Ori: The Significance of the Head in Yoruba Sculpture Author(s): Babatunde Lawal Source: Journal of Anthropological Research, Vol.

41, No. 1 (Spring, 1985), pp. 91-103 Published by: University of New Mexico Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3630272 Accessed: 11/12/2009 11:06
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ORI: THE SIGNIFICANCEOF THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE

Babatunde Lawal Fine of Arts, Universityof Ife, Ile-Ife, Nigeria Department
This paper discusses why the head (ori) is the most prominent part of Yoruba sculpture. An analysis of Yoruba ontology of the person reveals that the Yoruba regard the head as the locus of the ase (divine power) of the Supreme Being (Oloduimare) in the individual, constituting the person's life-source and controlling personality and destiny. Three different modes of representing the head are identified in Yoruba sculpture: the naturalistic, which refers to the external, or physical, head (ori bde); the stylized, which hints at the inner, or spiritual, head (ori ini); and the abstract, which symbolizes the primeval material (6ke ipori) of which the inner head was made. Although the fate of each individual is believed to have been predetermined in heaven before birth "into" the earth, a good or bad destiny is no more than a potentiality for success or falure; a successful life depends on how well one makes use of one's head here on earth. The prominence given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is thus a reflection of its sociobiological importance as the coordinating center of human existential struggles.

LIKE MANY OTHER AFRICAN PEOPLES, the Yoruba of western Nigeria regard the human head (orz) as the most vital part of a person.1 Hence it is the biggest and the most elaborately finished part of Yoruba figure sculpture. The prominence given to the head in Yoruba culture derives from two factors, the physical and the metaphysical. At the physical level, it is an index of individual identification and the locus of important organs such as the brain (opolo), the seat of wisdom and reason; the eyes (oju), the lamps that guide a person through the dark jungle of life, the nose (imu), the source of ventilation for the soul; the mouth (enu), the source of nourishment for the body; and the ears (eti), the sound detectors. Needless to say life cannot be sustained without these organs, and no matter how seriously a person may be injured, hope is not lost as long as the head remains intact. The Yoruba concentrate their attempts to revive an unconscious person on the head; incantations may be recited into the ears or medicinal substances poured into the mouth. But no one would attempt to revive a decapitated body. Human sanity implies a normally functioning head (ori pipe), insanity a disturbed one (or' didarur). It must be noted, however, that while the Yoruba recognize the physiological importance of the head, they place a higher premium on its metaphysical significance as the source of life and the essence of human personality (Abimbola 1971:73-89; Idowu 1970:170-75). The physical head is thought of as no more than an outer shell, ori ode (lit. "outer head"), concealing the ori inu, the "inner head." The latter determines the existence and fate of the individual on the earth. According to Yoruba ontology, whenever the Supreme Being, Olo6dmare, wants to create a person, he asks one of the brisa (lesser divinities) known as Obtaila to mold the physical body from divine clay. Once Obatala finishes molding the image, Olo6dmare breathes life (emz') into it through the head (Ajanaku 1972:13), thus making it a living human being. The newly created human being is then directed to another orisa, called Ajala Alamo, the potter, whose special responsibility is to mold the inner head. Many completed inner heads, each containing ase, the divine power of Olodumare, are already on display in Ajala Alamo's workshop; the newly created person simply has to choose one of them. Although all the inner heads look alike, each is intrinsically different from the others; the one chosen by an individual 91

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automatically determines the person's lot on earth (Abimbola 1971:80). The person who has chosen a good inner head will be lucky and prosperous in life as olori rere, the possessor of a good head. The person who is persistently unlucky in life is simply assumed to be an olori buriuku, the possessor of a bad inner head. Once chosen, a bad or cannot be altered. Hence the saying:
kb gb '6se Ori burukuti Ayinm6 kb gb'6giin.

A bad head cannot be washedclean Humandestiny cannot be alteredwith charms. Nevertheless the adverse effects of a bad ori can be minimized through rituals prescribed by Orumila, the divination orisa, the only one (apart from the Supreme Being) who knows all the secrets of the universe.2 The mere possession of a good ori will not automatically guarantee success in life, however. An individual must work hard for it and consult Oruinmila regularly for divine guidance; otherwise the vicissitudes of life are such that one can easily miss the path already laid out and "wander about the bush." ORI AS AN ASPECTOF THE SUPREME BEING That the ori (both in its physical and metaphysical aspects) signifies much more than personal destiny is hinted at in the popular Yoruba saying (Alade 1972:8): Ori eni l'eledd eni ("a person's head is his or her creator"). The fact that the word eledd (creator) refers almost exclusively to Olodumare would seem to suggest that the orf is one of his aspects. In other words, Olodumare is the head-source (or'sun) of the universe, just as the ori (both outer and inner) of an individual constitutes the personal life-source. Hence the saying (Alade 1972:8): Ori eni, isese eni ("a person's head is his source of origin"). There is an interesting story in the If6 divination verse (Ejiogbe) that throws further light on the connection between ori and Olodumare. The latter is reported to have summoned all the orisa in heaven to his presence one day, in order to find out which of them was powerful enough to split the sacred kola nut (obi obre) into its main cotyledons. All the orisa present attempted to break the sacred kola nut but failed. Then The Very First Head (Ori Atetekose) rolled into the arena, took the sacred kola nut, and split it with ease, to the amazement of all the other orisa. Apparently taunting them, Olodumare remarked, "Verily, only you, Or', are powerful enough to split the sacred kola nut." The orisa were provoked and they attacked Ori, but the latter subjugated them one by one (Lijadu 1972:14; Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:21-22). Evidently Ori has been used in this story to illustrate the absolute supremacy of Olodumare as the head of the Yoruba pantheon. It is significant to note that Ori figuratively subdued the orisa in the towns where their principal shrines are located (Lijadu 1972:14):
Ori da Olota si'le Ado O da Erinmi s'bde bwb O da Peepee s'ode Asin O da Orisa s'tapa O da Ogtin s'Ile-Ire

THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE O da Obalifbn s'Iyinde O da Orunmila s'ile-Ife. Ori subdued Orisa Olota at Ad6 It subdued Erinmi at Owb It subdued Peepee at Ode Asin It subdued Orisa at Itapa It subdued Ogun at Ie-Ire It subdued Obalufbn at Iyinde It subdued Orunmila at Ile-If.

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The symbolism of the above story becomes clearer once it is realized that the Yoruba word da can mean "subdue" and "create" at the same time, depending on the context. Thus, being the ultimate head, Olodumare created all beings:3
Ori nii d ni Enikan 6 id'Ori. Ori created us Nobody created Ori:

A second story from the Ifa divination verse, "Irosuin Osa," relates how seventeen hundred orisa once conspired against Olodumare, asking him to abdicate the throne. Olodumare agreed to do so only on condition that they should first of all go and rule the earth by themselves for sixteen days. But no sooner did the deities disperse than Olo6dmare switched off the machinery of the universe, as it were, bringing everything to a halt. Things became extremely difficult on earth, and soon the brisa were at their wits' end. Shamefacedly they returned to Olodumare to acknowledge his supreme authority (Idowu 1970:55):
Ol6rt 'a f'ori fin L'6 dd fin erinl6oj obrisa Nt'gba ti nwon ko esin odun re odo Olo6dumare. The Head should be accorded his due This is the oracle's charge to seventeen hundred brisd Who must render annual tribute to Olo6dmare.

Not only do these two divination stories underscore the position of Olodumare as the ultimate or the universal Ori, they also point to the fact that nothing is possible in the universe without his divine power. As already mentioned, one aspect of this ase resides in the ori of individuals, motivating them toward their destinies. Since Olo6dmare is considered as too sublime to be worshipped directly, he is approached through the orisa, each of which has a specific responsibility. Yet it is the general belief among the Yoruba that no orisa can assist an individual without the consent of his own ori (ko s'brisa tii da niz gbe lehin orz'eni) (Abimbola 1971: 81). And to the extent that an individual might entertain the question, nje orz I'a bd bo ti a bd f'brisa sz'le? ("couldn't one worship one's ori alone and ignore the orisa?" (Idowu 1970:72; see also Alade 1972:8), it is apparent that the ori is considered (even if subconsciously) to be more powerful than all the orisa, and may very well symbolize the godhead in the individual. In other words the orisa can assist a person only within the possibilities already willed by Olodumare, that is, within one's innate endowments. The ori of the individual shares the attributes of Olodumare in another important way. Just as Olo6dmare is said to be the first being created (although he is self-created), the human head is believed to be the first part of the body to be

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molded by Obatala, the other parts being fashioned in such a way as to put the head in a supreme position. According to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the other parts of the human body are no more than servantsaccompanying the head to the earth (Ajanaku 1972:11). This belief is widely held by the Yoruba and is often supported by the fact that in most cases a baby is born head first, so that the other members of the body can literally be said to follow the head to the earth (Ajuwon, personal communication, 1976; Awolalu 1972:104).4 Even in sculpture the traditional carver begins with and emphasizes the head, the other parts of the human body being drastically abbreviated,as if to stress their physical and metaphysical subservience.
ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS

There are three principal modes of representing the head in Yoruba art: namely the naturalistic, the stylized, and the abstract. The naturalistic mode is exemplified by Ife terra cotta and bronze heads (see Willett 1967:pls. I, II), as well as wooden effigies (ako, ajeje, and ipade) (see Lawal 1977:pl. I; Willett 1965:figs. 2, 3) used in second-burial ceremonies. (See Figures 1 and 2.) Though idealized, facial features are markedly individualized, to recall the image of a particular person. The reference here is to the external head, orl de. Its origin can be traced to Obatatla,the orisa of artistry who molds a person's physical
body from clay and who is fondly addressed as eni s'ojzi, se'mu, "molder of eyes and

nose" (Idowu 1970:72). Obatala'sinterest in individual peculiarities sometimes leads him to create cripples, hunchbacks, albinos, and other abnormal beings; hence his epithet a dd ni b'6ti ri, "he who makes humans as he pleases" (Idowu 1970:72). In any case the features and physical peculiarities of an individual may either be unique or may resemble those of the person's parents or grandparents.Although a father will still accept the paternity of a child even if it does not resemble him, physical likeness of any sort is highly valued by the Yoruba. Not only does it confirm the legitimacy of a child, it can also be taken as evidence of the reincarnationof an ancestor, especially if the child is born soon after the death of one of its parents, grandparents, or anyone else in the extended family, and is of the same sex. The cutting of special marks on the face, apart from relating an individual to the father's lineage, allows for easy identification within and outside his community. Such facial peculiarities are highlighted in the effigy used in second-burialceremonies. But since the effigy is always costumed, only the head is given an elaborate finish; the rest of the body is either blocked out or simply left undone. Sometimes, as Frank Willett (1966:34-45) has pointed out with regard to the Ife bronzes, only the portrait head is made and then nailed to a wooden armaturethat is covered by the costume. More often the effigy is given a hat to enhance physical resemblance to the deceased. A naturalistic portrait is used during second-burial ceremonies to symbolize the last earthly appearance of deceased persons before they proceed to the "Land of the Dead" (see Abiodun 1976:4-20; Lawal 1977:54). However, given the fact that the ceremony is performed mainly for individualswho have attained respectable positions in life and who have been survived by children prosperous enough to sponsor such an expensive undertaking, the second-burial ceremony could also be seen as an indirect celebration of a destiny fulfilled, an indication that the deceased had chosen a good ori.

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Of course the external head (ori ode) is only the outer shell of the inner one (ori inu); hence the veneration accorded the latter is automatically extended to the former. Even when a full figure is rendered in the naturalistic mode, the head still dominates (see Willett 1971:pl. 42.) The stylized mode of rendering the head (and indeed the whole body) is found mainly in woodcarvings, bronzecastings, and masks associated with the worship of the orisa and deified ancestors, where the allusion is to the spiritual. (See Figures 3 and 4.) Yoruba religion regardsOlodumare and the orisa as having essentially human attributes, even though they are noncorporeal. The brisa assume corporeal human forms only when sent by Oloduimareon special missions to the earth, after which they return to their noncorporeal state again. Since death is not regardedas the end of life, but rathera translation from earthly to spiritual existence, deceased ancestors are venerated like the orisa. Special masks are created for them, to dramatize their periodic returns to the earth to visit their living descendants. Having been dematerialized, both the orisa and the deified ancestors are represented either by abstract symbols or (sometimes) in person. When represented in person, human features are stylized in a special way to hint at humankind's spiritual essence. The head is rendered, as it were, in embryo: eyes, nose, mouth, and ears are enlarged and schematized as if to convey a return to primordial spirituality (Lawal 1977:59). These features are not peculiar to any individual, but only suggest a 'human potential,' the realization of which on the earthly plane depends on the nature of the formative elements. We are here reminded of the ori inu, the inner heads molded by Ajala Alamo, the heavenly potter. To Ajlai Alamo, the molding of an inner head is a routine affair; the fact that he produces stereotypes makes it difficult for the newly created human beings to differentiate a good or' from a bad one. Both have identical "visible" features (Abimbola 1971:87):
Or' burku ki 'iwu tulu A ki i da ese asiwere mb l'6jti onai A ki i m 'ori oloy lI'dwujo.

A bad ori is not necessarilydisfigured Nobody can identify the footprints of a mad man on the road Nobody can distinguishthe head destinedto wear a crown in a gathering.

Ajala Alamo's lack of interest in physical peculiarities can be corroborated with the fact that he stayed behind in heaven, while Obatala, the maker of "flesh and bone," followed the first generation of human beings to the earth and is worshipped to this day as an orisa and a deified ancestor. Ajala Alamo, by contrast, remains a distant and virtually forgotten orisa in the Yoruba pantheon. He is mentioned only in the Ifa divination literature and is often described as an elusive and irresponsible debtor who always goes into hiding whenever clients arrive to choose their ori (Abimbola 1971:80). If he is found in the workshop by accident and given a tip, he might offer some assistance; if given nothing, he will not ask (dos Santos and dos Santos 1971a:50). He is as unpredictable as the destiny concealed in his products. In any event the facial similarity, or rather the stylistic unity, observable in the generality of Yoruba art is certainly due to the stabilization of the artistic canons for representingthe spiritual.These canons have since become an index for projecting the spiritual oneness of the Yoruba as descendants of Oduiduwa, the mythical

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Figure 1. Ipdde for Chief Akinyemi of Osog'n Compound, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. Collected by the Nigerian Museum in 1964. The figure is about 3 feet high. Only the head and neck are carved, while cylinder. rough cylinder. a rough as a left as is left trunk is the trunk the

Figure 2. Life-size portrait head (bronze) in the neck could very well be the points originally nailed to a wooden armature. Il Museum, Il A.D. Nigerian Nigerian Museum, Cent. A.D. 12th/15th 12th/15th Cent.

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Ir?;

?%: ?:ai ". ? ill t;: .:?i:;??i?"*' '':' d;F tu".

Figure 3. Ere Orisa (Image for communicating with the gods). The stylized face alludes to the dematerialized state of the gods. University of Ife Museum Collection.

Figure 4. Egungun Mask representing t ancestor who has returned to the earth descendants. Ipetumodu, Nigeria. 1972.

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ancestor to whom every Yoruba oba ("king") traces his divine right to wear a beaded crown. Facial marks are added to the stylized head to identify the sculpture with a lineage rather than with a particular individual. The abstract mode of representing the head is to be found in the ibori, the shrine for worshipping the or. This is a small, cone-shaped object wrapped in leather and adorned with cowries. It is always kept in a crown-like container called ile or' (lit. "house of the head") and brought out only when sacrifices are to be offered to it. The ile or is also adorned with cowries. The word ibori is a contraction of ibo ori, meaning "altar (of the) head." In the traditional past, many an adult Yoruba offered sacrifices and prayers to his head through the ibori every morning before worshipping any other orisa. An individual commissions his ibori through a babalawo, an Ifi divination priest. Consecrated divination powder (iyerosun), into which the spirit of one's ori has been invoked, is poured into a small leather bag and sealed (Ajanaku, personal communication, 1972). This represents the primeval clayey element (oke ipbri) with which Ajila Alamo molded the inner head of that person. The sealed, cone-shaped bag is then given to a leatherworker to adorn with cowries (owo eyo).5 After that the ile ori is provided. The abstract form of the ibori alludes to the concealed ase that controls one's life and that can be made to work in one's favor through regular propitiation. Its lavish decoration with cowries, the ancient form of Yoruba currency, underlines its function as the source of its owner's well-being and prosperity. Indeed the more successful individuals are in life, the costlier the sacrifices they offer to their orl and the more elaborate they make the container for their ibori, in appreciation of the favors received. The death of an important man in the community provides his children with an opportunity to display the deceased's ile-ori in a public procession along with the corpse. An ile-ori in the Katherine White Collection of the Seattle Art Museum is decorated with an equestrian figure to communicate the high status of its owner (see Thompson 1974:pl. 135). The ibori and ile-ori of the Yoruba oba ("king") are certainly the most elaborate in a given community, as they are richly adorned with multicolored beads. As the head of the community, the oba is regarded not only as a sacred person by virtue of his direct descent from Odiuduwa, the mythical ancestor, but the quality of his or determines the fate of his subjects and his entire kingdom during his reign. The propitiation of his or is thus attended with elaborate rituals and public ceremonies, as can be observed during the 016jo and Orun festivals in Ile-Ife and Oyo, respectively. The physical head of the oba, sacralized during the installation rituals, must thereafter not be uncovered in public. It is concealed under a beaded crown (ade) that veils his face from direct public view (Thompson 1970:8-17), functioning like an ile-orl. A stylized face is often depicted in front of the crown, to emphasize the position of the oba as the living representative of the ancestors. ORI AND BIRD SYMBOLISM According to Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the apex of many iborl is shaped like the beak of a bird, alluding to the fact that the divine power (ase) of Olo6dmare enters the human body through the head and flies out of it (at death) like a bird (Ajanaku 1972:13). Although most of the divination priests I interviewed simply said that

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the ibori represents oke ipori (the primordial clayey element), there was a general consensus that birds play a prominent role in rituals associated with the ori.6 For instance in some rites aimed at cleansing an afflicted head, certain parts of the bird, obbe, are used to prepare a medicinal soap, which is then used to wash the patient's head (J.O. Elewude, personal communication). In one case a live dove was used like a sponge to wash the head of a woman who had just recovered from a psychotic episode. The dove was later thrown into the river and allowed to drift away (Prince 1974:101). In yet another example, a bird helped a man called Ajiffkarajeko to realize his destiny. According to the story, Ajifakarajeko was a pauper who had offered sacrifices to his ori (on the advice of Oruinmila)and expected his life to change for the better within a few days. After waiting in vain for fifteen days, he decided to commit suicide. But as he attempted to do so, a pigeon perched on his head, flapping its wings frantically. Ajifakarajeko was frightened. He took to his heels, only to be pursued by several pigeons, some pecking at his head. While runstumbled and fell down. On recoveringhe discovered that he had ning, Ajifak'arajeko fallen into a grave that contained a lot of treasure, where an oba had been buried. Ajifakarajeko dug up all the treasuresand eventually became a wealthy man, thanks to the pigeons (Alade 1972:9-10). Although the choice of a particular bird for a given ritual is determined by its mystical associations, in general the belief is that birds are celestial messengers, since they dwell on both land and sky and fly great distances across the water. Thus sacrifices consumed by birds (especially by vultures) are seen as being collected for delivery to the appropriate quarters.7 In considering the relationship between ori and birds, cognizance must be taken of the fact that the latter are also directly associated with ase. For instance it was a five-toed chicken (given by Olodumare to Odiuduwa) that spread the divine sand over the primordial waters at Ile-Ife (the cradle of Yoruba civilization), thus creating solid earth (Idowu 1970:19). When the founder of witchcraft (Odui)was leaving heaven for the earth, Oloduimaregave her a special ase in the form of a bird enclosed in a calabash (Verger 1965). And the birds represented on the beaded crown of the Yoruba oba are said to symbolize ase, his power of life and death over his subjects. To the Yoruba ase is invisible and immaterial; when activated it flies like a mysterious bird. As the seat of the soul (the ase of the individual) the or is also capable of flight, and this occurs during dreams, trances, or when a witch "changes into a bird inside her body and flies out of the mouth" to attack victims (Prince 1974:92). Nowhere is this metaphor more apparent than in the statement, ori mifb lo (lit. "my head flew off"), which describes a frightful moment.
ORI AND ESU

No treatment of ori would be complete without a consideration of the nature of its connection with Esiu,the principle of dynamism in the Yoruba cosmos and the coordinator of the activities of all the orisa, on the one hand, and the link between them and humans, on the other. Esuiis the keeper of Olodumare's ase, and as such he wields considerable power in the Yoruba pantheon, so much so that he is often unpredictable. As Wande Abimbola (personal communications, 1976) has pointed out, "he is a friend and a foe at the same time." He is thus associated with order and

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disorder, certainty and uncertainty. Little wonder that his cooperation is enlisted by the priest at the beginning of a divination process to ensure a fairly accurate prediction. It is important to note that many divination trays have carved on them a prominent face identified with Esu, because he acts as a spy for Orunmila. According to Babalawo Ifatoogiun of Ilobui (a highly knowledgeable divination priest), there is an aspect of Esuiin every person; otherwise one would not be conscious of one's own existence (dos Santos and dos Santos 1971a:16-17). Esiu is therefore a catalyst who not only helps Orunmila to unravel the mysteries of human destiny, but who also propels individuals toward the realization of their fate (see also dos Santos and dos Santos 1971b:120).
ORI AS A LOCUSOF COMMUNICATION

Apart from providing the individual with a source of inspiration and hope, ori symbolism offers the Yoruba a means of interacting more closely with the supernatural.This is most evident in the prolific use of anthropomorphic images in the worship of the orisa. Since most of the orisa are no more than personifications of supernaturalforces, they are seldom represented in person. Frequently the principal shrine symbol is a nonfigurative object in which the ase of the orisa is thought to dwell. For instance Sango (the orisa of lightning and thunder) is represented on the altar by thunderbolts, which he is believed to hurl down from the sky during thunder-storms; Oruinmilaby palm kernels used in divination; and Erinle (a river deity) by stones from the river of the same name. The altar is called oju tgtin (lit. "face of the spirit") or oju'bo (lit. "face for worshipping the spirit"). But more often the principal shrine symbol is kept in a container on which a stylized human head or face is carved. Alternatively the sacred symbol of the orisa may be buried in the ground or hidden behind a screen of anthropomorphic images. Libations are poured both on the principal shrine symbol and the images. On the other hand, if solid food is offered as sacrifice, a symbolic feeding of the carved face on the container may suffice; otherwise the offering may simply be left on the floor in front of the sculptures. These instances should be enough to show that the sculptural representations on an altar are considered to be part of the "face" of the orisa, notwithstanding their individual thematic values. Especially if the principal shrine symbol is concealed, the carved face on the container not only communicates the human essence of the orisa, but also provides a focus for the devotee, thereby facilitating a more intimate dialoguewith the orisa (Lawal 1974:243). Worshipnormally begins with the chanting of the orzki (lit. "head praise") of the brisa, which is tantamount to invoking its inner head to descend to the altar (Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:25). Therefore the carved, stylized human head on the container seems to serve as a "facial outlet," vivifying the presence of the orisa at the moment of invocation. Similarly the carved face of Esui on the divination tray is activated momentarily to "spy" for Orunmila. Apart from personifying the abstract symbol of an orisa, the sculptured face (or the anthropomorphic altar image in general) provides a protective watch over the devotee and his or her household. In consequence of regular face-to-face conversations, the devotee and the orisa become familiar with one another's faces.

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Admittedly it is a sign of disrespect for a Yoruba youth to stare an elder in the face when addressing him, and a Yoruba oba wears a beaded crown that veils his face from direct public gaze. But on the altar, the devotee is only dealing with the brisa through a surrogate that "masks" the actual presence of the orisa, just as the beaded crown conceals the face of the oba. In addition to its communicative functions, the face (oju) connotes access. Thus what can be solved "has a face" (o '6jzu);the unsolvable "has no face" (kobl'6ju); an entanglement "has a blocked face" (o di'jz). To tame or pacify is to "cool the face" (tui l'6jzi). Therefore providing the symbol of an orisa with a face facilitates the pacification of that 6risa; for what has a face is controllable (Lawal 1976:362). If the world "has a face," the path of happiness will be accessible to everyone; hence the prayer, k'dye 6 r'6jz (lit. "may the world have a face"). Human progress is regardedas blijzi (lit. "cutting a face on the earth").
CONCLUSIONS By and large the main thrust of the Yoruba conception of the or is that human physical, spiritual, and material well-being depends for the most part on how well people can make use of their head. The choice of a good or bad or is no more than a potentiality for success or failure. To achieve anything in life, a person must struggle. This point is clear in the following Ifa divination verse (Abimbola 1976: 146-47):
B'6 bd se wipe Gbogbo origbogbo nit sun posi Ir6kb gbogbo iba titdn nsgbo A dia fun igba eni Ti ntikole orun bb wd s' tdye Bi o b' se wi pe Gbogbo or gbogbo nit sun post Iroko gbogbo ibd ti tdn ntgbo A buifin Owere Ti ntikole orun bb wd si tdye Owere la nja Gbogbo wa Owere la nji En i yanrit're t w6pb bwere ld nja Gbogbo wa Owere li nia. If all heads are destined To be buried with coffins, All the irokb trees in the forest would have been exhausted Ifa divination was performed for two hundred persons Who were leaving heaven for the earth. If all heads are destined To be buried with coffins All the irokb trees in the forest would have been exhausted Ifa divination was performed for 'Struggle' Who was leaving heaven for the earth. All of us We are just struggling

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JOURNAL OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL Those who chose good destinies are not many We are just struggling All of us We are just struggling.

RESEARCH

The prominence of its given to the head in Yoruba sculpture is a reflection sociobiological importance as the coordinating center for human existential struggles. Highly elaborate, honorific headgear reinforces this vital role. In some sculptures, like those associated with Esu (the divine messenger) and Sango (the brisa of lightning and thunder), there are special projections from the head to hint at the latent energy contained within (see Thompson 1970:ch.4/4, pl. 9; ch.12/6, pl. 2). Perhaps the most striking feature of a typical Yoruba sculptured head are the bulging, almondshaped eyes, gazing with hope into the future. NOTES 1. This is a revised version of a paper first presented at a Seminar on Religion and Art, organized by the Center for the Study of World Religions, HarvardUniversity, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 22 April 1975. I wish to express my gratitude to Preston Williams, Acting Dean of the Divinity School; John Carman, Director, Center for the Study of World Relgions; and John Rosenfield, Chairman, Department of Fine Arts (all of Harvard University) for jointly inviting me to serve as a Visiting Lecturer in Traditional African Art and Religion during spring semester, 1975. I am also grateful to Chief M.A. Fabunmi, the Odole Atobase of Ile-Ife, Chief Fagbemi Ajanaku, the Araba of Lagos, Mr. J.A. Elewude and Professor Wande Abimbola, both of the University of Ife, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, with all of whom I have had useful discussions. 2. Orinmila is the brisa in charge of the divination system known as Ifa, which is believed to contain all the secrets of the universe. Orunmila is called eldrin ipin ("witness of human destiny") because he was the only one present at the moment of creation and who also knows the quality of each of the inner heads produced by Ajila Alamo. The corpus of Ifa divination verses is called Odui;the precepts given in each verse are used to solve human problems. For more on Ifi, see Abimbola (1976); Bascom (1969); and Epega (n.d.:14). 3. These lines are taken from a long divination verse rendered by Babalawo Ifatoogun of Ilobui; quoted by dos Santos and dos Santos, 1971, p. 49. 4. A child born legs-first is called Ige. It is believed that those bearing this name are usually unlucky and must struggle very hard to achieve something in life. 5. As a rule the number of cowries that can be used to adorn the ibor is restricted to fortyone; the quantity for decorating the ile-ori is not limited. Depending on his or her social status, an individual could have the il-ori adorned with as much as six heads (twelve thousand) cowries; but then the leatherworker must be paid the same amount as for decorating both the ibori and ile ori (see Johnson 1969: 27). 7. The importance of birds in Yoruba divination and sacrifices is underlined in the popular saying; Bi a 6 ri igun, a o gbodo s'ebo Bi a 6 ri dkald, a o gbodb s'orb. If there is no sign of the vulture, sacrifices should not be offered If there is no sign of the hornbill, the rituals of the bull roarer must not be performed.

REFERENCES CITED Abimbola, W., 1971, The Yoruba Concept of Human Personality. Pp. 73-89 in La notion de personne en Afrique noire. Paris: Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 544. Abimbola, W., 1976, Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus. Ibadan: Oxford University Press. Ajanaku, F., 1972, Ori, Ipin ati Kadara, Apa Keji. Olokun 10:11-13.

THE HEAD IN YORUBA SCULPTURE Alade, M., 1972, Ori, Ipin ati Kadara, Apa Kini. Olokun 10:8-10. Awolalu, J.O., 1972, The African Traditional View of Man. Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies 6(2):101-17. Bascom, W., 1969, Ifa Divination: Communication between Gods and Men in West Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. dos Santos, J.E., and D.M. dos Santos, 1971a, Esu Bara, Principle of Individual Life in the Nago System. Pp. 45-60 in La notion de personne en Afrique noire. Paris: Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 544. dos Santos, J.E., and D.M. dos Santos, 197 b, Esiu Bara Laaroye: A Comparative Study. Ibadan: Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Epega, D.O., n.d., The Basis of Yoruba Religion. Ibadan: Ijamido Printers. Idowu, E.B., 1970, Olodumare, God in Yoruba Belief. London: Longmans. Johnson, S., 1969[1921], The History of the Yorubas. Lagos: C.S.S. Bookshops. Lawal, B., 1974, Some Aspects of Yoruba Aesthetics. British Journal of Aesthetics 15(3): 239-49. Lawal, B., 1976, The Significance of Yoruba Sculpture. Pp. 356-63 in Proceedings of the Conference on Yoruba Civilization (ed. by I.A. Akinjogbin and G.O. Ekemode). Ile-Ife: Department of History, University of Ife. Lawal, B., 1977, The Living Dead: Art and

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Immortality among the Yoruba of Nigeria. Africa 47(1):5 0-61. Lijadu, E.M., 1972, Orunmila. Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria: Omolayo Standard Press. Prince, R., 1974, Indigenous Yoruba Psychiatry. Pp. 84-120 in Magic, Faith and Healing. New York: Free Press. Sowande, F., and F. Ajanaku, 1969, Oruko Amutorunwa. Ibadan: Oxford University Press. Thompson, R.F., 1970, The Sign of the Divine King: An Essay on Yoruba Bead-Embroidered Crowns with Veil and Bird Decorations. African Arts 3(3):8-17, 74-80. Thompson, R.F., 1971, Black Gods and Kings: Yoruba Art at UCLA. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Thompson, R.F., 1974, African Art in Motion. Los Angeles: University of California Press. Verger, P., 1965, Grandeur et decadence du culte de Iyami Osoronga (ma mere la sorciere) chez les Yoruba. Journal de la Societe des Africanistes 35(1):141-243. Willett, F., 1965, A Further Shrine for a Yoruba Hunter. Man 45:82-83. Willett, F., 1966, On the Funeral Effigies of Owo and Benin and the Interpretation of the Life-Size Bronze Heads from Ife. Man(n.s.)l:3445. Willett, F., 1967, Ife in the History of West African Sculpture. New York: McGraw-Hill. Willett, F., 1971, African Art: An Introduction. New York: Praeger.