Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue

The China-Tibet Issue and the Rise of Self Immolations: A Conjunctural Analysis Applying the Theme of Resilience

Nicki Mosley University of Calgary

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue The China-Tibet Issue and the Rise of Self Immolations: A Conjunctural Analysis Applying the Theme of Resilience Introduction Chinas occupation of Tibet remains a contentious issue within the international community. With six decades of occupation, a legacy of human rights violations, and strict policies aiming to assimilate Tibetan peoples into the unified Chinese sphere, Tibetan national pride and identity continues to strengthen. Throughout history Tibetan territory has been disputed with China. The country has functioned as an independent state at various landmarks in time and continues to maintain necessary tools to function as an autonomous nation. The Tibetan uprising is presently at a crescendo in conjuncture with national events, harnessing the moment to send powerful messages and increase pressure on Chinas government for change. Through riots, peaceful

protest, art and literature, international campaigns and more recently, self-immolations, Tibetans are getting the attention of the national government and the international community. This demand is clear the long-term change Tibetans are seeking is freedom for Tibet and the release of the Dali Lama, their spiritual leader, in exile. Self-immolators throughout Tibet have been heard consistently calling these demands out. The rise in frequency and number of self-immolations is well timed with the transition of Chinese leadership. This dramatic spectacle and form of protest is not going unnoticed by the international community. The increase in international attention is concerning for Chinese officials. There is a fear of destabilization in China yet the historical patterns of Chinese control over resilient Tibetan people asking for change may be a major contributor to a possible tipping point. From the book Getting to Maybe, Westley, Zimmerman, and Patton (2007) define resilience as the capacity to

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue experience massive change and yet still maintain the integrity of the original. It is about balancing change and stability (p. 65). The theme of resilience will be revisited a number of

times throughout the conjunctural analysis as a tool to investigate the complexity of the situation. The following paper will explore the historical context over the last six decades of resistance in Tibet as platform to apply a conjunctural analysis of the present day situation. With a movement building in strength and momentum, timed with significant events, it is a valuable moment to pause and reflect upon the forces and actors engaged in the situation. I will begin with situating myself in relation to this topic in order to inform the rest of the discussion and analysis.

Phase 1: Identifying ourselves and context of issue Personal Context Born and raised in South Africa during the oppressive system of Apartheid, the imprint of living within an unjust society remains. I left South Africa with my family as a nine year old with a skewed understanding of apartheid. Upon arriving in Canada, I delved deeply into learning about from where I camewhich led to greatly informing my future! Every project I done throughout high school involved researching apartheid, South Africa, and Nelson Mandela. I was passionate to learn about South Africas oppressive regime and the injustices that occurred within my home country. This information and knowledge opened up doors ways of exploring white privilege, guilt, and anger launching a heightened sensitivity to unjust actions and regimes. This upbringing within apartheid is foundation for my life path to be an ally supporting justice, freedom, dignity, respect, and equality for all people. As a white, welleducated woman, I recognize my power and capacity to access resources that others may not,

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue therefore to remain in integrity with myself, I feel a responsibility to support the voice of others in solidarity. This life experience demonstrates my interest in human rights and social justice, identifying

my attraction and interest in this situation. I am for the people of Tibet as an individual who is deeply passionate about her own freedom in life. I am committed to supporting the movement and autonomy of Tibetans. In addition to locating my self I want to orient readers to where information was accessed for this conjunctural analysis. My references are from a variety of sources due to the nature of this issue. It is presently in the eye of international media with meetings, discussions, protests, and self-immolations occurring daily. With a ban on foreign journalists and media in Tibet, information gets out of the country via the internet from reliable sources within the country. As a present day issue with a historical context, some sources are from peer reviewed journal articles and many sources are from the internet and media sources to get a present day perspective. Tibetan Context Location and Geography Tibet has been know as the roof of the world with the Qinghai-Tibet plateau reaching heights greater than 4,000 meters. With a location at such an altitude, the eco-system remains sensitive and fragile (Canada-Tibet Committee, 2012). It is a unique geological phenomenon within East Asia, physically divided into two distinct regions known as the lake region in the west and northwest, and the river region spreading out over three sides of the plateau to the east, south and west. The two areas make up a massive watershed with three major rivers flowing out to the Indian Ocean. It is considered the worlds third largest fresh water source in the form of

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue glaciers. One billion people rely on this watershed as a water source however, with Chinas exploitive resource extraction policies, deforestation, and damming the source is under threat (Free Tibet, 2012). The two hydrologically distinct areas also have different cultural patterns, those in the lake region being traditionally nomadic people and those in the river regions maintaining an agricultural focus (Geography of Tibet, 2012). One million of the nomadic herders have been forced off their traditional grazing lands due to Chinas resettlement policies (Free Tibet, 2012). The Tibetan government in exile determines the country has three original provinces, however when Chinese officials refer to Tibet they consider the country to consist solely of the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) inclusive of only one of the original Tibetan provinces (Figure 1). Accordingly, the other two provinces have been absorbed into other Chinese provinces. Figure 1 Map of Tibet

(Free Tibet, 2012)

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Culture and Religion Tibetan culture is grounded in Tibetan Buddhism. Throughout the years of occupation, China has seen Buddhist religion and Tibetan culture as a threat to their authority. The

ideological elements within Tibetan society and culture have notoriously remained deeply rooted in traditional ways and livelihoods with much of the contention being deeply rooted in the complexity of their social roots. The integrationist, top down ideological approach China has imposed as the route to Tibetan modernization has insulted and permanently damaged the Tibetan social fabric (International Campaign for Tibet, 2009). The oppressive policies enforced aim to disrupt and shift the ideological makeup of the Tibetan people. For example, a strategy to disrupt the Tibetan peoples cultural ideology was Chinas encouragement of the influx of Han Chinese into Tibet through preferential treatment in education and employment opportunities. Ultimately this led to Tibetans becoming socially, politically and economically marginalized, with Han Chinese now outnumbering the remaining six million Tibetans (Canada-Tibet Committee, 2012). This marginalization is placing their traditional livelihoods and language at risk of being lost. To contribute to the marginalization, many religious freedoms have been removed within Tibetan society. It is presently illegal to possess an image of the Dali Lama and a person will be detained if found with an image (Canada-Tibet Committee, 2012; Free Tibet, 2012; Barnett, 2012). Since 1949, over 6,000 Tibetan Buddhist Monasteries have been destroyed, with only eight monasteries remaining in the TAR with restrictions on the number of monks and nuns allowed to enter these monasteries (Free Tibet, 2012; Goldstein, Jiao, Beall, & Tsering, 2003). An opposing perspective from Chinese scholar Sautman (2006) states that, much of the destruction of Tibetan religious sites during Chinas Cultural Revolution was done by Tibetans convinced that religion had inhibited Tibets

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue modernization (p. 244). In reality, reports state that monks and nuns are continually under

threat and have been arrested, tortured, and disappeared for speaking out against the authoritative religions oppression they are experiencing. Although Tibetans continue to face hard line policies that restrict their cultural and religious freedoms, their national pride lives strong. I believe the strength resides within Tibetans common value system. The oppressive forces have not succeeded in diminishing Tibetan cultural identity. In fact Chinese scholars (2009) acknowledge the resurgence of pride in Tibetan cultural identity among many young Tibetans. In the language of the older people, wed often hear such vocabulary as cadre or commune member. However, this was not so among the youth, where phrases such as we Tibetans or our nationality often appear in their speech (para. 16). This exemplifies the resiliency of the people, the capacity to experience massive change and yet still maintain the integrity of the original (Westley, Zimmerman, & Patton, 2007, p. 65). The culture continues to sustain forces associated with rapid modernization as well as the oppressive policies of the Chinese government. Tibetan resistance remains dynamic, responsive to international political events, in contrast from Chinese officials repeatedly reacting with rigidity, an unsustainable approach and structure in the long term.

Phase 2: Fleshing out the issue History of the China-Tibet Issue The context of the issue is imbedded within a legacy of struggle over the Tibetan territory and political rule. Two distinct views are present within this legacy. Contradictory explanations to the situation are present even within the historical perspectives. I strive to provide a voice from both perspectives throughout the analysis, however my alliance is with the Tibetan struggle.

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue According to Tibet, at different points in history, the country have functioned as a de facto independent nation with a functioning government, tax system, unique currency, postal system, an army, and the ability to carry out international relations something that Chinese officials continue to refute as being historically present (International Tibet Independence Movement, 2012). For the purpose of this analysis, the historical context will only provide an overview of the past six decades beginning in 1950. It was at this point that China started

enforcing its claim over Tibet. This led to a treaty dictated by Chinese leadership called the 17Point Agreement of which Tibetan leaders were forced to sign in 1951. From the Chinese perspective the agreement concerned the peaceful liberation of Tibet with the full support of the Dali Lama acknowledging Tibet as part of China (International Tibet Independence Movement, 2012). It stated within the document that central authorities will not alter the existing political system in Tibet [or] the established functions and powers of the Dali Lama (Bajoria, 2008, para. 3). Tibetans were guaranteed autonomy and given full respect to practice Tibetan Buddhism. In exchange, the Chinese military established a headquarters in Lhasa and a strong presence throughout the land. Throughout the 1950s discontent amongst Tibetans mounted leading to an armed resistance as China failed to honour the 17-Point Agreement. This led the Dali Lama to initiate talks with China yet refusal to live up to the agreement persisted. This supported further discontent escalating to a full-scale revolt and uprising in Lhasa in 1959. Many people were killed by the Chinese military and the Dali Lama fled with his ministers into exile in India. Since this point in time the Tibetan government has supported the struggle from outside Tibetan borders. Thousands have fled Tibet and remain in exile (British Broadcasting, 2012). Throughout the decades of occupation waves of increased discontent from the Tibetan people are consistently met with an increase in military dominance and hard line political,

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue economic, and social policies. The protests in Tibet always differed from those within China resisting the communist rule of the time they were multiple actions taken by members of a

single nationality with shared values, and they were directed against the states right to rule these areas (Barnett, 2009, p. 6). Nationalism maintains a stronghold. Early resistance to the occupation was initiated and led mainly by Buddhist monks and nuns, lasting through to the 1990s (Barnett, 2009). Bajoria (2008) states, Chinese government policies in Tibet have fed the conflict[policies that] include restrictions on cultural and religious freedoms of Tibetans [as part of] attempts to change the demographics of the region (para. 1). Riots broke out in 1988 in Tibet and Beijing imposed martial law. A contradiction is present in the Chinese response to resistance. For example, protests of 80,000 people occurred within China, however they were not regarded as a political threat to the Chinese Party. Yet in Tibet, multiple small rural protests resulted in a different response from Chinese officials (Barnett, 2009). Barnett (2009) argues it is because, the Tibetan protests had common objectives, showed signs of possible coordination, had national and religious dimensions, had foreign implications and support, and disputed the governments right to rule (p. 8). The martial law was then lifted in 1990 only to be replaced by stricter security measures to curtail cultural and religious freedoms. Chinese policies towards the Tibetans can perhaps be best described as a mix of brutality and concession (Barnett as cited in Barjoria, 2008, para. 6). The years prior to 2008, Tibet experienced one of the most dramatic economic expansions within history as a result of ferociously focused policy by Beijing of infrastructure development, GDP growth, and financial subsidies for TAR (Barnett, 2009, p. 9). The intensity of modernization contributed to the next major demonstration in 2008 in conjuncture with the Beijing Olympics a time when the international spot light was on China. The timing of this

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unrest had a significant political impact, confirming the perception of Chinese authoritarian rule in Tibet. The riots took place on March 14, 2008 a date dog-eared in Tibetan history for reinvigorating resistance against Chinese rule and fighting for Tibetan autonomy. The protests were met with violent military actions killing 200 protesters. A significant distinction surrounding this protest was being the first of its kind to take place in Tibet during the internet age, a time of social media and cell phones. Although tight media constraints were present at the time in Tibet and China, news of the riots got out to the Chinese people and the international community via these technologies. This is another example of Tibetan resilience, harnessing the trends and tools around them to respond to a current situation. Through accessing advanced technologies of communication that interact on a global scale, Tibetans drew upon their nationalism, common values and demands to mobilize people at a pivotal point in history. In previous protests and demonstrations, the range of participants was generally narrow, consisting of monks, nuns, and the occasional student and layperson. Compared to the protests in 2008 mobilized a wide range of participants from different social and vocational classes in Tibet (Barnett, 2009). Since 2008 Tibetan resistance has been sustained, more recently in conjunction with acts of self-immolation. This involves lighting ones-self on fire and burning to death as a form of protest. The number of self-immolations has slowly been on the rise (as of November 28, 2012 74 had occurred this year (Central Tibetan Administration, 2012)), thus far climaxing with four isolated self-immolations in one day during the week of Chinese leadership change. The use of self-immolations as a form of protest is controversial, unclear, and based upon speculation. With limited information coming into Tibet, experts doubt there has been a major influence from the Arabic Spring in Tunisia. It is predicted this form of protest sends a strong message to the

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue government and international community because it does not cause major unrest, damage to

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property or people (Barnett, 2012). The Chinese government branded those who set themselves alight as terrorists, [blaming] overseas Tibetan groupsand the Dali Lama [for] orchestrat[ing] and support[ing] the self-immolations (Sehgal, 2012, para. 4). To contrast the believe that the Dali Lama is a terrorist, since the 1980s the Tibetan government has been following the middle way, a non-violent strategy identified by the Dali Lama to resolve the China-Tibet issue. There have been claims within the Chinese press that self-immolations violate Buddhist principles and rules, however in reality the self-immolations resonate with the Buddhist tradition dating back centuries. Suicide for personal reasons is shunned within Buddhism, however taking ones life for the good of the community is actually considered a noble act (Barnett, 2012). Within the Sutra of Golden Light, the act of offering the body for the benefit of the tigress, for other beings, or in homage to Buddhas was guaranteed to result in enlightenment (Benn, 2007, p. 106). It must be noted that Buddhist monks and nuns have been taking their lives as well as laypeople men, women, and youth participating in acts of self-immolation. Protests follow an act of self-immolation to honour the self-immolator and to stand behind their cause for a free Tibet and the freedom of the Dali Lama in exile. In addition to these demands, recent student protests have been heard shouting slogans for the equality of nationalities and the freedom of languages (Free Radio Asia, 2012). This elevated level of resistance is in conjunction with the transition of the 5th generation of Chinese Party leadership, threatening the stability of China once again while the international spotlight shines upon the nation (*International Tibet Network, 2012). It is uncertain if the self-immolations are strategically timed but they certainly are provocative spectacles stirring deeper conversations about Chinese human rights violations and failed policies within Tibet. More and more government spending, more and more security, is

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not going to buy enduring stability in TibetThe high pressure policies cant continue forever (*International Tibet Network, 2012, p. 2). Their traditional display of force may no longer prevent mass gatherings and insurgence from Tibetans (*International Tibet Network, 2012), evident since the 2008 uprising. Jackson (2008) states, by all indications, China appears to be treating the latest eruption in Tibet much the same way as it has treated every sizeable civil disruptionover the last 60 years with increased physical and electronic surveillance, arrests, and violence (para. 5).

Phase 3: Competing Forces and Actors Identifying the Forces The China-Tibet challenge is extremely complex in nature. The most apparent forces to be named are nationalism and ideological forces. Nationalism Nationalism is a strong force interacting within the free Tibet social movement. In the 1960s and 1970s, many of the protesters engaging in demonstrations and resisting Chinese rule were Buddhist monks and nuns fighting to maintain their religious freedoms and the freedom of their spiritual leader. In the early 1980s Chinese policies shifted to a more liberal stance, aiming to remove up to 85% of Chinese military. With the break down of talks between China and the Dali Lama in 1993, China initiated a policy called grasping with both hands, removing any previous liberal incentives (British Broadcasting, 2008). This policy continued Tibets economic development while imposing political repression targeted at undermining Tibetan culture and Buddhism (British Broadcasting, 2008, para. 9). The implementation of this new

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue policy led to an insurgence of resistance from a diverse range of participants widespread throughout Tibet. Present day resistance is seeing youth, men, women, students, nomadic peoples, artists

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etc participating in resistance. There are several factors contributing to this rise in nationalism. Firstly, the advancement and access to modern technologies and communication tools support information to rapidly access masses of the population. Secondly, people are unified by common values, heard chanting nationalistic slogans (A.A, 2012). Although unified by national pride, people within Tibet are not unified in their requests and approaches to resistance. A divide remains between different actors a generational divide. Older generations look to the Dali Lama for their leadership, committed to a non-violent approach aligned with the middle way seeking a better protected autonomy for a Tibet that remains part of the Peoples Republic of China (Gearllach, 2008, para. 4). Younger generations tend to challenge the Chinese rule with a secular-mindset. Although respectful of the Dali Lama, they believe the solution for Tibet is complete independence from China with violence being a legitimate tool to gain independent freedom (Gearllach, 2008). Self-immolations are a powerful and dramatic use of spectacle to demonstrate the depth of nationalism present within Tibet. A cousin of a self-immolator wrote, all the conflicts, which once divided the people blurred awayit is crystal clear that all those protests specially the selfimmolations, triggered a new spark of unity, patriotism and nationalism among Tibetans and woke up many Tibetans from their deep slumbers Believed to be an act of service to the Tibetan people and nation, self-immolators are drawing the attention of national protesters and international media.

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Nationalism is a fascinating force that also contributes to the tension and conflict between Tibet and China. Chinese nationalism, often referred to as Chinese patriotism, is a grounding the centralized government (Chinese Nationalism, 2012). Chinese nationalism has been known to take different forms, to the extent of vilifying citizens opposing Chinese policies. For example, Chinese student Grace Wang, a freshman student at Duke University in the United States, spoke up at 2008 Olympic student demonstrations. She pleaded for leadership from the pro-China student protestors and pro-Tibet student protesters to meet and hear what one anther had to say. In return, she was vilified in China and her parents had to go into hiding. One protester present at the demonstration said, She stood her ground; shes a really brave girlYou have 200 of your own fellow nationalists yelling at you and calling you a traitor and even threatening to kill you (Dewan, 2008, para. 18). This is a powerful examples of Chinese nationalism clashing with the pro-Tibetan movement. With the recent transition of Chinese Party leadership, the force of Chinese nationalism is coming into conflict with nationalistic pride of Tibetans. Chinese nationalism is enforced in Tibetan livelihoods through the strong presence of Chinese military and police, using these resources to repress Tibetan nationalism. These security forces of control were increased around the sensitive period of Chinese leadership transition in conjunction with the increase in self-immolations that lead to further unrest. According to the International Tibet Campaign (2012), China now spends more on public security than it does on international defense. A Human Rights study in 2011 found that security spendingin Eastern Tibethas been outstripping that of non-Tibetan areassince 2002 (p. 4). A statement released on November 15, 2012 by the International Tibet Network (a global coalition of almost 200 Tibet groups) in synchronicity with the Chinese leadership change, exemplifies the clash of nationalistic priorities: We Tibetans in exile and our supporters stand in

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue solidarity with Tibetans in Tibet; the global Tibet movement is here to stay and we put Chinas

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5th generation on notice that failure to resolve the occupation of Tibet will define their leadership (International Tibet Network, 2012, para. 3) Ideological Forces The Chinese ideological forces interlaced with this contentious issue are far removed from a foundation of ethics. These forces are the impetus behind human rights violations occurring within Tibet. The Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) reports annually on the state of religious freedom, censorship, education and language rights, torture, disappearances, and the ongoing violation of civil and political rights. The report published in 2012 provides stark evidence and example of human rights violations in the name of ideological forces (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2012). Ethnocentrism According to Axelrod and Hammond (2003) ethnocentrism is, a nearly universal syndrome of attitudes and behaviours. The attitudes include seeing ones own group (the in-group) as virtuous and superior and an out-group as contemptible and inferior. The attitudes also include seeing ones own standards of value as universalEthnocentric behaviour is definedas cooperation with members of ones own group, and noncooperation toward members of other groups. (p. 2) This outline of ethnocentrism exemplifies the application of Chinese ideological force over Tibet. It is done through Chinas top down economic development and modernization approach, their repressive and integrationist national policies (language, education, and social), and through the rapid influx of Han Chinese to Tibetan areas. Becoming the next superpower is Chinese motivation for imposing a process of rapid modernization. The goal was to make the Tibetan

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue people prosper as soon as possible. This was done through large-scale infrastructure projects such as a new railroad, improving communication conditions, and industrial development of natural resource extraction and service industries. In the past several decades, Tibet has transitioned from a traditional religious society with a tribal culture to one of modernity and marketization; from livelihoods of farming and herding to a commoditized modern economy; from deeply rooted religious convictions towards a modern values system in conflict with

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religious ways (International Campaign for Tibet, 2009). Chinese officials believe this is for the betterment of traditional people living in the past. However, with forced modernity at such a rapid rate enforced by a colonial power that is not inclusive of the Tibetan voice, China has an authoritarian rule over Tibet leading to cultural genocide if there is not change to policies and religious restrictions in the near future. It was the ideological undercurrent of ethnocentrism that led to the influx of Han Chinese into Tibet. The impact of the increased number of migrant works has led to favouritism within employment polices. Scholars (2009) are calling for more [people] to take the standpoint of the Tibetan people and non-Han and non-politicized ideologies in order to seek out a path of development which respects Tibetan social characteristics and motivations, and constructs a harmonious society with Tibetan characteristics (para. 34). They believe the marginalization of Tibetans is due to Chinese economic policies stating, from the level of actual benefits, the current rapid process of modernization has not given the ordinary Tibetan people any greater developmental benefits; indeed, they are becoming increasingly marginalized (International Campaign for Tibet, 2009, para. 8).

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Religious

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Throughout the ethnocentric development process, Chinese have seen Tibetan Buddhist religion as a threat to the unity of the country and a challenge to authorities implementing the modernization process (International Tibet Network, 2012). This led to patriotic education campaigns, enforcing the denunciation of the Dali Lama in Tibetan monasteries, restricting the number of monks and nuns that enter the monasteries and restriction on the creation of any new religious institutions (Goldstein, Jiao, Beal, & Tsering, 2003). Due to distinctly opposing views and limited access to reliable information from within Tibet, contradicting and confusing information is often interpreted and relayed. For example, a contradicting Chinese perspective is that Beijing places great value on tourist dollars and realize the need to maintain the Buddhist culture and monastic infrastructure to keep attracting this form of revenue. Beijing claims to be pouring money into Tibet for the reconstruction of monasteries, suggesting their harsh policies are not guided by religious distaste (Gearllach, 2008). Yet in the same vein, to vilify the Dali Lama, officials in Beijing have referred to the Tibetan spiritual leaders as a wolf in monks robes and a monster with a human face. China blames the Dali Lama and foreign forces for the self-immolations, calling the acts terrorism in disguise (*International Tibet Network, 2012). It is believed the process of imposing repressive policies restricting religious freedoms is a large contributor to the unrest. Supposing a universal, collectivist, and modernized society can rapidly evolve out of culture that has a deeply imbedded traditional and religious culture is a vain, ideological assumption.

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Identifying the Actors and Their Interests Those Pro-Tibet As previously mentioned, there are a number of actors within Tibet. Those engaged in the demonstrations are of Tibetan descent and reach across the spectrum of generations and socio-

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economic class structures. There are different views regarding the approach to resistance. There are those that align with the non-violent middle way and there are those that align with a more volatile approach to resistance involving violent tactics. Thus far, the actors involved in selfimmolations remain in Tibet, although there are concerns voiced within the exiled community of this tactic of protest crossing borders into the international sphere. The majority of actors are in support of an autonomous Tibet within Chinese borders and under Chinese rule. The Tibetan Youth Congress was the only named actor fighting for a secular separatist Tibet. This lack of unity within Tibet is a place of contention, creating a challenging environment for those in exile striving to initiate talks with China to resolve the Tibet issue. Unless the younger Tibetans can be encouraged to accept less than total independence, any peace agreement will be doomed to failure (Gearllach, 2008, para. 9). Mobilization in solidarity with the Tibetan people is active and engaged outside of the country. The epi-center of Tibetans in exile is Dharamshala, India where the Dali Lama and the Tibetan government in exile are based. The long-term fight was initially for Tibetan independence from China. That changed in 1979 when Chinese leadership told the Dali Lama that, "except independence, all other issues can be resolved through negotiations" His Holiness the 14th Dali Lama of Tibet, 2012, para. 5). This statement led to a reorientation of the long-term fight believing it was move beneficial,

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue to change the policy of restoring Tibetan independence to an approach that offers mutual benefits to China as well as Tibet, referred to the middle waya moderate position that safeguards the vital interests of all concerned parties-for Tibetans: the protection and preservation of their culture, religion and national identity; for the

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Chinese: the security and territorial integrity of the motherland; and for neighbours and other third parties: peaceful borders and international relations. (His Holiness the 14th Dali Lama of Tibet, 2012, para. 7). The Dali Lama has been the political spokesperson for Tibet, winning a Nobel Peace prize in 1989 for his middle way approach. In recent months, he handed over his political power to ensure the Tibetan administration was in a self-reliant position when the Dali Lama dies. Lobsang Sangay took office in August, 2012 as the new Prime Minister of Tibet (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2012). In response to the urgent nature of the rising number of self-immolations in Tibet, the administration mobilized the international network of Tibetan Support Groups with 200 delegates from 43 countries to attend a three-day meeting concerning the present day situation in Tibet. The Central Tibetan Administration website lists up to 267 international non-governmental volunteer support organizations and 57 separate Tibetan associations. This demonstrates the breadth of support from international civil society. The United Nations (UN) is being called upon by the Tibetan people, those in exile, and Tibetan support groups to initiate an investigation into the human rights abuses however the reality is, China is an upcoming superpower with a stronghold in the UN system. This leads to two challenges. Firstly, the UN is slow in responding to the Tibetan crisis and has been resistant to applying pressure on China (although United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay recently spoke out regarding the Tibet-China issue presenting some strong

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue recommendations for China to enact to reduce human rights abuses (Central Tibetan Administration, 2012). Secondly, most governments around the world prioritize positive and

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healthy relations with China, therefore uncommitted to supporting Tibetan demands for China to respect their human rights. The short-term interests of these actors are: o The unity of Tibetans everyone fighting for the autonomy of Tibet, not the independence of the country. This would support harnessing their long-term interests with the unification of activists; o Access to Tibet for foreign media and press; o Change of integrationist policies in education and employment to reduce social exclusion; o Religious rights to practice; End the patriotic education and strike hard campaigns that provoke resentment in Tibetans and undermine their rights; o Engage in a sincere and authentic negotiations with the Dali Lama and the Tibetan government; Get governments and heads of state to urge Chinese government to engage in dialog; o Release of political prisoners; Ensure they have access to lawyers and any medical attention that is necessary. o Provide access to the UN human rights experts and independent observers to be witness to what is happening in Tibet;

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue International community recognize the struggle in Tibet and provide support to the network of Tibetan volunteer organizations to continue (International Campaign for Tibet, 2012)

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Many of these short-term interests came in the form of recommendations from the threeday gathering of advocates from the international Tibetan network. The Central Tibetan Administration provided a press release announcing a Global Solidarity Day to be observed during International Human Rights Day on December 10, 2012. Prior to this day a video about the upsurge of resistance and self-immolations will be released for social media networks on December 5, 2012. The sustained resilience of the Tibetan movement will be maintained as long at gatherings such as these continue. It is valuable period of creative suspension, a pause within crisis to review the complexity of the situation and endure with creative approaches. It is my impression that China is falling into a rigidity trap, weakening their resilience through sustaining the same tactics of control over dynamic forces and actions. Those Uncommitted Much of the international community aligns with Tibets long-term interest of autonomy, however limited pressure has been applied on China thus far (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, 2012). International governments are examples of actors who are uncommitted due to fear of alienating their nation, evolving unhealthy relations with China. Strong contradictions are present for many of these actors with Prime Ministers and Presidents who claim to support and advocate for individual freedoms, human rights and a right to a live within free and just society, yet they refuse to walk the talk when it comes to the Tibet-China issue, perhaps not willing to risk their nations economic relations with a superpower.

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Those Pro-China

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Those in support of the Chinese driven development and modernization of Tibet are the Chinese government (five pillar agencies The Party, the government (congress and judiciary), Chinese military, the United Front Work Department, and mass organizations (Chinese Leaders, 2012)), Chinese nationalists, Chinese media and Han Chinese immigrants in Tibet. The reason China maintains such a strong hold over Tibet was never clearly determined in the research done however, I have a number of speculations regarding their long-term interests to maintain control over Tibet A) China wants to ensure control of the TAR for the exploitation of natural resources. The major watershed provides water for a large sector of the Chinese population and maintaining control of that area would be in their best interest. There is also lots of possibility to generate hydroelectric power from within that region; large mineral deposits have been discovered in Tibet; and China has a massive population to feed and have removed traditional nomads from their pastures to use for agricultural reasons. B) Industrializing and modernizing Tibet contributes to Chinas agenda to become the worlds next superpower. C) If Tibet is allowed to separate from China, there are concerns that Taiwan will be next to revolt for independence. There is a spark of hope within this leadership transition. There are speculations that more understanding and compassion for Tibet may be present within new leadership. This has to do with the leader of the Party, Xi Jinping, and his fathers amicable relationship with the Dali Lama. Xi Jinpings father who was close to the 10th Panchen Lama for years and remembered fondly by the Dali Lama. There is a possible connection to be optimistic about and Tibetans are continuing their resistance movement applying pressure on the Chinese government (Reynold, 2012).

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Short and long-term interests: o To maintain political, social, and economic control of Tibet; o Continue to have access to natural resource exploitation in Tibet; o Dilute and eliminate the Tibetan language.

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Phase 4: Planning for Action Social Work Responses To begin investigating responses, two things are necessary. Firstly, identifying the theories of change I am applying to this situation and secondly, I need to locate myself as a social worker within this context in order to provide appropriate strategies. The evolving theory of change I have applied to this situation within the paper is the resilience feedback loop identified in Getting to Maybe. A healthy system has resilience, whether an ecological or human system. Zimmerman, Westley, and Patton (2007) describe resilience as a social transformation that occurs during a time of crisis and massive change, nothing seems to be the same. And yet, you are still you. There is an integrity to you that isnt altered in spite of all the changes in your circumstances (p. 66). In the case of Tibetans who have faced the most rapid process of modernization within human history, incremental change in a short period of time, yet they sustain resistance despite the forces against them, united by what has remained the same core values and beliefs. The resilience feedback loop is made up of four parts release, reorganization, exploitation and conservation a cycle of stages that is continuous and within this loop, when we can only see one way to do things, we run the risk of the rigidity trap (Westley et al, 2007, p. 68). This is the trap China sustains. Change that meets

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resilience demands stopping an action that has been done for years a very challenging demand given the control China strives to maintain. The second lens appropriate to apply to this situation is one relating to complexity. We have longed for simple solutions to our complex social problems, are drawn to mechanical solutions that prescribe one-size-fits-all remediesand often feel that the circumstances we face are too overwhelming to take positive action (Westley et al, 2007, p. 8). There is no single solution or answer to this complex issue of multiple forces. The nature of the Tibet-China issue demands dialog between the multiple actors and stakeholders impacted from China, Tibet, and the international community. For new possibilities to begin to arise within this situation, people need to understand one another. There are key points to identify in supporting a process of investigating the complexity of an issue: Questions are important: recognizing that there are no final answers to this situation, questions can illuminate innovative possibilities. Through questioning, ambiguities and tensions are revealed, therefore they can be engaged instead of managed actors can participate in a process. Relationship is valuable in this process! A certain mindset is critical one needs to approach the process with inquiry and curiosity, not certitude and righteousness (which may be challenging granted nationalism is a powerful force within this situation!) (Westley et al, 2007) As a social worker based within the United Nations, similar to Chinese student Grace Wang at Duke University, in addition to applying pressure on China to allow for an investigation of human rights, I would advocate for the multiple stakeholders to begin a dialog. This is not a dialog between the Dali Lama and Chinese officials, but a dialog involving Tibetan youth,

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Chinese youth, Buddhist monks and nuns, Chinese government officials, Han Chinese based in Tibet, Tibetan government, UN representatives etc dialog that is a confluence of perspectives and interests. I would invite all the parts making up this complex situation to begin asking one another questions, not starting the conversation with a statement of needs. As a mediator for this dialog (that may take several years), I would strive to maintain neutral ground for the duration of the process, minimizing judgment, seeing people for people with different ideological perspectives a tough job but one I would give the world to do! If I were working for the UN, my alliances would remain neutral if the bureaucratic system allowed it. In the short-term I would strive to gain a deep understanding from all angles Chinese (inside and outside of Tibet) perspective, Tibetan in exile and Tibetan in the country. In the long-term, once confident with my knowledge and understanding of diverse perspectives, my hope would be to invite and initiate a dialog. This would take place in a neutral geographical area amongst the actors afore mentioned setting the stage for safe exchange of information and ideas. I would know this dialog was effective if it was sustained, if talks continued to happen over a period of time and stakeholders continued to participate in the process. This demonstrates to me that people are feeling heard and people feel listened to. As the dialog progressed, effectiveness would be measured through the ideas, possibilities, and solutions generated. The next step in effectiveness would be aligning common vision and a commitment to possible actions. [PERSONAL NOTE: I realize this social work response may appear lofty or unattainable, however if I truly acknowledge my passion, skill sets and interests this is the intervention I would like to generate and support.]

Conjunctural Analysis of the ChinaTibet Issue Other alternatives: Join Canada Tibet Committee and support the campaign to free Tibet through letter writing, social media, local protests, posters etc. Keep up-to-date with the current situation and insure that information is disseminated to a broad community. If there are Tibetan refugees in Calgary, engage them in a participatory action project such as photo voice, digital story, or participatory video to share their journeys. With permission and participation from the participants, organize an exhibition within Calgary that then travels throughout Canada, and hopefully internationally, to spread the stories from Tibet. This initiative would aim to empower participants through a process as well as provide a resource to inform the public and political sphere.

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Conclusion The China-Tibet issue remains a complex situation. It is necessary for heads of state and the United Nations to increase pressure on the Chinese government to shift their policies and control tactics and to open up a dialog with multiple stakeholders. Based upon research, there was no evidence describing a good reason why China needs to maintain control of Tibet. Chinese scholars state, we believe that at present, there is no factual basis for the extinction of Tibet as described by some (International Campaign for Tibet, 2012, p. 38). It is inappropriate for the international community to continue watching the extinction of Tibet simply for economic and political reasons. This issue should be of global concern considering the oppressor is the next superpower to be influencing policy at international and national levels.

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Thus far, the policies exemplified in this paper do not support human rights and freedoms. That fact needs to ignite action from the international community who will feel the effects of Chinas policies to come, for many years.

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Barnett, R. (2009). The Tibet protests of spring 2008: Conflict between the nation and the state. China Perspectives, 2009(3), 6-23. Retrieved from http://chinaperspectives.revues.org/4836 Barnett, R. (2012, February 24). Interview by Ortolani A [Personal Interview]. Robert Barnett on why Tibetans are setting themselves on fire. Asia Society, Retrieved from http://asiasociety.org/blog/asia/interview-robert-barnett-why-tibetans-are-settingthemselves-fire Benn, J. (2007). Burning for the Buddha: Self-Immolation in Chinese Buddhism. University of Hawaii Press: Honolulu, USA. British Broadcasting. (2008, May 21). Tibet issue. Retrieved from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7410745.stm British Broadcasting. (2012, November 4). Tibet profile. Retrieved from http://bbc.ca.uk/new/world-asia-pacific-17046222 Canada-Tibet Committee. (2012). Retrieved from http://www.tibet.ca/en/about_ctc/ Central Tibetan Administration. (2012, November 28). 24-year-old Tibetan immolates, simultaneous hunger strike underway across Tibet. Retrieved from http://tibet.net/2012/11/28/24-year-old-tibetan-immolates-simultaneous-hunger-strike-underwayacross-tibet/ Chinese Leaders. (2012). Political system: 5 pillars. Retrieved from http://chinese-leaders.org/ Chinese Nationalism. (2012). Retrieved November 21, 2012 from the Chinese Nationalism Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_nationalism Dewan, S. (2008, April 17). Chinese student in U.S. is caught in confrontation. New York Times. Retrieved from www.nytimes.com/2008/04/17

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Free Asia Radio. (2012, November 9). Mass Tibetan student protest. Retreived from http://www.rfa.org/english/news/tibet/students-11092012080044.html Free Tibet. (2012). Introduction to Tibet. Retrieved from http://www.freetibet.org Gearllach, R. (2008, April 9). Approaching Tibet. Foreign Policy in Focus, Retrieved from http://www.fpif.org/articles/approaching_tibet Geography of Tibet. (2012). Retrieved November 20, 2012 from Geography of Tibet Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geography_of_Tibet Goldstein, M., Jiao, B., Beall, C., & Tsering, P. (2003). Development and change in rural Tibet. Asian Survey, 43(5), 758-779. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1524/as/2003.43.5.758 His Holiness the 14th Dali Lama of Tibet. (2012). His holinesss middle way approach for resolving the issue of Tibet. Retrieved from http://www.dalailama.com/messages/middle-way-approach International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs. (2012). Tibet. In The Indigenous World Yearbook 2012. Retrieved from http://www.iwgia.org/regions/asia/tibet International Campaign for Tibet. (2009, June 1). Bold report by Beijing scholars reveals breakdown of chinas Tibet policy. Retrieved from http://www.savetibet.org/mediacenter/ict-news-reports/bold-report-beijing-scholars-reveals-breakdown-chinas-tibetpolicy International Campaign for Tibet, (2012). ICT recommendations for policy makers. Retrieved from http://www.savetibet.org/policy-center/topics-fact-sheets/ict-recommendations-policymakers International Tibet Independence Movement. (2012). Tibet and China: Two distinct views. Retrieved from http://www.rangzen.com/history/views.htm. International Tibet Network. (2012). Xi Jinping's Tibet challenge: 60 years of failed policies in Tibet. Retrieved from Students for a Free Tibet website: https://www.studentsforafreetibet.org/campaigns/human-rights-1/xi-jinpings-tibetchallenge International Tibet Network. (2012, November 15). International Tibet network joint statement: World governments must urgently address crisis in Tibet. Retrieved from http://www.tibetnetwork.org

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Jackson. V. (2008, April 8). Tibets dangerous game. Foreign Policy in Focus. Retrieved from http://www.fpif.org/articles/tibets_dangerous_game. Reynold, A. (2012). Xi Jinping: Soft spot for Tibet?. Retrieved from http://chineseleaders.org/blog/xi-jinping-soft-spot-for-tibet/ Sautman, B. (2006). Colonialism, genocide, and Tibet. Asian Ethnicity, 7(3), 243-265. Doi: 10.1080/14631360600926949. Sehgal, S. (2012, March 21). Self-immolations in Tibet. Foreign Policy in Focus, Retrieved from http://www.fpif.org/articles/self-immolations_in_tibet Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy. (2012, October 22). The inextinguishable Tibetan fire in china's darkness Retrieved from http://www.tchrd.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=298:theinextinguishable-tibetan-fire-in-chinas-darkness&catid=70:2012-news&Itemid=162 Westley, F., Zimmerman, B., & Patton, M. (2007). Getting to maybe: How the world is changed.. Toronto: Vintage Canada.