research / design project overview

HAPPINESS and ARCHITECTURE:

THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE

author adviser date

Jnis Dombrovskis Adrian Blackwell spring 2007

introduction pre-departure research on-site research and design

02 03 13

As an architect I believe in and so cannot subscribe to copying the architecture of an era that is long past. As an architect, I believe in building to suit our living needs in a living way, utilizing the most suitable modern and progressive means at our disposal, and on adopting these sound and fundamental principles of building of the past, which are as authentic today as before. 1

When walking the streets of Shanghai, Manila or Riga one is oftentimes made to wonder where exactly he or she has found him or herself in the world. Architecturally, the new districts of Beijing very closely resemble those of Toronto, Moscow, or London. Globalization manifests itself not only in economy, but also in other elds, including architecture. In social interactions, politics, economics, technology or, especially, architecture, the tension between the old and the new is an important aspect of globalization. While in some elds the new is introduced without much regard for the old, there are others, where the old is so highly regarded, as to completely eliminate possibility for a change. This thesis analyzes the shifting role of the traditional vernacular architecture of Bhutan a country in the Himalayans in a setting that is changing due to its own accord and due to the impact of the globalization; in a setting where new societal order is being created. For almost every inhabitant of the observed area, the future developments will bring drastic changes. The quality of life and prospects for the future of the analyzed society directly depend on how the new modes of living and working will be introduced. Thesis is setting out to develop an aspect of the architectural component of the new model of living and working. With the constantly changing site conditions, as the external forces to the system are having an increasingly larger impact, and as the system itself is adjusting to these changes, action in a near future is extremely important to ensure that the current generation is able to continue living o the given land and that it is not done at the expense of the future generations. In no other country are the vernacular architecture and the importance of preserving it as an integral part of the culture more vivid, than it is in Bhutan. The Himalayan kingdom is characterized by a very careful process of development that, in contrast to other countries of the region, focuses not only on the introduction of western values, but, more importantly, aims to assist societys development in the way that promotes the most happiness, and, arguably, makes the most sense in the given cultural, economic, and political setting. It is not a surprise, that the central development mea-

sure of Bhutan Gross National Happiness index stands in sharp contrast to the nancial gains centered Gross National Product. Similarly to how tradition guides and often rules the day to day activities in Bhutan for example, the traditional dress is still worn extensively it also has a very large and determining inuence on architecture. Most of the buildings being built today are constructed using traditional methods, tools, and, in the image of structures that have existed in the country for centuries. Arguably, this is not only due to the skill sets of builders and general demand for traditional dwellings, but also, to government policy. Thus, Bhutan is one of the only countries where the traditional is not only preserved, but also actively promoted and maintained in many aspects of daily life. By adding a strong religious and social dimension to the proposed research project, it will be possible to devise a multifaceted approach of studying the conicted relationship between the vernacular architecture and the architecture of globalization of the Himalayan kingdom. More specically, this thesis deals with the architectural aspects of the development that is taking place in the high altitude northern regions of Bhutan where the inhabitants are primarily engaged in the yak-herding related activities. This is a nomadic lifestyle that determines the kind of dwellings that are being created there. Thesis deals with creating a proposal as to what shape the future developments in these areas could take.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

PRE-DEPARTURE RESEARCH

There are countless manifestations of how the interactions between the old and the new take place. Thus, there is a need for a framework or a system that allows looking at this relationship in a more organized fashion. In this thesis, Critical Regionalism will be used as this system of reference. It will serve as a basis to this larger issue of dierence and, accordingly, will provide a framework within which the discussion on the developments of architecture in the Bhutanese context will take place. More than 30 years ago, Lefaivre and Tzonis, inspired by the work and ideas of Lewis Mumford and others, introduced the term critical regionalism. Initially, it was created as an alternative to postmodernism, the dominant tendency of that period. Using the Kantian test of criticism, the concept of regionalism was to be set apart from its sentimental, prejudiced and irrational use by previous generations. The concept of regionalism here indicated an approach to design giving priority to the identity of the particular rather than to universal dogmas.2 Consequently, the term critical regionalism implies the particularity of the location and the uniqueness of the individual conditions found in each site. Nevertheless, it does not necessarily advocate traditional approach to architecture. Instead of giving preference to either the global architecture or the local vernacular, the concept of critical regionalism argues that the universal forms are usually not relevant because they ignore the given site conditions. At the same time, however, critical regionalism also says that blindly following the traditional modes of construction purely because they are very location- and culture-specic is not rational either, because the society is always in a ux and, thus, the new opportunities and changes taking place in the society, should also be reected in the architecture. Hence, the term is critical instead of sentimental regionalism.

FRAMPTON Lefaivre and Tzonis coined the term and made it part of the architecture discourse. Consequently, there have been some other architects and thinkers, who have explored it further in search of a meaning unique to their views on architecture and its development. One of such gures is Kenneth Frampton, who developed his own take on the issue. In an essay Towards Critical Regionalism written in 1985, Frampton states that architecture can only be sustained today as a critical practice if it assumes an arrire-garde position, that is to say, one which distances itself equally from the Enlightenment myth of progress and from a reactionary, unrealistic impulse to return to the architectonic forms of pre-industrial past. A critical arrire-garde has to remove itself from both the optimization of advanced technology and the ever-present tendency to regress into nostalgic historicism or the glibly decorative.3
page 3

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

Renzo Piano, Jean-Marie Tjibaou Cultural Centre, Nouma, New Caledonia Liane Lefaivre, Alexander Tzonis, Critical Regionalism, (Munich: Prestel Publishing, 2003), p. 86

CRITICAL REGIONALISM

Critical regionalism, in Framptons view, attempts to nd a middle ground between the modernitys myth of progress and the drive to return to the pre-industrial path. It is seen that through the use of the arrire-garde position it is possible to create architecture that does not fall into either of the two possible extremes. The approach appears, at rst, to be a critique of both the modernism and the vernacular architecture implying that a middle way is the answer. However, when looking closer, it becomes clear that, while the premise is straight forward, it is not always possible or even relevant. The main issue is that Frampton is writing from the perspective of the architects of North America and Europe, the societies that already have taken the path of industrialization, have passed it, and now can look back at the times before it. This is particularly clearly expressed in his later essay Critical Regionalism Revisited where, in relation to pre-industrial innocence of the vernacular, he states that one assumes that this is the polemical point of the term, namely, that the vernacular cannot even be addressed today without subsuming it under the aesthetic strategy of the modernism.4

PRUSCHA Pruscha is an architect who has spent a large part of his life exploring the Himalayan architecture of India, Nepal, and Bhutan. As a result, he has developed a view on the role that architecture plays in these societies. Through his practice, he has also been an active participant in the architectural processes taking place in Nepal and therefore has an intimate knowledge and understanding of the eld that is closely related to the objectives of this paper. Prior to building theory based on Mumfords ideas, Pruscha warns against the kind of regionalist architecture that is growing in support of totalitarian regimes like, for example, the new commercial development of tourism. Like other works of kitsch or mass media products, and not unlike the chauvinistic version of regionalist architecture, it is designed to create an illustration of participation in a distant and unknown world. Commercial regionalism has become a sort of architectural pornography.5 Thus, early on a distinction is made between regionalism as promoted by the commercial needs and wants and that of a dierent kind introduced later.

Even though initially based on the ideas of Mumford that also were the ground for Framptons explorations, Carl Pruscha arrives at slightly nuanced conclusions on the topic of the Critical Regionalism. While Pruscha agrees that regionalism is no longer seen as a return to the traditional or as a link to romanticism, but rather, as an aid which helps people come to terms with the actual conditions of life,6 he goes on to develop an argument that modernism and regionalism, instead of heading in two irreconcilably diering directions, could actually be complementary. Instead of seeing the relationship between the two as being contradictory, he states that he is seeking a synthesis of the modern and the traditional without recourse to eclecticism.7 This synthesis is somewhat similar to the arrire-garde point introduced by Frampton. The two, however, are set apart by the fact that this synthesis, implied Pruscha, happens at the stage of development that is radically dierent from the one where Frampton is looking from. If Frampton looks at critical regionalism from the western point of view, then Pruscha sees it in a manner specic to the undeveloped part of the world, the part of the world that has not gone through the industrialization and modernism and that, in this way is much closer to that point in the past that Frampton alludes to when warning us not to look too far in the past.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

Gyantse, Tibet: view from residential area towards surrounding valley Carl Pruscha, Himalayan Vernacular, (Wien: Schlebrgge.Editor, 2004), p. 113

CONCLUSIONS Frampton and Pruscha both advance ideas that are describing the concept of the critical regionalism. However, their point of observation and, therefore, the conclusions they arrive to about the importance and relevance of this concept, are dierent. In Framptons writing, the vernacular forms of the past are just that architecture that is in the past and any return to those would mean a step back and into the kitsch. On the other hand, for Pruscha, the vernacular architecture and its relevance is very immediate, because in his view, the people oftentimes do not have to look into the past to learn from the vernacular oftentimes, it is still very present and, at times, even still built. In this way, the approach to the critical regionalism developed by Carl Pruscha is slightly more relevant to the purpose of this thesis, because it speaks about the processes taking place in the developing societies where the tradition is still very much the order of the day and where the modernism and the results of industrialization are only beginning to have an impact.

Given its strengths and relevance, critical regionalism also has some weaknesses. In particular, it is much more centered around the theoretical aspects of architectural of development leaving aside the fact that no new architecture can emerge without a new kind of relations between designer and user, without new kinds of programs.8 The next part of the paper will deal closely with looking at the operational aspects of the critical regionalism and some mechanisms that have been employed in various parts of the world to address the impact of the global architecture and systems on the local ways of life.
pt
modernity western society traditional society

Fr am Pr us ch a

on

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

PRACTICE The theoretical framework of critical regionalism provides a foundation for the further explorations in the particularities of the relationship between the traditional architecture and that of modernity. However, to make this theory more practical and relevant, there is a need for direct examples of how the principles of critical regionalism relate to the current developments; it is important to look at the operational side of critical regionalism. First of all, for the critical regionalism to become operational, it has to take into account the emergence of new user relationships and new programs. The lifestyle of the high altitude inhabitants of the Great Himalayan Region of Bhutan, is conditioned by currently existing processes in the area. For example, the source of livelihood for the vast majority of the population, is yak-herding. This activity is detrimental to most of the other aspects of the daily lives of these people. With the increase in the number of people in the region and the changing nature of the yak-herding, there is also expected to be a change in the organizational patterns of these activities. For example, currently there is an interest to expand on the export of the yak-oriented products like the wool and the milk. In the past these products were used only by the herders themselves and occasionally for barter to obtain other goods. Thus, this change in the ends of production, also require a change in the organization of the production as well. Developing of the organizational model of production, is not in the scope of this thesis. However, recognizing this need for an alternate model to the existing system and the importance of the new paradigm in creation of new programs, an example of the existing system is used. Such model can be found in the Fair Trade. FAIR TRADE Due to the large number of small and uncoordinated producers in a developing country without much export experience and without organizations backing their actions, the fair trade movement provides a general framework within which the organization of the production and exporting of yak-related goods could take place in the future. More specically, as in the case of the coee market, fair trade can be used in the Himalayan set-

ting as well. Fair trade works with small farmers who work together to develop community cooperatives. Working with a fair trade organization, the cooperative sets a mutually agreeable fair price, known as a living wage Building cooperatively means that small farmers can not only become part of the bigger picture, but can also help dene what that picture will look like. Prots from the premium paid for beans through fair trade are distributed within the cooperative and enable the farmers and their families to control and direct the growth of their businesss and communities. It also encourages farmers in the stewardship of their land, utilizing farming practices that nurture and support the integrity of the land and the people who are responsible for its continued well being.9 Thus, the fair trade model can also be adopted in the Himalayan kingdom. The conditions are similar in that there are many small farmers who are producing items that are to be distributed through the country and abroad. More related to the scope of the thesis, however, are the architectural implications of this model. If today there are many small nomadic farmers who move around within this system relatively independently one from another, then the model of the fair trade, calls for some cooperation to be established. Even though it is the economic coordination and harmonization that is called for through the creation of cooperatives, this also implies coordination and harmonization of the peoples movements that have previously been relatively independent. Thus, the architecture that currently is the norm in the Great Himalayan region of Bhutan, is shifting to accommodate this changing nature of living patterns.

The change in the organizational patterns of the production in combination with the shift in the programs and, thus, architecture, also indicates a need for some new program elements to be created. In particular, the nomadic and dispersed lifestyle today means that the people of the Great Himalayan region do not the emissions resources have access to the education systems cost and healthcare, which would be more readily available in the contime quality ditions that are more stationary and centrally coordinated. Thus, the fair trade developments are biodiversity bringing with them the level of cooperation that will have further reaching positive impact on the way that this society operates.
HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

Agenda 21: the factors in building process

The people of the tribe were left devastated with nothing but a myriad of problems to be solved. Hsieh and his associates set out to develop housing that would address the issues created by the earthquake. However, they soon found out that there were many more issues to be addressed than the pure fact of architecture. In his writing on the topic, architect writes that the projects stated in this paper crosses the border of purely technical solutions to house reconstruction. Instead, they combine diverse elements, such as community solidarity, environment and tribal traditions, into the process of reconstruction. They also tackle the issues of semi-monopolized construction industry and micro-economic in the form of cooperatives. All of these topics are included in the discussion of sustainable architecture.10 Hsieh brings forward an idea that the community has a large impact on the process of building and architecture. This thought goes hand in hand with the ideas of the fair trade where community involvement and cooperation are the cornerstones to successful development. The ideas that Hsieh uses in his architecture practice, are closely related to those promoted by the International Council for Research and Innovation in Building and Construction (Netherlands) who have dened an Agenda 21 for Sustainable Construction.11 It is an initiative that creates a framework linking global concepts of sustainable development and the construction sector. Furthermore, this framework is immediately responsive to the local context and, thus, in line with the ideas of critical regionalism described above. The architecture of Atelier-3 gives much wider meaning to the process of building than the narrowly dened one of construction. It introduces the human aspect of cooperation to the building and argues that not only are the dwellings

created through the participation of the community much cheaper, but that the end result challenges the professional builder / user paradigm currently existing in the world. Through his work, Hsieh demonstrates that buildings can be built from locally obtained materials, using local work force, and that these buildings are environmentally friendly and stimulate local communities not only economically, but also, and not less importantly, socially. The theoretical and social dimensions of architecture are crucial when looking at the architecture of the yak-herders of the great Himalayan region of Bhutan. As it was shown earlier, critical regionalism and its social aspects provide a framework within which this thesis operates.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

Post 921: Aboriginal Community Reconstruction, Taiwan Hsieh Ying Chun <http://www.atelier-3.com/2_Concepts/2004.02_UN-Te/index.html

HSIEH YING CHUN Another example of critical approach to regionalism can be found in the work of Hsieh Ying Chun, the principal of Atelier-3 and Hsieh Architect & Associates in Taiwan. He has been one of the central actors in the reconstruction that took place after the 921, the earthquake of September 21, 1999 during which 2000 people were killed, over 8000 were injured, and over 400,000 people left homeless. First involved in the rebuilding as an architect, Hsieh noticed that there are other issues to the construction that are making it impossible to create dwellings for the large numbers of dislocated people. The hardest hit was the Thao Tribe, the smallest indigenous tribe of Taiwan.

PROJECT

The next step is to closer examine the actual site conditions that the project is faced with and then present the area of the greatest need where the project will be involved in. The project looks at the Great Himalayan Region of Bhutan which is located above the altitudes of 3000 meters. In Himalayas, life follows closely the seasonal cycle of the mountain environment to the degree that the mode of living has little margin for deviation. It is no surprise, that the negotiation between the imperative of survival and the necessity of adaptation to the local environment is intense throughout the Himalayan region.12 The altitude and terrain are the two most important factors aecting the climate and, accordingly, the settlement types of the country. The Great Himalayan Region has cold to arctic climate combined with very rugged terrain. Most people residing there are yak and cattle herders, and their settlements are usually small and arranged in closely grouped clusters. The two basic patterns of human life are sedentary and nomadic.13 This area of Bhutan is interesting in that the nomadic lifestyle of its inhabitants, calls for use of both of these settlement types. The rst nomadic (arctic) settlement type is characterized by temporary structures. They are usually constructed using a foundation that is created of undressed granite stones without the use of mortar. The wooden beam frame is created on top of this base and, when unoccupied, the structure remains set up consisting only of these elements. When the yak herders arrive to these settlements, they cover the frame with canvas or yak wool blankets, thus transforming the structure into a livable space. This is truly a temporary structure JOMOLHARI 7314 m that is used as a dwelling only when the herders actually need it as such, while at other times, it only has the shape of a house while lacking Paro other properties. Ha It could be argued that this is one of the most relevant housing systems for the yak herders, Phuntsholing for it is built of locally available materials and in use only when needed. The beams are created from the trees growing around, the stones are also collected from the near by areas, and the yak wool or canvas blankets are always with the herders, thus making it easy for a dwelling

to be created in a short period of time. Larger system of such temporary dwellings would provide an eective settlement for the nomadic people who are periodically moving around looking for better pastures and tending after their herds. The second type of settlement found at the Great Himalayan Region, is the high altitude compact cluster dwelling system. It consists of intimately constructed stone masonry houses, which serve as a much more permanent dwelling for the same herders who use the other less permanent structures at the higher altitudes. These buildings are built of stone masonry, usually using mud mortar. The wall thicknesses can reach up to 80 centimeters and the openings into the building are very small. Also, the open space immediately below the roof and above the living area is dramatically decreased. All these measures are taken to keep the building warm in the harsh terrain and climate that it is placed in. Furthermore, by clustering these homes close together, a situation is created, where each such cluster has its own microclimate allowing people and animals to move around between these buildings in relatively warmer temperatures and shielded from the elements than if the houses were further apart. The above types14 of structures will be used in the process of analysis of the existing built form and will serve as a basis of the research, and thus, the foundation for a design proposal in the Bhutanese setting.

KULA KANGRI 7554 m

Gasa

Lhuntse Punakha THIMPHU Tongsa Wangdye Phodrang Jakar

Tashigang

50

100

nomadic (arctic) and high altitude compact clusters

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

Temporary Nomadic (arctic) Settlement Department of Works, Housing and Roads, An Introduction to Traditional Architecture of Bhutan, p. 211

ISSUES Currently the system, in which the yak-herders are used to living their nomadic lives, is slowly changing due to the overall processes of development within the country, limitations that the current system has, and due to the impact of the future export-oriented production. In its analysis of the yak-herding system in Bhutan, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) has distilled multiple concerns that the country will be faced with in the future. In particular, the resources used in the yak production system are very marginal, and thus, the opportunities for increasing the production are limited. Problems associated with geographical and social isolation are likely to further constrain future developments. In spite of this, yak will continue to be an important component of the Bhutanese landscape and society and will become an important attraction for tourism.15 The central issues originating from the FAO report currently are:

project sets out to develop a system in which these external pressures are not resulting in centralized system. Instead, in recognition of the importance of movement of people and the livestock within the given area, the nomadic lifestyles of the yak herders is maintained. Thus, the solutions to the lack of education facilities and deciencies in the medical care, have to be found in the architecture and planning parts of the system. Assuming that that the system will continue to be nomadic in the future, the architectural proposal for the thesis, deals with: developing a system within which the education and medical care can be provided to the nomads, proposing architectural solutions for the elements of this system (learning centre and a medical centre), and does so in a manner that is in tune with the design theory as expressed in the critical regionalism and using the lessons learned from the architects like Hsieh Ying Chun, and respecting the currently existing building traditions in the manner outlined by Carl Pruscha.

Poor access to education and medical services, Overgrazing the main cause of low and/or deteriorating grassland yields, Relatively small winter fodder availability and quality.

SOLUTIONS Consequently, the focus of the project is to address the issue areas outlined above. The primary area of the concern, that stems from the research, the theory, and the case studies, is in addressing the social issues of poor access to education and medical services. While it is recognized that currently the society is shifting its focus from locally produced and locally consumed production to more export oriented one, the

The research trip to Bhutan this coming summer will allow to conrm (or refute) the arguments that have been raised in the process of research so far and, accordingly, will have a very direct impact to the actual shape that this project will take. The specic aspects of the program and the exact situation of the project will be determined during the process of on-site research.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

High Altitude Compact Cluster Department of Works, Housing and Roads, An Introduction to Traditional Architecture of Bhutan, p. 215

ENDNOTES

1.

2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

11.

12.

13. 14. 15.

Minnette de Silva, Minnette de Silva, The Life and Work of an Asian Woman Architect, Kandy, Minnette de Silva Ltd., 1998. Vol. 1., p. 94 in Liane Lefaivre, Alexander Tzonis, Critical Regionalism: Architecture and Identity in Globalized World, (Munich: Prestel Publishing, 2003), p. 46 Liane Lefaivre, Alexander Tzonis, Critical Regionalism: Architecture and Identity in a Globalized World, (Munich: Prestel Publishing, 2003), p. 10 Kenneth Frampton, Towards a critical Regionalism: Six Points for an Architecture of Resistance, in Hal Foster, The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture, (Port Townsend: Bay Press, 1985), p. 20 Kenneth Frampton, Critical Regionalism Revisited: Reections on the Mediatory Potential of Built Form, in Maiken Umbach and Bernard Hppauf, Vernacular Modernism: Heimat, Globalization, and the Built Environment, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), p. 194 Carl Pruscha, Himalayan Vernacular, (Wien: Schlebrgge.Editor, 2004), p. 123 Ibid, p. 122 123 Ibid, p. 126 Liane Lefaivre, Alexander Tzonis, The Grid and The Pathway: An Introduction to the Work of Dimitris and Susana Antonakakis, (Athens: Architecture In Greece, 15, 1981), p. 178 Monika Firl (last accessed May 4, 2006), Fair Trade, < http://www.alternativegrounds.com/show. php?ID=17>, [Alternative Grounds], 2006 Hsieh Ying Chun (last accessed May 4, 2006), Aboriginal Community Reconstruction in the Concept of Sustainable Construction: Social Equity and Cultural Issues, Economic Constraints, Environmental Quality, UN-Habitat Presentation, <http://www.atelier-3.com/2_Concepts/2004.02_UN-Te/index. html>, [Atelier-3], 2004 Agenda 21 (last accessed May 4, 2006), Agenda 21 on Sustainable Construction, <http://www.cibworld.nl/website/priority_themes/a21exsum.pdf>, [International Council for Research and Innovation in Building and Construction], 2006 David Zurick and Nanda Shrestha, Himalayan Dwelling: A Cultural-Environmental Perspective, in Ronald G. Knapp, Asias Old Dwellings: Tradition, Resilience, and Change, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 15 Dora P. Crouch and June G. Johnson, Traditions in Architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), p. 58 Department of Urban Development and Housing, Traditional Architecture Guidelines, (Thimphu: Royal Government of Bhutan, 1993), p. 209 Gerald Wiener, Han Jianlin, Long Ruijun, The Yak: Second Edition, (Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organization, 2003), p. 284 unless noted otherwise, all photograps are taken by the author and all graphical and textual information is the intellectual property of the author

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

10

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Agenda 21 Agenda 21 on Sustainable Construction, <http://www.cibworld.nl/ website/priority_themes/a21exsum.pdf>, [International Council for Research and Innovation in Building and Construction], 2006 Agenda 21 is a term coined by the International Council for Research and Innovation in Building and Construction and. It very closely talks about the roles of architects, builders, and users in the construction process and how the goals of sustainability are changing these roles. In particular, the Agenda 21 talks about the processes organization of labor, the involvement of the communities in building and the larger impacts of the construction industry on the environment. Thus, it is an excellent source for ideas as to how to organize the construction and what considerations to take into account when for this design project. Crouch, D.P., Johnson, J.G. Traditions in Architecture: Africa, America, Asia, and Oceania, New York: Oxford University Press, 2001 Instead of dividing the analysis of the traditional architecture by a country, this text focuses on the various issue questions like, for example, the Multiplicity and Continuity in Tradition; Purposes of Traditional Architecture; and Cultural Values and then provides case studies from the various regions of the world. This writing provides an excellent division of information on traditional architecture divided by problem issues. While the text does not provide direct references to the architecture of Bhutan, my intent is to look at the case studies of the region where the similar principles are applied in the architecture. For example, essays on the use of roof and the street in the Nepalese context, or the Buddhist architecture of India and Tibet, constitute a rich ground for exploration results of which will be useful in creating built form for the Bhutanese conditions. Department of Works, Housing, and Roads An Introduction to Traditional Architecture of Bhutan, Thimphu: Royal Government of Bhutan, 1993 This is a compilation of architectural details that and policies on how they are to be used in traditional architecture of the country. The importance of this paper is still signicant as most of the buildings constructed in Bhutan are traditional in their design and, hence, follow these guidelines. This will be one of the primary sources in my design proposal. Keeping in mind that it was published a considerable time ago, I hope to nd out a more up to date version of this book during my research this coming summer. Dorji, C.T. Historical Development of Road Transport Industry in Bhutan, New Delhi: Print Line, 1999 Transportation networks, as seen in many instances throughout the history, play a signicant role in how a country develops. Thus, when looking at Bhutan, it is important to look at many aspects of development to see what the impacts of that are on social interactions and, consequently, architecture. Particularly relevant this resource is when it comes to analyzing remote regions of the country like the one that is looked at by this project. Firl, M. Fair Trade, <http://www.alternativegrounds.com/show. php?ID=17>, [Alternative Grounds], 2006 This paper describes the Free Trade movement and its manifestation in the coee production in the various parts of the world. Due to similar inputs and organization of the production, the fair trade model of production and resale, is highly relevant to the yak-herding societies in their future aspirations for export oriented production. Accordingly, some lessons are learned from this source as to the manner that these businesses are to be created and, furthermore, what the spatial and organizational aspects of this business are. Foster, H. The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture, Port Townsend: Bay Press, 1985 Architecture can only be sustained today as a critical practice if it assumes an arrire-garde position, that is to say, one which distances itself equally from the Enlightenment myth of progress and from a reactionary, unrealistic impulse to return to the architectonic forms of pre-industrial past. A critical arrire-garde has to remove itself from both the optimization of advanced technology and the ever-present tendency to regress into nostalgic historicism or the glibly decorative. In this essay (part of Hal Fosters compilation) Frampton deals with developing a context for the Critical Regionalism and, as the above quote identies, attempts to create a discourse within which the ideas of critical regionalism and the concept of arrire-garde (in opposition to the avant-garde) mediate between the implementation of the radically new and clinging on to the old and recognized. This is the very tension that I am interested in solving and therefore the ideas raised by Frampton are highly relevant in establishing the framework or a relative starting point for the exploration of the mix of the vernacular and the modern in the built form of Bhutan. Hsieh, Y. C. ( ) and Atelier-3 Aboriginal Community Reconstruction in the Concept of Sustainable Construction: Social Equity and Cultural Issues, Economic Constraints, Environmental Quality, UN-Habitat Presentation, <http://www.atelier-3.com/2_Concepts/2004.02_UN-Te/index. html>, [Atelier-3], 2004 Hsieh Ying Chun is an architect from Taiwan and he is the principal of Atelier-3 / Hsieh Architect & Associates. The designs that he creates, are very much concerned with the sustainable design and, as such, they use traditional modes of construction to decrease the impact that the buildings have on environment. Furthermore, Hsieh is very much concerned with the social aspects of building and the impacts that the construction industry has on the indigenous populations. Thus, the works and the practice of Hsieh Ying Chun will be one of the central models for this project. Knapp, R.G. Asias Old Dwellings: Tradition, Resilience, and Change, New York: Oxford University Press, 2003 Knapp is one of the authorities on the Asian vernacular form and page 11

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

its signicance in the cultural and architectural background. He is a SUNY Distinguished Professor Emeritus in Geography at the State University of New York at Paltz where he has taught since 1968. Edited by Ronald G. Knapp, this is a compilation of essays from various authors that together create somewhat of a section cut through the countries of the Asia. While this text will allow me to obtain more clear understanding of the region and the built form in it as a whole, the rst chapter (David Zurick and Nanda Shrestha, Himalayann Dwellings: A Cultural-Environmental Perspective) gives a detailed recount of the various building types in the Himalayans and the specic cultural dimensions of the creation and life of the various buildings. Lefaivre, L., Tzonis, A. Critical Regionalism: Architecture and Identity in Globalized World, Munich: Prestel Publishing, 2003 This is, arguably, the most important text for the critical regionalism part of the conversation of this thesis. Lefaivre and Tzonis hold the central authority in the eld of critical regionalism having developed and rened it throughout the years. While critical regionalism is also mentioned in the works of Frampton and Pruscha, Lefaivre and Tzonis have presented the most complete account of what this term means to them and, thus, have also popularized its use by the abovementioned architects. This particular book is a result of over twenty years of considerations, evaluations, and observations of the term critical regionalism and it demonstrates how todays architects are still very much inuenced by its importance. Lefaivre, L., Tzonis, A. The Grid and The Pathway: An Introduction to the Work of Dimitris and Susana Antonakakis, Athens: Architecture In Greece, 15, 1981 As the initial work on critical regionalism, The Grid and the Pathway, proposed an alternative to the postmodern architecture of that time. It spoke to the necessity of mediation between the universal forms of the modern architecture and the vernacular shapes of the site-specic and at times kitschy buildings. This writing prompted creation of the theory of critical regionalism and discussion that has lasted for over 20 years now. Pruscha, C. Himalayan Vernacular, Wien: Schlebrgge.Editor, 2004 Carl Pruscha, an Austrian architect who has spent signicant part of his life in Nepal, has written a book very much in tune with my interests in the vernacular architecture of the Himalayan Region. He provides an overview of building practices in the Himalayans and argues that the built form is very much related not only to geographical, but also very much to the social conditions wherein it is constructed. C. Pruscha provides a framework that I intend to explore in detail when conducting my research in Bhutan. This is one of the most important references central to my thesis project, as it provides the most direct correlation to the my interests and goals of this work. It very closely talks about the current situation in the region, including Bhutan, it gives an overview of the developments in the past, and, nally, talks about the context for the expected future changes.

Richardson, V. New Vernacular Architecture, New York: Watson-Guptill Publications, 2001 In contrast to the other pieces that discuss either the overall discourse of the vernacular-modern relationship, or delve into looking at the very specic traditional forms, Vicky Richardson gives examples of how the combination of the new and the vernacular is manifesting itself around the world. Numerous buildings are given as examples in this and they range from kitsch to some very ingenious ways of carrying the ideas of the traditional development forward. This piece will be crucial in setting examples of what has been done around the world in other cultural and social settings to address the issues created through the attempts of trying to negotiate the middle way between the vernacular architecture and the global tendencies in the built form design. Umbach, M., Hppauf, B. Vernacular Modernism: Heimat, Globalization, and the Built Environment, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005 While Frampton, Tzonis, and Lefaivre have some very enlightening and related ideas to my research, I intend to look at some works that are a little more recent than the 1980s which is when the abovementioned papers are from. On the other hand, this compilation of texts, from various authors, examines the idea of the same tension existing between the modern and the vernacular in the setting closer to today. Thus, I believe this source, including the epilogue by Kenneth Frampton, will provide a rich basis for the conditions to be conrmed and assessed in Bhutanese context. Wiener, G., Jianlin, H., Ruijun, L. The Yak: Second Edition, Bangkok: Food and Agriculture Organization, 2003 Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations has created a rich compilation of material on the theme of yaks. As Bhutan a country where yak-herding is one of the most important activities for a major part of people, this material is highly relevant for this thesis project. It provides the necessary background on all issues concerning yaks. Furthermore, not only does it give an overview of the current situation, but it also speaks about the future challenges that should be addressed, thus making it very relevant to the objectives of this project. Zrcher, D., Choden, K. Bhutan: Land of Spirituality and Modernization, Role of Water in Daily Life, (Elgin: New Dawn Press Group, 2004 As in many third world countries (and some would argue that also in the rest of the world), water is an extremely important part of daily lives of people in Bhutan. Understanding the aspects of obtaining it, storing it, using it, discarding of it, recycling it, etc., are crucial when it comes to understanding the general social processes taking place in the country. Thus, similar to the C.T Dorjis text on transportation networks, this resource will be crucial in understanding the site conditions for the design proposal.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

12

ON-SITE RESEARCH and DESIGN

Instead of relying on strategies from other parts of the world, Bhutan follows its own path establishing new benchmarks and imagining never before seen ways of development. One example of this is the Gross National Happiness index that attempts to dene quality of life in more holistic and psychological terms than the Gross National Product. The tradition is oftentimes seen as an integral part of any development; the established values serve not only as something to consider, but rather as a blueprint to be improved on. Laya is a remote high altitude and vehicle inaccessible village in the northern part of Bhutan. The division being created in the society of Laya due to the varying levels of education of its inhabitants is the primary driving force behind this thesis project. The Laya Centre of Knowledge intends to create conditions where the gaps in adult education have a chance to be bridged and where new knowledge can be introduced in the manner benecial to the development of the population. In particular, the project deals with creating spaces wherein the inhabitants can not only have direct access to various sources of information (from internet, to books, to orally passed information), but, furthermore, learn what are the strengths and weaknesses of these sources and, thus, obtain hands on knowledge on information access and management.

Architecturally, the centre provides spaces that, reecting and building upon the existing architecture, introduce new spatial relationships and programs in a way unique to the local site conditions, the population makeup, and the overall workings of Laya. While maintaining the cornerstones of the building in Laya like the use of particular locally available materials through analysis and systematization of the existing architecture, thesis arrives to particular and very specic types that then are used as the foundation for the new buildings. The three main types of buildings in Laya (the temporary winter dwelling, the temporary summer dwelling, and the permanent village dwelling) and the relationships among them are used as the starting point the design process of the Laya Centre of Knowledge. The resulting building complex provides a commentary on the existing architecture by utilizing the abovementioned types and the main principles used in their creation. Some of the main principles are the temporality, partial submersion, microcosms created by courtyard conditions, large open interior rooms, strong public aspects of interior and exterior spaces. Furthermore, the Centre provides new program elements like the outdoor/indoor exhibition and performance spaces, an inn, library, inhabitable green roofs, large overhang roofs, work areas, gathering areas, covered courtyards, new circulation patterns. The Laya Centre of Knowledge is a complex that, building upon lessons learned about Laya during the thesis research process, strives to create unique spaces that would allow the inhabitants of Laya to learn and utilize the power of information in order to not get lost in the world determined by globalization tendencies. These spaces are created in a manner that, while following the government set regulations for building practice in the country, strives to create unique and harmonious relationships between the people and the environment that they inhabit.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

13

BHUTAN

Dzongkhags (administrative districts): Gasa Dzongkhag

Gasa

Punakha Bumthang Thimphu Paro Wangdue Phodrang Lhuntse

Yangtse

Trongsa Mongar Trashigang

Ha

Dagana Samtse Chhukha

Tsirang Sarpang

Zhemgang

Pema Gatshel

Samdrup Jonghar

0
Mongolia

50 km

100 km

China Pakistan
Ne pa l
Bhutan

India Burma Vietnam Laos Cambodia Thailand Bangladesh Malaysia

47 000 km2 (Switzerland is 41 295 km2) mountainous, 64% forest land

main regions
Great Himalayan Region Inner Himalayan Valleys Tropical Low Altitude Region

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

14

GASA DZONGKHAG: LAYA

Lunana Laya KULA KANGRI 7554 m

village Tougra Lupcha Neilo Tokor Pashi Lungo Gauza total

# of households 27 19 23 17 25 25 10 146

population 139 112 125 103 149 121 58 807

Gasa

ch

To ug ra

Lu p

Ne

ilo

To k

or

Pa s

hi

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

15

LAYA: EDUCATION BASED SOCIAL DIVIDE

Education based social divide is one of the main issues currently faced by the inhabitants of Laya. While one group continues the lifestyle of the countless previous generations through yak herding, residing in close proximity to Laya, and not seeing any importance in education, the other group travels, learns about the world beyond the borders of the village, and, thus develops in a very dierent manner. This dierent way of development and dierent importance attributed to education, lead to a situation where the divide between the two groups is constantly increasing. Thus, one group is consciously being marginalized / is marginalizing itself. There is nothing static about the development of Laya the internet, television, tourists, and other diverse outside sources of information are on constant increase. The future of Laya and its inhabitants is very much determined by the path that both groups will decide to follow; the path that will either lead to further divide and marginalization, or will involve everyone in the process of the inevitable change.

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

16

LAYA: TEMPORARY DWELLINGS

firewood

blankets

personal belongings

water fireplace firewood

temporary summer dwellings

roof plan

temporary winter dwellings

section AA (looking east)

section BB (looking north)

section CC (looking west)

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

17

LAYA: PERMANENT DWELLINGS

main entrance
1.63 9.71 8.43

masonry wall
3.48

people and storage

4.05

stove

1.33 2.91 9.80 0.10 9.96

ekra panel / timber wall

second floor plan

9.71 8.43

masonry wall animals and / or storage

6.11 7.39

0.16 0.64 1.12 1.11

ground floor plan

first floor entrance

10.02

13.04

10.02

main entrance
2.89 3.49

main entrance
2.88 7.80 3.49 2.88

2.90 3.18 3.17

2.91 3.17

0.72 9.71 1.82 7.39 1.62 9.71 7.38

north elevation

west elevation A

south elevation

first floor entrance

east elevation A

storage main entrance people and storage

9.71 2.68

1.74

3.18

animals and / or storage

2.80

8.43

section AA

firewood

north wall with no openings SOUTH N O RT H

field path front yard

east elevation

buildings fields paths

358.69

17.37

15.63 63.00 2.00 21.00 18.47 54.00 2.00 36.85 30.00

375.00

54.00 2.00 16.94 2.00 9.17 62.43 27.92 28.02 48.41 2.00 13.84 15.63 2.00

469.83

63.00 2.00 2.00 14.69 32.43 27.28 2.00 38.40 48.32 89.94

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

18

LAYA: CURRENT LAND USE

residential buildings institutional buildings commercial buildings public open space (squares, road passages & ancillary) yards pathways

communications / BHU

school

1 2 3

volleyball court, used for concerts & public gatherings school yard w. a soccer field, used for classes & play by kids unprogrammed public space; used as a waiting room for patients to BHU, people sitting around eating, socializing

government building (mixed occupancy)

stores / residential 0 10 50 m

residential buildings

institutional buildings

commercial buildings

- located either by themselves or in clusters (2+) - majority are close to pathways - relatively small in size - majority have entrances on south or west side - most are 2 stories (+ attic) in height

- located separate from other buildings - close to pathways & their intersections - relatively large in size - 2 have entrances on the south, 1 has entrance on the north - all are one story (+ attic) in height

- located separate from other buildings, in a cluster - close to pathways & their intersections - relatively small in size - all have entrances on N - all are one storey (+ attic) in height

public open space

yards

- close to institutional buildings - always crossed by a pathway - relatively large in size - mostly on the south of buildings - largest ones used for public events (concerts, sports, etc.)

- close to residential buildings - never crossed by a pathway - relatively small to medium size - relatively few - used for public activity

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

19

SITE

un

it

IT

al th

re s

ho o

ic

ba s

st o

sc

go v

er nm

he

en

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

20

DESIGN PRINCIPLES: MATERIALS

Due to their immediate availability in the vicinity currently timber, stone, and earth (mud) are the most commonly used building materials. The closest motorable road is 3 days walk distance from the site and therefore materials like steel cannot be found in the buildings of Laya at all, while glass and concrete are extremely rare. If materials cannot be found in the vicinity of Laya, they have to be brought in using horses. The maximum weight that one horse can carry, is 60 kgs. Alternatively, some pieces of equipment (like the satellite dish) were brought in using the helicopter which is a mode that, perhaps, could be used for carrying some building materials and other equipment.

surrounding mountain slopes: stone

throughout the surroundings: earth

foreign materials: 3 days walk

slopes below Laya: timber

50

100

200 m

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

21

PROPOSAL: ELEVATIONS and SECTIONS

library digital resource center indoor meeting facility inn south elevation

library

outdoor performance area indoor meeting facility

indoor meeting facility

inn

hands-on workshop

covered entrance

walkthrough

outdoor meeting space

walkthrough storage

west elevation

east elevation detail

east elevation

inn

hands-on workshop

indoor meeting facility

library

north elevation

10m

library digital resource center indoor meeting facility indoor meeting facility

outdoor performance area

section AA

section BB

outdoor meeting space

section EE

hands-on workshop

inn

initial slope section CC

10m

inn

section DD

storage

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

22

PROPOSAL: ELEVATIONS and ROOF PLAN

A
roof plan 1:500

D
0 5 10m

library

digital resource center

indoor meeting facility

hands-on workshop storage

covered entrance outdoor performance area

entrance to village

inn

HAPPINESS AND ARCHITECTURE: THE LAYA CENTRE OF KNOWLEDGE Jnis Dombrovskis 2007

page

23