolis Magfna {6th Scythi JustinianL cent.} (G.G.P. 2, 95). Biicoli.a. At Scenai Mandrse -}2nd/3rd cent.} (B.G.U. 625). A vexillarius at Sagitfarii Hadrlani Palmyreni Antoninianl. Koptos {216} (Petrie, Koptos, vi. 5). Classis Alexandrina. Soldier {ist cent.] (B.G.U. 4 >) A soldier {143/4} (B.G.U. 741). Prefect {159! (B.G.U. 142,
1
>
143)-
Classis prceforia
Misenarum.
(B.G.U.
113).
Classis Syriaca.
113, 265).
Discharge of veterans {143} Veterans {176, 189} (B.G.U. 327, 326). Discharg-e of veterans {143, 148} (B.G.U.
APPENDIX
C. CORNELIUS
II
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
GALLUS
,
B.C. 30 (Strabo, xvii. i) (Dio C. li. 9, Hi. 23). B.C. 29, Apl. 15 (Inscr.
Sitzungsb. d. k. Preuss. Akad.

C. Petronius
JKlius Gallus
.
.
1896, p. 469). B.C. 26 (Strabo, xvii. i)(DioC.liv. 5). B.C. 25 (Strabo, xvi. 3, xvii. i) (Dio
C. C. Petronius,
P.
it.
I'm. 29).
[a]
Rubrius Barbaras
C. Turranius
P. Octavius
.
B.C. 24 (Strabo, xvii. i). B.C. 13 (Inscr. Bull, dell' 1st. 1866, B.C. 12 (C.I.L. iii. 6588). p. 44). B.C. 7 (C.I.G. iii, 4923). ?(Pap.
B.M.
354).
A.D.
3,
i.
i, Sept. 23 (C.I.G. iii. 4715). Feb. 25 (Inscr. Brug-sch Geogr.
136).
'M.
Maxlmus
.
[under Augustus] (Philo, adv. Flacc.

i).
Aquila
[under Augustus] (Josephus, Ant. Jud. xix. 5. 2).
Vitrasms
Pollio
.
16/17(0.1.0.4963).
21 (C.I.G. 4711).
3);
C. Galerius
?(Plin.
N.H.xix.
Vitrasius Pollio,
it.
Ti. Julius Severus
A. Avillius Flaccus
ad Helv. ). (Dio C. Iviii. 19). circa 32 (Philo, adv. Flacc. i)(Dio C. Iviii. 19). 32-37 (Philo, adv. Flacc. i). ?(C.I.G.
to circa 31 (Seneca, Cons,
4716).
Êmilius Rectus
L. Seius Strabo
[under Tiberius] (Suetonius, 32) (Dio C. Ivii. 10). [under Tiberius] (Dio C. Ivii.
176
Tib.
19).
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
Narv'ius Sertorius
177
(
Macro
[5]
[under Caligula] Dio C.

39, Apl.
lix.
10).
C. Vitrasius Pollio
p. io7 = Acad. 1896, p. 39).

'77>-
28 (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii.
des Inscr. et B.L. 40/1 (Pap. B.M.
L. JEmilius Refctus]
41/2 (Inscr. Bull. corr. hell. 1895, P

.
C, Julius Postumus
Cti. Verg-ilius
circa 47 (C.I.G.
iii.
4957).
Capito
L. Lusius
47/8 (G.I.L. iii. 6024). 49, Feb. i (C.I.G. iii. 4956). 49/so (G.O.P. i. 38). 52, Apl. 24 (G.O.P. L 39). 54, Apl. 5 (Inscr. App. iii. 5).
M. Metius Modestus
Claudius Balbillus
[under Claudius] (Suidas,
s.v, 'Eira-
Ti.
56 (Tacitus, Ann.
iii.
xiii. 22).
?(
C.I.G.
L. Julius Vestinus.
?(Plin. N.H. xix. 3). 4699). ?( C.I. G, in. 4957). 59/60 (Inscr. R.E.G. vii. p. 284). 60/1 (Inscr. Petrie, Illahun, p.
32).
6i.,2(B,G.U. 112), ?(C.I.G.
i"* 4957)-
Caecina Tuscus
Ti. Julius
Alexander
67 (Dio C. Ixiii. 18) (Tac. Ann. xiii. 20). (Tac. Hist. Iii. 38). 68, Sept. 28 (C.I.G. iii. 4957). 69, July f (Tac. Hist. i. n, ii. 79) (Sueton. Vesp. 6) (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 18).
71 (Josephus, Bell. Jud. ?(Plin. N.H. xix. ii).
vii.
Ti. Julius
Lupus
.
10).
Paulinus
[succeeded Lupus]
Jtid. vii. 10).
.
(Josephus, Bell.
Stettius Africanus
C. Septimus Veg'etus
Mettius Rufus
[c]
82, Feb. 2(C.I.L. Hi. 35). 86 (C.I.L. iii, 2, p. 856). 88, Feb. 26 (Inscr. B.C.H. 1896, p. 167). ? (Suet.. Dom. 4). 90, Apl. 10 (G.O.P. i. 72). 90, 10 (Inscr. Petrie, Koptos, c. vi. No. 4). 90 (Inscr. Petrie, Koptos, c. vi. No. 3). ? (Inscr. R.E.G. iv. p. 46, No. v. i ). ? (Suetonius,
May
Domitian,
T. Petronius Secundus C. Pompeius Planta
,
4).
iii.
95,
March
14 (C.I.L.
37).
98 (Inscr. P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107 Acad. des Inscr. et B.L. 1896, p.

40) (Pirn. Ep.
99,
ad
Traj.
7,
10),
Feb.26(B.G.U.226). ?(Inscr. R.A. 1889, i. p. 70).
12
78
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
Maximus
103, Aug". 29 (Inscr.
C, Vibius
M.A.
38).
70).
104,
Feb.
3 2 9)-
i~6
(C.I.L.
iii.
?(B.G.U.
C. Minicius Italus \d]
C. Sulpicius Simius
? (Inscr. M.A. v. 875). Botti's Catalogue, p. 149). 10 109, 108/9 (C.I.L. iii. 24). 109, (C.I.G. iii. 47130). ?(B.G.U. 14 (C.I.G. iii. 4714).
105 (C.I.L.
May May
iv. 2).
140).
M.
Rutilius
Lupus
115/6 (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.

116,
24 (C.I.G. iii. 4948). ii7Jan.5(B.G.U.ii 4 ). ?(C.I.G. Hi. 4843). ?(G.O.P.i. 9 7). ?(Pap.
Bull, dell' 1st. di diritto
May
romano,
1895, p. 155).
Q. Marcius Turbo
[e\
117 (Dio C. Ixix. 18) (Hist.
Aug.
Rhammius Martialis T. Haterius Nepos

T, Flavins Titianus
Hadrian, 7). 118, Apl. 23 (C.I.G. iii. 4713). 121, Feb. 18 (C.I.L. iii. 39). 122, 124, Apl. Apl. 21 (B.G.U. 742). i 3 (C.P.R. 18). 126, March 20 (C.I.L. iii. 41). 127, Aug. 20 (G.O.P. i. 347). 130/1 (B:G.U.42o). i3i,Aug-.2(B.G.U.
459)134, Feb.
Sex, Petronius Mamertinus
25 (B.G.U. 114). 134, March 10 (C.I.L. iii. 44). 13^, Feb. ii (B.G.U. 19). ? (C.I.L. iii.
77)-
Valerius
Eudsemon
.
[under Hadrian] G.O.P.

139,
i.
40.
C. Avidius Heliodorus
March 30 (B.G.U. 729). 140, Aug. 12 (C.I.G. iii. 495 S)- 142, Aug. 26 (Pap. Bull, dell' 1st. di diritto romano, 1895, p, 155). 143 (B.G.U. (B.G.U. 256). 113)
? (C.I.L.
M. Petronius Honoratus
L. Munatius Felix
,
? (Inscr. Hi. 6025). P.S.B.A. xviii. p. io7 = Acad. des Inscr. et B.L. 1896, p. 41). 148, Jan. 12 (B.G.U. 265). ?(Pap.
B.M.
358).
p. 402).
150 (Justin Martyr, Apol). ? (Inscr.
R.A. 1894,
4863).
?(C.I.G.
iii.
M, Sempronius Liberalis [f]

[Vol]usius Msecianus
?(B.G.U. 161). ? (B.G.U. 613). ? (Pap. B.M. 358). 154, Aug. 29 (B.G.U. 372). 155 (B.G.U. 26). 156, Jan. i (B.G.U.
696).
[]
about 159 (B.G.U. 613).
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
L. Valerius Proculus
[under Antoninus] (C.I.L.
ii.
1970)
(B.G.U.
288).
M. Annius Syriacus
Domitius Honoratus T. Flavius Titianus M. Bassaeus Rufus [//]
C. Calvlsius Statianus T. Pactumeius
162/3 (B.G.U. 198) (G.G.P. ii. 56). 163, Jan. (Pap. B.M. 328). ?(Inscr.
P.S.B.A. xviii. p. 107). 165, Jan. 6 (G.O.P. i. 621:). 1 66, May 10 (C.I.G. iii. 4701). c. 167 (C.I.L. vi. 1599). c. 17^, Oct. 26 (M.A. 101).
fDio C.
ixxi. 28).
176
iii.
Magnus
.
Flavius Priscus P. Maenius Flavianus
between 177 and 180 (C.I.G. 4704) (B.G.U. 525). 181 (B.G.U. 12). between 180 and 18-? (C.I.G.
4683).
iii.
M. Aurelius Papirius Dionysius [under Commodus] (Dio C.

14).
Ixxii.
L. Mantennius Sabinus
193,
March 6 (B.G.U.
646).
194,
iv.
April 21 (Borghesi, CEuvres,
440-
M. Ulpius Primianus
Êmilius Saturninus Msecius Laetus Subatianus Aquila
[/]
Septimius Heracleitus Valerius Datus []
196, Feb. 194/5 (C.I.G. iii. 4863). 24 (C.I.L. iii. 51). 197, July ii (B.G.U. 15 II). 201/2 (Euseb. H. E. vi. 2). 201/2 (B.G.U. 484). 204 (Euseb. H. E. vi. 3). 207, Oct. ii (Pap. Gen. 16). ? (C.I.L. Hi. 75). 215, March 16 (B.G.U. 362).
Basilianus
216, June 5 (B.G.U. 159). 217, Feb. 17 (B.G.U. 614). 216/7 (B.G.U. 266). 217/8 (Dio C. Ixxviii. 35). 219, Aug. 13 (Inscr. App. 220/1 (G.G.P. i. 49). 232, June (C.I.G. iii. 4705).
iii.
Geminius Chrestus
Msevius Honorianus
idinius Julianus
.
13).
[under Severus Alexander] G.O.P.

i-
352).
1 7 (C. P. R. i. 20). vi. 40, vii. ii).
Epagathus
[under Severus Alexander] (Dio C.

Ixxx.
Appius Sabinus
250, July
? (Euseb.
H. E.
[under Gallienus] (Hist. Aug. Trig-. Tyr.) (Euseb. H. E, vii. ii).
So
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
.
Firmus
Celerinus
[/]
[under Aurelian?] (Hist. Aug*. Firmus, 3). [under Carus] (Claudian, Epithal.
Pall. 72).
Pompeius [w]
Culcianus
Satrius Arrianus
.
c.
302 (C.I.G.
iii.
4681).
71),
303, Feb.
28(G.O.P. i,
? (Euseb.
Sabinianus . Fl. Antonius Theodoras
Longinianus
Parnasius
H.E. ix. n). 3 o7(G.G.P. ii. 78). 323, Aug. i7(G.O.P. i. 60). 338, March 28 (G.O.P. i. 67). 354. Feb. 26 (Cod. Theod. xvi.
2.
Pomponius Metrodorus
Artemius
Ecdicius
,
Tatianus
Publius Tatianus,
....
//,
.
n). c. 357 (Amm. Marc. xix. 12). 357, July 2 (G.O.P. i. 66). 360 (Amm. Marc. xxii. 11). 362, Dec. 2 (Cod. Theod. xv. i. 8). c. 362 (Julian, Ep. ad Ecd.). 367, May 365/8 (Chron. Putean.). 10 (Cod. Theod. xii. 18. i). 369/70 (Chron. Put). 371/3 (Chron. Put.). ?(John of
Nikioii, 82).
Êlius Palladius
Tatianus
Julianus
terf.
Hadrianus
374 (Chron. Put.) (Inscr. App. iii. 15). ? (Theod. H.E. iv. 19). 375 (Chron. Put.). 376/7 (Chron. Put.). 380, March 17 (Cod, Theod. xii. i. 80). 380 (Chron. Put.). ?(C.I.G.
iii.
5071).
Paulinus
Bassianus
Palladius
Hypatius
Antoninus
Florentius
Paulinus,
it.
380 (Chron. Put.). 381 (Chron. Put.). 382, May 14 (Cod. Theod. viii. 5. 382 (Chron. Put.). 37). 383, May 8 (Cod. Theod. xi. 36. 27). 382/3 (Chron. Put.). 383/4 (Chron. Put.). 384, Dec. 1 8 (Cod. Theod. ix. 33. *) 384/5 (Chron. Put.). 385, July 25 (Cod. Theod. xi. 39. 10). 385, Nov. 30 (Cocl. Theod.
xii. 6. 22).
Florentius,
if.
386, Feb. 17 (Cocl. Theod. i. 14. 386, May 17 (Cod. Theod. xii.
112).
i).
i.
Erythrius
Alexander
Evagrius
388, Apl. 30 (Cod. Theod. ix. n. i). ^ 390, Feb. 1 8 (Cod. Theod. xiii. 5. l8 )' 391, June 16 (Cod. Theod. xvi. 10.
ii
).
?(Soz. H. E.
vii. 15).
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
Potamius
Hypatius, Potamius,
//.
181
....
,
392, March 5 (Cod. Theocl. i. 20. 2), 392, Apl. 9 (Cod. Theocl. xi. 36.
'
3').
//.
.
,
392, June 22 (Cod. Thcod. xii. i. 126). 392, July 18 (Cod. Thcod. xvi. 4. 3). 392, July 30 (Cod.
Theod.
Cl. Septimius Eutropius
.
viii, 5.
51).
between 384 and 392

iii. 1
(Inscr.
App.
6).
Charmosynus
Gennadius
-
Remigius
Archelaus
....
.
395 (Theopbanes, Chronogr. 83). 396, Feb. 5 (Cod. Theod. xiv. 27.
i).
396,
7).
March 30 (Cod. Theod.
iii.
i.
397,
2).
ii.
Orestes. Cleopater
Florus Eustathius
.....
.
....
.
June 17 (Cod. Theod. ix. 45. 397, Nov. 26 (Cod, Theod.

i. 9).
Theodositis
....
415 (Socr. H.E. vii. 13). 435, Jan. 29 (Cod. Theod. 453 (Prisons, Frag". 22). 501 (Eutych. ii. 132).
(
vi. 28. 8).
[under Anastasius] John of Nikiou, 89) (Malala, xvi. 401 ).
(MILITARY PREFECTS, Johannes

Paulus
.....
//.
.
....
.
.
acting- with Patriarch as Civil Prefect.)
[under Maurice] (John of Nikiou, 97 [under Maurice] (John of Nikiou,

>
97
>
Johannes,
[under Maurice] (John of Nikiou,

97)-
Menas
Theodorus
....
[under Maurice] (John of Nikiou, 97) Paulus, Diac. xvii. ).
639 (John of Nikiou,
n).
NOTES.
for supposing- C. Petronius to have been twice [a] prefect are set forth in Note X. App. IV. [] Macro was only nominated as prefect, and never took office.
The grounds
that D. G. Hogarth was [r] The Oxyrhynchos papyrus shows the right in restoring the name of Mettius Rufus in the erasures of two Koptos inscriptions published in Petrie, Koptos, c. vi.
182
PREFECTS OF EGYPT
1
\_d} The reason given by P. Meyer (Hermes, xxxii. p. 214) for supposing an otherwise unknown Dioscurus to have been prefect of Egypt in 105/6 that his name appears with that of an architect on a stone pedestal, apparently as the person in charge of the quarry from which the stone was taken is hardly worth dis-
cussion.
He was [<?] Marcius Turbo was titular prefect of Egypt only. placed in this position that he might enjoy the special privileges it accorded, while he held command in Dacia. L/l P- Meyer (Hermes, xxxii. p. 224) has shown good reasons for supposing Sempronius Liberalis to have been the prefect mentioned by Malala (Chronogr. xi. 367) as killed by the mob in the reign of Antoninus. ["] Volusius Msecianus is dated by Pap. B.M. 376, compared with B.G.U. 613 : see Kenyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii. p. A. Stein (Arch, epigr. Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich, 1896, 77. p. 151, and Hermes, xxxii. p. 663) had already arrived at virtually
the
[/z]
same As
date. to the dating of Bassaaus Rufus, see
Meyer (Hermes,
(Hermes, xxxii. p. 483) is probably right in supposing that the rescript B.G.U. 15 II. was issued by Saturninus as prefect. [] Flavins Titianus was, according to Dio Cassius (Ixxvii. 21), a procurator only ; and it is unnecessary to suppose him to have been prefect, though this view has been generally taken. See
xxxii. p. 226). \t\ P. Meyer
Note XV. App. IV.
[Ij A. Stein (Hermes, xxxii. p. 65) is here followed in placing Celerinus as prefect under Cams. [m] J. P. Mahaffy (Athenaeum, Feb. 27, 1897, and Cosmopolis, " April 1897) reads the name of the prefect on Pompey's pillar"
as Posidius.
APPENDIX
THE
following"
III
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GHIZEH

Museum, and
inscriptions are, for the
MUSEUM
the
are
all
in
Ghizeh
part, unpublished. Some have been published, but are in periodicals not readily accessible : I have therefore added them here. The reading's gfiven are from my own copies :
most
KAIKYPI
cu COKrtcoftAicoc tt*?Arao / CKwer AOY
IT
.
OAC COO <T PQ SATO KT-H/SfOT-POfl? H N

C-YNAtK&dN KAf TCUtf-reKN
ev XH ^
TQpQS
% 'KAICA P o c
AvroKpd7]
or
Â.K
0QV
(-K
BeOV
TOU
(tfrovs)
stele from rough relief of
Dtmeh (Soknopaiou Nesos), with a

a ram-headed figure, representing the
183
i84
MUSEUM
Published by
shepherds of Nilopolis, adoring* Sebek.
F. Krebs in transcript, Zeitschrift fur -Êgypt, Sprache, xxxi. p. 31. See fig*. 87.
Date: 24
B.C.,
March
16.
(TAêeNlOVKAf f1A*>aN(OC Yf
OC
i^^
Ttpeptov "Kata-apos 2ep&<rrov
ju.yi(rTot5
rbv irepiôXov TLapQeviov xat Hapdcvios vi6s

iff
(i-rovs)
Ttfieptov
KaiVapo?
2e/3acrroi'.
8i';o
KcuVapos roD Kvp/oi>
r(6)/x('?
stele, probably from Qus (Apollinopolis Parva) (to judg-e by comparison with the next inscription), with adoration by the emperor of Isis and Harpokrates. See fig. 17.
The
3;
first
nscription
was cut
in 20/21
the second,
squeezed
in at the
bottom,
in 148,9.
FOC
OCnAMN<C niOCTA7HCJCl &OC
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GHJZEH MUSEUM

'T7re/> Tt/3eptov
185
(^roi's)
?/
KcuVapo? 2!e/3acr: ot 'E?ra0 fa' Kpjvcp ffcu jj.cyL<TT(^ lla/mvew -r/joorar^s T<rt5os.
tion by the
from Qus (Apollinopolls Parva), with adoraemperor below, an inscription in demotic. Date 131, July 5.
stele
;
TEPM AN ROY
i
CTOTOYHTfOC
Torn. A t ocKOPofdYrrEPAYToYEi APAeoi
(I'rous)
m' TtjSep/cw KXauotoi' Kato*apo?
Ko/jcuy ^Trep
aiVoP
^jw-J*
dyafta
stele in
;
:
Nesos)
form of a pylon, from Dfmeh (Soknopaiou the inscription is at the foot.

50,
Date
Dec.
2,
ACYtlOC IHttlttr KAAYAICXMAYCA
XAt PEI NTovrrorerrA M niEKoiv
86
MUSEUM
AO v * * o c A o YC fo c ///////////// AE nsrj
N M08
A TC es eA rxe H
AfTAS
TAvrr e<M or
T6 VT
gKdejuia irpoGes
oh
TOV
Wuicrt
VQfJLQV TOTTOLSy IVO, 7rdvT5 rot, for' e'ôu KeXevojUteva'
E/3/3WCTO. AOI/ATIOS
'
Ao&no?
[^Trapôs] "\4ye
Apcnvoeirov lepels deov ÔKVOTraiov ^vrvx,bv ftoi

i-irei
Xô^res
ets
yewpylas &yecr0ai 9

TOt'TOUy fJLV CtTToXl/to*
MUSEUM
187
&V
TO, &TT' C^JLOV
Xa
3j
TTOLTJcraL
?}
Kara
TTCLV,
dpyvpLK&s
<i(a/jLart.K&$
KQhao-QtfcreTai.
("Eroi's) tS' Tifieptov
I\\avdlov Kaicrapos 2e/3dcrrot

iKOv Ai/ro/cpdropos,
'
The word
limestone slab from the Fayum, carefully cut. following the name Lusius has been erased in 11. i and 8 it was probably a title, and that of The only other official who 7rapxs fits the erasure. could have issued such a rescript was the epistrategos, and his title is too long for the lacuna.
;
Date
54, April 5.
*O
,Jvec
K.F
AfO POOTJTOYK
Af C/-4
flTAct
AN o Y cee AC-TOY
I
K.AI
//////////////////// JCA
CAP0O
KAl
"T^T*
5IKOY
TOY ffATPOC- TI'
oi']
KatVapos
A'ai
ro[u
TOV
TTOLTpbs
Ttêpôu
ê<^5
KXau5/oy ^pycrjJLQV
Kal rots \ffi>vv&Qi$
a.v7]K
<9eots.
'AiroXXwi't
jAeyiffTtj}
block, broken at edges : provenance not stated. In line 3 the name of Domitian has been erased. Date, 79/81.
i88
7
MUSEUM
Nex CYB QjTe"Te/woY>Ujj AN ce HKJCMCTHAHN (c/ A.OC
M 6 r c-rff c
i
rr
AevpA-c. c 7s
TPA A NOY TOY K v-,

(
x"
<x$upcts (trous)
i/3'
Tpatdj'oii
rou
/ci'
stele
0.
from Gebelen (Pathyra).

^
Date: 108/9.
lYTO K P ATO pOCKA
>e
I
/^j
C6 POO\
Kovrem AN KOYMEH croy

\
A O3 Nf T W(J
;mc Y KTOJWN ovfrn Aer

i
1
-
.'rAA/UKHCKAJAIAAYPIK;
Arc CAP* 6 PCCOCKAI x*y

1
6P
k
i
Ooc Aer r CAAA-KAJ rATAr\roY
-ov.
03 cAer
'
TO S'*
KAI

'
189
(<r?)
'IVep
. .
A.]vroKpaTO$ Katcrapos [TpatdVou

[.
. .
Ilap]#i/co0 Yep/jt,ai>iKov Meytcrrou

. .
(d)
Meyd\7] T&%Q rov [, T]WJ> d[y}j\d}v rf]\.

f:\Tri
.......... .]pet[ ..........

.]
of
e]yec6$77 /cat eKoa"/j.T)&7][
...... ....
Xe7[ecui'Ct;f
O&tKTUpivov ^(pa^TT^crcTOv)
7'] TaXXt/c^y Kal
'IXXi'pi/c[^j
TT? irpo[voiq,
...... (?) ...... ]w
ws Xe7(ewi'os} 7' raXX(t/d7s) /cat Fartij/oi; t[6p^]c a' 'IXXi'pt/c^s /cat 'Aj'tôu tepewi?, e^ uTrarig.
.
. .
AiKtwiov êf^dffTov) rd A*at Kawrapos r6 /3', /JLTJVOS Awou a'*

5-'
AiA'i^{^}i'ou
/cat
e[iri
-]avvov[.
.]/cat
[*
.]
apx(tepe'a)p) Aral
-
---......... >/[ ......... A block from Assuan (Syene), originally part of an architrave ; subsequently turned over and re-used. With the second inscription should be compared the inscription from Koptos published in Recueil de Travaux, xvi. 44, No. xcv., which was set up for the safety of the same legions iii Gallica and 5 Illyrica under the command of Victorinus. Date: original inscription, 116/7 second, 323.
5
1-
YTTeFrttCAYTO KPATO POC-KA
CA POC Ti TOv
^s AvroKpdropos Kalcrapos Tt'rou

'
'
AtX/ou
igo
MUSEUM
r}
rov 7repij86Xou TraXcucoK&1 {^KoSoÔy
IIr6XXt<5o$ Trpocrrarou *I<n5[os y

<9eas fjt,yio'T'r}S' ^rou? i/3' A7/ra;îV[oi; Katcrapos roi? icvpiov QapfAovdi /c[ ?
stele,
probably from Qus (Apollinopolis Parva).

2, 3,
Compare Nos.
Date:
to
and n.
149, April !$(?).
TI6 IOY/\IOC AA65AA/APOC
Oef
peyivTr) "IcrtSt
^?rap%os (nreipys
<I?Xaoi/as, rwj'
a!
dyopcLvo^Kdr^Vj 6 <=irl rrjs v6{7)}vias TOV rbv avSpiavra crvv TTJ (3&(TL av
(<-TOV$ /ca'
AvroKpdropos Ka^crapos T/rou AlXiov
Published by Base of a statue, from Alexandria. NeVoutsos Bey, Bulletino delP Institute Egiziano,
xii. p.
77158,
Date:
Aug.
26,

AYTOKPATOPOCKAfCAPOCTF:'
191
AvroKparopos Kcu AtXiou

"
"A0vp Ka
f
.
Girl
Havi
[pofTT"]d Aral 'A
Stele,
3,
bas-relief of
:
and 9. Date Nov.

*&-
probably from Qus (Apolllnopolis Parva), with emperor adoring Isis. Compare Nos. 2,
17, in
same year of reign of Antoninus Pius.
ATOKPATOfOCM A FKOT AYPWA IOYCOYHPO Y:
A5AflAJ^Ymv
era KB*
193
MUSEUM
T]TJS 'O/a/Setrwi'
TraXew? evcrefleias
X^P
Probably from Ombos a block of stone, apparently used as a door-lintel, broken to left.
;
Date
214,
March
4.
JY KYPf OV/f M<WNA VTOK PATVfCf.

/'
'*1
APKOVAVf H A/flWttra>/Y6/rfor
em
E7ri
rots e
i)/j,Qj>
rjou Kvpiou
AvTOKpa,ropo[$
"
'
fcai OtioiXepiov
A7ro
TTOV tfpovs,
M(d/)/coy) AvprfXios 'AvroXXci/

real
ôs
T^J/
ots*
K &fjLe\iov avqfaypa<pf)<jev crw rots K TOV idiou GTToiyo'ev

KTJTTOV
T'
dyadq*.
MUSEUM
193
slab
of limestone, roughly cut

219,
provenance un-
known. Date:
Aug.
13.
A / H NO Y
/c(at) idiots {>7r^p e^%a/>f(rr/a av^6ijK> tir* ay a.6 1^
erous
A:(at)
'y'
Ou
Fa
round block, perhaps base of a statue, from

2
Alexandria.
Date: 256, Aug.
BAC A 6
I
ACTONTA ANTAN6
ft
KCONTCON A 6CH OTOJN
KA TPAT AN OYTCON A/O) Ml A> N A V fOY CTCON

/
t
194
INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GHIZEH MUSEUK
KYPOY fTOMT6YOM CNOY
RAPA 6 00
real
T]oi? IIaj'[roA:parop]o? aeoO BeXycrdvros rou X/uVrou aurou e?rt TT)S jSacrtXeias TWI/ rd Travra ^(e
Kal Fpartcivov
r&v almvlwv
AvyoiJcrT&Vj
v T7J ei}ri'%ecrrdrT7 avruv 5eA:aer^/)t5(ej-t, rerpdTruXoj/ ^Trc^vv/jôy rod Beiordrov /3acrtX^wy r)fj,&v
IK 6e/A\i<0v ^Krlcrdrj, lirl r^? ^Trapxys TOV Kvptov XajATrpordrov eirdpxov KiyOirrov At\iov Ha\\aSiov y ^yLcrretiovros Kal
Ktfpou TroXtsrevojULGvov'
^TT'
d'ya^y.
Inscribed on a
XXVIth
dynasty altar from Athribis,
Published in R.A. 1847, i5th Aug-.
Date: 374.
*
ANTINOIÎ
6ft
ICpANÎ
CTPATH
f
r*o
H B A
A,
195
granite altar from Sheikh-Abadeh (Antmoopolis). probably about the middle of the second century.
Date
fC
(r
TOYCTKCY<? HA (O) PHCAYTO KPA
TDPACKA TPOTtAlCYXOYCAecrtOTAC
f
A P KAA1O NTOYCAf OJN OYC AY*TOYP

I
C OAAM fTparATOCfc n AP?tOC
XA oaojceiA<p (6 Po3cerni KAAYA tor
HD6MONOC
ToOs
ropas
TT}?
$<]) 7]\ii^ Aral rp07raioi'%oi>s
'AptcdSiOv rous ai&vtovs avrotip-
yovs Kal
4>Xa[o]i'foy
"Qv&ptop rbv
TOV lepov TrpaiTwptov
rrj <rvv-/)8et
Kadoffubvct. d<pip<bffet ^TTA KXavdiov iiov JUvrpOTriov TOV XajATrpOTar
Inscribed on the back of the altar, i6a.
Date
between 384 and 392.
APPENDIX
NOTES
NOTE
I.
IV
POSITION OF THE ARCHIDIKASTES.
THE
office of archidikastes was one which existed under the Ptolemies, when he was president of the and Strabo (xvii. 1.12) chrernatistai, or circuit judges definitely states that the Ptolemaic archidikastes was continued as a Roman official. At the same time he describes him as a local Alexandrian judge ; and, to meet the difficulty thus created, Mommsen (Roman
;
Provinces, vol. ii. p. 247, note r, English trans.) supposes that the Alexandrian archidikastes was distinct from the president of the chrernatistai, and that the latter had perhaps been set aside before the Roman period. This supposition, however, is met by the references to the archidikastes in papyri as Trpos rfj eTrt/xeXeta rwv Xp?)iJia.TL<TTwv KOL r&v aAAcoi/ KpirrfpLwv (E.G. U. 455, 614),
which shows that the Roman officer was the successor, title, at any rate, of the Ptolemaic archidikastes for the whole of Egypt.
In
The situation, however, was complicated by the fact that the chrernatistai had been abolished by the Romans, and the circuits were held by the prefect and dikaiodotes in their stead. Both these officials were superior in rank to the Roman archidikastes ; and consequently his original duty of revising the decisions of the judges on circuit necessarily elapsed, as there could be no appeal from a superior to an inferior. There are several references in the published papyri J
196
THE ARCHIDIKASTES
197
to the archidikastes and his functions ; and a brief summary of these may assist in clearing up his position in Roman times.
B.G.U. 73. A letter from the archidikastes to the strategos of the Herakleid division of the Arsinoite nome, enclosing a document, the character of which is not specified, for deposit in the local archives by their keepers. B.G.U, 136. A note of the entry of an action, relative to the administration of the property of a minor by her the guardians, before the archidikastes at Memphis action was referred by him to the local strategos for
;
trial.
Arsinoite
document sent from Karanis in the to the archidikastes, stating the division made by two sons of property left by their father. B.G.U. 455. letter to the archidikastes, conveying
241.
B.G.U.
nome
the acknowledgment of the sale of a certain piece of land to the writer, a legionary. B.G.U. 578. A letter from the archidikastes to the strategos of the Herakleid division of the Arsinoite nome, conveying a copy of a petition, enclosing the formal acknowledgment of a loan, which had not been repaid ; the lender therefore wished copies of the documents to be filed in both archives (i.e. presumably at Alexandria, and in the nome), and the strategos to inform the borrower of this step, which was the preliminary to an action for recovery of the money the archidikastes accordingly sent the copy for the local archives, and directed the strategos to inform the borrower that it had been filed. B.G.U. 614. Copies of documents in a suit, beginning with a petition to the prefect, relative to an action after the suit had been for the recovery of a loan authorized by the prefect, the plaintiff, a soldier, applied to the archidikastes, setting forth that he was unable, on account of his military duties, to visit the place where the defendants resided, and therefore wished them to be summoned before the archidikastes. The archidikastes, as a necessary preliminary, ordered copies
;
;
98
NOTES
of the plaints to be delivered to the defendants ; and the plaintiff asked the archidikastes to write to the strategos of the Herakleid district of the Arsinoite nome and enclose copies for delivery. B.G.U. 729. An acknowledgment, addressed to the archidikastes, by a soldier, of the deposit with him of
certain articles.
B.G.U. 741. copy of an acknowledgment, addressed to the archidikastes, of a loan on the security of property in the Arsinoite nome, from one soldier to another.
These cases, taken with B.G.U. 455 and 614, suggest that the court of the archidikastes at Alexandria was the most convenient place for the deposit of agreements to which soldiers were parties: as their military duties would be apt to take them away from the place at which the agreement was concluded. G.G.P. ii. 71. An authorisation from parties concerned, to a man, to prove a will from Kysis in the Great Oasis before the archidikastes at Alexandria. R.E.G. 1894, vli. p. 301, No. I. An authorisation from the parties concerned, to a man, to present to the archidikastes at Alexandria documents relative to the cession of a share in a certain business at Kysis in the Great Oasis. R.E.G. 1894, vii. p. 302, No. III. Similar to last. An order for the deposit of the records G. O.P. I. 34 V of the StoAoyr? TWV Kara. Kaipbv ap-îKaorr^v in the archives at Alexandria. The first point to be decided with reference to the archidikastes is, whether he sat at Alexandria only, or The three documents from travelled round the nomes. the Great Oasis are clearly on the side of the former alternative ; and there is nothing against it in the other
.
papyri, except in B.G.U. 136. It is important, however, to notice that in this case, in which alone the archidikastes is found with certainty sitting elsewhere than at Alexandria, the court was held at Memphis ; and F.
Krebs (Philologus, liii. p. 577 ff.) has pointed out that the high priest of all Egypt similarly appears as sitting at Alexandria and Memphis. Further, the terms of the
THE ARCHIDIKASTES
petitions in
in the
199
B.G.U. 578 and 614, both relating
Fayum, show that the archidikastes held his court somewhere outside the Immediate neighbourhood of these which would hardly apply to Memphis, only places a day's journey away from the Fayum. There is also
;
to places
a small point to be noted in the terms of B.G.U. 73, which seems to show an ignorance of local circumstances
;
the archidikastes writes to Archias,

ii.
who
is
45 to have been strategics of the Herakleid division of the Arsinoite nome, addressing him as strategos of the Arsinoite nome ; which he would hardly have done, if he had visited the nome and learned its peculiar division into districts. And the reference in G.O.P. I. 34 to the SiaXoytf of the archidikastes does not imply that he went on circuit. On the whole, the evidence seems to show that the archidikastes sat at Alexandria, possibly with power to remove his court to Memphis. It may be remarked that there is no authority for the completion of the lacuna In B.G.U.
614,
1.
known from G.G.P.
7,
"HpaKAeiSov
What
He seems to have had a clearly. special charge of the archives at Alexandria, In which copies of all documents deposited in the various local archives throughout the country had also to be placed
do not appear very
(G.O.P. i. 34) this function is shown by the three Oasis papyri, which refer to various documents to be presented to him and the cases in B.G.U. 241 and 455 appear to be similar. The three instances in which the archidikastes appears
;
;
as C/a[us KCLL apîScKacrTT/s rrjs TOV 'Apcra'oijrou I can see. /xepi'Sos, so far as the precise duties of the archidikastes were,
all civil cases, and in all three there Is no reference to any delegation of authority to him from the prefect, which shows that he was legally competent to try such suits. The circumstances under which the suits were brought before him, rather than before the prefect or dikaiodotes on circuit, are shown by B.G.U. 614, wherein the plaintiff desired the de-
as a judge are
fendants to be
summoned
before the archidikastes,
presumably at Alexandria, because he himself was a
200
NOTES
and therefore unable to go to the local court. B.G.U. 578, also, the plaintiff was a citizen of
in the Fayum for him to go
;
soldier,
In
Antinoe, while the defendant resided and possibly It was more convenient to Alexandria, where copies of the served in the archives of both his own defendant's would be at hand, than to and bring his case before the circuit
1
documents predistrict and the

visit the Fayum judges, only to
find that
he had to send back to Antinoe for some
written evidence.
It may be concluded that the archidikastes sat at Alexandria as a permanent judge, before whom the plaintiff, and probably the defendant also, in any civil case, both parties to which did not reside in the same district, could elect to have their dispute tried. The instance of the archidikastes holding* his court at Memphis must be left, until further evidence as to the reason for his presence there is discovered. B.G.U. 136 unfortunately only contains the official notes of the trial, which gave, 110 doubt, all necessary particulars at the time, but are not full enough to show any reason why there should, in this case, be an apparent departure from the usual rule as to the duties of the archidikastes.
NOTE
II. STRATEGOI AND ROYAL SCRIBES OF THE HERAKLEID DIVISION OF THE ARSINOITE NOME.
The exceptionally large proportion of the papyri hitherto published which come from sites in the Herakleid division of the Arsinoite nome, furnish a fairly complete list of the strategoi and royal scribes for that division, at any rate during the second century. catalogue
of the
dates may therefore serve usefully to illustrate the tenure of these appointments.
known names and
STRATEGOI.
Name.
Oiax
[Dionysodorus (A) [Claudius Lysanius (A) [G. Julius Asinianus (A)
Date.
igth Nov.
Reference.
HAS
5th April 54 j$th June 57
Pap. B.M. 256*6. Pap. B.M. 357,]
App. III. 5.] B.G.U. 181.]
STRATEGOI AXI) ROYAL SCRIBES
202
NOTES
Name.
Demetrius
Aguthos Daemon
Dionysius
Apollophanes
Aur. Hierax
Sarapammon Ammonius
Aur. Dionysius
Aur. Didymus
[Aur. Herakleides (A)
(A)
(B) (c)
Stratcgoi of the whole Arsinoite nome. Royal scribes acting- for the strategics, Gymnasiarch acting- for the strateg-os. (D) Strateg-os of divisions of Themistos and Polemon acting for the division of Herakleides also. (E) See as to this date in Note III.
ROYAL SCRIBES.
Name.
Asclepiades Evang-elus Claudius Julianus
Herminus
Sarapion
Heracleides
DELEGATION OF FUNCTIONS
Name.
Timagfenes
203
Date
C i4th Feb. 159 f 159/60 1 28th July 161
1.28th Jan. 162
Reference.
Pap. B.M. 376.
B.G.U.
6, 524, 629.
Zoilus
Serenus
29th loth 26th 26th
Jan. 163 Aug-. 169 Nov. 169 Nov. 174
G.G.P.ii. 55. Pap. B.M. 327. G.G.P.ii. 56. Pap. B.M. 328.
Asclepiades
Apollonms
Harpocration HIerax
I74/S Aug:. 175 175/6 Jan. 179 188/9
May-June 189 2oth Aug-. 189 28th Aug-. 189

f 4
[
Canopus Asclepiades
(Sarapa)mmon Monimus Gemellus
Aur. Isidorus Origfenes
25th Feb. 202 202/3 21 st April 203
June-July 208 27th Get 212

216/7
B.G.U, 18. B.G.U. 168. B.G.U. 26. B.G.U. 298. B.G.U. 55, ii. B.G.U. 79. Pap. B.M. 368. B.G.U. 60, 126, 138,430. B.G.U. 115, L ii. B.G.U. 117. B.G.U, 116. Pap. B.M. 345. B.G.U. 139. B.G.U. 97. B.G.U. 577. B.G.U. 639. Pap. B.M. 350. B.G.U. 266; Pap, B.M.
452.
Aur. Cassius Dionysius
218
C.P.R.
32.
NOTE
III.
THE DELEGATION OF FUNCTIONS DURING

VACANCIES IN OFFICE.
There Is a phrase, occasionally found In papyri, the exact force of which does not seem to have been definitely settled, though P. Meyer (Hermes, xxxii. p. 227, note 3) has correctly classified most of its uses. Various individuals are mentioned at different times as StaSeô/ACFot rrjv crrpar^ytW, while in one instance the dikaiodotes Is described as StaSeô/xcros /cat ret Kara T-qv A review of the known instances will serve 7;y/xoi/tav. to show that the word StaSeô/^cyos Is not employed In its usual classical sense as referring' to a strateg-os-elect or prefect-elect, but has an exceptional meaning*.
(A.) Prefect. B.G.U. 327.
petition addressed to C.
/cat
Ca^cillus
Salvianus, dikaiodotes 9 as StaScô/xcvos
ra Kara ryv
204
rjyf/jLoviavy
NOTES
with reference to the non-payment of a legacy,
ist April 176.
on
The circumstances of the government in Egypt just about this time were peculiar. The prefect, who is named by Dio Cassius (Ixxi. 28. 3) Flavius Calvisius, but who appears on an Alexandrian inscription (M.A.
101) as C. Calvisius Statianus, had joined the rebellion of Avidius Cassius, which was put down by the emperor Marcus Aurelius in 176, and for a punishment was banished. The emperor probably had no one ready to take the place of the banished prefect and so his duties would devolve upon the next in rank, the dikaiodotes an unusual event, as it was the rule that each prefect in Egypt held his office until his successor entered Alexandria (Ulpian, Dig. i. 17). It does not seem necessary to suppose, with P. Meyer (Hermes, xxxii. p. 227), that the delay in filling* the vacancy was due to the presence of the emperor in Egypt, which rendered the appointment of a prefect; as his representative, superfluous.
;
8. A list of men nominated for liturgies published by Serenus, royal scribe of the Herakleid district of the Arsinoite nome, SiaSeô'/xei/os ra Kara rrjv o-rparyyiav, on loth Aug. 169. B.G.U. 82. A priest, desiring to have his son circumcised, produced evidence of his lineage to the royal
(B.) StrategoL
B.G.U.
scribe, StaSeô/xci/os TT)J/ errparity lav (l8th Sept. 185). B.G.U. 1 68. petition to the epistrategos, setting forth that certain' property in dispute had been awarded to the petitioner by the late strategos of the Herakleid
division, Êlius Eudasmon ; but the defendant in the case, cTTiyyowa Tijv rov EuSat/x-ovos c'ôSoy, did not hand
over the property the epistrategos was then addressed, and he ordered the case to be brought before the royal
:
This was Scribe, Sia^-ô^vos ra Kara ryv o-Tparyyiav. done, the scribe in question being Serenus, on 26th November (probably in the year 169. See 18, above). B.G.U. 199. A return from the tax-collectors, addressed to Philoxenus, strategos of the divisions of Themlstos and Polemon, also &aSe;(ojuyos /cat (ra) Kara
rrjv o-rparyjyLav
205
for the Herakleid division,
on zyth Sept,
B.G.U. 347. A letter, written by Sarapion, strategos of the Herakleid division Sta 'AXegdvftpov yv/jLvacndpxov
B.G.IL 358. A census-return of camels, made to the royal scribe Heracleides, StaSeô/xej/o? TJJV <TTpar??y/aF, on 30th Jan. (apparently in the year 151). B.G.U. 529. A return made by the corn collectors to Aurelius Isidorus, royal scribe of the Herakleid
division, 2 1 6.
StaSô/Aeôs
194.
SiaBexoêvov rrjv crrpar^ytai/, and produced before the high priest.
dated
nth
April
170,
ra
Kara
ri^v
o-rpar^y/ar,
in July
G.G.P. ii. 61. A petition addressed Nemesion, strategos of the Herakleid

'Ayu/Jt'coi/os
to
Hierax
St'
division,
a.yopavofjL7Ja"CLVTQ$ yvfivacrLapXTqcravTOS StaSeô/xej/oxr
r^v trrpar^ytW.
(Date, about 194.) G.CXP. i. 56. A request from a woman, addressed to Maximus, a priest, exegetes, and senator of Oxyrhynchos, asking him as a matter of urgency, in the absence of the royal scribe, who was SiaSeô/xcyo? rfjv a man to act (rrpa.Tffyia.Vy to sanction the appointment of as her guardian for the purposes of a loan required at
once.
G.O.P. i. 62 V A letter to Syrus, Sia&eô/jievos o-rpaT^yiav (of Oxyrhynchos), relative to the lading of corn
.
(Date, 27th Oct. 211.)
(third century).
Of the above ten cases, it will be seen one refers to a strategos of another district, six to the royal scribe of the district, two to holders of minor offices, and one to an individual not definitely stated to have any rank. It would appear, therefore, that the person chosen StaSe^ccrât TT?J/ crrpar^ytW was not necessarily, but was official standing to the strategos usually, the next
the royal scribe.
There may also be quoted, as probably having reference to the same custom, the following papyrus G.O.P. I. 59. A letter sent by the council of Oxyrhynchos to Aurelius Apollonius the strategos, through Aurelius Asclepiades, an ex-hypomnematographos, Sia:
206
NOTES
where
SiaSoô?
80^(05,
may
be taken to mean
Three of the Berlin papyri 18, 168, 347 refer to events happening in the same district within a few months ; and a comparison of them will serve to elucidate somewhat the relationships of the strategoi In the first place, however, it and the ^taSeôyaevot. should be remarked that the date in B.G.U. 347, i. 12, is almost certainly wrong Letters are said to have been written by Alexander on 3rd Oct. 169, when he is described as an ex-gymnasiarch, and on nth April As it 170, when he is described as a gymnasiarch. was contrary to the usual rule for a man to be chosen to serve as gymnasiarch a second time, it seems natural to suppose that the date of the first-mentioned letter is wrongly given, and that it should have been 3rd Oct. 170, shortly before which Alexander had resigned his In further support of this view, office of gymnasiarch. it may be noticed that, if this date is correct, the letter which was addressed to the high priest, and presented to him on his visit to Memphis, was only about three months old when presented ; but if the date given in the papyrus is right, fifteen months had elapsed between the writing and the delivery of the letter. As the high
1
priest must have visited Memphis at least once a year, and as the matter in question was the circumcision of a boy, "so long a delay seems improbable. Assuming that the date should be corrected as stated, it is possible to reconstruct the series of changes which
took place in regard to the duties of the strategos of the Herakleid division in the years 169 and 170. Êlius Eudasmon had been strategos of the division ; but he died (this seems to be the meaning of IoSos in B.G.U. 1 68) some time before loth August 169, on which date Serenus the royal scribe acted as strategos (B.G.U. 18). Serenus was still so acting on 26th Nov.
But on nth April 170 Sarapion had 169 (B.G.U. 1 68). been appointed strategos. Alexander, a gymnasiarch, however, wrote a letter for him as 8ta8exo//,<n/og (B.G.U. On 3rd Oct. 170, Alexander again wrote a 347, ii.).
letter for
;
207
but on this occasion as copyist Sarapion merely, to all seeming", since he is no longer described as StaSeô/xei'o? TVJV crrpaT^yt'ar. The explanation would appear to be that, on the death of the strategos, the royal scribe naturally did his work until a new strategos was appointed. For some reason, however, the new strategos when chosen was unable to undertake the
duties at once,
for
and got a man of position to do them
man subsequently continued to help him. This theory supposes that the term SiaSô/wos has slightly different shades of meaning when applied to the royal scribe who was acting strategos during a vacancy, and the gymnasiarch who was acting strategos on behalf of another man. The other cases noted tend There is no reference, in the instances to support this. where a royal scribe is named as StaSexojuei'os TTJV o-Tparyjyiav, to the existence of a strategos at the same time on the other hand, in each case where the holder of some minor office is so named, there is also a In the devolution of the duties strategos mentioned. of the strategos on the royal scribe during a vacancy in the former office, there is a parallel to the arrangement already shown to have been made for the performance of the work of the prefecture by the dikaiodotes on the sudden removal of the prefect. It appears that the royal scribe, under these circumstances, possessed he could be named the full powers of the strategos as a judge (B.G.U. 168), could nominate to liturgies (B.G.U. 18), and received the tax returns (B.G.U. 529). It is probable, then, that it was the rule for the royal scribe, in case of any casual vacancy in the office of and the one strategos, to assume all the duties instance (B.G.U. 199), in which the strategos of a neighbouring district acted for that in which there was a vacancy, may be regarded as exceptional,. The position of the StaSeô/xcyot in the other cases G.G.P. ii. 61 G.O.P. i. 59) is quite cited (B.G.U. 347 different. They occur simply as ag'ents for the transmission of letters to and from the strategos. What
him
;
and
this
208
NOTES
official standing they had may be gathered from a comparison of the two letters in E.G. U. 347 with the From the two former it petition In G.O.P. i. 56. appears that Alexander the gymnasiarch wrote letters at different times on behalf of Sarapion the strategos on practically identical subjects but one was written by him as SiaSeô/xero? TJJV orrpar^ytai', while the other was written without any such authority. The circumstances under which he was entitled to assume any of the functions of the strategos may be explained by the Qxyrhynchos papyrus, in which a person of some rank is requested to sanction the appointment of a guardian, an act which really lay in the province of the strategos, because the matter was urgent, and the royal scribe,
;
who was
also Sto-Seôêi/os
TTJV
crrpar^ytW,
was away.
Therefore it would seem that, when a strategos was absent from his district, he could appoint some person to perform the ordinary routine business of his office, and this person was entitled to subscribe himself as StaSrô/isros ryv (TTpaLTyyiav or SfaSoô?. Individual instances occur of substitutes for other
-aprocurator usiacus Sia8e;>(0ju,?/os TTJV ap^p^crvvTjv vii. 26) elders StaSeôêi/ot for the village scribe of Nilopolis (B.G.U. 15, i. 8) ; and a senator of but Hermopolis for the prytaneus (C.P.R. i. 20, 3) only in the second case does the evidence show clearly that they acted with full powers during a vacancy in office. The other two cases may simply refer to a delegation of functions by an absent officer,
officials
(B.G.U. 362,
NOTE
L. Mitteis
IV.
THE REGISTRY OF DEEDS.

p.
(Hermes, xxx.
564 ff.) has discussed the
methods of registry exemplified by the Fayum papyri. He concludes that the agoranomos was probably originally a Greek official, and the Hellenes brought with them the custom of making contracts before him while the ypacj)Lov was introduced for the purpose of registering Egyptian documents, especially those written in
;
demotic characters.
In course of time the distinction
REGISTRY OF DEEDS
between the nations disappeared, and the
:
209
official functions became concurrent. Still, there was a certain the agoranomos had notarial duties, condifference cerned with the completion of contracts ; while the grapheion, though on one side similar, as the place where the contracts were made (B.G.U. 86, 191, 251, 252, 297, 394), is also in- some cases only the place of
C.P.R. i. 4, 5), the documents being executed privately. This statement meets all the instances recorded in the Fayum papyri but those from Oxyrhynchos show that the customs prevailing there were somewhat
registry (B.G.U. 50, 153
,*
different.
In
them the agoranomos
is
all-important,
the agoranomoi that notices of the transfer or sale of land are sent (G.O. P. i. 45, 46, 47, 100) ; in their presence, or at their office, the agoranomeion, the contracts were written (G.O. P. i. 73, 75, 96, 99) they had the custody of the deeds when executed (G.O. P. i. 106, 107) and, in the case of the emancipation by purchase of slaves, it apparently fell to them to announce the completion of the necessary formalities (G.O. P. i, 48, 49, 50). The formula employed in describing" the completion of contracts of sale differs again In the Vienna papyri from the Herakleopolite nome. In these (C.P.R. 6, 7, 8) the contract is said to be executed 81 eTrmyp^rcui/ and here, as at Oxyrhynchos, no mention ayopai/o/xt'as is made of the grapheion. In a single contract of sale from Elephantine (N. et E. 17), the same formula Is used as at Oxyrhynchos, stating that the deed was drawn up before the agoraIt Is to
; ;
;
and the grapheion disappears.
nomoi.
It would appear, therefore, that, on the evidence now published, the grapheion was an institution peculiar to the Arsinolte nome, where it relieved the agoranomoi of many of their duties with regard to the execution The word grapheion and registration of contracts. occurs once in the Oxyrhynchos papyri (G.O, P. I. 44) ; but the name here appears to be applied to a tax, payable at tlfe agoranomeion.
210
NOTES
NOTE V.
THE POLICE ADMINISTRATION.

officials,
large
number of
connected in various
The police duties, are mentioned in papyri. only attempt hitherto made for their classification is one by Hirschfeld (Sitzungsberichte d. Kaiserl. Akademie zu Berlin, 1892, p. 815), on the basis of a Paris papyrus
ways with
from Panopolis.
($)
This mentions
;
;
(a)
two
three e?rt rvjs eiprfvyjs (c) two a,pxwvK eight or more <f>vXaK<-s avr&v (e) ten more hrl eight cj>vXaK6<$ avr&v (,") (f) two elpir]vdp)(ai
;
(7i)
four
:
some opeo(i>Aa/cs oBov "Oao-co5 (j) some These he arranges in three classes (i) lj3iw>(<$>vXaKe<$). the officers named under (#), (3) and (e)> and (f) (2) those under (r), (^), and (^) (3) those under (A), (z), and (/). The individuals are all Egyptians, and between the ages of 30 and 35, except one who is 48, and the two eirenarchs, who are respectively 60 and 85 years old.
7rcko<uXa/ce<s
;
(2)
evidence of other papyri, however, tends to upset some respects although it is not yet possible to definitely settle the exact rank of many of the officers mentioned. A comparison of the evidence gives the following results There were two of these officials both at Tblpyvapxai.
this classification in
;
The
Panopolis (see above) and Oxyrhynchos (G.O.P. i. So), and an eirenarch is mentioned in the correspondence of Flavius Abinnaeus from Dionysias in the Fayum (Pap.
The Oxyrhynchos papyrus shows 240, 242). to have been the chief police officers, holding jurisdiction over the nome ; it contains a declaration on oath, made to them by the archephodos of a village, that certain individuals " wanted by the police of the village of Armenthae in the Hermopolite nome are not in our village or in Armenthae itself." These officers are the ones most fre*ApxôSot. quently mentioned in connection with the maintenance of order in the country. For each village one or two archephodoi were apB.M. them
pointed (B.G.U. 321, 375; Pap. B.M. 199; G.G.P. ii. 66; G.O.P. i. 80, are instances of one; B.G.U. 6, of
POLICE ADMINISTRATION
two)
case.
;
20
there
Is no evidence of more than two in any They are most commonly named in orders to
present criminals for
trial
(E.G. U. 147, 148, 374, 375
which during the first three centuries of Roman rule were always addressed to them, though sometimes other officials are added In the address and it was to them that evidence was given to help in the discovery of a criminal (G. O.P. i. 69). They were superior to the phy lakes, who received their pay from them (G.G.P. ii. 43), and may reasonably be regarded as the heads of the police in the villages. The elders were not, in the first inIlpccrpvTepoL.
376;
G.G.P.
ii.
66),
stance, police officers ; but they are named in conjunction with the archephodoi and phylakes in two official lists (B.G.U. 6; Pap. B.M. 199), and once are associ-
ated with the archephodoi as the recipients of an order to present a criminal at the court (B.G.U. 148). They were, as the governing body of the village, generally
responsible for its peace and order, which their association with their regular police.
explains
The same explanation applies to the Evcr^r;ftoi/5. association of the euschemones with the archephodoi in orders of arrest (B.G.U. 147, 376) as they, like the elders, were not in strictness members of the police administration. The eirenophylakes, who are menEip??i/o<i>A,aKes. tioned in the Panopolis list (see above), may perhaps 6e considered as equal in rank with the archephodoi, in view of the fact that, in a list of the officials of Soknopaiou Nesos (Pap. B.M. 199), the sums entered against the names of the archephodos and eirenophyin each lakes, of whom there are two, are the same case 600 drachmae. This sum F. G. Kenyon (in his note on this papyrus, p. 158, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii.) takes to be the salary paid to the officers
;
in question.
The physical work of arrest of malefactors <MXa/<cs. was done by the phylakes, who were apparently classed
at
different
Panopolis (see the papyrus quoted above) under names according to their special duties. Of
-
212
NOTES
names the only one found elsewhere is the B.M. 189). That they were required
the Panopollte
1
7reto<i;Aaf (Pap.
to be young men has been noticed in connection with the Panopolis list. Their salary at Soknopaiou Nesos is given as 300 drachmae (Pap. B.M. 199 ; see reference to Kenyon's note above), and there were four of them
an interesting record from 34''), which details the names Oxyrhynchos (G.O.P. and stations of the phylakes in that town one appears to have been placed in each street, while six guarded the temple of Serapis, seven that of Thoeris, one that of Isis, three the theatre, and two the gymnasium.
in this village.
There
is
i.
The lestopiastai are mentioned in a Aô-TOTrtao-rat. special order, by which five were sent to assist the village officers in the search for certain criminals (B.G.U. 325). It is possible that they were men detailed from headquarters for special service, as they were evidently distinct from the regular local force. The police officers of a village are someArjjULocrioi,. times referred to in a body as the demosioi. That this name includes all the ranks-is shown by the phrase 6 rys
/cw^s dpxeôSos KCU ol a'AAot Sôcrtot (G.O.P. i. 69), and by a list embracing under this title elders, archephodoi,
1
and phylakes (B.G.U.

Kw/x,apx<xi.
6).
In the beginning of the fourth century the place of the archephodoi is taken, in orders for arrest, by the Komarchs (G.O.P. i. 64, 65 B.G.U. 634). In one instance the name of this 'ETricrrar?;? ctpryy^?. officer is coupled with the Komarchs (G.O.P. i. 64).
;
NOTE VI
SENATES IN EGYPT.
The withdrawal from Alexandria by Augustus of the

privilege of self-government
Provinces, ii. p. 236, note i) doubts this statement, on the ground that it is improbable that Augustus would have so slighted Alexandria in comparison with the other Egyptian communities, to which he left their existing
(li.
Dio Cassius
17).
Mommsen (Roman
by a senate
is
stated by
SENATES IN EGYPT
213
But Alexandria stood in a very different organisationsenate at position to any other Egyptian town. Ptolemais or Naukratis could not be a source of any serious danger to the Roman government : in both towns the citizenship was probably confined to the descendants of the original Greek settlers, whose interest it would be to keep on good terms with the Romans, surrounded as they were by a people of a different race, whose natural instincts would make them hostile to the specially privileged Greeks planted among them and even if the senate in either place had desired to head a revolt, they controlled only a small body of But in Alexandria the citizens, of no great wealth. Greek and Egyptian elements had coalesced to a considerable extent ; and there was a large population, of notoriously turbulent disposition, amongst whom the senate coxild have found a body of supporters sufficient to meet the Roman garrison with a reasonable prospect of success in an attempt to seize the city. And the loss of Alexandria meant to the Romans the loss of Egypt not only was the machinery of government centred there, but it was the only port by which reinforcements from Rome could enter Egypt. At Alexandria, too, were stored the supplies of corn on which the city of Rome largely depended for its subsistence. It was consequently of the greatest importance that there should not be a body in Alexandria which might serve as a focus for revolutions. And that Augustus would not have been moved by any consideration for the feelings of the Alexandrians, is shown by his proposal to remove the seat of government from Alexandria to Nikopolis. The wisdom of his action in abolishing the senate was shown not long after its re-establishment by Severus, when it headed the revolt which was finally crushed by Aurelian (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 32). The senate at Ptolemais Hermiou can only be inferred to have existed under the early empire from the words of Strabo (xvii. i. 42), who says that the town had a cn/or^/m iroXiriKov lv ro> "EAA^j/t/ca) rpoTrtp but this would certainly mean to any Greek the inclusion in the
2i 4
NOTES
The only mention of a organisation of a senate. senator of Ptolemais is in 295 (G.O.P. i. 43, iii. 3, 8). At Naukratis, likewise, the existence of a senate is only a probability as regards the earlier period of Roman rule. But, if Ptolemais retained its senate, there was no reason for abolishing that of Naukratis and the statement of Dio (li. 17) is sufficient ground for believing in the continuance of the latter. There was certainly a senate at Naukratis in 323 (Pap. Gen. 10). The senate at Antinoopolis appears very shortly after the foundation of the city (C.I.G. iii. 4679) ; and there is no reason to doubt that it existed from the first. Senates or senators at other towns are mentioned in the following years : Arsinoe: 205 (Pap. B.M. 348), 214 (C.P.R. 45), 216 (B.G.U. 362), 345 (Pap. B.M. 233). 216 (C.P.R. 35), 263 (B.G.V. 554). Herakleopolis Hermopolis magna : 250 (C.P.R. 20, i.), 266 (C.P.R. 39), 271 (C.P.R. 9), 321/2 (C.P.R. 10), 330 (C.P.R. 19). Oxyrhynchos, 211 (G.O.P. i. 56), 223 (G.O.P. i. 77), 2 3 8' 44 (G.O.P. i. 80), 283 (G.O.P. i. 55), 292 (G.O.P. i. 59), 316 (G.O.P. i. 103), 323 (G.O.P. i. 60), 342
1
G.O.P. i. 87). A proclamation made
in
288 (G.O.P.
i.
58) refers to
the senates in the various and Arsinoite nome.
nomes
in
the
Heptanomis
NOTE
VII.
THE ARCHONS OF THEBES.
It has been supposed by A. Wiedemann (R.E. ii. p. 346) that there were independent kings of the Thebaid in the second century ; and he supports his theory by finding on an ostrakon the name Petronius as that of the ruler by whose regnal year the document is dated. It is difficult, however, to imagine that such a kingdom of the Thebaid could have existed unmentioned by historians, and unnoticed in the inscriptions of Upper Egypt belonging to that period and it seems more reasonable to suppose that the ostrakon has been misread by Wiedemann. This view is supported by his
;
BYZANTINE OFFICIALS
215
transcript of another ostrakon, which he deciphers as a letter from KAav8ios Hoa-i<Wios XeTretp^s l$9paK(j)v ; and = in) and j3 (prefixed for formation of he regards the ( of the influence of the Ethiopicoas evidence genitive) Meroitic language ; whereas the right reading is cer= l/carovrapx ?) o-jmp^s fl OpaKw. It is true tainly (
that a
"king" of Thebes
is
mentioned (Hist. Aug.
Niger, 12) as having presented to Pescennius Niger a portrait statue of himself; but the Thebaid was cerin the reign of Commodus, and tainly not independent " was doubtless one of the archons menthe "king tioned as existing at Thebes in the time of Hadrian
1
(C.I.G.
iii.
4822, 4823, 4824).
NOTE
F. G.
ii.
VIII.
THE Dux ^GYPTI AND OTHER

BYZANTINE OFFICIALS.
in
Kenyon (Catalogue of Greek Papyri

limitis Êgypti,
B.M.
has pointed out that the arrangement of authority given in the Notitia Dignitatum, where there
p. 270, note)
is
a comes
commanding
the divisions
of Middle and Lower Egypt, a dux Thebaidis, and a dux Libyarum, is of later origin than the time of Conand that the supreme military officer in stantius II. Lower and Middle Egypt is always, in documents of the This is borne first half of the fourth century, the dux. out by an inscription on an altar in the temple at Luxor (published in the Bull, de la Soc. des Antiq. de France, 1888, p. 273), dedicated to Constantine by the dux JEgypti et Thebaidis utrarumque Libyarum, which shows
;
that the divisions of the province, though recognised, were under one commander, who bore the title of dux. The date of the change to the arrangements described by the Notitia may be very nearly fixed by the addresses of the imperial rescripts. In 384, Merobaudes is addressed as dux Êgypti (Cod. Theod. xi. 30. 43) ; but in
391,
Romanus
xvi.
is
styled
comes
limitis
JEgyptl (Cod.
Theod.
10.
sequently used. rescript of 417 (Cod. Theod. viiL
u); and this title is the one subThe dux Libyarum appears in a
i.
16).
216
NOTES
It is noticeable that the change from the style of prasfectus Êgypti to that of prasfectus Augustalis came almost at the same time. In 380 a rescript was addressed to Julianus by the former title (Cod. Theod. xii. i, 80), which is the one found in all previous documents ; while in 382, Palladius was entitled praefectus
Augustalis (Cod. Theod. viii. 5, 37), which was the name always subsequently used.
NOTE IX.
COMPARISON OF ANCIENT AND MODERN LOCAL GOVERNMENT OF EGYPT.
The system of local government in Egypt, as it existed before the introduction of European ideas to any
large extent, offers some interesting" points of com* parison with the Roman organisation. Clot Bey (Apergu GeiieVal sur L'Egypte, ii. p. 141) gives an account of the officials under the rule of Mehmet-Ali, from which the following is summarised Under the Vali were seven mudirs, who were placed in charge of the seven provinces into which Egypt was Under them were the mamours, who presided divided. over the departments of these provinces. The districts of these departments were managed by nazir's. Finally, each village had at its head the sheik-el-beled. The duties of the mudir corresponded to those ot the He had to visit the departments of his epistrategos. province, and see to the execution of the orders of the Vali, just as the epistrategos had done in his circuits of the nomes.
:
The mamour was
chiefly
concerned with agriculture
and taxation, especially that payable in kind. He was also charged with the supervision of public works, and with levying men for their execution and for military service. In the former aspect of his office he resembled the Roman toparch, while his other duties were rather
those of the strategos. The nazir had inherited other functions of the strategos, in the arrangement of the work of his district and the delegation of authority from his superiors.
PETRONIUS: COINAGE
The
sheik-el-beled
217
filled the place of the elders of the a certain amount of authority as a minor police magistrate, and was responsible for the taxes of his village. There was also in each village a special official known as the kholy, charged with the management of the cultivation of the land, who therefore corresponded to the sitologos and a seraf, who, like the praktor, collected taxes, and paid them to the mamour, as the praktor had done to the strategos. It is interesting to note that the mudirs were always Turks, as the epistrategoi were always Romans while the mamours and lower officials, like their predecessors in Roman times, were, as a rule, natives.
village.
He had
NOTE X.
THE PREFECTURE OF PETRONIUS.
It seems necessary to suppose that Petronius was reappointed prefect after the failure of yElius Callus in Arabia. From Strabo (xvii. i. 53) it is evident that he succeeded Cornelius Gallus, and was followed in office by Êlius Gallus. Then, while yElius Gallus was in Arabia, the Êthiopians took advantage of the absence of the Roman troops from Egypt to invade the country. Petronius then marched up and drove them back from the frontiers, subsequently pursuing his conquests up to the capital of Êthiopia. Pliny (N.H. vi. 181) expressly states that he made this expedition as prefect so it would appear that jfElius Gallus was removed from office as soon as the news of his defeat in Arabia reached Rome, and Petronius, who had probably been left in command of Egypt, was reinstated as prefect.
;
NOTE
XI.
THE COINAGE OF THE EARLY ROMAN

EMPERORS.
Coins of Augustus and Tiberius of the Alexandrian mint are comparatively rare, while none are known of
Caligula.
2l8
NOTES
Exploration Fund and these came intact to me for examination. The subjoined table will serve to illustrate the comparative issues of the first century and a half of Roman rule in Egypt. It may be premised that the condition of the coins shows them to have been collected about the same time, and not gradually hoarded the oldest being also the most worn ; so that the figures prove generally the number of each issue in circulation at the time when the hoards were de;
The manner in which hoards of coins, when found in Egypt, have usually been scattered by the dealers into whose hands they passed, has prevented any exact comparison of the numbers of coins put into circulation under the different emperors being formulated. Three hoards of some size two, containing 4605 and 62 specimens respectively, from Bacchias, and one containing 91, from Karanis were discovered in 1895-6 by D. G. Hogarth and B. P. Grenfell, when they were excavating sites in the Fayum on behalf of the Egypt
posited
All these coins, with
two exceptions
one Ptolemaic
THE HADRIANON
219
bronze and one large bronze of Antoninus are debased silver tetradrachms of the Alexandrian mint
NOTE
XII.
THE HADRIANON AT ALEXANDRIA.
There has been a certain amount of difficulty in explaining the references made to a building- at AlexOn coins of Hadrian andria known as the Hadrianon.
(B.M. Cat. 875, 876) there is represented a portico, having" within it a standing statue of Sarapis, which maybe certainly accepted as representing the Sarapeion ; and by the statue there stands the emperor, touching with his right hand a shrine inscribed AAPIANON. This would suggest that Hadrian gave his name to a chapel attached to the Sarapeion, which may have existed before his time, as a similar shrine inside the portico with statue of Sarapis, but without the inscription, is shown on coins of Trajan (B.M. Catalogue, But, as pointed out by R. S. Poole (Intro534-539).
duction to B.M. Catalogue of Coins, Alexandria, p. the relation of the chapel to the Sarapeion could not have been very close, as Epiphanius mentions that the building formerly known as the Hadrianon, and subsequently as the Licinian gymnasium, was rebuilt as a church under Constantius II. (adv. Hser. n. ii. 69)0 As the worship of Sarapis was not overthrown till the time of Theodosius I., the appropriation of a chapel attached to his temple for the purposes of a Christian church was out of the question in the reign of Conxcii),
stantius.
The difficulty, however, may perhaps be solved by the evidence afforded by two lately-discovered documents. In a papyrus from Oxyrhynchos (G.O.P. 34 V ) there is contained an edict of the prefect Flavius Titianus with reference to the deposit of copies of archives in the As the Sarapeion "ASptav?/ /2i/3Aco$?7/o7 at Alexandria. was the great library of Alexandria, it would be only natural for a chapel attached to it to be appropriated and the building reprefor the storage of archives
;
220
-NOTES
to be this library of
sented on coins Hadrian.
may be supposed
There is also an inscription preserved in the Museum at Alexandria (M.A. 108), in which, among" a long list of local officers, there are three times mentioned high
This must have been a priests of the Hadrianeion. temple appropriated to the worship of Hadrian, whose
inscription by that likewise had a high This temple would naturally be one of the priest. earliest to be appropriated by the Christians, as it would not have anything like the same force of sanctity to preserve it as the Sarapeion or other temples of the and it would appear that, the worship of older gods Hadrian having already fallen into disuse in the time of Licinius, the building had been turned to the more secular purposes of a gymnasium. It seems reasonable, therefore, to suppose that the Hadrianon represented on the coins was the library of Hadrian mentioned in the decree of Titianus, and was a chapel attached to the Sarapeion ; while the Hadrianon which, according to Epiphanius, was turned into a church in the time of Constantius II., was a distinct temple, and was the Hadrianeion whose priests are named in the Alexandrian inscription.
deification is paralleled in the
same
of Antoninus and Trajan,
who
NOTE
XIII.
THE DEATH OF ANTINOUS.
The mystery which surrounds the death of Antinous was possibly not unintentional on the part of those con"The authorities on the question are, unforall comparatively late in date and the nearest approach to contemporary evidence is found in Dio Cassius (Ixix. n), who quotes a statement of Hadrian that Antinous fell into the Nile. At the same time Dio
cerned.
tunately,
;
own belief that the boy was sacrificed. F. Gregorovius, in his discussion of the matter (Hadrian, p. 172, 2nd ed.), inclines to think that the Egyptian priests professed to have discovered in the stars some
states his
THE BUCOLIC REVOLT
221
mischance which threatened the emperor, and could only be averted by the death of his most cherished favourite and thereupon Antinous devoted himself to save his master, with the prospect that his death would bring" him the honours of deification. This theory is not out of consonance with the spirit of the Egyptian religion of the period but perhaps it is unnecessary to suppose that the death of Antinous was other than accidental. Hadrian, in order to cover his passionate grief at the loss of his favourite (Hist. Aug. Hadrian, 14), and to justify himself in building" a city to his memory, may have countenanced the elaboration
;
of the story of his self-sacrifice. It is interesting, however, to compare with the commonly- received account a papyrus from Bacchias (discovered by Hogarth and Grenfell in 1896, and shortly to be published), which contains a copy of a letter of Hadrian, in which he moralises on the prospect of the continuation of life.
NOTE XIV.
THE BUCOLIC REVOLT.
The Bucolic revolt is treated by Mommsen (Roman Provinces, ii. p. 261) as originally a rising of the criminals who had found a refuge in the marshes to the east of Alexandria. But this theory somewhat misapprehends the significance of the disturbance. The revolt began among the Bucolic troops (Hist. Aug Aurelius, 21), who were Egyptians, recruited for home service, as appears from a letter (B.G.U. 625) written by a man who had been chosen by conscription for the corps, and was going to Skenai Mandrai to take up his It was therefore a much more serious military duties. matter than an outbreak on the part of a body of banditti it was a mutiny on the part of the native auxiliaries, who were so far representative of the feeling of the country that they were joined by the neighbouring population. The leader of the revolt, Isidorus, appears to have been exalted into the position of a national martyr as, in a papyrus (G.O.P. I, 33) which
;
;
NOTES
almost certainly connected with the revolt of Avidius Cassius, his name is quoted by Appianus, an Alexandrian gyrnnasiarch, as one of his predecessors in death on behalf of their country.
is
NOTE XV.
The
1
AURELIUS THEOCRITUS.
interesting papyrus published by J. Nicole (Pap. Gen. i, and R.A. 1893, p. 225) probably refers to the
events mentioned by Dio Cassius under the reign of It contains a letter written by Aurelius Caracalla. Theocritus to the strategoi of the Arsinoite nome, referring to the esteem in which Titanianus (a high official, since he is given the epithet /cpa-non-os) was held by the
emperor, and ordering them "to treat his people well, not to injure his property or disturb his labourers, and to give him every assistance," on pain of the severest
displeasure.
The emperor is mentioned as Antoninus simply ; but the name Aurelius Theocritus shows that it is Caracalla rather than Antoninus Pius who is in question, as a freedman of the latter would have had the gentile name of /Elius and the tone of the letter distinctly suggests that it was written by one of the freedmen, who habituIn these ally acted as secretaries of the emperors. considerations, there is strong ground for identifying the writer of the letter with the freedman of Caracalla, It is then very temptXheocritus, mentioned by Dio. ing to attempt to find in the Titanianus of this letter the procurator Titianus, who is reported to have been assassinated by order of Theocritus for insulting him ; and the letter itself becomes additionally interesting, as it may have been a prelude to the assassination. The date of the letter is, on this theory, gth June 214.
;
THE EGYPTIAN "TYRANTS

NOTE XVI.
223
THE EGYPTIAN " TYRANTS."
Mommsen (Roman Provinces, ii. p. 251, note i) doubts the existence of the alleged Egyptian tyrants Êmilianus, Firmus, and Saturmnus and he assumes the disturbances which are described as having* taken place in Alexandria during the middle of the third century, beginning in the reign of Gallienus, to have all belonged to the period of the Palmyrene occupation of Egypt. There is, however, reason to suppose that the accounts given by the ancient historians are more nearly correct than Mommsen would allow them to be, and that there were two distinct wars in Egypt during this period one, during the reign of Gallienus, connected with the and a second, beginning perhaps revolt of ^milianus
;
:
and continuing till after the accession of Probus, which was waged by the Romans against the Palmyrene invaders. The fullest account of the first struggle is to be found in the Historia Augusta (Gallienus, 4 Triginta But more important evidence is con Tyranni, 22). tained in a letter of Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria, who died in 265 he describes how the two factions had divided the town into two hostile parts, and rendered the space between their halves a desert
in the last year of Gallienus
;
:
(Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21). This is a definite proof of civil war in Alexandria before the Palmyrene invasion, as in 265 the Palmyrene government was still on terms of friendship with Rome. Further, the existence of Êmilianus as a claimant to the rule of Egypt is attested by coins, which R. S. Poole gives good reasons for attributing to him (B.M. Catalogue of Coins Alexandria, Introduction, p. xxiv.) and the fact of his striking coins is sufficient to show him to have held possession of Alexandria, where alone there was a mint. On these grounds there seems to be a reasonable amount of contemporary support for the account of the revolt of ^milianus given in the Historia Augusta. Of the Palmyrene invasion there is a detailed and
;
2 24
NOTES
The details reliable account in Zosimus (i. 44, 61). of the part taken by Firmus in the war are to be found in the Historia Augusta (Firmus ; Aurelianus, 32) ; and, in the absence of any evidence to support his theory, it is difficult to see why Mommsen should reject the whole account, as there is nothing intrinsically improbable in the existence of an Egyptian leader acting in alliance with the Blemmyes and Palmyrenes. He did not rise to the importance of a " tyrant" of Egypt till after the defeat of the Palmyrenes but when they were driven out of Alexandria he became the leader of the opposition to the Romans, although there is no evidence that he was proclaimed emperor. Vopiscus, the writer of the lives of Aurelian and Firmus in the Historia Augusta, contradicts him;
upon this point: in one place (Aurelianus, 32) stating that Firmus ruled Egypt without the insignia of empire ; in another (Firmus, 2), that he wore the
self
purple, called himself emperor in his edicts, and struck In the absence, however, of edicts or coins of coins. Firmus, it may be justifiable to doubt whether he did assume the title of emperor.
NOTE XVII.
GEORGE THE MUKAUKIS.
The Arab account of the conquest of Egypt names the most important actor on the Roman side as Al-Mukaukis, or, more fully, as George son of Menas the Mukaukis (Abu Sillih, 23 a). He is represented as the governor of Egypt, as having invited the Arabs into the land, and finally as the betrayer of the country to the There are, however, some intrinsic improbinvaders. abilities in the tale which have called for explanation. Professor Karabacek has discussed (in Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer, i. i) the position of the Mukaukis, and concludes that the name was a transference of the Greek honorary title and that the position of George son of Menas fj>cya.v)(rj$
9
was probably
that of pagarch.
THE MUKAUKIS VILLAGE LAN DS

7
:
225
much
He states that, after the battle of Heliopolis (about July 640), when Amr was preparing to besiege Babylon, he sent to George the prefect, and ordered him to build a bridge over the canal of Kalyoub, north of Babylon and George then began to co-operate with him (John of Nikiou, 113). In this fact may be found the origin of the Mukaukis story. George was probably prefect of Augustamnica, as his province is not specified, and the names of the prefect of the province of Egypt and the prefects of Lower Egypt and Arcadia at this time are given elsewhere by John. His post on the eastern frontier of Egypt would make him the first person of high rank to whom the messengers of Mahomet came and thus it came to pass that the earliest communications between the Mahometans and the Romans in
e
; ;
The evidence of John of Nikiou, however, which Is earlier and more reliable than that of any Arab writer, throws a good deal of light on the question.
Egypt were carried on through him and he naturally assumed a position of importance in the eyes of the Arab chroniclers. Subsequently, when he went over to the Mahometan side, he was able, by commanding from his province the communications between Babylon and Alexandria, to render most valuable assistance to 'Amr and thus his importance was further enhanced. The prominence given to him in the Arab accounts is
;
:
doubtless due to these circumstances.
NOTE XVI II.
VILLAGE LANDS AND THE CORN TAX.
J.
papyrus from Soknopaiou Nesos, published by 16, with commentary in R.A. 1894, ii. p. 34), shows that, In one instance at least, common land of the village existed in Egypt. It is a complaint from twenty-five farmers, and in the course
Nicole (Pap. Gen.
of the narrative it Is stated that there were "a number of arourai of land, belonging to the village," on the shore of the lake Moeris. "When this land is un" covered after the yearly flood, " it is let for cultivation,
226
NOTES
and the rent of corn paid by the lessees Is deposited in the imperial granaries, for the purpose of defraying all charges on the village. By means of this rent the village has been able to meet all its liabilities, both public and private," and thereby had been free from
the distress
common
in
Egypt
at the time.
This interesting document throws considerable light on the method of payment of the tax of corn in Egypt. Al-Makrizi (xxvi.) gives a description of the general
rule laid down by the Romans: the imperial officials decided the amount to be paid by each village, after considering its condition of prosperity, and notified the These thereupon met, and divided local authorities. their assessment among the inhabitants of the village. The papyrus shows that the amount assessed by the representatives of the government was regarded as the common liability of the village and in such a case as that of Soknopaiou Nesos, where the village had certain common property, could be wholly or partially met out It was in accordance of the proceeds of that property. with this principle that the persons responsible for the payment of the full amount of the tax assessed were the elders, the elected representatives of the district, or, in the case of a town which had been granted the privilege of self-government by a senate, the prytaneus,
;
who were
till
liable to
have their property impounded

8).
the tax
papyri (G.O.P. i. 127, 142) bear out the statement of Al-Makrizi, that the towns or villages were required to pay their assessed proportion of the corn tax to the authorities at Alexandria. In these it recorded how the towns of Oxyrhynchos and is Kynopolis and the village of Koma had sent their quota down the river, bearing the cost of freight. That the village of Soknopaiou Nesos was not unique in having lands which belonged to the village as a community, is shown by a contract for leasing village land at Obthis in the Hermopolite nome (C.P.R. i. 41), and a proposal to rent from the senate of Hermopolis certain land owned by the city (C.P.R. i. 39).
e
Two Oxyrhynchos
was paid (E.G. IT.
ANNONA
NOTE XIX.
ANNONA.
227
occasional references to payments of corn as in the papyri, do not furnish any definite information upon this tax. It appears that it ranked with the other charges on land, Synovia and <riru<d (B.G.U. 94), and that it was collected, like them, in
The
annona, found
corn by trie sitologoi (B.G.U. 336, 529, 534). The rate, however, at which it was assessed upon the land cannot at present be determined. Its purpose may possibly be conjectured from a reference in the Coptic panegyric of Victor the son of Romanus (Me"moires d. 1. Mission Archeologique Franc, viii. 2, p. 190), where it is stated that Victor received sixteen annonae. This suggests that the annona was the allowance of corn made by the government to the inhabitants of Alexandria, which had apparently been made continuously from the time of the Greek rulers of Egypt, and was increased by Diocletian (Procopius, Arcan. 26). The manner in which the annona is coupled with the epibole, or supply of corn for the use of Constantinople, in the recital of burdens on the land in a lease, supports this view (B.G.U. 519). And it further appears, from the
recitals in leases (compare B.G.U. 289 and 519), that the three taxes which were imposed specially on the land
Sôcria, crm/ca, and annona. The first is known to refer to the payments of corn into the public granary the second, to for the supply of the next year's seed
were
the contributions levied for the support of Rome, and afterwards of Constantinople. There is no third object recorded to which the government turned the corn they collected in Egypt, except that of the grant to Alex It is probable, therefore, that this was the andria. purpose to which the annona was put.
228
NOTES,
NOTE XX.
STEPHANIKON.
The object of the tax known as the stephanikon has been discussed by F. G. Kenyon (Catalogue of Greek Papyri in B.M. ii. p. 107), who concludes that it was a continuation of the o-re<f>avo$, a special present to the or possibly a collected under the Ptolemies king revival of it by Caracalla, as the earliest receipts for it (B.G.U. 62 Pap. B.M. 474) are dated in 199. It may also be observed that, of the nine extant documents
1
referring* to this tax,
seven
fall
within the years 199 to

;
from the association of Caracalla in the while the other empire to the death of Elagabalus two, which are undated, may be taken, on palaeographical grounds, as belonging- to the same period. If, therefore, the tax may be supposed to have been revived by Caracalla, it may also be supposed to have been abolished by Severus Alexander. All entries for payments of the tax are in sums of four drachmae, or multiples of that amount, with one exception (B.G.U. 535); and this perhaps gives some support to the theory that the pretext of the impost was a special present, the usual gift required being a single tetradrachm, which was the only coin of a higher standard than copper struck in Egypt, and was the commonest coin current in the country. The payments of the tax, however, were apparently not calculated on an annual basis for instance, one man paid thirteen tetradrachms in the course of twenty - one months (B.G.U. 452).
222,
that
is,
NOTE
XXL
RENTS PAID FOR LAND.
In the following list are classified the various records of rents paid in Egypt during the Roman period. The cases (i) in which the rent is fixed by a rate per aroura, and those (2) in which it is a certain proportion of the produce, are separated. Where no remark is added as
RENTS
to the nature of the crop, the land
229
may be presumed
to
have been corn land

otherwise stated
:
the rent
was paid
in corn, unless
230
NOTES
APPENDIX V
REFERENCES
CHAPTER
i
(
I.
1)
2)
W
(
Letronne, Recueil, p. 140. Tacitus, Hist. i. 1 1 g-jves this side of the question.
,
Ibid.
iii.
48.
4)
Philo, adv.
Flaccum, 13 (see ch.
II.
n), illustrates the
difficulty.
(
fl
)
6)
7)
(
(
8)
9)
See Dio Chrysostom, or. xxxii. ad Alexandrinos. See ch. III. 7 for examples. Tacitus, Ann. ii. 59.
Ibid. Hist.
i.
ii.
Dio Cass. Iviii. 19 (Severus). Tac. Hist. i. ii (Ti. Julius Alexander). <"> Philo, adv. Flac. i. 12 Dio Cass. Ivii. 17. 1S C.I.G. iii. 4956, 4957 (edicts ag-ainst extortion); compare G.O.P. I. 44 (advice to lighten burden of tax-farmers). 14 C.I.G. iii. 4957 B.G.U. 176, 648; Appendix III. 5 (orders as
(
(
10 )
to exemptions).
B.G.U. 378 (delegation to dikaiodotes), 613 (to praefectus alse) G.O.P. i. 67 (to an ex-magistrate). 16 B.G.U. 113, 114 (as to leg-ality of marriage of soldiers), 614 ; C.P.R. 18; Pap. B.M. 177 (disputes as to inheritance); G.O.P. i. 38 (lawsuit as to identity of a child), i. 67, 71 Pap. B.M. 358
(
15 )
(concerning property), 354 (as to wrongful imprisonment). 17 B.G.U. 19 (reference on a point of legal interpretation from royal scribe), 195 (case to be referred by epistrategx>s) ; G.O.P. i.
1
97 (reference from strategos).

<
18 )
B.G.U. 347
(prefect at
Memphis), 362
(at Arsinoe), 525 (at
Nilopolis).
(
19 )
B.G.U. 325 (negligent
lestopiastai to be
sent
bound
to
prefect).
(20) B.G.U. to those who had fled to jejc), 372 (proclamations escape liturgies), 256; C.P.R. 20; G.O.P. i. 40 (petitions to prefect against nominations to liturgies). 21 B.G.U. 198, 420; G.G.P. ii. 56; G.O.P. i. 72 (orders for
t
)
231
232
;
REFERENCES
; ;
returns as to property) B.G.U. 484 Pap. B.M. 260 (for census) G.O.P. i, 34^ (order as to keeping" of records). 22 B.G.U. 696 (exchanges and enlistments sanctioned by preG.O.P. (release from fect), 113, 114, 195 (soldiers' grievances); service granted). (23) g ee Appendix II. for a list of known prefects and their dates. 24 Seneca, Cons, ad Helv. xvii. 4.
(
) (
(*)
(
B.G.U.
288.
discussed by Wilcken position of the dikaiodotes is Mar(Observationes ad historiarn JEgypti prov. Rom.) against see also Strabo, quardt, and by Mitteis (Herm. xxx. p. 564 ff.);
26 )
The
xvii. i,
(
and B.G.U. 378 (which proves the superior authority of
the prefect).
2? ) 28 )
29 )
)
B.G.U. 327, and Note III. App. IV. B.G.U. 361 Pap. B.M. 196 (cases referred from strategos). See Note I. App. IV. as to the position of the archidikastes.
;
3 <
(
Strabo, xvii.
i.
G.G.P. ii. 71 (a case from Kysis in the Oasis), and others cited in Note I. 32 B.G.U. 136, 33 See Simaika (La Prov. Rom. d'Egypte, part iv. ch. i) as to the provinces and authority of the epistrategoi. 34 B.G.U. 19, 168, 340, 462. 35 B.G.U. 15, 194, 235. 36 B.G.U. 43; G.G.P. i. 49; Pap. B.M. 376. 3? Wilcken (Hermes, xxvii. p. 287 ff.) has collected and discussed most of the evidence as to the strategx>L
31 )
< ) <
) ( )
38 Letronne, Rech. 129; C.I.G. 111.4722, 4732, 4736 (union of Hermonthite and Latopolite nomes), 5077 (Ombite and Hermonthite nomes and district of Thebes); M.A. Inscr. 108 (Apollonopolite
( )
and Sethroite nomes). 39 B.G.U. 2, 6, ete. (Arsinoite nome divided into districts of Herakleides and Themistos with Polemon united, B.G.U. 181, 244) see Note II. App. IV. 4 B.G.U. 2, 72, 589 (complaints of trespass), 22, 45, 181, 242 G.G.P. ii. 61 (of embezzle(of assault), 46, 321,"663 (of robbery) ment) Pap. Gen. 6; Pap. B.M, 357 (of debt); B.G.U. 361, 448; Pap. B.M. 171 b (for opening- of will). 41 N. et E. 69 (discussed by Wilcken, Philologus, Hii. 'Tiro/ivyB.G.U. 245. fj,arLQrfiot) 42 B.G.U. 136 (powers delegated by archidikastes), 245 (by
C
)
>
dikaiodotes).
(
4S B.G.U. 647 (evidence of a surgeon as to a wound taken); compare G.O.P. i. 51 (report of a physician on a suicide). () Pap. B.M. 309, 328, 376; B.G.U. 26, 53, 55, 59, 60, etc.; Pap, Gen. 5; G.G.P. ii, 45, 45 a; G.O.P. i. 74; see introduction to G.G.P. ii. 55, and Kenyon, Cat. of Greek Papyri, ii. 18. 45 C.I.G. iii. 4957; compare G.O.P. i. 57 (responsibility of strategos for payment of taxes); B.G.U. 598; G.G.P. ii. 44 (assessment of taxes) B.G.U. 8, 462 (recovery of debts).
) ( )
REFERENCES
46 ) <
(
233
B.G.U.
C.I.G.
6, 91, 235.
iii.
4957; see also Note II. App. IV. B.G.U. 473; G.O.P. i. 82. C.I.G. iii. 4957; compare G.O.P. i. 61. 5 B.G.U. 26, 51, 52, 53, 55> 59, 60, etc. 51 B.G.U. 17, 79. 52 B.G.U. 18, 168, 358, 529; see also Note III. App, IV. P) See Note II. 54 The office of nomarch is discussed by Viereck (Hermes,
48 ) <
49 ) <
(
47 )
<
xxvii. p. 5i6ff.).
(
(
55 )
56 )
(
<
57)
58 )
59 ) (
6 (
( )
G1 )
52 ) (
(
63 )
G.G.P. ii. 44 50 a, b. B.G.U. 220, 221, 345, 356, 463; Pap. B.M. 297 b. B.G.U. 8. B.G.U. 8. B.G.U. 8 (7r/)oe<rru)res rCav poâpx^Qv dtrxoA^yudrwA B.G.U. 73 C.P.R. 1 8. B.G.U. 184, 240, 379; Pap. B.M. 299, 300. B.G.U. 112,420, 536. B.G.U. 184, 240, 420, 459, 536; Pap. B.M. 299, 300
;
(j3i(3\io-
B.G.U. 478, 480 (j3i@\io<pti\aKS d-rj/jiocriw \6yui>). B.G.U. 6 (at Mouches in the Arsinoite nome) Pap. B.M. 199 (at Soknopaiou Nesos); but see Kenyon, Cat. of Papyri in B.M. ii. p. 158, on the question of income. B.G.U. 214, 345, 381, 382, 431; G.G.P. i. 48; Pap. B.M.
(
64) (
(J5
)
W
67)
68 )
255(
<
53, 59, 95, 97, 524, 537, 577; G.G.P, i. 45; Pap. Gen. 5 (census returns collected by village scribe); B.G.U. 20, 139; Pap. B.M. 131 (returns as to lands and crops); B.G.U. 84, 330, 457, 659 (as to taxes); B.G.U. 6, 18, 91, 194, 235 (names
<*)
B.G.U. G.G.P. B.G.U.
148, 195;
ii.
compare Pap. B.M.
342.
67.
supplied for liturgies). I) B.G.U. 53, 59, 95, 97, 154, 225, 484, 524, 577. 7I The powers of the agoranomos are discussed by Mitteis (Hermes, xxx. p. 564 ff.) see also Note IV. App. IV. 72 B.G.U. 177, 193; N. et E. 17; C.P.R. 6, 7, 8; G.O.P. i. 73,
(
)
<
75
(
9<5> 73 ) 74 )
99> 106, 107.
<
G.O.P. L 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 100. B.G.U. 86, 191, 196, 234, 297, 350, 394,
34i i 348.
514, 542; Pap.
B.M.
142, 334
<
i. 4; Pap. B.M. 142, 143, 154, 293. police administration of Egypt Is treated by Hirschfeld (Sitzungsb. d. Kaiserl. Akad. zu Berlin, 1892, p. 815) ; see also
(
75 )
76 )
The
B.G.U.^53; C.P.R.
Note V. App. IV. 77 G.O.P. i. 80. 7S B.G.U. 6, 147, 148, 321, 374. 375, 37<5; G.G.P. ii. 43, 66; Pap. B.M. 199 G.O.P. i. 69, 80. 79 B.G.U. 147, 376 (associated with euschemones), 148 (with
(
>
archephodoi).
234
(
REFERENCES
)
B.G.U.
147,
376 (euschemones)
(lestopiastai)
;
Pap. B.M. 199 (eirenophy199; G.O.P.

i.
lakes).
(
81 )
B.G.U. 325
Pap. B.M.
43
(phylakes).
(9 B.G.U. 98, 157, 5158S B.G.U. 388 (inventory taken by exegetes of property of a dead man, probably a State debtor); G.O.P. i. 54 (exegetes asked to pay an account on behalf of the city), 5$ (acting- for
(
)
strateg"os).
84
> ( B.G.U. 147, 376 (euschemones ordered present in court), 194 (supplied names for liturgies), 381 (received
to
a crimiaal
payment
i.
of taxes).
(85)
(
86>
c.p.R. 20 (money spent on B.G.U. 347 (gymnasiarch

Strabo, xvii.
i
;
office
of kosmetes).
;
acting- as strategos)
G.O.P.
$4, 88.
<
87 >
B.G.U.
250.
ii.
88 >
66
15, 25, 41, 42, etc. ; G.G.P. a, 258, 306, etc. (vpdKTOpes a.pyvpuc&v').
B.G.U.
5^>
â;
171
Pap. B.M.
89) (
B.G.U. 414,
425*
457>
,
Si5
Pap.
B.M.
9 (
(
91 >
B.G.U. 362 (irpdKTOp B.G.U. 62, 362, 542,
458, 518; Pap.
B.M.
474, 477 (vpdicropes.
92 ) (
(93)
(
94
95 )
fl6 )
97)
(98)
B.G.U. 194; compare B.G.U. 15. Pap. B.M. 306. B.G.U. 10, 478, 479, 480. B.G.U. 8l, 425 (crtrou), 381 (KplBijs). B.G.U. 25, 41, 42; Pap. B.M. 255. B.G.U. 15, 67, 81, 188, etc. B.G.U. 7 (dekaprotoi sent in returns as
C.I.G.
iii.
;
to cultivators), 552,
in
553> 554> 556, 557* 579. 743> 744

I")
(measured corn
granary).
c,
Petne, Koptos, 4867, 4868, etc. (Syene) No. 4 (Koptos); Pap. B.M. 318, 320 (Prosopite nome). 10 G.O.P. 1.44.
(
vi.
101 )
4867, 4876, 4877, 4882, 4885 (tax collected by farmers), with C.I.G. iii. 4870, 4875, 4879, 4880, 4883 (same tax collected by praktores).
( )
G.I.G.
iii.
4957; G.O.P.
iii.
i.
44*
Compare C.I.G.
103 )
into property of State debtor), fines due to the 156 (received rent for State land), 620 (collected as to work on royal lands) ; imperial treasury), 648 (issued order C. P. R. i (sold confiscated land). 105 Dio Cassius, li. 17 ; see also Note VI. 106 Strabo, xvii. i. 10? C.I.G. iii. 4957 (exemption of Alexandrians from taxation) ; Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vii. 21 (their sharing in corn distribution); adv. Place. 10 (privilegfe as to scourging); Pliny, Ep. ad Philp, Traj, 6 (attainment of Roman citizenship). 108 Dio Cassius, li. 17; Hist, Aug. Sev. 17.
( ( J
1W)
B.G.U. 8. B.G.U. 8 (epitropos inquired
<
REFERENCES
PN) C.I.L.
(
"
235
viii.
8934.
(in)
IV. 4822, 4823, 4824; see Note VII. App. See Notitia Dignitatum and Hieroclis Synecdemus as to the see also higher officers of the Byzantine government in Eg-ypt Note VIII. App. IV. TO Pap. B.M. 234. 10 12 see also B.G.U. 305, 320, 366, 396, 403; Pap. B.M. ii^ Wilcken (Hermes, xxvii. p. 287 ff.).
(
TO TO B.G.U. 362, 586; C.P.R. 34, 45; Pap. B.M. TO B.G.U. 554; C.P.R. 35. TO C.P.R. 8, 9, 10, 35, 39. TO G.O.P. 55, 56, 59, 6o> 77, 80, 87, 103.
i.
Strabo, xvii. i ; see Note VI. App. IV. See Note VI. App. IV. ; Pap. Gen. 10. C.I.G. Hi. 4679.
233, 348.
117 >
C.I.G.
iii.
(H8)
<
121 >
)
M G.O.P.
B.G.U.
21.
i.
42,
66.
52,
53>
66
>
83
84, 85, 86,
87; see editor's
note on 42.
a<")
(125)
OT G.O.P.
i.
10 408. Pap. B.M. ii3 B.G.U. 21 (ephor and quadrarius)

,
Codex Theod.
xii. 6,
22
(exactores). (126) p ap> 33. M. 240, 241, 242, 245, 406, 411, 412. P) Pap. B.M. 408.
(
128 >
12fl )
)
13 (
(
131 )
G.O.P. G.O.P. G.O.P. G.O.P.
i.
i. i.
i.
125. 126. 142, 143-
133 (see also 134-139)
Codex Theod.
xi. 24.
i, 3.
CHAPTER
II.
W See
(133)
ch.
I.
23.
7. 2,
Josephus, Antiq. xiv.
xix.
5.
compare Strabo,
xvii. i,
and
<
Philo, leg.
ad Gaium,
li.
10.
134 ) 135 )
Dio Cass.
18.
Strabo, xvii. i. 53. i. 53; (136) Strabo, xvii. inscription of Gallus from Philae, d. Kaiserl. Preuss. published by Lyons and Borchardt (Sitzungsb. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1896, p. 469). 13? Dio Cass. liii. 23 ; Ammianus Marcell. xvii. 4,
(
(
Strabo, xvii. i. 53. Suetonius, Aug. 17, 1 8. 140 > < Strabo, xvi. 4. 22 ; see also Mommsen, Roman Provinces, ii. p. 200 ff. (English trans.)* [whom I have followed here]. 141 > See Note X. App, IV. M2 > ( Strabo, xvii. i ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vi. 181 : Dio Cass. lin. 29. (143) gee for illustrations the numerous military inscriptions of the second, and third centuries A.D., found in the towns of
< <
138 )
139 >
<
first,
the Dodekaschoinoi, in C.I.G.
iii.
5042-5117.
236
(
REFERENCES
C.I.
144 )
G.
iii.
5680
see on this inscription Wilcken in Hermes,
xxviii. p. 154.
145 ) (
(
Tacitus, Ann.
iv. 5,
compared with Strabo,
xvii.
i.
14(J )
<
147 )
Dio Cass. Ivii. 10. Tacitus, Ann. ii. 59,

Philo,
xviii.
<
148 )
Antiq.
9-12.
60, 61 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 185. adv. Place, and leg-atio ad Gaium, and Josephus, for the events described in are authorities the 8, Their accounts have been discussed by Wilcken (Hermes,
vi.
1 1.
xxx.
(
p.
)
149 )
15
481 ff.). Josephus, Antiq. xix. 5. 2 ; Zonaras, B.G.U. 511 ; see Wilcken, I.e.
Pliny, N.H. vi. 84. p er jpi US} 26; see Monimsen,
15 (
J)
(152)
Rom.
Prov.
ii.
(^
(
p. 294,
note
i.
154)
155 )
15fi
)
See Note XI. App. IV. Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii.

Pliny,
18.
N.H.
vi.
i.
181.
Tacitus, Hist.
31.
157 )
158 )
B.M. Catalogue of Greek Coins

;
Alexandria,
p. 21.
159 > (
(
16
161 >
Suetonius, Nero, 47 Plutarch, Vit. Galbse. B.G.U. 189 (dated 7 A.D.). Pap. B.M. 277 (23 A.D.); B.G.U. 713 (41/2 A.D.). C.I.G. iii. 4699.
CHAPTER
(
III.
I62 )
16S )
164 J
Tacitus, Hist. i. 31. Tacitus, Hist. ii/6. Catalogue of Greek Coins of Âlexandria in
;
B.M.
p.
2=;
Pap. B.M. 260, 261.

<
165 )
1<56 )
<
167 ) 168 >

169 )
17
)
(
(
Tacitus, Hist, ii. 79 Suetonius, Vesp. 6. Tacitus, Hist. iii. 8. Suetonius, Vesp. 7. Dio Cass. Ixvi. i ; Tacitus, Hist. iii. 48. Suetonius, I.e. ; Tacitus, Hist. iv. 81 ; Dio Cass. Ixvi.
8.
Dio Cass.
Ixvi. 8.
i.
171 ) (
(
172)
Tacitus, Hist. v. Suetonius, Tit. 5.
See R. S. Poole in introduction to Catalogue of Greek Coins in B.M. Alexandria, p. xcvii.

174) ( Juvenal, Sat. xv. ; and see Petrie, p. 65 (as to the identification of Ombos). 175 ) ( Plutarch, de Iside, 72.
(
173 ) <
Nag-ada and Ballas,
176 )
<
177 >
)
17 <
Ixviii. 32 John of Nikiou, see also Butler, Coptic Churches, ch. iv. p. 178. j)j o Cass, Ixix. i r j Cassiodorus, Chron. See also Greg-orovius, der Kaiser Hadrian, p. 473 ; and Note XII. App. IV, 181 Historia Augusta, Hadr. 20.
;
179 > (
;
Cassiodorus Chron. See App. I. p. 16 Pliny, Pane^yr. 3 r, 32. Eusebius, H.E. iv. 2; Dio Cass.
.
72
(150)
REFERENCES
(
237
<?/.
182 )
Philostratus, Vit. Sophist,
ii.
37.
Sec Gregforovius,
cit.
P- 3*3183 See R. S. Poole, Catalog-tie of Greek Coins in the B.M. Alexandria, p. 31. 184 See Petrie and C. Smith in Petrie, Hawara, cc. iii. and vi. (185) J3i o Cass. Ixix. ii Historia Aug-usta, Hadr. 14. See Note XIII. App. IV.
(
)
See Inscription in G.M., published in R.A. 1870, p. 314. Prov. ii. p. 297, note ; and Mahaffy, Empire of the Ptolemies, p. 185 and note.
(
)
18fi
Mommsen, Rom.
<
187)
188 )
C.I.G. iii. 4725-4730. Malala, Chron. xi. p. 280 (ed. Niebuhr)
John of Nikiou, 74
in
xxxii. p. 224. See R. S. Poole, in Catalogue of Alexandria, p. 31.
see P.
(
Meyer
>j
in
Hermes,
189 )
Greek Coins
B.M.
o Cass. XIV. App. IV. 191 Dio Cass.

(190)
(
Ixxi.
4; Historia Aug-usta, Aurel. 21.

;
See Note
;
Ixxi. 22
Historia Augusta, Aurel. 25

;
compare
G.O.P.
(
i.
33.
19 -)
(193)
(
194 )
195 )
Historia Augusta, Aurel. 26 Historia Augusta, Cassius. See Mommsen, Rom. Prov.
Pliny,
Dio Cassius,
p. 302.
Ixxi. 28.
ii.
N.H.
vi. 101.
per cent.; date, 113 A.D.), 272 (12 per cent,, 138), 301 (12 per cent, 157), 578 (12 per cent., 187); Pap. B.M. 311 (12 per cent., 149), 336 (12 per cent., 167). (W) B.G.U. 372. 198 B.G.U. 15 (dated 194); Pap. Gen. 16 (207); B.G.U. 159
(
196 )
B.G.U. 68
(rate, 10
<
(215).
(199)
(
Historia Aug-usta,
Comm.
17.
20()
B.G.U.
417."
CHAPTER
(2W)
(
IV.
202 )
B.G.U. B.G.U.
646. 46.
i.
(203)
Historia Augusta, Niger, 10; Zosimus, Hist.
8; Eutropius,
viii.
1 8.
Historia Augusta, Severus, 8. is dated by the reign of Nig-er on 3rd December 193 (G.G.P. ii. 60) j another by the reig-n of Severus on 2ist February 194 (B.G.U. 326). (200) j)j Cassius, Ii. 17, Ixxv. 31 ; Historia Augusta, Severus, 17, 207 Dio Cassius, Ixxvii. 22 ; Historia Aug-usta, Caracalla, 6. 208 Dio Cassius, Ixxvii. 21. See Note XV. App. IV. 209 Dio Cassius, Ixxviii. 35.
(204)
(
205 )
A papyrus
<
(
210 >
Ibid.
2n
212 ) (
Dio Cassius, Ixxx. 2. Catalogue of Greek Coins
in
the B.M.
Alexandria, pp.
238
(
REFERENCES
Zosimus,
i.
21S)
20; B.G.U.
;
8.
See also Viereck on the latter
in
( (
Hermes,
314
215 )
xxvii. p. 516.
Alexandria, pp. 298, Koptos, ch. vi. No. 7; G.G.P. i. 50. Historia Augusta, Gallienus, 4 ; Triginta Tyranm, 22 Eusebius, H.E. vii. 21. See Note XVI. App. IV. (217) Zosimus, i. 44; Historia Augusta, Claudius, n. (Sis) Historia Augusta, Firmus, 2, 3. See Hogarth in Petrie, Koptos, p. 34, and Note XVI, App. IV. 19 (Catalogue of Greek Coins in the B.M. Alexandria, pp. 309,
Eusebius, H.E. vi. 41 B.G.U. 287. Catalogue of Greek Coins in the B.M.
299;
<
inscription in Petrie,
216 )
310;
(220)
Zosimus,
vii.
i.
61
Ammianus
Marcelllnus, xxii. 16; Eusebius,
Hist. Eccl.
(221)
(
32.
222 >
Zosimus,
Historia Augusta, Aurelianus, 32 ; Firmus, 5. i. 71 ; Historia Augusta, Probus, xvil.
<**>
(
B.G.U.
475.
9.
224 )
Historia Augusta, Probus,
B.G.U. 8. B.G.U. 200 (price of corn, 8 drachmae an artaba in 183), 14 (16 drachmae in 255); G.G.P. 51 (19 drachmas in latter part
2 -) (
i.
225 > <
of third century). 227 B.G.U. 362 (wages

( )
if,
-3 drachmae a day in 215),
1*4
(6
drachmae
in 255).
CHAPTER
(228)
ii.
V.
see also Letronne, Recueil,
;
Procopius, de Bell. Pers.
i.
19
p. 205,
(
and
Revillout, R.E.
iv. p.
Malala, Chronogr. xii. p. 308 Niebuhr) Eutropius, ix. Paulus Diaconus, x. 297 John of Nikiou, 77. (230) g ee Poole in Catalogue of Greek Coins in B. M. Alexandria, pp. xxv, xxvi. (231) Procopius, Arcana, 26. 232 ( C.I.G. iii. 4681 see J. P. Mahaffy in Athenaeum, 27th February 1897, and Cosmopolis, April 1897 and in reply to him, W. M. F. Petrie in Athena3tim, ioth April 1897. 235 See Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ch.
22, 23
;
;
)
229 )
156. (ed.
xiii.
H.E
C-
(i4) Eusebius, H.E. viii. 8; Coptic Panegyric of Victor in Me'moires de la Mission Arche'ologique Francaise, viii. 2. 23r> Lactantius, de mort. persecut. 236 Zosimus, ii. 17. (237) Zosimus, ii. 22. 288 Socrates, H.E. i. 5; Sozomen, H.E. i. 15; Theodoret,
(
>
i.
i.
>39 )
)
24 <
<
241 )
>42 > t-
Socr. Socr. Socr. Socr.
Theod. i, 8. 9; Soz. i. 21 27 ; Soz. ii. 22 Theod. i. 25. ii. 3; Soz. iii. 2; Theod. ii. i. ii. 9 Soz. iii. 5 ; Theod. ii. 3.
i.
;
i.
REFERENCES
(
239
Soz. iii. 20 ; Theod. ii. 6. 26; Soz. iv. 9; Theod. ii. 10. 245 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. ii; Socrates, H.E. iii. 2; Sozomen, H.E. v. 7; Theodore!, H.E. iii. 14. 46 (* Socrates, H.E. iii. 4. 15; Sozomen, H.E. v. 7, 15; Theodoret, H.E. iii. 2. 5 ; Julian, Ep. ad Ecdicium. >47 CTheodoret', H.E. iv. 2; Sozomen, H.E. vi. 5. 248 Socrates, H.E. iv. 13. 20; Sozomen, H.E. vi. 12. 19, 20; Theodoret, H.E. iv. 18.
(
24S )
244 )
)
Socr. Socr.
ii.
22
ii.
W Codex
(L>49)
Theodos,
i.
xii. i. 6^.
(251)
iii.
Socrates, H.E. Socrates, H.E.
iv.
37; Theodoret, H.E. 420.

19; Athanasius, Apol.
i.
21; Philostorgius,
4.
(-
(252)
s3)
254 > (
Codex Theodos. Codex Theodos. Codex Theodos.
xi. 24. i. xii. 18. i, xii. i. 63. xi. 2.
CHAPTER
25r >) (
(256)
(t>57)
(
VI.
Zosimus,
iv. 30.
g ee Mommsen, Hermes,
Theodos. Socrates, H.E.
c ociex
xix. p. 218.
xvi.
v.
i.
2.
25S)
16;
Sozomen, H.E.
vii.
15; Zosimus,
iv. 37.
>6 C(
2G1 )
Socrates, H.E. vi. 7. Socrates, H.E. vii. 7. Eutychius, Annales,
i.
548
(ed.
Migne)
Theophancs,
Chronogr. 70.
(263) (264)
Socrates, H.E. vii. 13. s ocra tes, H.E. vii. 15; Theophanes, Chronog-r. 71. Evagrius, H.E. i. 7; Coptic Life of Schnoudi (in Me"moires
1
de la Mission Archôl. Francaise, iv.), fol. 53 r. (265) p r i SCUS) frag 21 (ed. Miiller); Jordanes, de success regn, with Letronne's comments in Recueil, ii. p. 205 ff. See also L. Stern in R.E. ii. p. 240, on a fragment of an epic poem relating to this war. (266) p r SCUSf Eutychius, Ann. ii. 96 fragf. 22 (ed. Miiller) ;
.
Evagrms, H.E,
(267)
ii.
5.
ii.
Evagrius, H.E.
95.
8; Eutychius, Ann.
ii.
101
Theophanes,
Chronogr.
(268)
(269)
270 ) f
t
271 )
(272) (273)
(27-)
Evag-rius, H.E. iii. 4; Eutychius, Ann. ii. 105. Evagrius, H.E. ill. 12; Eutychius, Ann. ii. 108. Evagrius, H.E. iii. 23. Eutychius, Ann. II. 132. Nonnosus, ap. Photium. Theophanes, Chronogr. Paulus Diac. xvi. 471. Coptic life of Schnoudi, fol. 53 r. ; Arabic life (in same voL
;
of Me'moires), p. 396. 275 Coptic life of Schnoudi,

<
)
fol.
47
v.
Arabic
life,
p.
380
(-
76 )
Codex Theodos.
xiv. 262.
240
REFERENCES
CHAPTER
(
VII.
277 )
278 ) 279 )
Eutychius,
Ibid, Ibid.
ii.
ii.
152.
<
See G. Lumbroso, Aneddoti di Archeologia Alessandrina, p. 12. 80 (Paulus Dlac. xvi. 461 ; John of xviii. Malala, p. 433 Nikiou, 90, 281 Procopius, dc bello Persico, i. 20 j Nonnosus (apud Photium). See also Beazley, Dawn of Modern Geography, pp. 184 and 208, 28 ~) Procopius de bello Persico, i. 20. See on this, Letronne, Materieux pour servir a 1'histoire de 1'Egypte, ii., and Revillout
(
ii.
153. 161.
in
(
R.E.
(8:J
)
iv. p.
156.
284 > 285 > 28r>)
(287)
C- 88 )
(289)
(290)
C.I.G. iv. 8646. John of Nikiou, 95. John of Nikiou, 97. John of Nikiou, 107. J hn of Nikiou, 108. Eutychius, ii. 217. p au l us Diac. xviii. 579. John of Nikiou, iir, 112,
iv. p.
tinische Zeitschrift,
435,
See also E. W. Brooks, in Byzanon the chronology of the conquest
of Egypt.
(291)
(292)
293 ) (
(24)
(
See j h n of Nikiou, 113. John of Nikiou, 114. John of Nikiou, 116-118. John of Nikiou, 119, 120.
John of Nikiou, 120.
Justinian, Edict XIII.
Note XVII. App. IV.
295
(^ (^
(298)
See ch.
I.
30.
John of Nikiou,
119.
CHAPTER
(299)
<
(
VIII.
10.
C.I.G.
iii.
49S7
Dio Cass.
Ivii.
30
3t)1
>
3()2 )
303 )
See ch. I. 4, 7, 8, 10, 19. Pap. B.M. 267 B.G.U. 563. C.I.G. iii. 49^7. See Note XVIII. App. IV.
;
(304)
(
in
19; and Kcnyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri B.M. ii. p. 88. (306) -g^ B.G.U. 64. 30? B.G.U. 15 Pap. B.M. 295, 197. R 308 Pap. B.M. 256 a; G.O.P.^. 63, 127*, 142.
30f) )
(
p ap B.M. See ch. I.

.
267.
(3io)
W B.G.U.
)
C.I.G.
iii.
4957.
414; Pap.
B.M. 367 a.
See also Kenyon's note
on the
(3H)
(
latter.
312 )
gee Note XIX. App. IV. See Viereck, Hermes, xxx,
p. 107.
REFERENCES
(
241
313 )
B.G.U. 457; Pap. B.M.

64, 534, 141. B.M. 119.
193.
See also Kenyon's note on
the latter.
(
W B.G.U. B.G.U.
S15 J
316 )
652; Pap. B.M. 347*
<
Pap.
B.G.U. 657. G.G.P. ii. 56. B.G.U. 572, 574, 662 Pap. B.M. 193, 380, 451 C.P.R. i. 32 Pap. B.M. 193; see also Kenyon's note. 331 B.G.U. 563, 572, 573, 5745 Pap. B.M. 451. (322) B.G.U. 41, 216,653. 323 B.G.U. 236, 330, 342; Pap. B.M. 380, 451 C.P.R. x. 324 B.G.U. 25. (325) B.G.U. 41, 63, 199, 292, 382; Pap. B.M. 255, 312. v 326 B.G.U. 219, 461, 521, 654; Pap. B.M. 319, 323, 41, i99 468; G.G.P. ii. 4 8 5 2 P 37 G.G.P. ii. 52. (328) s ee Kenyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii. p. 79. P) B.G.U. 51, 52, 192, 266, 352, 353, 354, 355, 357, 35^, 4^r ; G.G.P. ii. 45, 45* (camels); B.G.U. 133 (sheep and goats). (330) s ee Wilcken, Hermes, xxviii. p. 230 ; and Kenyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii, pp. 17, 20, 43. 331 See examples in the ostraka published by S. Birch, P.S.B.A. Compare, however, v. pp. 84, 124, 158; also Pap. B.M. 170, 340. Kenyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii. p. 53. 18 Grenfell, G.G.P. ii. 55, note. (332) gee Kenyon, op. cit. p. Examples of census returns are, Pap. B.M. 476 a (for year 103/4) B.G.U. 53, 420 (131/2), 95, 137 (145/6) G -?- p " 55 B.G.U. 54> 58 (159/60); Pap. Gen. 185 B.G.U. 59(173/4), 60, 115, 116(187/8),
( )
317
W
(
318)
>
<
>
>
97,
f
577(201/2). 4?% B.G.U. 79, TO.

333 )
Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 16. (333) s ee Kenyon, Catalogue of Greek Papyri, ii. p. 44. (336) Pap. B.M. 347. B.G.U. 62, 268, 362, 452, 458, 518, 535 Pap. B.M. 474, 477, See Note XX. App. IV. also B.G.U. (338) s ee the ostraka published by Birch, as above ; (j8a0&0, 337 (ytt&w), 9 220, 221, 277, 756 (dXi&w), 9 B.G.U. 10, 25, 199*, 277, (7purrMH i ; Pap. B.M. 255; (frnipd) G.G.P. ii. 60 (KOTT^ rpÔ ; 652 (f7/)d0w), 485 (&0W7/xfe) 617; B.G.U. 9, iv. (KOfxrdrw), 337 (XaxavoTrwXw^), 9, j. (^v/>o?rwXw), 199^, 212, 6C3 (v\oluv\ 10, 337 (7r\olw dXteuri/cw^), 337, (raptxevr&v). found at Syene, C.I.G. iii. 4863-4889 and else(339) Ostraka where. (340) petrie, Koptos, c. vi. (341) G.G.P. ii. 50; B.G.U. 724; Pap. B.M. 2o6d, 307, 3i6b. c.,
f
334 )
469 a, b.
(
342)
Strabo, xvii.
Ibid.
I.
s)
(344)
Published by D. G. Hogarth in Petrie, Koptos,
c, v,,
16
242
<
REFERENCES
G.G.P. G.G.P.
c.
ii. ii.
343 )
34<j )
58; Pap. B.M. 318, 320. 50 a, b, f, g, h, i, m; Pap. B.M. 206 d, 307,
3i6b,
(^ B.G.U.
724,
G.G.P. ii. 500; Pap. B.M. 469*1. See E.E.F. Report, 1896, p. 18. 3DO See Mommsen, Roman Provinces, ii. p. 299. G.O.P. i. 44. 352 B.G.U. 748 II.; G.O.P. i. 96, 99 ; Pap. B.M. 297 b Kenyon's note on the last. <*) B.G.U. 240, 326, 340. SS4 B.G.U. 96, 326, 338. B.G.U. 567, 568. sst; B.G.U. 350, 542, 667 C.P.R. i. 4, 9, 10.
W W
(348)
(
<
see also
W
) )
(357)
CsI.G.
iii.
ii.
i.
4956.
80, Si,
86. 8, 19.
858 ) <
(
35) )
(360)
G.G.P. G.O.P. See ch.

C.I.G.
8ia, 82.
I.
iii.
TO
.(^2)
<
363
4957. Pap. B.M. 306. C.I.G. iii. 4957.
<H)
(366)
658, 722, 733; G.G.P. ii. 53 a-g ; Pap. 165, i66b, 316 a, 321 a~c, 325. 367 B.G.U. ( 99, 359, 391, 704; Pap. B.M. 296, 337. 368 ( Pap. B.M. 113; G.O.P. i. 43, 60.
)
B.G.U. B.G.U. B.G.U.
194. 1 80.
B.M. 139 b,
(369) (370)
(
G.O.P. G.G.P.
i.
ii.
43. 95.
vii. 6.
S71 )
Codex Theodos.
PS) B.G.U. 362.

(
373 >
374 >
75 )
)
P 78
(*
77 )
<**)
(379)
(wo>
3S1 ) <
(
382)
383)
B.G.U. 199, 292, 337; Pap. B.M. 460, 478. B.G.U. 199*, 337; Pap. B.M. 347. Pap. B.M. 460. B.G.U. 383, 463, 718; Pap. B.M. 472. B.G.U. 337. B.G.U. 337, 471 ; Pap. B.M. 352. B.G.U. 707 and see Wilcken, Hermes, xxu. p. B.G.U. i8r, 234, 475. B.G.U. 156, 462; C.I.G. iii. 4957; Dio Cassius, B.G.U. 656.
;
.
142.
-
Ixvi. 8.
C.I.G.
iii.
4713-
CHAPTER
(
IX.
p. 31.
384 >
TO
C
See F. Krebs, Zeitschrift fur JEg. Sprache, xxxi. B.G.U. i. 296; Pap. B.M. 353. App. III. No. i. App. III. No. 5.
388 )
B.G.U.
16, 149.
REFERENCES
389 ) <
243
B.G.U.
28.
16.
P) B.G.U.
391 ) (
392 > (
P
(
(
E.g. B.G.U. 86. E. s Pap. B.M. 258,

.
11.
206, 208.
3)
W
(-
3C4 )
3S)G )
w
40
<
398 )
TO
149, 248, 337, 362, 479, 299, 345407 Inscr. P.S.B.A. xi. 228.
< )
m W B.G.U. W m B.G.U. B.G.U.

(
B.G.U. 1 6. B.G.U, 82. B.G.U. i, 149; see ch. VIII. 19. B.G.U. 194; App. III. No. 5. Seech. VIII. 11. Seech. VIII. ro. B.G.U. 229, 230. B.G.U. 296; Pap. B.M. 353. B.G.U. 337. See E.E.F. Report, 1896, p. 15; B.G.U.
See E.E.F. Report, !8 96, p.
47 1.
488.
18.
124, 707.
748
II.;
Pap. B.M. 262,
408 )
409 ) (
41 (
( )
C.I.G. C.I.G.
iii. iii.
i.
4711. 49^5.
G.O.P.
W
41S)
415 )
41(J
)
411 )
(414)
43^,46,47. C.I.G. Iii. 5042-5070. C.I.G. iii. 5032, 5033. C.I.L. iii. 79; C.I.G. iii. 5074-5106. C.I.G. iii. 4714; Letronne, Recueil, DCXiv. seqq.
R.E.G.
iv. p. 46,
<
No.
v. i.
iii.
C.I.G.
.-.
4716.
W
(
(
B.M. Catalogue of Greek Coins "

iii.
Alexandria, 287, 572.
75. S. Poole, Introduction to Alexandria, p. xcix.

415 )
C.I.L.
See R.
B.M. Cat. of Greek Coins
<
421 ) (
<
(
)
<
<
C.I.G. iii. 4683. C.I.G. iii. 4713. B.M. Catalogue, 744, 1102, 1362. 422 G.M. 301 ; G.G.P. ii. p. 85. 423 B.M. Catalogue, 533. u B.M. 4Catalogue, 126-131. 42J5 C.I.L. iii. 75. 42G B.M. Catalogue, 132-135. 427 B.M. Catalogue, 929, 930, etc.; ibid. 427, 1041 etc.; App.
42
)
>
419 >
III.
No.
(
3.
42S ) ( 429 )
)
C.I.G. iii. 4839. Letronne, Recueil, No. DXLVII.; App.

1896, p. 169. Catalogue, 936, 937. Catalogue, 141-144. E.& B.M. Catalogue, 583, 1257. B.M. Catalogue, 586, 938.
III.
No.
6.
43 (
B.C.H. W B.M, B.M.

4J52
)
<
433 )
434 )
244
<
REFERENCES
E.g.
435 )
43(J )
437 )
B.M. Catalogue, 585, 1404. B.M. Catalogue, 1191. B.M. Catalogue, pp. 353, 360.
p. xlv.
( ( (
438 >
439 >
(
(
441 )
442 )
<
443 )
444 )
445 )
44fi )
See R. S. Poole, Introduction to B.M. Catalogue, B.M. Catalogue, p. 354. B.M. Catalogue, 2173, 2313. B.M. Catalogue, 700. B.M. Catalogue, 1345. G.O.P. i. 114; B.C.H. 1896, p. 248; ibid. p. 167.
E.g.
<
<
<
f
447 ) 448 )
449 )
45
)
< <
451 )
(432)
(
453 )
(454)
(
455 ) 456 )
B.G.U. 471. B.M. Catalogue, 138, 575. B.M. Catalogue, 69. B.M. Catalogue, 916. B. M. Catalogue, 407. B.M. Catalogue, 408, 582. B.M. Catalogue, 451. App. III. No. 4. B.G.U. 248. B.M. Catalogue, 2543. B.M. Catalogue, 1047-1057. Published by J. Baillet in R. A. E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 703, 947,
Tacitus, Hist. Tacitus, Hist.
Jv. 84. iv.
1889, p. 70. 1708.
457 )
(458)
83
Plutarch, de Iside et Osiride, 28.
(*)
(
W
)
C
46
462 > (
463 >
B.M. Catalogue, 1193. B.M. Catalogue, 875. See Note XL G.O.P. i. 43 V 98, 99, 104, no.
,
464 > (
(
C.I.G. C.I.G.
iii.
iii.
4948. 4839.
B.G.U. 73, 136, 338, 362, 455,- Pap. B.M. 445. B.G.U. 276, 332, 333, 384, 385, 449, 451, 623, 625, 714; as against B.G.U. 229, 230* 467 B.M. Catalogue, 540, 879. 468 E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 305, 750; see Introduction, p. Ixiii. 469 App. III. No. 10, 47() B.M. Catalogue, 1121, 1339.
465 >
(
4G6 >
>
>
47l > (
(
472 >
C.I.G. C.I.G.
iii.
iii.
4683 b. 4713 b.
.
<
(
473 >
474 )
^) ( 47
(
Pap. B.M. 345G.O.P.i. 34V B.G.U. i. 296; Pap. B.M. 353.
476>
B.G.U.
C.I.G. C.I.G. C.I.G.
337.
iii.
(477)
(
JII$.
478 > 479 )
iii.
iii.
4948, 4839. 4715.
48
App.
III.
i.
Nos.
43^.
2, 3, 9,
ii (Apollinopolis)
No. 7 (Pathyra).
(<) G.O.P.
482 ) i
<
483 )
Letronne, Recueil. See ch. VI. 10.
cviil-clii.
REFERENCES
(484)
<
245
pp. Ixiv Ixvi.
485 ) 486 >
<
<
487
>
g ee Introduction to B.M. Catalogue, M.A. inscription C. B.G.U. i. B.G.U. 362.

App.
III. No. 2. Pap. B.M. 345.
485 )
48
)
(490)
(
Koptos, p. 22. R. S. Poole, Introduction to B.M. Catalogue, p. Ixviii. Catalogue, 1197. (496) See R> s> p 00 j ej Introduction to B.M. Catalogue, p. Ixxi. 497 B.M. Catalogue, 881. 498 ^ E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 639, 473, 647. ^The full number of sixteen cubits appear on a billon coin of Domitian in the Bodleian ; but the specimen is too worn to give a good illustration. 4 ") E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 28, 1161. 500 E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 1158.
<
m p See W B.M.
(493)
491 )
g ee p e trie, Religion and Conscience, p. 45. E.g. B.M. Catalog-tie, 625. E.g. B.M. Catalogue, 626.
e trie,
494 )
<
<
<
>
<
502)
B.G.U. G.O.P.
362.
i.
43
V.
(503)
p hilo
II.
egt
ad Gaium,
20,
43
Tacitus, Hist.
iv. 81.
(505)
Lumbroso, Document!
Greci del R,
Mus. Egiziano
di Torino,
App.
(
a 6>
S07>
508
)
CJ.G. iii. M.A. 108.

C.I.G.
iii.
4699.
i.
Pap. B.M. 317; G.O.P.

5900. 82, 347.
43^.
m B.G.U.
(
509 )
511 )
512)
B.G.U. 362*. Philo, de vita contemplativa.

Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. ii. 16. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. iv. 7. Eutychius, Ann. i. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 6. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. i. EutychiuSj Ann. i. Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 40, vii. n. Butler, Coptic Churches, i. p. 228.
(5i) 514) (
515 ) <
(
slfj )
517 )
(518)
'
51 9 )
52
521 >
G.O.P.
i.
43*.
Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. viii. 8. Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vii. 15. (524) M&noires d. J. Mission Archologique, iv., Panegyric of Macarius, i3of, (525) M^moires d. I. Miss. Arch, iv., Coptic Life of Schnoudi, foil. 50 v, 65 v; Arabic Life, pp. 385, 386, 425. (526) /fo'd'. Arabic Life, p. 387 ; fragment, 5 B, col. 2. (527) Zosimus, iv. 37.
(522)
523 )
<
528>
Priscus,
fr.
21.
246
(529)
(
REFERENCES
)
53
531 > (
(
532 )
533 )
g ee p e trie, Religion and Conscience, p. 46. Cod. Theod. v. 3. Cod. Theod. xii. i. 63. See Butler, Coptic Churches, i. c. 4. Mem. d, 1. Miss. Arche*ol. iv., Arabic Life of Schnoudi, p.
Eutychius, Ann.
ii.
396.
<
534 )
161.
CHAPTER
(
X.
535 ) 536 ) 537 > 538 )
( (
(539)
()
(541)
(
542 )
34S )
<
544)
545 )
546 )
547 )
(548)
(
549
55
551 ) <
(
552 )
G.O.P. 1.43. G.O.P. i. 42 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). G.O.P. i. 59 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). G.O.P. i. 138 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). G.O.P. i. 152. G.O.P. i. 145. John of Nikiou, 119. G.G.P. ii. 67. G.O.P. i. no (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). G.O.P. i. in (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). G.O.P. i. 112 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). E.E.F. Report, 1896, p. 17. Cecil Smith in Petrie, Hawara, ch. vi. g ee for example figs. 71, 73. See for examples fig-. 56. See fig-. 17. See fig. 87. B.G.U. 362, vii. There are several heads in the
E.g.
fig:.
Museum
at Alexandria.
(
553 >
61.
554)
555 )
)
Fig-. 63.
G.O.P. i. 66. 556 Hist. Aug. Saturninus, 8. 557 See Mommsen, Rom. Prov. ii. p. 254. 55S Hist. Aug. Aurel. 45. 559 ^.P-. B.G.U. 426; Pap. B.M. 257. 56 G.O.P. i. 84. G.O.P. i. 85 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation). " Either the denarius Prof. Petrie, however, remarks on this, was a ridiculously small money of account, or else the pound is misread. It should be either 600 pounds or else 10 denarii by value. Six pounds is a ridiculously small stock for a whole guild. I should emend it as 600 pounds or 6 talents." 562 G.O.P. i. 83 (Grenfell and Hunt's translation) 563 Pap. B.M. 131. B.G.U. 14. 56g See B.G.U. 84. G.O.P. i. 102, 103. 567 E.g. B.G.U. 166. (568) See Note xxi. App. IV.
( (
<
<
W
< )
<
'
W W
(
>
>
REFERENCES
<
2-J7
57
Pap. B.M. 13 See ch. VIII.
R 1
17.
m
(
571 > <
B.G.U, B.G.U.
See
ch.
362, via.
14.
I.
*
573 574
3.
>
(575)
(
B.G.U. G.G.P.
22.
57Q )
Mem.
il 78. d. 1. Miss.
Archôl.
iv.,
Arabic Life of Schnoudi,
P- 356.
<
577 >
Ibid. Coptic Life, fol. 26.
INDEX
ABRAHAM,
ruler of Homeritce,
defeats Axumitse, 109. Abyssinia, embassy to, 109. Adane, destruction of, 34.
Administration of justice, prefect

of, 3.
,,
Agoranomos at Alexandria, u. Agriculture, irrigation, 164. ,, crops, 165. terms of leases of ,, lands, 165.
Agrippa,
riots
at
head
caused andria by
in Alexvisit of,
dikaiodotes, assessor of prefect in, 4.
29.
,,
secured restoration of
,,
position of archidikastes in, 4.

local authority of
Jewish privileges, 32, Agrippa the younger, king- of Chalkis, complained of by

Alexandrian Greeks, 33. Alexander Severus, reign of,
,,
, ,
epistrategos
in, 5.
,,
73.
and Epaga-
position of strateg-os in, 5.
thus, 74.
Alexandria, local
,,
government
citi1 1.
,,
duties of elders,
7-
of, ii.
privileges of
,,
entrusted to mili9-13.
,,
zenship at,
tary
v.
officials,
posit ion of, lowered
Police.
^lius Gallus,
prefect, pedition into Arabia, 20. Êrnilius Rectus, prefect,
made exre-
,,
byAug-ustus, 16. senate at, restored by Severus, 11.

anti- Jewish
at,
,,
riots
buked by Tiberius,
Êthiopians,
,,
25.
,,
under
Cal-
treaty of Gallus with, 19.
îgula, 29. riots provoked
Invaded Upper
Egypt,
21.
,,
by
at,
Jews
dius, 31.
,,
under Clau-
,,
defeated by Petronius, 21.
under Nero,
35-
,,
made terms with

Rome,
23.
,,
,,
under
jan, 52.
Tra-
,,
invasion proposed
by Nero, 36. Ag-oranomos, position and duties

of, 8.
buildings restored
by Hadrian,
,,
54.
riots at, 61.
249
INDEX
Athanasius again patriarch, 93. Athene, worship of 137. Augustus, reasons for organisation of Egypt by,
2.
251
Blemmycs, joined Palmyrenes and threatened

frontier, 79.
,,
dominated the Thebaid, 81.
senate at Alexandria abolished by, n. ,, reign of, 15. Aurelian, reign of, 80. ,, Palmyrenes expelled
by, 80.
, ,
,,
driven back by Probus, Si. subsidised by Diocletian, 86.
,,
ravaged the Greek

Oasis, 99. defeated by Maximinus, 100. treatment of, by
defeated Firmus, 80. ,, Aurelius, Marcus, reign of, 62. revolt of na,, ,,
tive
,,
Egyp-
,,
tians under
Justinian,
no.
defeated
troops,
Isidorus
,,
,,
Bonakis,
, ,
against, 63. and revolt of
n 2.
imperial
defeated and slain

112.
of,
troops under
by Bonosus,
AvidiusCassius, 63.
,,
Bonosus, victory
,,
over Bona,
kis, 112.
,,
visited the
v.
defeated by Niketas,
East, 64. Aurelius Theocritus,
113.
Note
Bucolic troops, revolt amongst,

63.
XV.,
222.
of, 63. as of,
Avidius Cassius, revolt Avillius Flaccus, rule

,,
v. Note XIV., 221. Buddhism and Egyptian
re-
prefect, 28.
,,
disgrace
with,
of,
ligions, 151. Byzantine period,-
change
in or-
30.
gan isation
treaties
94,
,,
Axumitse,
1
during,
,,
13.
of,
08.
officials
215.
Note VIII.,
BABYLON,
,,
,,
fortress of, rebuilt
by CJESAREUM, sign of Roman

,,
,,
Turbo, 53. taken by 'Amr, 116. adapted for monastic purposes, 156. station of a Roman
in-
fluence, 160.
,,
and emperor- worof, 28.
ship, 149.
legion, 169.
Caligula, reign
,,
Balbinus, 1'eign of, 75. Basilicus, expelled Zeno, 102. Basilides of Alexandria, Gnostic heresy, 152. Baths, tax on, 10. ,, sign of Greek influence,
1
worshipped by Alex19, 82, 126.
andrians, 149. Canals, care of,

,,
from Nile to Red Sea,
Capitollum, sign of
fluence,
1
Roman
in-
60.
60.
all
Bes, worship of, 131. Bibliophylax, position

of, 6,
Caracalla, gives citizenship to
and duties
,,
Egyptians, n.
of, 70.
reign
252
Caracalla,
INDEX
massacres AlexanClaudius, development of trade under, 38. Claudius II., reign of, 78. Coinage, reopening of Alexandrian mints under Claudius, and gene-
drians, 71.
Carinus, reign of, 82.

Carriers, receive allowance for transporting corn, 119. Carus, reign of, 82. Cathollcus, position of, 13.
1
Cattle, taxes on, 121, 124. Census, ordered by prefect, 3. received by strategoi,
, 3
up
, ,
ral state of coinage to time of Nero,
34, 38.
revival of artistic taste
6.
,,
marked
.,
in, 56.
of,
royal
scribe
assisted
village
drop
66.
in
standard
in, 6.
,,
assisted by laographoi, 8. taken every fourteen ,, years for purposes of taxation, 122.
collected scribe,
by
.,
further
of, 82.
deterioration
in,
,,
reform
introduced
86,
by Diocletian,
,,
decrease
in, 95.
v.
Note IX.,
217.
Chalcedonian decrees, and the Egyptian Church, 103. China, trade with, 65. Christianity in Egypt, introduced by Mark,
151.
,,
Coins, representations of deities on, 133 ei seq. Comes, and control of troops,
12.
Commodus, reign of, 65. s> Egyptian trade

under, 65, 66.
decree of Theodosius for, 96.
Constans, supports Athanasius,

90.
,,
,,
and Egyptian politics, 76, 87,
88,
91.
and
Constantius,
,,
96-107. liberty of religion granted to Christians, 156.
Constans
II., reign of, 116, Constantine, relieves Christians,
88.
,,
,,
and union of civil and religious

powers, 153.
and Arian controversy, 89.

relation
of,
,,
with
and influence of ^latonist and pagan ideas,

,,
TJ.
Christian Churches of Egypt,

89, 152.
Constantinus
115.
II.,
reign
of,
Heresies, Persecutions, Patriarchs,

etc.
Monasticism,
Constantius
,,
II.,
deposes Athanasius, 90.
Citizenship, Alexandrian, privileges of, 11. a step to Roman, ,,

ii.
Claudius, reign
,,,
of, 31.
reign of, 90. Convict labour in quarries and mines, 127. Coptic remains, in. over to Arabs, Copts, go
115.
and Jews,
32.
,,
Alexandrian
under, 34.
mints
Cornelius Gallus, prefect, suppressed revolt, 17.
INDEX
Cornelius
Gallus,
19.
,,
2 53
recalled
by
Domain-lands, property of emperor, 89.
Corn
tax, v. Taxes, and Note XVIII., 225. Council, of prefect, 4. Crops raised in Egypt, 165. Curiales responsible for taxes, 95 I2 5Customs, collected by farmers,
10.
,, ,,
,,
Augustus,
administration
of, 46.
ofîi, 13, 127.
Domitian, reign
,,
recognition of local
L. (Achil-
deities under, 47.
Domitius Domitianus,
leus), revolted cletian, 86.
against Dio-
houses, 123,
rates, 124. stations, 123, 124.
Dux, position
,,
of, 12.
Mgypti and Byzantine

,
Cyril of Alexandria and Jews,
officials, Note VIII. 215. Dykes, repair of, 126, 165.
9 8.
,,
,,
and Orestes,
with Arabs,
ECONOMIC
conditions
99.
During first century of Roman

rule, 38.
Cyrus,
116.
made peace
From Severus
82, 83.
to Diocletian,
DECIUS, reign
,,
of, 76.
Improvement under DiocleDuring last century of Roman

occupation, 117. Eirenarchs, duties of, 8. Eirenophylax, duties of, 8. Elagabalus, reign of, 73.
tian, 94, 95.
persecuted Christians
76. Deities, local, not identified with Greek gods, 131.
in
Egypt,
of Fayum, 129. v. Chapter IX. generally. Dekaprotos, position of, 10.
Demeter, worship of, 138. DIdius Julianus, reign of, 67. Dikaiodotes, position and duties
of, 4.
.
Diocletian, reorganised govern-
ment,
reign
,,
12, 86.
of, 84.
Elesbaan, king of Axum, and Homeritae, 109. Embolator, position of, 14. Embole, corn tax required from
villages, 119.
Elders, position and duties of, 7. associated in police ad,, ministration, 8. in Byzantine period, 13. ,,
and the Thebaid,

84.
,,
, ,
besieg-es and sacks Alexandria, 86. and coinage reform,

86.
Emperors, worship of, 149. Ephor, position of, 13. Epibole, corn tax (= Embole),
119.
and
persecution of
of,
Epimeletes, position Epistatikon, 126.

z/.
of, 14.
Christians, 87. Dioiketes, position
Taxes.
n.
Dionysus, worship of, 137. Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria, excommunicated, 100.
Epistrateg-os, position of, 4. duties of, 5.

, ,
abolished by Dio-
cletian, 12.
Dioskouroi, worship of, ^139. Dodekaschoinoi, occupied by
Epitropos, position of imperial,
n.
Roman troops,
23.
,,
under Diocletian,
13.
INDEX
Estate-duties, 124. Ethnikos, position of, 14. Euschcmones, duties of, 8,
9.
Garrison, withdrawn for Jewish war, 44. further reduced by ,,
Euthenia, consort of Nilus, worship of, 147. Exactor, position of, 13. Exeg-etes, position of, 9.
,,
Trajan, 49. See App, I., 169. Geometria, estate tax, 121. George of Cappadocia, patriarch, 91.
,
Export and import

125.
at Alexandria, ix. duties, 122-
George
for disturb-
the
murder of, 92. Mukaukis,
Note
26.
FAMINE, a signal
ances, 50.
XVII., 224. Germanicus, visited Egypt,
Farmers, second
v.
difficulties of,
during
Geta reign of, 70. Ghizeh Museum,, inscriptions

s
in,
cent. A.D., 82.

of,
Agriculture.
Farmers of taxes, position

10.
i<.
83 et seq. Gnostic heresy, 152. Gods, worship of, 128

1
,,
> ,
ei set],
Taxes.
i
Faustina, wife of M. Aurelius, intrigue with Avid us Cassius,

S3-
names, 133. Grcckand Egyptian, worshipped in same temple, 132,

joint (double)
^33-
Fayum,
,,
deities of the, 129. customs, dues, etc., in
the, 124.
Firmus, defeated by Aurelian, Note as a "Tyrant"; i

1
Goods, rates and duties on, 124, Gordianus I., reign of, 75. Gordiamis II., reign of, 75. Gordianus, III., reign of, 75. Goths, brought into Egypt, 96. Grapheion, contracts registered
at, 8.
XVI.,
Floras
i
223.
compelled (Prefect), Blemmycs to agree to peace,

oo,
Greek
xvith
7'.
deities, identification of,
Egyptian gods, 132. Hellenic Theology. G recks, and Jews 3n Alexandria,

32
, , *
GALBA, accession of. 39. murder of, 41.

,
,
33* 54t",
n flu e n c e o
i1 1
Egy p an
Li
Galerius, reig'n of, 88. ,, persecution of Christians by, 98. Gallienus, reign of, 77.
religious
141*
systems,,
128-132,
Gregory ;ind Alhanasius,9O,9i. Gymnasiarchj position of, 9.

,,
granted liberty of religion to Christians, 152. Gallus, reign of, 76. Games, in Oxyrhynchos, 160. ,, privileges of victors in,
, ,
atAlexandria,ri.
sports, etc., 160.
Gymnasium,
,,
supplanted by the
racecourse, 160.
160.
"Blues
161.
,,
,,
11
v.
"
HADAD,
Greens,"
141.
king108.
of
Axum, and
140,
Romans,
Hades, type of Sarapis,
the racecourse, 160.

village festivals, 161,
Garrison, Roman, reduced Tiberius, 24,
by
Hadrian, reign of, 54. and Alexandrian phi,,

losophers, 55.
INDEX
Hadrian,
,, ,,
255
of, 99.
artistic revival under,

56.
Hypatia, murder
and Antinous, 59. visits Egypt second

at
Hypomnematographos, clerk of city at Alexandria, n.

IniOLOGOS, position and duties
of, 9.
,,
time, 59.
Hadrianeion Note XII.,
Alexandria,
219. Haroeris, identified with akles, 139.
Her145,
abolished by Diolands,
v.
cletian, 13.
Imperial
Domain
Harpokrates, worship
146.
of,
Lands.
Imperial treasury, and revenue from Egypt, 118. Import duties, 123, 124.
Helios, worship
of,
136.
Hellenic Theology
and Egyptian
religious sys-
Income-tax, 122.
India, trade with, through
tems, 128-132. worship of Zeus

etc.),
Red
(Ammon,
,,
worshipped in Egypt, 132-141edict Henotikon, published, 103. Hera, worship of, 135.
Heraclius
,,
Greek
13^-134deities
Sea ports secured by Government, 33. duties on goods from,

throug-h Arab ports, 34, trade with, through Axumitse,
1 08.
, ,
I.,
reign
of, 113.
,,
development
of
trade
drove Persians out
of Egypt, 114. Heraclonas, reign of, 116. Herakleopolis, senate at, 12. Heresies, Arian, 88 et seq., 154.
,,
with, 38-65. Industries and

163.
manufactures,
Irrigation,
7'.
system of, improved under Augustus, 19.

Agriculture and Canals.
Gnostic, 152,
147.
to,
Hermanubis, worship of, Hermes, worship of, 137.

,,
Isidorus, revolt of native tians under, 63.

Lsis,
,,
Egyp-
Pautnuphis, temple
at, 12.
worship
in
at Pselkis, 133.
Hermopolis, senate
,,
,,
custom-house
124.
at,
,,
temple of, 133. Heroopolis, revolt of, 17. Homeritse, treaty with, 94. asked by Anastasius ,, to attack Persia,
103.
,,
,,
, ,
destroyed by Justinian, no. at Oxyrh3 nchos, 159. associated with Sarapis and Harpokrates at Alexanr
of, 142 et seq. Rome, 47. at Tentyra, 149. temple "of, at Philas,
dria, 140.
,,
second embassy by
Justinus, 104,
as Nepherses associated with Soknopaios, 129.
, ,
quarrel
of,
with
Axu
JFAVS, in Alexandria, favoured

, ,
mitaa, 108.
,,
subdued by Axumi,,
by Augustus, 1 6, governed by an ethnarch

1
6.
1
ta3, 109.
Horus, worship
of, 133, etc.
House property, taxes

Hygieia, worship
on, 121.
,,
rising of Greeks against, under Caligfula, 29. deprived of citizenship,
of, 140.
29.
256
INDEX
Khem, assimilated with Pan,
*33*
riots,
Jews, send embassy to Rome,

3i,,
provoke
under
Khnum,
133-
assimilated with Zeus,

position of, 13.
123,
at,
,
,
Claudius, 31. privileges restored to,32.
Komarch,
Egyptian, and Palestine,

35-
Koptos, custom-house at,

124.
,j
,,
between disturbances Greeks and, 32, 33,

52. revolt of, suppressed by Turbo, 52. expelled by Cyril, 105.
worship of Osiris
147.
M
,,
and
relig-ious 151.
matters,
Kosmetes, position of, 9. Kronos, worship of, 135. Kybele, worship of, 135. Kynopolis, war of, with Oxyrhynchos, 47.
,, Therapeutai, sect of, 151. John, prefect of Alexandria, de-
LAOGRAPHOJ,
duties of,
8.
Legal contracts, fees on,
124.
posed and reinstated,
n 2.
Leo L, reign of, 101. Leo IL, reign of, 102.

Lestopiastes, position of, 8. Library, public, of Alexandria,
141. Licinius, reign of, 88.
,,
,,
of Nikiou, and Arab con5 quest of Egypt, 225. Jovian, reign of, 93, Julian, reign of, 91. and Anan controversy, ,,
,
Julius Êmilianus,nommatod em-
91
'
92.
defeats Maximinus, 88. rivalofConstantine 9o.

?
Liturgies, hereditary
peror by Alex,.
and
burden of, exemptions
,,
andrians, 77. defeated, 78.

223.
,,
from, 125. of repairing dykes,

etc., 126*
v.
Note XVI.,
Justinian, reign of, 106.

,,
ofcoliectingtaxes, 10.
7.
,,
and
107.
Monophy sites,
Apollina-
Local government, in villages,

,,
comparison
3J
appointed
of ancient with modern, Note

IX., 216. Logistes, position of, 13, Logos, doctrine of; Platonists of Alexandria and develop-
rius patriarch prefect, 107.

,,
and
and monastic establishments, 107.
,,
destroyed temple of Isis at Philae, no.
ment
of, 155. of, 77.
and
Alexandrian
MACRIANUS L, reign
Macrianus
II.,
school of philosophy, no.

Justinus, reign of, 104. and Hotneritae, 104. ,,
reign of, 77. Macrinus, reign of, 73.
Manumission of
124.
slaves, fine on,

of, TOO.
Justinus
II.,
reign
of,
no.
Marcianus, reign
KANDAKE, queen of Êthiopians,

2 3-
,j
Katoikoi, exempted from polltax, 122,
,,
Alexandrian Church, 100. sacked Alexandria,
and
101.
INDEX
Mark, and introduction of Christianity into Egypt, 151. Mary, Egyptian influence on development of worship of, 155. Mauretanians, defeated by Aristomachus, in.
Maurice, riots in reign of, 112. Mavia, queen of Saracens, 94. Maximinus, reign of, 75, 88.
,,
Monophysite controversy,
107,
NAUBION, property-tax,
120.
Naukratis, senate at, 12. Nero, reign of, 34. and conquest of Eastern ,,
,,
provinces, 36. recalled legions, 39.
persecution of Chrisof
,,
as
"Agathos Daimon,"
tians by, 88.
149.
Maximinus (prefect), defeat Blemmyes by, 100.
Min, Osiris worshipped as, 147. Monasticism, influence of the

desert on, 151.
,,
Nerva, reign of, 48. Nicaea, Council of, 89. defeated Niketas, Bonosus,
,,
abandoned Egypt
to
and the Therapeutai, 155.
,,
and the Christian Church of the Middle Ages,

158,
the Persians, 114. Nikiou, taken by *Amr, 116. Nikopolis, founded by Augustus,
16.
,,
camp
of
Roman
gar'
,,
whole districts under monastic vows, 104. monastic corpora-
;;
tions,
.
power
rison, 17. Nile, worship of, connected with Sarapis, 147. rise and corn tax, of, ,, 118. trade, custom-house for, at ,,
of, 104, 105.

,
recognised by law,
155-
Syene, 123. Nit, Athene identified with, 137. Nitriotis, monasteries of, destroyed by Theophilus, 97. Nobatfe, invited to settle on
frontier, 86.
,,
, ,
as monasteries and refuges

forts, 93,
107,
, ,
156-158. as refuges of over-
made war on BlemMaxi-
burdened
,,
of-
ficials, 95, 125.
myes, 99. ,, punished by minus, IQO.
troops quartered
in, 126.
Nomarch,
6.
position
and duties of,

by Aristo-
,,
the the
at
Red M.,
White
157, 158. Nitriotis
98.
M.,
de-
Nubians, defeated machus, in.

Octroi, customs dues, 123.
,,
and entrance
,,
stroyed, 97. monks, military service and liturgies, 93, 155.
Odaenathus, prince of Palmyra,
and Romans,
Offices,
78.
nominations to govern-
,,
and robbery and

j
expulsion of Alexandrian merchants, 99.

,,
ment and local, supervised by prefect, 3. made by strategos, 5,
17
258
INDEX
Persecutions by Galerius and
,,
Offices, returns for, supplied by village scribe, 8. Officials, difficulties of position

of, 95, 125.
Maximinus, 88. by Diocletian, 87,

1
52-
Ombos, quarrel
tyra, 47.
of,
with Ten-
, ,
by Decius andValerian, 76, 152,
Orestes (prefect), and Cyril, 99. Osiris, worship of, 147.
,,
byChristians, 153.
of, 139.
Persephone, worship
Persians,
,,
Apis (Sarapis), 140. Ostraka, receipts of payments

,,
and Egyptian
1
trade,
08, 109.
On, 122,
Otho, reign
, ,
of,
40.
at, 12.
,,
Oxyrhynchos, senate
war of, with Kynlife,
,,
invaded the Delta, 1 03. took possession of Egypt, 114. expelled by Heraclius, 114.
opolis, 47. at, 156, i$get
,,
revolt
of Arabs
of,
seg.
,,
,,
papyri, 159. temchurches, ples, public

building's, etc., at, 159. festivals, etc., 1 60.
of,
against, 114. Pertinax, reign

67.
and murder
Pescennius Niger, declared emperor, 68.

,,
defeated
"
by
,,
PAGARCH, position and duties

*3,,
Severus, 69. Petesouchos, worship of, 131. Petronius, C., suppressed rising ofAlexandrians, ,,
19.
,,
,,
house of Flavins Apion

14.
described as,
Palestine,
35-
clearedcanals,i9.
Egyptian Jews and,

invaded
?8. 79-
again prefect,
defeated
217.
21.
,,
Êthio-
Palmyrenes,
,,
Egypt,
v.
pians, 21.
Note X,,
and Blemmyes oc-
cupied
,,
Egypt, and part of Alexandria, 80. defeated by Aure-
Upper
Phemnoeris, deity ofFayum, 131. Phi Ire, temple of Trajan at, 50. ,, temple of Isis at, destroyed by Justinian,
no.
,,
lian, So,
fortifications of,
renewed
Pan, assimilated with

J
Khem,
by Theodorus, no.
Philip, reign of, 75. Philosophical school of Alex-
33-
Panopolis, temple to
at, 133-
Pan-Khem
andria
Paralemptes, duties of, TO. Patriarchs of Alexandria, and

civil
T,
Hadrian and,
55, 56.
government,
97, 100, 106,
Justinian and, no. Influence of, on Jewish writings, 128. Christianity, 155. Philumenus, plot of, 90. Phocas, revolt against, by
I07 '
in villages, 95.
, ,
Patronage,
,,
and
forbidden, 14.
patrons and village

161.
Her"
amusements,
aclius, 112.
INDEX
Phylax, position and duties of, 8. Pnepheros, deity of Fayum, 131. Police, under prefect, 3.
,,
,
,
259
Sea, development of trade
culti-
Red
on, 38.
Register of lands under

vation, 119.
duties of elders, local officers of,
7. 8.
Registry of deeds,
etc.,
Note
209. Poll-tax, collected by praktores,

,,
Note V.,
9-
IV., 208. Rents, land, Note XIX., 228. Revenues, collection of, etc., 9.
v.
,,
by farmers,
10, 121.
Taxes.
citizenship,
exemptions from, 122. Poseidon, worship of, 135. Posting- rights, claimed by offi,,
Roman
attainable
ii.
through Alexandrian,
cials, 128.
Prsepositus pagi, position of, Prseses, position of, 12.
13.
granted to all provincials, in. Roman influence, on Egyptian

religious
148.
,,
Praktor, position and duties of, 9. ,, superseded by exactor in Byzantine period, 13.
Prefect, position
,,
ideas,
in
and duties of, 3. changed position of,

under Diocletian,
12.
worship of the Emperors, 149.

of re-
,,
in control
,,
list
of
prefects
176.
of
v.
Egypt, Delegation
ligious affairs and temple treasures, 149. Royal scribe, position and duties
,,
of
Duties,
division 202.
Note
III., 203.
of, 6. list of, in
Herakleid
Priesthood, Egyptian, privileges of, 129-131. Probus, defeated by Palmyrenes,

79-
of Arsinoite
nome,
and committed suicide,

81.
Si.
Probus, drove back the Blem-
SABINA, wife of Hadrian, visits Egypt, 59. Sahara, custom-house for goods
myes,
,,
from
the,
24.
named emperor,
Pronoetes, position of, 14. Property, taxes on, 120. Proterius, bishop of Alexandria,
100.
Saracens, incursion of, 94. ,, treaty with, 94. SarapiSj temple at Alexandria destroyed, 97.
,,
Pylons, occupied by monks, 156.

position
uietus, reign 8UADRARIUS,
of, 77-
worship of, 140. worshipped at Rome,

47.
of, 13.
,,
Isisand Harpokrates,
140.
Quintillus, reign of, 80.
,,
Hades and,
Lsis
140, 141,
,,
and, 142.
of,
RATES, charged on passengers,
,,
temple
at
Oxy-
Red
goods,
etc., 124.
rltynchos, 159.
Sea, trade, 33. ,, suppression of piracy

,,
on, 34. trade, customs, dues on, 123, 124.
and
Saturninus, Note XVI., 223, Schedia, customs station at, 124. Schnoudi, information regarding monasteries in Life of, 104,
158.
INDEX
Schnoudi, and pagan property,
153-
Strateg-os,
,,
superseded
in
By-
Scribe, royal, 6.
village, 71. Sebek, local forms of, 131. ,, worship of, 133.
,,
zantine period, 13. of police at Alexandria, ii.
Notes, 200, 203, Sukatoimos, deity of Fayum,

I3
1-
v.
Seed-corn, supplied by the authorities,

1
20.
Syene, custom-house at, 123.
Selene, worship of, 136. Senate, at Alexandria, abolished by Augustus,
n,
ii.
,j
16.
TACITUS, reign of, 80. Talmis, temple of, 18. Taxes, supervised by prefect,
,
3.
restored
by Severus,
Naukracapitals,
strategoi
for local,
responsible
6.
at Ptolemais,
tis,
,,
nomarchs
Antinoopolis,
,
and nome
12.
3 ,
local supervisors of, 6. elders intermediaries in,
in
v.
Byzantine
13-
period,
,,
based on returns of
lage scribe,
8.
vil-
Note VI.,
212.
,,
Severus,
,,
restored senate to Alexandria, I i, 70. defeated Pescennius
,,
supervision of idiologôs, 9. collected by praktores,

9-
under special
Nig-er, 69, Mount, Sinai,
,,
by
epiteretai
and para-
passes under, g-uarded by monastery, 158. of corn tax collection Sitolog'os,

by, rig. Slaves, fine on manumission
124.
of,
,, ,, ,,
lemptai, 10. by farmers, 10. by exactores, 13. by ethnikos and

lator, 14.
embo-
curiales responsible for,

95-
Social customs, 162.
Sokanobkonneus,
deity
of
Fayum,
131.
,,
annona, 1 bath tax,

corn tax,
19. 10.
Sokiiopaios, worship
,,
and temple
with
,,
of, 129.
associated
Isis
,,
Nepherses,
, ,
10, 118, 119, 225. for charitable purposes, 120.
129.
naubion, and geometrizi,

1
priesthood of, 130, Sokonpieios, deity of Fayum,

,,
20.
,,
on
on
Sothiac
13?-
house property, arithmetikon, etc., 121.

cattle, 121,. 124.
period, completed first year of Antoninus, 624 Souchos (Sebek), deity* of
in
,,,
,, ,,
poll-tax, 121,
Fayum, 131* Stephamkon (tax), ro, 122. v. Note XX., 228. Strateg-os, position and duties
of, 5-
,,
(exemptions), 122. 10, stephanikon,

228.
122,
,,
special, on temple pro-
perty, offering's, etc., epistaiij 126.
INDEX
Taxes, customs
123, 124.
261
and
indirect,
Trade
,,
,,
Temples,
,,
as Christian churches, 97. joint use of, by native
used
and
,,
Greek
wor-
and Homeritse, 94. Trajan, reign of, 48.

,,
East, developed under Claudius, 33. extended to China, 65. controlled by Axumitse
with
shippers, 132.
reduced
Roman
gar-
,,
as public library at Alexandria, 141. taxes on property

of,
,,
,,
rison of Egypt, 49. temple of, at Phila*, 50. cut canal from Nile to
of, 126.
Red
Tentyra, quarrel
, ,
with
Om,
Sea, 63.
deities,
Triad of Alexandrian
bos, 47. gateway of Trajan at
temple of, 19. ,, Theatre, sign of Greek

ence,
1
140 et seq. Triakontaschoinoi, under Roman protectorate, 19. Trinity, doctrine of the, Egyptian influence on
of, 155.
influ-
development
60.
Thebaid, revolt of, in time of Augustus, 1 8.

,,
ruled by dux,
12.
invaded ,, myes, 81. Thebes, archon at,

v.
by
12.
Blem-
Tnptolemos, worship of, 139. Troops, Roman, in Egypt, under control of prefeet, 3.
,
,,
Note VII.,
214.
,,
,,
reduced by Tiberius,
24.
Theodosius L, enforced Christianity, 96.
Theodosius
II., reign of, 98. Theophilus, of Alexandria, destroyed monasteries of Nit-
.,
,,
reduced by Trajan, 49. withdrawn,

JI7-.
riotis, 97.
,,
,,
supplies for,
Therapeutai, Jewish sect, 151. and monasticism, ,,

Thoeris, special deity of Oxyrhynchos, 159. Tiberius, reign of, 24. and unjust taxation, ,,
126.
Tyche, worship of, 149, 150. Tyrants, Egyptian, v. Note XVI., 223.
VABALLATHOS, son of Zenobia,

80.
Valens, reign
of, 93.
ni. Timagenes, invited Palmyrenes to enter Egypt, 79.

Tiberius
II.,
reign
of,
,,
and monks,
,
93.
edict of, regarding" curates, 95.

,,'
Titus,
,
,
and Alexandrians, 44. and nations of the Greek

life
East, 46.
Valerianus, reign of, 77. Vespasian, proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, 41.

,,
Town
159-
in
Oxyrhynchos,
expedition
against
41 41.
of,
Vitellius,
Trade Trade
V.
guilds, 163. routes, 19, 123.
recognised at Rome,
42.
Custom-houses,
262
INDEX
council
elders,
,,
Village,
formed
7.
by
ples
159-
and
public
buildings
scribe,
position and
of, 7.
duties
,,
,,
amusements,
161.
ZABDAS, commander of Palmy-* rene army invading Egypt,

79, 80.
lands and corn tax,
225. Vltellius,
proclaimed
emperor
41.
etc.,
by German troops,
WAGES
166.
of
labourers,
to
Zeno, expelled by Basilicus, 102. reign of, 102, 103. and Henotikon, 103. ,, Zenobia, invasion of Egypt by armies of, 78-80. Zeus,' worship of, as Zeus-
Watchmen, assigned
tem-
Ammon,
etc.,
132-134.
Printed, by
MORRISON
&
GIBB LIMITED
Edinburgh
124429

Egypt Under Roman Rule

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932

comprise Six Volumes :

Vol. IV. Ptolemaic Dynasty.

Vol. VI, Arabic Egypt.

By STANLEY LANE POOLE

WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS

& CO. LTD.

one point on which

should like to forestall

necessary to deal with such compound names Eudsemon or Aurelius Didymus.

constant clerical assistance.

i$th September 1898,

PREFACE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

THE REVENUES AND TAXATION OF EGYPT

THE TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF EGYPT

THE ROMAN GARRISON

INSCRIPTIONS IN THE GHIZEH MUSEUM

Great Court Tentyra: Portico of Temple. (Photo, by W. M.

21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

Egypt.) Claudius: Philse

...... ...... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ........ ........

... ,19 .20 ...... .20 ...... ... .21 ........

Gateway of Nero in Temple of Pnepheros and Petesouchos. (Photo, by J. G. M.)

44. 45. 46.

....... ........ ........ ......

1'Egypte.) 47. Antinoopolis.

52. 53. Aurelius: Latopolis 54. Antaeopolis: Temple.

Commodus Latopolis Roman tombstones from Abydos

59. 60. 61. 62.

Geta: Latopolis Colossal head of Caracalla W. M. F. Petrie.)

... ....... ....... .....". ........ ...... ........

64. 65. 66.

Wady Khardassy Greek tablets

M. Aurelius Belakabos (Photo, by W. M. F. Petrie.)

(Petrie Collection.) (British Museum.) 74. Coin of Domitius Domitianus.

terra-cotta figures Arch of Diocletian lamps and handles.

The White Monastery

The White Monastery

80. ST. 82. 83.

104 106 108

Designs from fragments of Coptic pottery.

Coptic painted pottery.

Soknopaiou Nesos (Photo by J. G. M.) Column with figures of priests

136 136 136 137

Hermes: Coin of Claudius

138 139 139 139 140 140 140

(Plaque in Petrie Collection.)

150 150 150

,, Papyrorum Raineri. Egypt Exploration Fund.

G.G.P. G.G.P. G.O.P. M.A.

Pap. Gen. P.S.B.A.

R.A. R.E. R.E.G.

Egyptolog^ique. des fitudes Grecques.

A HISTORY OF EGYPT ROMAN EGYPT

THE ORGANISATION OF EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS

The country was,

a sense, the personal

benefit of the victor.