Gandhi - Collected Works Vol 48

1.
NOTES
INDIANS IN F IJI 1
A cablegram from Suva says, “Indian members motion
common franchise rejected Council today all three resigned”. This
means that the Fijian Legislative Council would not have Indians on a
common franchise. That would be too much for the white exploiters
of Indian labour. The Indian members elected by Indian electors only
have really no influence in the Legislative Council. I congratulate the
three members on their patriotic spirit in having resigned from the
Council by way of protest. I hope that they will on no account
reconsider their decision unless a common franchise is obtained.
Having resigned however they must not sit idle but continue their
agitation for the simple justice to which they are entitled. If the Indian
colony in Fiji is well organized, the citadel of anti-Indian prejudice is
bound to break down through united effort.
IS IT A S ALE OF INDULGENCES ?
A student writes from Lucknow as follows:2
I should be sorry to discover that the students and others who
pay to the khadi fund do so not with the intention of using khadi
themselves but merely as a salve for their conscience. I have warned
audiences paying their subscriptions that their payment of subscri-
ption is an earnest of their desire to wear khadi as far as they can. The
writer of the letter seems to think that khaddarites do not subscribe.
The fact however is that those who wear khadi are the largest single
subscribers. If people merely paid subscriptions to the khadi fund and
none used khadi, the subscriptions would be perfectly useless, for they
are not given as donations to the poor but as a return for work done,
and if the fruits of their work are not used by the people, their work
becomes useless.
KHADI BUYERS BEWARE 3
The Secretary of the All-India Spinners’ Association writes:4
This is a very serious matter. It is necessary for all buyers of
1
Vide also “Letter to Secretary, Fiji Congress”, 14-11-1929.
2
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent reported that students
considered their duty ended with payment of subscription to the khadi fund. Vide also
“Speech at Allahabad University”, 17-11-1929.
3
A note on the same subject appeared in Navajivan, 15-12-1929.
4
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had listed names of
merchants in Tuni (Andhra) who were passing off mill-yarn cloth as genuine khadi.
VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 1

khadi to be very cautious about their purchases. of course those who
are satisfied with the ordinary khadi that one gets in the different
provinces are generally safe, but those who will wear fine Andhra
khadi or none at all have need to be most particular about what they
buy. The Association has repeatedly warned the public that they
should not regard any khadi as genuine which does not come from a
certificated khadi bhandar. The list of cerificated khadi bhandars has
been already published in the papers and can be had for the asking
against an anna stamp from the Secretary of the Association. So much
for the public. What is one to say however of those who are selling
spurious khadi and thus damaging a vast national movement specially
designed in the interest of famishing millions? Even as a butcher may
to a certain extent be humane, so should these merchants set a limit to
their greed and exempt at least the famishing millions from their
fraudulent operations. I shall be glad to learn that this paragraph has
caught the eye of these Tuni merchants and that they will cease to sell
spurious khadi.
Young India, 21-11-1929
2. HONEST DIFFERENCES1
Mr. J. B. Pennington whom the readers of Young India will
recognize as the nonagenarian friend writes under date 6th October:
This is most likely the last time I shall worry you with my despairing
efforts, but I must just say that I am glad you declined the Presidentship of the
Congress because I suppose it means that you prefer to be independent, and I
hope, determined to exercise your own judgment in these critical times, no
matter what happens. You never answered my question as to whether you were
prepared to be the first president of the Indian republic, perhaps because you
thought it was a ridiculous question which it certainly was not; because if you
with your unrivalled experience and reputation, are not fit for the job, I don’t
know who is —and it must be a republic or chaos, if you get rid of us. Is it quite
impossible for you to work with the present administration, say, for another
10 years, till you find your feet? Your experience at Bardoli shows that you
can influence even the Present Government by ordinary means and once
associated with it on equal terms you could easily get all you want without
bloodshed of which, God knows, we have had more than enough for one
generation. Still hoping for the best in India.
I have no doubt the reader will share with me the wish and the
hope that Mr. Pennington may live many a long year to send his
letters and even to see India reach her cherished goal. Who can
withhold admiration for the consistent zeal and industry Mr.
Pennington is evincing in the pursuit of what he considers to be the
1
Vide also “Letter to J. B. Pennington”, 14-11-1929.
2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

right course? Nor can one deny his downright honesty. That he may
not think as we toiling under the British harrow do is a limitation for
which he is not responsible. In any case his wonderful zeal, industry
and optimism are worthy of imitation by the youth of the country.
And now for the reply to Mr. Pennington’s question. I do
remember his question about the first president of the future Indian
republic. If I must for the time being give up my modesty, I must tell
Mr. Pennington in confidence that if there was an Indian republic in
my lifetime and the burden was imposed upon me by the simple
people of the country, I daresay that it would not break me. At any
rate I should make a fair effort to shoulder it. What however I am
striving for is not a life of isolation for India but a life of association
with the British on absolutely equal terms. Republic or chaos is, in my
opinion, an easy thing to get if we would but make up our minds to
copy our English tutors and begin to break heads here, there and
everywhere without dreading the consequences. That however would
not please me, and a republic so gained would not probably find me
alive, but if it did, its first duty would be not to install me on the
throne but to put me under the gallows. The republic therefore of my
imagination would have to be a republic gained by non-violent means,
and if the country would continue its choice of non-violence and truth
as the method par excellence fo attaining its goal, it would not need to
drive the English out, but it would have converted the English who
under that state of conversion would work as willing servants of the
country and would deem it an honour to live on Indian sufferance. If
such a consummation comes to pass, it would be something of which
India will have every reason to be proud and forwhich the world will
be the richer. It may be a dream never to be fulfilled but it is enough
for me that it makes me happy. Mr. Pennington will now see why it is
quite impossible for me to work with the present administration, even
for a day, let alone 10 years. Under the present administration
equality is an impossibility. It is an administration which, I hold, has
proved ruinous to India and is based upon brute force. The
fundamental difference between Mr. Pennington and Indian
nationalists is that the latter consider. that India is fit today for
administering her own affairs without the patronizing help of any
outsider. If a robber by sheer force of arms has dispossessed me of
my estate and holds me as his slave, it does not mean that I therefore
consider myself to be unfit to own my estate although I may not have
sufficient arms to enable me to dispossess him of the estate unlawfully
gained by him. Thirdly, Mr. Pennington’s memory surely betrays
him when he says that the present Government was influenced by
ordinary means with reference to Bardoli1 . It was just the
extraordinary means discovered by non-co-operators that were
1
The Bardoli Satyagraha.

employed by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel with consummate skill and
absolute faithfulness that influenced the Government, and it is just
these extraordinary means which I would like the country to adopt,
and I know that it will reach its goal as surely as the simple peasants of
Bardoli did.
Lastly, I would like Mr. Pennington to follow up the ideal for
which the Association with which he is intimately connected is
working. The printed letter-heads which Mr. Pennington uses for his
letters are issued from the office of the National Homecroft
Association Ltd., whose object is
to promote the development of homecroft settlements; i.e., suburban
food-raising areas designed to accommodate working class families in
individual homes, erected upon individual crofts, of such size and equipment as
will enable the family food to be produced from the family’s soil by the
family’s own off-time labour.
At the bottom of each sheet the following quotation from
Ruskin is printed:
But since we live in an epoch of change and too probably of revolution, and
thoughts which are not to be put aside are in the minds of all men capable of
thought, I am obliged to affirm the one principle which can and in the end will
close all epochs of revolution—that each man shall possess the ground he can
use and no more.
I hope both Mr. Pennington and the readers will recognize the
inconsistency between the mentality which on the one hand tolerates
an empire based on exploitation and on the other believes in ‘each
man possessing the ground he can use and no more’. I wonder if Mr.
Pennington thinks that the 100 thousand English men and women
who are in possession of India can really use an area 1,800 miles long
and 1,500 miles broad. Again, how can the dispossession of 300
millions of people by a nation which has its own home possibly be
justified?
3. IMPLICATIONS OF THE WHEEL

A friend sends the following cutting1 headed “ A Century
Behind the Times” from the Textile World:
This is an instance of argument suiting preconceived ideas. The
author of the note has evidently not taken the trouble of
understanding the implications of what he calls the “Gandhi
Movement”, meaning of course the hand-spinning movement. The
spinning movement aims at restoring spinning to the millions of
1
Not reproduced here. It described the offer of a prize by the “Gandhi
Movement” for a speedier spinning-wheel as an open admission of its basic
economic error.

cottages of India from which it was removed by unjust, illegal and
tyrannical methods. The movement could not have been started, if
somehow or other the cottages which were deprived of this universal
supplementary industry had had a substitute provided for it.
Unfortunately or fortunately no substitute was provided. Hence sheer
necessity compelled the students of village life, after having exhausted
all other means, to resort to the spinning-wheel as the only immediate
solution for the serious economic distress that had overtaken the
millions of India’s homes by reason of the extinction of cottage
spinning. The moment these millions can have a better substitute, they
are at liberty to give up the spinning-wheel, and no one would be
more glad than I to see these millions possess a better substitute. No
doubt the authors of the movement do think that so far as human
understanding can go, there seems to be no hope of finding a better
substitute than the spinning-wheel. Indeed their conviction is that, as
soon as the existing exploitation of the so-called weaker nations of the
earth by the strong nations of the West ceases as it is bound someday
to cease, the whole world will have to return to the spinning-wheel.
Whether however that event comes to pass or not, unless India
becomes an exploiting nation and discovers new nations to exploit, or
unless an independent India develops brute strength enough to
compel the nations of the West to buy the goods that she may dump
down on their soil as India is virtually compelled today to receive
goods dumped down on her soil, India must, if she is to rid herself of
her economic distress, manufacture the articles of necessity in her own
cottages just as she produces her corn, the prime necessity of life, in
her own fields. There is therefore no contradiction in the authors of
the spinning movement trying to secure a wheel or a machine which
would enable the cottagers in their own cottages to spin more or finer
yarn in the same given time as the existing spinning-wheel does. The
writer of the note should know that this progressive method of
improving home machines has been handed down from ancient times.
The takli or the distaff was displaced by the spinning-wheel. The
spinning-wheel itself underwent gradual improvement as one sees
even today from the different old patterns working in different
provinces. The process of improvement was suddenly arrested when
the spinning-wheel went out of fashion. The Council of the All-India
Spinners’ Association is therefore but following the course that was
suddenly stopped by the machinations of the East India Company’s
agents. The fact is that neither the Council nor I have any objection to
machines as such, but we do submit that it is wrong to carry the
process of mechanization of industry so far as to kill the cottage
industries and concentrate them within a narrow field; in other words,

they are against urbanization of India at the expense of her rural
civilization and rural life. The writer in the Textile World states that a
machine meeting practically all the requirements of the contest was in
use in America more than a century ago. The adverb ‘practically’ is a
disturbing factor, but if there is such a machine in America in
existence and if any American inventor will take the trouble of so
adjusting it as to meet all the requirements of the contest, he will not
only receive the prize offered by the Association, but he will earn also
the thanks of the dumb millions. But let the critics understand that
even if such a machine is not invented and the prize is not won, the
spinning movement will still continue its onward march. The
Association feels thankful for its ability to serve l,50,000 women in
nearly 2,000-villages of India and through them serve also a number
of weavers, washermen, tailors, printers and the like. The Association
hopes, too, to cover every one of the seven hundred thousand villages
and bring a ray of hope to their cottages where today blank despair
reigns supreme.
Young India, 21-l l-1929
4. IN THE NAME OF RELIGION

The Secretary of the Youth League, Dharwar, writes:1
If what is stated in the letter is at all true it betrays a shocking
state of things and an undoubted reversion to barbarism. It is a matter
for deep sorrow and humiliation that there should be educated men
enough in the country who believe that there are gods who can be
appeased or conciliated by the sacrifice of animals and if the manner
of killing the innocent goats is correctly described by the Secretary of
the Youth League of Dharwar, it is an inhuman act done in the name
of religion. I should hope that there is exaggeration in the statement
made by the Secretary. There is a similar letter from Bengal also in
which the writer asks me to condemn the animal sacrifices that go on
daily in the name of religion in that great province. If my
condemnation of these sacrifices can save a single animal from
slaughter it is there with all the force It can command. But there seems
to be just now the fashion to encourage such sacrifices and to justify
them. A correspondent from Madras sends me papers containing
accounts of such slaughter done by learned Brahmins in the Madras
Presidency. I wish that Youth Leagues all over the country will rise in
revolt against these sacrifices and cultivate public opinion so as to
1
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had described revival of
animal sacrifice by some Brahmins in his district.

make them impossible. I have heard it argued that since the stopping
of animal sacrifices people have lost the warlike spirit. There were
animal sacrifices enough in Europe before Christianity. Europe does
not seem to have lost its warlike spirit because of the stopping of
degrading and debasing animal sacrifices. I am no worshipper of
warlike spirit, but I know that warlike spirit is not to be cultivated by
the slaughter, in a terribly cruel manner, of helpless, innocent,
unresisting dumb fellow-creatures.
5. ILLUSTRATED KHADI CATALOGUE

Sjt. Vithaldas Jerajani has brought out an illustrated khadi
catalogue in English in connection with the A.I.S.A. Khadi Bhandar,
396 Kalbadevi Road, Bombay. One finds in that catalogue numberless
varieties of khadi and many varieties of ready-made clothing such as
banians, half-sleeves bandis, shirts in several styles, coats, jackets, caps,
hand-spun woollen frocks, jumpers, baby suits, etc. The catalogue
enables one clearly to see what evolution khadi has undergone. I
would recommend all lovers of khadi to possess a copy of the
catalogue whether for themselves or their friends.
6. THE U. P. TOUR-X1
As the U.P. tour is drawing to a close the programme is
becoming more and more crowded if also less eventful. During the
past week we passed through Rohilkhand where not much Congress
work has been done and where the possibilities are very great. From
Brindaban we went to Hathras 2 taking several places on the way.
Hathras having many spinning-wheels and being a good cotton centre
could easily have paid much more than it did. From Hathras we
passed hurriedly to Etah, thence to Kasganj, thence to Badaun 3 and
from Badaun we went to Shahjahanpur 4 where Gandhiji peeped even
though it was a Monday into an American Methodist Mission Girls’
School which has introduced hand-spinning and weaving with some
degree of success. The girls all belonged to the so-called depressed
1
Vide 1st footnote to “The U. P. Tour-IV”, 24-10-1929.
2
On November 8
3
On November 9
4
On November 10

classes. From Shahjahanpur we went to Pilibhit which with its
fabulously rich zamindars could easily have paid much more than it
did. From Pilibhit we passed through Lakhimpur which was slightly
better. From Lakhimpur we reached Sitapur1 where the energy ofLala
Shambhunath of non-co-operation fame and the zealous sacrifice of
Pandit Shivaram brightened things a bit. There can be no doubt that
wherever some solid work has been done amongst people, some
sacrifice shown even by one or two leading lights, the results have
been obvious. We found a fairly well-attended national school still
going in Sitapur. Everywhere one could see the Biblical saying
exemplified “The harvest is indeed rich but the labourers are few.”
Given a few labourers there is absolutely no reason why we should not
show much better results. From Sitapur we went to Sidhauli. There a
summons was waiting for Gandhiji from Pandit Motilalji, asking him,
instead of going by train as he had intended, to go by car to Lucknow
through which he had to pass en route to Rae Bareli. So he went by
car in advance of the party, passed an hour with Panditji and went
straight to Rae Bareli. 2 At Rae Bareli the perfection of all the
arrangements arrested attention of every one of the party. There was
perfect order observed from start to finish at the public meeting. No
rush was made by the crowds towards Gandhiji although the meeting
was very largely attended and was composed of peasants. The
platform was made of solid brick mud-plastered, sides of which were
painted in yellowish colour, a colour that was in perfect keeping with
the surroundings. Broad avenues were kept in order to allow the
motor-car to pass to and fro without any difficulty. The decorations
also were mild, cheap and effective. There were two arches for ingress
and egress. They were made of evergreens. What delighted Gandhiji
most was to find that the whole of the decorations had cost no more
than Rs. 4 for the simple reason that bricks were lent, labour was given
free by the District Board, fencing materials were lent by a dealer and
so there was little expense to be incurred. From Rae Bareli taking
Lalganj and Salon on the way we went to Kalakankar.3 We had made
the discovery at Lucknow and it was strikingly confirmed at
Kalakankar that the young Talukdars of Oudh were gradually
shedding their fear and helping in their own way the national cause.
Some of these young men had contributed to the khadi purse and
Lalaji Memorial. The Raja Saheb of Kalakankar was anxious for
Gandhiji to pass a day or two in his unpretentious ancient well-built
1
On November 12
2
On November 13
3
On November 14

palace just on the bank of the beautiful Ganges. And as we went
through this little village we realized what natural beauty there was
about the peaceful surroundings of this little palace. Gandhiji
andindeed the whole party were quite glad to be away even for 24
hours from the din and noise of eager crowds. But there were also
several other things here that added to Gandhiji’s happiness. The
young ladies of the Kalakankar house do not observe the purdah. The
Raja Saheb and they are habitual wearers of khadi. But in order to
clear his wardrobe of every vestige of foreign cloth the Raja Saheb
had devised a foreign cloth burning ceremony as part of the public
meeting. There was a new bride who had arrived only eight days ago.
She had a fair amount of foreign cloth in her wardrobe. She too gave
up its foreign contents for the altar. But the largest and the richest
contribution had come from Raja Lal Saheb of Samaspur. Before
igniting the pyramid of foreign cloth arranged on the altar in a corner
of the meeting well-fenced and well-protected, Gandhiji scanned every
article carefully, and we could observe that it delighted him to see
heavily embroidered robes, richly decorated fine Parisian lace, very
expensive saris and the like. As he ignited the pyramid and the flames
rose to the skies, there arose also a loud shout of joy from the crowds
who now eagerly surrounded the fence and witnessed the ceremony.
The handle of the torch which was given to Gandhiji for igniting the
pyramid was silver mounted. It was of course auctioned and it was
knocked down to Lal Saheb of Samaspur for Rs. 500. I must close
this rapid sketch of the events of the past week with a summary of a
portion of Gandhiji’s speech to the Kalakankar public meeting.
‘It gives me great joy,’ said Gandhiji, ‘to see you all and to see
the Raja Saheb dressed even as you are and mixing freely with you. I
had the privilege of meeting him in Lucknow when on behalf of the
Reception Committee he had housed me in his Lucknow residence. As
he was dressed like a volunteer, the members of my party could not
distinguish between him and the other volunteers, and he had
therefore been unconsciously entrusted with menial duties without the
slightest hesitation by one of my party. As if it was perfectly natural
for him he performed that duty with alacrity. When a member of the
party subsequently came to know who it was who was given menial
work he reported the matter to me. Personally I was delighted that
the zamindars and Rajas were to be found to delight in rendering
service involving menial work. It gives me additional joy to find
that the Raja Saheb is living here in the midst of his own ryots
just as simply and naturally as I found him living in Lucknow.
I hope that the other young talukdars will copy this example, and

if only the rich people whether titled or not will act as I believe the
Raja Saheb is actingthat is, as trustee for the people and holding the
zamindari as their trustee and protector, they should soon be perfectly
happy. The dream I want to realize is not spoliation of the property of
private owners but to restrict its enjoyment so as to avoid all
pauperism, consequent discontent and the hideously ugly contrast that
exists today between the lives and surroundings of the rich and the
poor. The latter must be enabled to feel that they are co-partners with
their zamindars and not their slaves, to be made to labour at the
latter’s sweet will and to be made to pay all kinds of exactions on all
conceivable occasions. You and they the zamindars should shed
mutual fear and mutual distrust, and if both do so, you will also shed
the common fear of authority. The Government can do no harm to
you or to them if only you both act on the square. You have seen me
give up to flames expensive robes and other clothing of zamindars
made of foreign yarn. I regard it as a sacred rite. You may not today
understand the significance of this havan —sacrifice. But I doubt not
that this silver-mounted torch will, if it is preserved by its would-be
buyer, find a lodgment one day in the national museum which the
future national Government is bound to establish for all such
collections reminding posterity of the phases that the struggle for
freedom went through. This campaign against foreign cloth through
khadi and all it means for the starving millions will, I have not a
shadow of a doubt, go down in history as one of the most important if
not the most important item in the national programme. The burning
of foreign fineries means that the owners have from today established
a living bond between you and them, and secondly it means that they
have discarded the enervating, debasing and unmanly taste for gaudy
garments and jewellery and have made up their minds henceforth
voluntarily to live as simply even as you are living, perhaps under
compulsion.’

7. SOME POSERS
A reader writes:
I have the honour to state that I am a humble servant and a faithful
follower of the Congress. In connection with your non-co-operation
movement I have also undergone nine months rigorous imprisonment. I hope
you will kindly answer the following questions and remove my doubts.
His first question is:
Do you know that . . . has co-operated with the Simon Commission and
has sent in a memorandum also notwithstanding the fact that he is a prominent
Congressman and wears khadi? With such gentlemen in the Congress do you
still expect the country’s deliverance through the Congress ?
A country’s deliverance does not depend on one man. Every-
one whether good or bad, has a right to be in the Congress. If the
number of those that follow all the mandates of the Congress is large,
then the country’s deliverance is certain. So we should not worry
about what others do. Let each one ask himself ‘what am I doing?’
The second question is:
By encouraging the students to boycott schools and colleges have you
benefited the country?
I am thoroughly convinced that those who boycotted schools
and colleges have done nothing but good to themselves and to their
country. On account of this the colleges and other institutions have
lost prestige. The country has gained good volunteers in the few
students who left these institutions. It is to the credit of the boycott
that today, even though in a small number, there are some natio-
nal schools in the country that help much in the struggle for
freedom. I have already mentioned in the Hindi Navajivan how much
the Gujarat Vidyapith alone has helped in this struggle. If we evaluate
in this manner the work of the other national universities we shall
understand, to a certain extent, the importance of the boycott of
Government schools and colleges. I have up till now met very few
people who find fault with the principle of boycott. People are mostly
of the opinion that the country was not prepared for such sacrifice in
1920-21 nor is it even now. This meansthe country was not prepared
for swaraj in those days, nor is it now. If this is true let us stop
denouncing boycott and prepare the ground for it.
Here is his third question:
How far is it profitable for each and every person to spin on the charkha
and what can he earn from this for his living? In that same time can he not earn
more by doing some better work?

This question has been asked several times and the answer has
been given again and again. It is that those who ply the charkha for
pecuniary gain can certainly give it up if they get a more profitable
occupation. The main object of the promoters of the charkha has
been to provide occupation for crores who have no other occupation.
To those who consider it a sacrifice to ply the charkha the question of
gain or loss does not arise. The sacrificer never thinks of his own gain.
He considers the good of all as his own good.
The fourth question is:
From the political point of view, how far can the charkha help? In the
olden days widows and women of ordinary families used to spin on the
charkha. Today why do you force men to ply the charkha?
In my opinion, the political contribution of the charkha is very
great; because from the political point of view it is very essential to
boycott foreign cloth and this can be successful only with the help of
khadi. In such matters there can be no difference between man and
woman, between widow and married woman. The charkha sacrifice is
universal.
The fifth question runs thus:
Did you and other leaders ever give any help to the workers who have
come out of jail? If not, what advice did you give them regarding their future
career ? What should they do now ? Is it proper for a freedom fighter to tell his
comrade courting arrest that he should expect nothing from the Congress
leaders and that he should be prepared to be left in the lurch as the volunteers
of the Congress appear to be left today?
I have not come across even one such worker released from jail
who, deserving help, has not received it. I know workers who have
received much help. I also know some workers who make fantastic
demands and take offence at a refusal.
The sixth question is:
The Congress leaders are entitled to special privileges in jail while
volunteers are treated like common prisoners. Have they—the leaders— any
right to such privileges? And if they accept these should the public have any
regard for them?
In my opinion the satyagrahi prisoners should not ask for any
special privilege. They should not even expect any such favour.
The seventh question is as follows:
You collected one crore of rupees for the Tilak Swaraj Fund. Can you
kindly say how that money which was collected in the name of the poor is
being spent and how the common people benefit from it?
The accounts of the Fund have been published. Even today,
copies of it can be had from the Congress office. With this money

the Congress has been able to carry on its work vigorously for nine
years.
The eighth question is:
Why was it wrong to sit at a Round Table Conference with the Viceroy
after 1921? If so, can you kindly say how it is right to take part in the very
same Round Table Conference now? Will you attain swaraj for India only
through this Round Table Conference? Did you mean swaraj to be only this? If
so, why did you not announce it in 1921 itself ? If not, what was the point in
non-co-operating with the Government and starting a kind of dreadful war
between the King and his subjects, which resulted in the destruction of
hundreds of homes? And for obtaining Dominion Status in this way what do we
owe to the Congress leaders?
If the Viceroy had accepted the conditions presented to him a
second time by the Congress then there was no harm in taking part in
the Round Table Conference. But the demands of the Congress were
not accepted. Even today because the demands of the Congress have
not been accepted, I think it is wrong to take part in the Round Table
Conference.
Freedom cannot be secured by a conference or by any outside
means. If a conference is called under proper conditions it can
certainly be a measure of the people’s strength. For this reason, I have
already stated that the people should not even think of the
Conference. Our work is to consolidate the people’s strength; in other
words, we must succeed in the boycott of foreign cloth and other
constructive activities. His last question is:
You also claim that the Congress is the only body that can give a
true picture of the hardships of the country and also redeem it from
them.
Do you still have faith in the Congress leaders after witnessing
their performance? If so, can you say that the public also has faith in
them? If not, can you say what ways you have thought of to reform
this body? The Congress has many faults. Nowadays many selfish
people have entered the Congress; yet, compared to other bodies, the
Congress has more good points; there is certainly plenty of room for
reforming it. If it is not reformed the Congress cannot be saved from
destruction.
[From Hindi]
Hindi Navajivan, 21-11-1929

8. LETTER TO VASUMATI PANDIT
BANDA ,
November 21, 1929
CHI. VASUMATI,
Jamnalalji informed me about your having arrived at Wardha.
During your stay there regain your health completely and have no
hesitation at all in asking for whatever things you may find necessary
for the purpose. While you are there, finish your study of the Gita,
etc., which you may have planned to do.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9271
9. LETTER TO MOHANLAL K. MEHTA

KULAPAHAR ,
November 21, 1929
BHAISHRI MOHANLAL,
I have your letter. A vow once taken ought not to be given up
even though not merely three but three thousand friends urge you to
do so and hold out threats against you if you do not comply.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 235
10. LETTER TO RAMNIKLAL MODI

November 22, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I am writing this in the train which is taking me to Jhansi. I have

had no letter from you for some days. The letters must be following
me from place to place, or you may not have written any. Chhaganlal
seems to have been detained by the Punjab workers. I think that he
should stay on. That will give him experience and some rest too from
the worries in the Ashram.
You should not carry excessive burden.
When I arrive there on Monday, I intend to go and see

Santok the same night and then proceed to the Mandir. Make
arrangements accordingly. That is, Santok should know. She need
not, of course, keep awake. Those with the car should know where she
is.
Blessings from
BAPU
11. LETTER TO FULCHAND K. SHAH

KULPAHAR,
November 22, 1929
BHAISHRI SHAH,
I have your topical letter. I appreciate the questions you have
discussed in your letter and in the newspaper. I will discuss them in
the newspapers if I get the time. But I also fear that I may not be able
to do so.1 Let me therefore give my brief reply here.
Dominion Status means partnership with the British Government
on a basis of equality with complete freedom to end the connection.
Whether we shall be able to win this type of Dominion Status from the
discussions at the Conference2 or something else will depend not only
on the attitude of the British Cabinet or the Parties but also on our
situation here is India at that time.
In the sudden importance given to the Princely states I smell not
the fragrance of wise statesmanship but the stink of crafty politics. But
we should not be surprised if it turns out in this case regarding to the
saying, ‘he reaped the fruit of his own folly’. The outcome of this
also would depend on us.
Even if the Conference arrives at agreed conclusions, in law the
[British] Parliament can certainly alter its decisions. But there is little
possibility of that happening. Nobody can give a guarantee that that
will not happen and we cannot even ask for such a guarantee.
There is a trap in the stress that is being put on the Act of 1919.
The letter from the leaders at Delhi seeks clarification on this point.
There is no need to seek clarification now on the point of
economic independence. But if the Conference is held, that
clarification will have to be sought. Why do you assume that the
1
The addressee’s questions were, however, discussed by Gandhiji in Navajivan
under the title “Some Significant Questions”, 18-12-1929
2
The first Round Table Conference which was shortly to be held

Congress resolution about the debts passed in 19221 stands cancelled?
If we are going to have a genuine Dominion Status, there can be no
question of our having to bear the entire burden of the debts. We
cannot ask for a guarantee for such things right now. But persons like
you should keep the people alive to such problems, so that the
delegates at the Conference do not go to sleep over the issue and
forget it. On what ground do you believe that the Haji Bill 2 will be
withdrawn or that all the illegitimate rights usurped by the foreign
banks will remain untouched? All these points cannot be included in a
letter to Irwin. But they must be included in the draft of the Swaraj
Act. What the leaders, however, purposely or under pressure or out of
ignorance may omit, God alone can say. It is for you to remove the
ignorance. It is my duty to contribute something to create the
atmosphere which would prevent the leaders from giving up anything
under pressure.
Do not be remiss in doing your duty. If you think that you
should write a series of articles on the subject, signed or unsigned and
if you have the time and the zeal for it, you may do that too.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S.N. 32579/1
12. LETTER TO KISHORELAL MASHRUWALA

November 22, 1929
CHI. KISHORELAL,
I am writing this after the prayer. As I cannot find my pen I am
making do with a pencil. We are camping in a village in a health in
Bundelkhand, where there is a khadi centre. On dwelling is an ancient
fort. It is said that in 1857 women of the royal household had taken
refuge here. But it is not about this I want to write. I want to write
about the mischief done by your allopathic doctors. I know only one
doctor who would never cheat—though even in this I may be
mistaken—and he isDr. Ansari. The trouble is regarding the substance
from which medicines are made. I have tried to ascertain that about
the medicines I need. I suggest the same to you. These days doctors
have made it a practice to prescribe medicines with non-vegetarian
content. But even after acquiring such knowledge and learning to be
cautious, we shall have to go by faith.
I had written so far when the workers of the khadi ashram came
to see me. I have now returned after travelling 56 miles. It is ten
o’clock. I have found my pen. This description will give some idea of
1
At Gaya; vide also “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-II”, 1-1-1930.
2
Coastal Reservation Bill to reserve for Indians the trade along Coastal ports

my tour. Do not think from this that I am tired. If I were tired, I would
not sit down to write to you so promptly. I sleep even while travelling.
I therefore remain fresh.
Now the most important thing about medicines is that you
should keep as far away from them as possible. But for that purpose
you must be acquainted with modern remedies. There is certainly
some good in the established medical system. But I have no doubt that
on the whole it is devilish. The new discoveries which cultured,
religious-minded men are making are godly and morally pure. Hence,
though they are often imperfect in their reasoning, they are worth
thinking over and adopting. They advise simple natural remedies
accessible to all. All this is not unknown to you. But I am stressing this
so that you may study the subject for your need and patiently try such
remedies. You will be able to examine and ascertain your needs better
than others can advise.
Let us understand Bhai Karsandas’s mistake. I think Surajbehn
has finally remained in the Trust. That is all right. What is she doing
now? I am reaching Sabarmati on the 25th and will leave on
December 6th morning for Wardha.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 10716. Courtesy: Gomatibehn Mashruwala
13. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

ORAI,
November 23, 1929
CHI. MIRA,
We have just motored from Chirgaon where I got your note sent
by hand. It was a clear 51 miles’ drive. Ba is preparing hot water.
Meanwhile I am writing this to you. It is a somewhat taxing progra-
mme today, only half of it is finished. Tomorrow the last day is not
very heavy.
You were bound to have cheering company there. Let your
study of village life be thorough this time. And you must give
yourself enough leisure. There must not be a collapse as on the last
occasion. You must procure some privacy daily.
I was sorry I could not correct your pronunciation of those
verses. It proved really impossible. I made an effort often. But I saw
that I could not put off the work in hand. If Wardhagives me some

leisure, I must try there. But of course you have Balkrishna there to
help. But we must see.
Love.
BAPU
[PS.]
This was not posted at Orai. On reaching Amraiya I got your
wire. I expect to hear more now at Sabarmati about the new
development.
From the original: C.W. 5380. Courtesy: Mirabehn; also G.N. 9436
14. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI

ORAI,
November 23, 1929
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
It is about ten o’clock just now, but before I leave this place
tomorrow, I thought I would dictate this postcard for you. I will write
to Chhotelal. At the moment, I do not at all feel inclined to send you
to Almora. We will think about it later. I must solve some of the
difficulties without your help and I think I will be able to do so
gradually one after another. Govind Vallabh also met me in
Allahabad1 . I could give him only two or three minutes. I have advised
him too, to go to Tadikhet. The Vijapur problem too will be solved in
the same way. I see now no reason for worrying. You at any rate, have
no reason at all to worry. You will be going when and where I suggest
that you should go, or alternatively somewhere else. All you need to
do is to keep me informed about your health. What is the name of the
dentist? I think in this case,it was like a thief turning round and
accusing the police constable. He has charged you two rupees extra
for his inefficiency as a dentist. But it was good in a way that you did
not question his demand since you believed that the doctor had taken
due pains and had committed no mistake of any kind.
Blessings from
BAPU
S JT. P RABHUDAS GANDHI
JAMIA MILIA ISLAMIA
KAROL BAGH , D ELHI
From the Gujarati original: S.N. 33004
1
On November 16

15. TELEGRAM TO RUCHIRAM SAHNI
[On or after November 23, 1929] 1
WHILST I APPRECIATE HONOUR SHALL HAVE NO
TIME SHOULDER BURDEN. MOREOVER MY WAY OFTEN
DIFFERENT FROM ORTHODOX REFORMER’S. PRAY EXCUSE.
GANDHI
From a photostat: S.N. 15574
16. BECOME A CHILD

A four-year-old boy asked: “Father, what do you mean by
women ?”
Father, disconcerted, said: “Sisters and mothers are known as
women.”
The boy said: “ I see, women are persons who cook, clean
utensils and wash clothes, is it not so?”
This is not an imaginary conversation but one which has been
selected from many conversations which have actually taken place.
The father’s definition did not appeal to the child as he had seen
women mostly engaged in the tasks described by him.
A friend sent me a collection of such dialogues for my amusement,
and, when I read them, I felt that, if we could become innocent like
children and derive our meanings from innocent observations like
theirs, we could spare ourselves much trouble, many disputes and
much waste of time. And our intellect would become increasingly
keener. A great deal of argumentation may sharpen our wits but it
does not sharpen our intellect. Who has not come across instances of
too much argumentation leading to intellectual confusion?
This child is—in fact, all innocent children are—unconscious
worshippers of truth and hence they go an advancing We should,
therefore, become children, that is to say, we should shed all fear and
worship truth. We should do that which our heart believes to be true.
We shall certainly err, but we should put up with the penalty and see to
it that such error is not repeated. If we make another mistake, it does
not matter; on every occasion we should suffer the penalty and go on
rectifying our mistakes.
Whoever errs does not commit a fault. In the case of a fault
knowledge is presumed. Knowingly committing a wrong is both a
fault as well as sin. If we err unknowingly, that act will not be called

sinful. Punishment may be meted out for both— error and sin—one
meted out for the former is welcome, whereas that meted out for the
latter is as bitter as poison. Both society and God shudder to punish
anyone for the former, but are furious in punishing anyone for the
latter.
It is not easy for a person advanced in age to become and
continue to be, like a child, innocent and simple and, a conscious
worshipper of truth. But it is our duty to do so.
The perfect incarnation of God as conceived by Hinduism is the
child Krishna. Jesus said: “Wisdom flows from the mouths of babes
and sucklings.” He said to those who desired salvation: “Become like
children.”
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 24-11-1929
17. MY NOTES
GUJARAT ’S DUTY
The Viceroy’s pronouncement has created such a sensation
that the newspapers are full of discussion over it. Likewise, we also
come across all sorts of speculation about it. I want that Gujarat
should not indulge in any kind of conjectures, good or bad. Whether
a conference is held or not, whether it be a round table conference or
a square table one, let no one worry about it and let everyone do only
his own work. Let no one get entangled in a wordy maze. If anyone
gives a poisonous name to a rose, the latter will neither lose its
colournor its fragrance, and a poisonous flower, if called a rose,
cannot change its colour or its fragrance. Likewise slavery will not
cease to be so by being referred to as independence, and real
independence will not become foreign domination by being called
Dominion Status. Gujarat is regarded as having practical sense. A
practical person is concerned with actual results and never with mere
words. Let the administration under swaraj be given any name, but it
must fulfil certain conditions. The principal among these is that India
should be free to sever its connections with the British Empire
whenever it wishes. Another condition, which is included in the first, is
that the safety of the Britishers living in India at present must rest, not
on their swords, cannons or their frightening forts, but on the fortress
in the form of our goodwill and friendship. The third condition
should be that the British officials and the so-called Indian officials,
who have the same attitudes as the former, should cease to consider
themselves as masters and start regarding them selves as true servants

of the people of India. In my opinion, a scheme which would truly
fulfil these three conditions implies true independence. At the
moment, I do not see here the climate which would bring about such a
situation. Hence there is no reason to hope for such a swaraj, but if it
comes our way, it should not be turned down. True swaraj can also be
established if the attitude of eminent Britishers undergoes a change
and they are prepared to be just despite the fact that we have not
become strong enough to deserve swaraj. We do not at all ask for any
favour. That which has been granted as a favour has never till this day
been anywhere recognized as independence. If, however, the sense of
justice is awakened in Britishers, a part of our task will become straight
and simple. At the root of a peaceful struggle lie the hope and the
effort to bring about a change of heart in the adversary. It is my
confirmed belief that if India adheres to the path of peace till the very
end, the hearts of the most callous of British officers is bound to
undergo a change. Hence, if an honourable settlement is possible, I
am always ready to accept it. And by adopting this attitude, neither
my leaders nor I have ever lost anything. I would, therefore, specially
request Gujarat not to let its mind be even slightly affected by all that
is being said at the moment but to utilize all its time in completing the
programme drawn up by the Congress.
[From Gujarati]
18. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

ETAWAH,
November 24, 1929
CHI. PRABHAVATI,
Though I did feel sorry when you left, I immediately controlled
the feeling as your real duty required that you should go. I got your
letter. God will certainly give you the strength to follow the path you
have chosen for yourself. I have faith in Jayaprakash too. Tell him
that he should write to me, that he should accompany you to Wardha
and that even if he is unable to come for some reason, he should make
it easy for you to go.
Take care of your health. Recite the Gita verses regularly with
attention to their meaning. In reciting the chapter for the day . . .1

19. A LETTER
ETAWAH,
November 24, 1929
Your brother has given me news of your husband’s passing
away. In his letter he has dwelt on your late husband’s goodness and
vividly described your grief at your bereavement. Your brother writes
that you are unable to eat from grief and that when you try to eat
under the loving pressure of friends and relatives you throw up the
food. I can understand your grief. Please know that I fully share it.
But from what I heard about you I believe that you are a sensible and
wise woman. You should therefore spiritualize your grief. You are
overcome by ignorant attachment. Spiritualizing grief means that you
should engross yourself in your husband’s work and imbibe and
improve upon the virtues you may have seen in him. There is no
better memorial than this to your husband and no better way of
performing his shraddha and of consoling yourself. If you have
understood this, you should try to sustain your body if only for your
husband’s sake and take food as you would take medicine. May God
grant you peace.
20. DECLARATION OF TRUST1

November 26, 1929
1. We, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, age about years
60, Hindu, profession weaving and farming, residing at Satyagraha
Ashram, Vadaj, Taluka Uttar Daskroi, District Ahmedabad, and
Mohanlal Maganlal Bhatt, age about years 31, Hindu, residing at
Bhoivadani Pole, Kalupur, Ahmedabad, declare by this Deed:
That in the year 1919 with the object of serving the people we,
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and some of our colleagues, together
started a printing press named “Navajivan Mudranalaya” in the city
of Ahmedabad and with its help began to print, circulate and conduct
as an institution for the service of the public, two weeklies, the
Navajivan and the Young India, both of which we had begun to
conduct some time before after securing them by buying them
fromtheir previous owners and managers with their total rights
of ownership and possession. The weekly Hindi Navajivan and
a department for publishing books under the name “Navajivan

Prakashan Mandir1 ” and other activities were carried on afterwards by
us through the same institution. The said weeklies, printing press, and
the department for publishing books have continued as a public
institution for the education of the people under one comprehensive
name of the “Navajivan Institution”. When the said Navajivan
Institution was started under the name of the Navajivan Mudranalaya,
its property was worth about ten thousand, in figures 10,000 rupees.
Together with the said printing press and the increase earned through
the weeklies the property that belongs to the Institution today without
any burden on it is worth about rupees one lakh.
2. The management of the said Navajivan Institution and the use
and administration of its property was carried on by Swami Anand for
the past several years and is now being carried on for the past two
years by one of us Mohanlal Maganlal Bhatt on its behalf in
pursuance of the aims and objects of the Institution as mentioned in
paras 3 and 4 of this Deed. Having declared these aims and objects, we
declare by this Deed that the said printing press, weeklies, the
publishing house, its rights of publication and goodwill and all other
property belong to the said Navajivan Institution; that its management
and administration was carried on behalf of the Institution in the name
of Swami Anand in the beginning and is now being carried on in the
name of one of us Mohanlal Maganlal Bhatt as Trustee of the
Institution; that we, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Mohanlal
Maganlal Bhatt or guardians and heirs of both of us never did have or
have any personal share, interest or right in it, and that we have not
drawn for our personal profit or benefit or in any other manner any
amount of money from it.
3. The aims and objects of the said Navajivan Institution which
have been referred to in the previous para 2 are as under:
OBJECTS: To propagate peaceful means for the attainment of
Hind Swaraj, i.e., swaraj for India, by educating the people through
cultivated and enlightened workers devoted to the Gujarati language
who desire to identify themselves with the life of Gujarat through the
means of Gujarati and to serve India in this pure manner.
4. For the fulfilment of this object to conduct the Navajivan,
through it to carry on propaganda for peaceful attainment of swaraj;
and particularly
(a) to propagate the spinning-wheel and khadi;
(b) to propagate for the removal of untouchability;
(c) to propagate for unity between the Hindus and
Mussalmans and the various communities who have settled
in India;

(d) to present before the people constructive ways for
protecting the cow by propagating for starting and
managing tanneries, dairies and such other establishments;
(e) to propagate for ways for the advancement of women such
as 1. Opposition to child-marriage, 2. Propagation of the
idea of widow remarriage in a restrained manner, 3.
Education for women;
(f) to break the unnatural glamour the English language has
gained in the eyes of the people all over the country and
to propagate for the establishment of Hindi or Hindustani
in its place;
(g) to propagate by publication of journals and books such
other ways as would conduce to the religious, social,
economic and political advancement of the people;
(h) not to take advertisements in the newspapers conducted by
the Institution and in pamphlets, books, etc., published by
it; nor to accept in the printing press of the Institution
such work for printing as is against the aims and objects of
the Institution;
(i) to publish a statement of the activities of the Institution
and of its accounts within three months after the end of
the administrative year;
(j) always to insist on carrying on all the activities of the
Institution on the basis of self-reliance.
5. We declare hereby that the following persons have been
appointed Trustees to carry on the entire administration and
management of the Institution in accordance with the said aims and
objects:
NAMES OF TRUSTEES
S HRI VALLABHBHAI JHAVERBHAI P ATEL
S HRI JAMNALAL BAJAJ
S HRI DATTATREYA BALKRISHNA KALELKAR
S HRI MAHADEV HARIBHAI DESAI
S HRI MOHANLAL MAGANLAL BHATT
6. We declare that the said Trustees have the following rights
regarding all the property of the said Navajivan Institution:
(1) To perform all acts and to take all measures as seem
necessary from time to time for the fulfilment of the aims
and objects of the Trust; to administer and use the
property of the Trust for that purpose as they deem
proper; and to keep the property of the Trust in the names
of two of the Trustees.

(2) To sell or mortgage the property of the said Trust for the
fulfilment of the aims and objects of the Trust.
(3) To appoint as Trustee by a majority decision another pers-
on in the event of one of the Trustees resigning his place
or in the event of his demise.
(4) For carrying on the business of the Trust the minimum
number of Trustees is three.
(5) If deemed necessary to add two more Trustees to their
present number by a majority decision.
7. The Trustees will continue the publication of the weekly
Hindi Navajivan so long as they deem it proper for the fulfilment of
the object as mentioned in sub-clause (f) of para 4 of the Deed. The
Trustees have the right to run newspapers or publish and propagate
books or pamphlets, etc., in other languages when they deem it
inevitable for the fulfilment of the aims and objects of the Institution
for a definite period but they shall consider such activity as secondary
or subsidiary. The Trustees will carry on the same basis the activity of
conducting the weekly Young India and publication of books in
English as at present carried on under the Navajivan Institution and
such other activities till they deem it proper.
8. The Trustees have the right to add to or modify the objects of
the Trust in such manner as is not opposed to the principles of truth
and non-violence.
9. The Trustees have the right to manage and administer affairs
of the Institution in such manner as is not in any way detrimental to
the aims and objects of the Institution; to form a body of workers who
pledge themselves to their work for life and will perform their work in
the spirit of pure service and to give the charge of the internal
management or the whole conduct of the affairs of the Institution to
such a body of workers if they deem it proper; to lay down rules,
bye-laws, etc., and to execute them for such a body of workers and for
other purposes regarding management and administration.
10. The property of this Trust as mentioned in para 2 of the
Deed is at present housed in the building in the Sarkhigarani Wadi in
Sarangpur bearing municipal numbers of 5512 to 5521 which has
been rented by the Navajivan Institution. Besides, the land described
below is situated in the village Achar, Taluka and Petatukadi1 Uttar
Daskroi, District Ahmedabad.
The land is jat sarkari 2 :
1
Sub-division of a taluk
2
Tenure A lands

Survey A.G. 1 East West North South Rate of
No. Revenue
13 1-37 47 33-34-11 34 12 7-0-0
34 2-6 45-46-47 15-14 32-35 13 6-11-0
Kh.-2 2
45 2-23 39-41 34-36 37-35 44 9-0-0
Kh.-12 Kharabo
47/5 2-22 48 Lat Hisso 3 46 49 9-4-0
1-2-3-4-5
We have made this Deed of declaration of our own free will and
with sober minds on this the 26th of November of the year A.D. 1929
and is binding on us as well as on our guardians and heirs, our
lawyers, managers, administrators, etc.
Ahmedabad
Date: 26-11-’29
Signed Witnesses
MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND GANDHI SD: SHANKERLAL BANKER
MOHANLAL MAGANLAL BHATT SD: RATILAL P. M EHTA
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan (Supplement), 1-12-1929
21. TELEGRAM TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

S ABARMATI ,
November 26, 1929
MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
TARA HOUSE
ALMORA
POSITIVE YOU OUGHT STAY WINTER OUT IN ALMORA. GOD WILL
TAKE CARE DECEASED’S 4 FAMILY.
BAPU
1
Acre and guntha; a guntha is one-fortieth of an acre.
2
Kharabo, wasteland
3
Sub-plots
4
Addressee’s brother-in-law; vide the following item.

S ABARMATI ,
November 26, 1929
CHI. MIRA,
I have your three letters. My weight was found to be 100 1 /2 lb.

Your last entry1 shows 89[1b.]15 tolas. The increase is therefore 11 1 /2
lb. net. Not a bad bargain! Otherwise too all well.
Love.
BAPU
[PS.]
I did not know that there was an address already on the p.c. I
hope this reaches you all right.2

November 26, 1929
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Make your body strong as steel. The

programme of studies, etc., is certainly creditable. If the body requires
anything which it is proper to have, we may feed it even while sitting
in a public place. It is enough if we are able to exercise control over it.
If you feel ashamed of eating thus in the presence of others, you may
eat in private for some time. In doing so, you will not be guilty of
hiding anything from others, for that is not your intention. You only
wish to observe decorum. I expect to leave here on the 6th.
Blessings from
BAPU
S MT. V ASUMATIBEHN
S ATYAGRAHA ASHRAM
WARDHA (C.P.)
1
The addressee maintained a register of Gandhiji’s weight.
2
The Bihar address was substituted for the Lahore address on the postcard.

24. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
November 26, 1929
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I have sent you a telegram today1 . Of course you are grieved by

your brother-in-law’s death. But in my view you should not go there.
The winter in Almora is worth facing and worth enjoying.It is my
earnest wish that you should stay there for the period for which you
have taken the lodgings. Then the chances of a relapse will be very
much reduced.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
My pain disappeared long ago. I have gained 11 Ib. in weight. I
am now 1001 /2 Ib.
BAPU
S HRI MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

TARA HOUSE
ALMORA—U.P.
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

ASHRAM,
November 26, 1929
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
Advise Chhotelal after reading the enclosed letter. Write to me. I

have written to him that if it was done in the past and if Hari Vallabhji
advises that a holiday be declared, he should do so.
Where should I write if I want to write to Bhagirathji at his
residence? I should get letters from you regularly.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Vide the preceding item.

26. THE U. P. TOUR-XI1
From Kalakankar taking Pratapgarh and other places on the way
we reached Allahabad on 15th instant, to face a crowded programme
and, as in Delhi, a meeting of the Working Committee and the Joint
Conference to consider the situation in the light of the events
subsequent to the Delhi manifesto. But the strain in Allahabad was less
because the hand of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was visible in everything.
When all is well arranged, times are kept and noises and rush avoided,
the strain is but little felt.
The programme began with a visit to Dr. Sam Higginbottom’s
experimental farm and agricultural institute. Gandhiji wanted to visit it
not for collecting funds for Daridranarayana but as a farmer to learn
what he could of Dr. Higginbottom’s experiment. It was a packed one
and a half hours’ programme. Gandhiji was hurried through the
workshop, cattle-farm, sewage farm, soil reclamation area, etc. Cross
cattle breeding is being tried at the farm. Sewage is buried in shallow
pits and used with good results on the very spot where it is buried.
The liquid manure in cattle shed is treated separately from the solid
and is carried in a diluted form to a farm prepared for
lucerne-growing and the like. Gandhiji could not help noticing the
contrast between this economical and scientific treatment of sewage
and the woeful neglect of the Municipal Board which allowed
thousands of rupees worth of sewage to be annually wasted and the
sacred waters of the Ganges and the Jamna to be polluted at the
very spot where they meet and to view which tens of thousands of
devotees travel long distances from all parts of India. We had a peep at
the little children whom Mrs. Higginbottom is bringing up with a
mother’s care. Most of these are children born of lepers. This part of
the visit finished with a five minutes’ function at which the students
presented a purse containing earnings from their own labour specially
dedicated to Daridranarayana and a huge basket full of the delicacies
that mother earth had yielded at this farm. From this function Dr. and
Mrs. Higginbottom took the party to the leper asylum nearby
conducted by them. They seemed to take special pride in this work of
theirs and Gandhiji could not help envying Mrs. Higginbottom the
spontaneous love that the little children bestowed upon their adoptive
mother who with pardonable pride introduced the ‘troupe’ to
Gandhiji as “my children”! The chaulmoogra oil injections are
regularly given to the lepers with, it is said, 80 per cent success
1
Vide 1st footnote “The U.P. Tour-VI”, 24-10-1929.

complete or partial in recent cases and less success in advanced cases.
But it is claimed that the ravaging progress of the fell disease is
arrested even in advanced cases.
From the farm the party visited the Ewing College and School
students and received a good purse and address. Thence we went to
Crosthwaite Girls’ School where the proceedings were protracted
though interesting. The girls sang Mirabai’s bhajans and some of the
little girls danced with admirable rhythm as they sang the famous
bhajan of Mirabai:
“ ”
(I shall dance as I sing the praises of the Lord) This gave
Gandhiji the cue for his address. He asked the girls to sing these
sacred hymns with understanding and from their hearts. From the
girls’ function the party went to Kayasth Pathashala to receive their
purse and address. The afternoon was devoted to visiting villages in
the district. This was Saturday 16th.
The morning of the 17th opened with a meeting of the
University students and professors.1 It was presided over by the Vice-
Chancellor Sjt. Ganganath Jha. The largest purse yet presented by
students and professors was presented here. It was over Rs. 3,000 and
the address was taken up by the Students’ Union at Rs. 357. The tour
has been remarkable for the fact, among others, that the students’
purses have been rising almost invariably at every stage. Allahabad
beat all previous records and came miles ahead of the others.
From the students the party migrated to the Municipal Offices
for Gandhiji to receive addressees from the Municipal and District
Boards.2 Gandhiji drew the attention of the members of the Municipal
Board to the question of sewage disposal, and suggested that it was
criminal to pollute with the city sewage the sacred rivers at their very
confluence. He said that it was the duty of the Board to adopt a wise
and scientific system of disposing of the sewage and thereby to
replenish their empty treasure chest. The Municipal Board is runninga
leather manufacture school. Congratulating the Board on having such
a school, Gandhiji told the Board that it should begin with indigenous
tanning of dead cattle hide of which there must be a considerable
quantity available out of the cattle dying in Allahabad. It was possible,
he added, to increase the wealth of the country if tanning instead of
remaining in the hands of a despised neglected class received a proper
treatment.
The afternoon opened with a monster meeting of ladies where
little Indira, now rendered famous by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s letters
1
Vide “Speech at Allahabad University”, 17-11-1929.
2
Vide “Speech at Civic Reception, Allahabad”, 17-11-1929.

to her, presented a purse containing a cheque for over Rs. 8,000. This
cheque represented by far the largest purse presented during the tour
by the women.
This was followed by the public meeting where the balance of
the collections amounting to Rs. 10,000 was presented. The total for
the Allahabad district amounted to nearly Rs. 35,000. This was wholly
unexpected. Gandhiji, the most optimistic of the party, never expected
it to go beyond Rs. 25,000. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the most
diffident. But Shrimati Kamala Nehru, who though only recently
discharged from the hospital after a difficult operation had taken up
the onerous duty of Secretary of the Reception Committee and had
given herself and her co-workers no rest, made the great response
possible. Pandit Motilalji had headed the list with Rs. 2,500. From
Allahabad the party visited Mirzapur and Chunar. The latter is situated
on the banks of the Ganges and is a place of historic importance. But
it was visited solely for the fact that it was the place chosen by Dr.
Bhagvandas for leading vanaprastha1 life. There, in perfect quiet and
beautiful surroundings, he is living not far from his beloved Kashi, the
seat of his life-long activities, and yet protected from all noise and
bustle of a great city.
From Chunar we retraced our steps to Allahabad en route for
Bundelkhand the last of the great group of provinces known as the
United Provinces.
Taking Fatehpur on the way we passed into Bundelkhand,
impoverished through a pitiless visitation of famines. At Kulapahar
there is a khadi ashram. Bundelkhand needs more than one khadi
centre and many workers. It can give relief to thousands of
semi-starved families and enable them to tide over years of scarcity
and add to their scanty income even during good years. Years of
plenty the Indian peasant has not known for generations.There are in
Bundelkhand thousands of families belonging to the Kori class. They
are hereditary weavers who do also their own spinning. A family of
four having one loom earns no more than from 11 to 12 rupees per
month and therefore ekes out a bare living only on an indigenous
grain corresponding to ragi or bajri2 . They have no milk nor ghee ! It
was a sad sight to meet them. There is no reason whatsoever why, like
the Raniparaj3 of Bardoli, these men and women should not be
transformed in a few years and the winter of their despair turned into
the summer of hope through the life-giving wheel.
From Kulapahar we passed to Jhansi and thence to Orai,
1
The third of the four ashramas of life during which one prepares for complete
renunciation
2
A variety of millet
3
A scheduled tribe of South Gujarat

Ooraiya, and lastly Etawah where Swami Swarajswarup, a snatak of
Prem Mahavidyalaya, who has dedicated himself to the country’s
service, is trying to do village reconstruction work.
The U.P. tour commenced at Agra on 11th September and
ended at Etawah on 24th November, i.e., after exactly two months and
a fortnight. If one adds the previous three weeks of Almora1 the tour
took three months and one week. Friends will be glad to learn that
though the tour was undoubtedly exacting Gandhiji has kept excellent
health.
27. NOTES
C ONGRESS C OMMITTEES BEWARE
The Secretary, F.C.B. Committee, has circulated the following to
the Press: 2
It is up to the Congress Committees to send the reports required
by the F.C.B. Committee. Had they done their duty as Champaran has,
the story of boycott of foreign cloth would have been differently
written.
LALAJI MEMORIAL
The U.P. tour gave about Rs. 30,000 to the Lalaji Memorial.
This would not have been possible without Sjt. Purushottamdas
Tandon’s efforts. But I do not regard this as at all an adequate
contribution. The U.P. is well able to give more towards this national
memorial. I hope that the collections will continue. Let each province
insist on doing its utmost and we shall soon finish, as we ought to, the
full five lakhs.
28. SOME THOUGHTS ON U.P. TOUR

The long awaited U.P. tour was by the grace of God finished on
24th instant. Friends had feared a breakdown in my health but the
wall of protection that Acharya Kripalani and the other companions
had erected round me ensured for me as much comfort and rest as
was necessary and possible in the circumstances. The brunt of this
1
From June 13 to July 2, 1929
2
The circular, not reproduced here, requested Congress Committees to send
reports of the year’s foreign-cloth boycott work,

protection however fell upon the broad shoulders of Acharya
Kripalani who was sometimes really angry and more often feigned
anger when leaders of places visited wanted more time and more
appointments or when people insisted on seeing me or crowding into
my car. The result was that he came in some places to be regarded as a
fiend without feeling, and without consideration for others. He quietly
pocketed all these epithets and went about his way. But as we parted at
Agra, his message to me was, “ I have neither the heart nor the
aptitude for offering apologies. I do my duty as I know how and there
my task ends. You should offer all the necessary apologies for me.”
Acharya Kripalani when I first met him in 1915 was already a
seasoned warrior. He was then earning Rs. 400 per month but was a
brahmachari taking only Rs. 40 for himself and sending the balance
to Dr. Choithram who was conducting a brahmacharya ashram at
Hyderabad. He became my most efficient door-keeper in Champaran1
when I was besieged by crowds of eager and pressing ryots.
In utter disregard of consequences he threw himself in the thick
of the non-co-operation fight and from professor became a khadi
hawker and organizer. When the call came from Sardar Vallabhbhai,
he responded and gave a new lease of life to the Vidyapith. And now
surrounded by a band of faithful workers he is conducting khadi
ashrams in the U.P. with a zeal which any young man may well envy.
For the sake of his country he has exiled himself from Sind and is
equally at home with Biharis as with U.P. men. At the pressing
instance of the A.I.S.A. he has become its co-agent withPandit
Jawaharlal Nehru for the U.P. And it was in this capacity that he
supervised the tour. I am sure that those who came under his lash will
forgive him his quick temper. I wish we had more workers of the
Kripalani type. Their quick temper would be forgotten in the quick
and sure invigorating change that their solid work will bring about in
our enervating surroundings.
Even the hopes that Acharya Kripalani had to disappoint, I
know, sprang from affection of which I had as much abundance in
U.P. as in Andhra and elsewhere. Indeed the attention received by me
and my companions was often embarrassing. Where one volunteer was
wanted, ten were ready. The hospitality was imprudently lavish. And I
regret to have to confess that we were not always insistent on refusing
such as was unnecessary. My own experience is that a gentle but firm
refusal to accept what is not strictly needed for creature comforts is
never mistaken for rudeness.
My advice to workers is:
1
In 1917

2. Take national workers at their word. If, for instance, they say
they do not need sweets, believe them and do not provide sweets to
them. Know that every rupee spent on unnecessary things is so much
taken away from the mouths of the semistarved millions.
3. Keep your appointments rigidly to the minute.
4. Having made promises fulfil them at the cost of your life. Let
your word even in small matters be as good as your bond.
There was too much dilatoriness and loose talk among
organizers. The result was loss of time, disappointments and vexation
of spirit.
I must postpone a consideration of the provincial service and
one or two other matters to the next issue.1
29. PUBLIC FINANCE AND OUR POVERTY

Sjt. Coomarappa, M.A., B.Sc., is a Fellow of the Society of
Incorporated Accountants. He has travelled abroad to gain practical
experience and is now for the time being at any rate, if not
permanently, in the Gujarat Vidyapith. He has written several
informing chapters on public finance and our poverty. These being
seasonable I propose to publish in instalments in these pages. 2 The
reader will learn as he proceeds that according to Sjt. Coomarappa
India spends 93.7 % on debts, military and administrative expenses as
against 48.8 % spent by America. The money thus spent by India
largely goes out of it; what is spent by America remains in it. Thus the
richest country in the world spends about half of what India the
poorest country in the world spends on administration. So long as this
crushing burden is not removed there is no swaraj whether one knows
it by the name Dominion Status or Independence. The reader should
carefully study these chapters which contain facts rather than
arguments.
1
Vide “Zamindars and Talukdars”, 5-12-1929. and “U. P. National Service”,
12-12-1929.
2
These are not reproduced here; vide also footnote to “Letter to J. C.
Kumarappa”, 14-11-1929.

30. TEMPLES FOR ‘UNTOUCHABLES’
Swami Anand who has been leading a valiant fight for the
so-called untouchables writes:1
In the beginning of the movement as I had conceived it on my
return from South Africa in 1915, I had thought that it was wholly
inconsistent with the movement for removing untouchaability to
build separate temples or schools for them. But experience taught me
that the movement could not proceed upon strict logic and that we
Hindus had so much suppressed a third of ourselves that even after the
articulate Hindus had with one voice declared for removal the
suppressed brethren would for a long time need the helpinghand in a
variety of ways. After the theoretical lip-removal of untouchability, if
no special effort was made, the vast bulk of them would not readily
take advantage of the removal and the ignorant mass would not
tolerate them especially when the latter would be naturally clumsy in
their deportment or pardonably forward in the enjoyment of long
withheld freedom. I am therefore convinced that the two things will
have to go hand in hand—perfect freedom to enter ordinary temples
and ordinary schools and to use common wells at the same time as
erection of model schools and model temples specially designed for
the convenience of ‘untouchables’ but open to the others subject
always to priority for ‘untouchables’. It was along this line of
reasoning that I suggested in the brief note for the Calcutta Municipal
Gazette that the municipalities could foster removal of untouchability
by erecting temples and model schools for the suppressed classes side
by side with the attempt to have the existing temples thrown open to
these countrymen of ours.
My note may therefore on no account be taken as an excuse for
condoning prohibition against entry into temples, etc. It is impossible
to exaggerate the importance of the manifesto of the Bombay leaders
who have advised the removal of the prohibition against temple-entry
throughout the Bombay Presidency. I have therefore just read with
great joy the news that Ramchandra temple in Bombay has been
thrown open to the suppressed classes by Sjt. Thakordas Nanabhai, a
trustee of the temple. I hope that there will be no relaxation in the
effort initiated in Bombay.
1
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent, referring to an article by
Gandhiji in the Calcutta Municipal Gazette, hat said that his “plea for building special
temples for untouchables is likely to be misconstrued”. For Gandhiji’s article in the
Gazette, vide “Khaddar and untouchability: Duty of Indian Municipalities”,
12-10-1929.

31. PRINCELY STATES
A gentleman, writing about the many immoral rulers in Central
India, asks me why, knowing the facts, I am silent about them. Several
of the rulers are aged. Many have several wives but not content with
them they keep many women as half-wives or concubines. Do I
expect anything even from such rulers?
I expect every human being to be virtuous, because I expect the
same thing of myself. In this world no one is perfect. By trying hard
all can become virtuous. Some: rulers are immoral, but that is because
the subjects are also wanting in morals. Therefore, let us not be
annoyed with the rulers. Rather, when we think of the princely system
let us not confuse the issue by mixing up in our deliberations thefaults
of individual rulers. This, then, is a theoretical appraisal of the
aforesaid subject. But from this let no one think that according to my
belief nothing should be done regarding the princely order or
regarding matters like the immorality of the rulers. Whatever efforts
are made to wipe out social evils in India must have some impact on
the rulers as well. We have no means of measuring this impact. The
truth of the matter is that our efforts at social reforms are very feeble.
So the pace of social betterment is also very slight. There can be a
special way of dealing with immoral rulers and that is the
non-co-operation of his subjects with his rule. It is sad that this kind
of awakening or strength is almost absent among the public. Not only
this; the officials of the ruler, guided by self-interest, give full support
to the ruler in his misdeeds.
Lastly, we consider the Indian princely rule. As the Emperor so
his vassals. Our Imperial Government is Satanic. Therefore, from
1920 onwards the mighty weapon of non-co-operation is being
wielded. When the Imperial Government is replaced by a national
government, the rulers also will become virtuous automatically. This is
the universal law—an ancient tradition. An agitation against the Indian
rulers today only makes the Imperial Government stronger, because
the agitation may also amount to inviting the Imperial Government to
suppress the Indian States.
I hope, after reading this explanation, it would not be difficult to
understand my silence about the Indian States. This silence of mine is
part and parcel of non-co-operation.
[From Hindi]

32. LETTER TO MOTILAL NEHRU
November 30, 1929
DEAR MOTILALJI,
Messrs Jinnah, Vithalbhai and Vallabhbhai were with me this

afternoon. The upshot of the conversation was that if there was an
interview with the Viceroy, we would be free to discuss all the terms
of the manifesto and that if the Viceroy was sure of our responding
to his invitation he would invite us at the instance of Vithalbhai or
Jinnah. The Viceroy will be free to see us on 23rd December. The
proposal is that if the invitation is received we should meet in Delhi
on 22nd December. The party is to be composed of you, Dr. Sapru,
Jinnah, Vithalbhai and me.I feel that if the invitation is issued we
should respond. If you agree please wire your yes to Vithalbhai at
Delhi and to me at Sabarmati up to 5th. I leave for Wardha on 6th.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Motilal Nehru Papers, File No. G-1. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library
33. TELEGRAM TO DINSHAW MEHTA

[November 1929]
DR. D INSHAW MEHTA
HEALTH HOTEL
P OONA C ITY
YOUR WIRE, REPLIED LETTER. FOR PRESENT BETTER SERVE COMMON
CAUSE AND MOTHER. LOVE TO YOU ALL.
BAPU
From a photostat : G. N. 10513
34. THE WITCH’S LAST BREATH

Sjt. Ramnarayan who is a worker in the cause of the Antyajas
writes from Mombasa:1
The residents of East Africa deserve congratulations on
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had given an account of
the work he was doing in East Africa.

contributing their share to the fund for the service of the Antyajas.
People can ask only those persons to contribute who have the means
to do so. Hence it is not surprising that those who collect funds go so
far as East Africa and such other places. The glory of the
philanthropist lies in giving alms only after examining with
discrimination the merits or otherwise of each recipient. It is the
dharma of the wealthy not to contribute a single pie where the beggar
begs merely in order to satisfy his hunger or the wicked does so in
order to further his evil deeds. Both good and wicked people are
bound to approach them. Their sense of discrimination is to be
measured by their capacity to put these persons to the test.
On the basis of the help that he received in East Africa, Sjt.
Ramnarayan has concluded that the witch of untouchability is drawing
her last breath. To draw such a conclusion merely from the funds
received by him is to go too far. However, many symptoms bear
witness to the fact that the witch is indeed drawing her last breath. The
fact that due to the efforts of Sjt. Jamnalalji, eight famous temples in
Jabalpur simultaneously opened their gates to the Antyaja brothers
and sisters and that respectable gentlemen took part in it, and that in
Bombay Sheth Thakoredas Nanabhai opened the gates of the
Ramchandra temple to them suggests an epoch-making reform. Some
who regard themselves as orthodox Hindus are trying to carry on an
agitation against these efforts. However, if the reformers are not
indiscreet and if they do not give up their patience and at the same
time do not abandontheir task, if they do not exceed their limits, the
opposition of their opponents is bound to die down.
It is easy to understand the impatience of the Antyaja brethren.
It is but natural to feel impatient when there are no two opinions about
the propriety of one’s rights, and where there is a consciousness of the
injustice that is being done to one. Nevertheless, where Hindus other
than Antyajas are making constant efforts on behalf of reformers, if
the Antyajas have forbearance, it is most likely that the desired result
will be achieved sooner. It is understandable that the Antyajas would
have to take some steps in the matter if no Hindus other than their
own community lent support to their cause or that support produced
no results. However, there is complete justification for patience in a
situation where ceaseless efforts are being made by reformers and
where we can actually see the good results achieved in Jabalpur,
Bombay and other places.
[From Gujarati]

35. THE NAVAJIVAN TRUST
The reader will recall that in the year 1919, at a time when a
fierce struggle was being conducted against the Rowlatt Act, I
accepted the editorship of Young India and Navajivan in deference to
the wishes of Sjt. Shankerlal Banker, Sjt. Umar Sobani, Sjt. Jamnadas
Dwarkadas and Sjt. Indulal Yajnik. A printing press was set up
because everyone clearly felt that the periodicals could only be
published in their own press. It was immediately felt that a man of
determination and courage was required to run it. We supplied the
requirement in bits from the Satyagraha Ashram. However, if it was to
prove its worth and become self-supporting, it was necessary to get a
worker who would be single-minded in his devotion to it and think
only of its welfare day and night. It was not possible to spare such a
person from the Ashram who would lend lustre to this post. I thought
of Swami Anand and like a soldier he honoured my wishes. As a
result, the press became self-sufficient and Navajivan as an institution
handed over Rs. 50,000 to Sardar Vallabhbhai for public service. This
cannot be regarded as a profit but rather a result of the sacrifice made
by those serving on the staff of Navajivan. Neither Swami Anand nor
any of the other principal office-bearers has accepted a salary. The
entire institution has been run to date for the love of public service.Its
affairs have been managed on my behalf by Swami and later by Sjt.
Mohanlal who was trained by him and was his right-hand man.
Everyone had concluded long ago that although this situation was
unexceptionable, it could not be regarded as permanent. I had
thought out the names of its trustees or guardians. However, due to
some extent to laziness and to a larger extent to various other
preoccupations, some time elapsed before this deed was legalized and
duly registered. Owing to the grace of God and that of a lawyer friend
who charged no fees, Sjt. Mohanlal and I became on the 27th relieved
of the burden, having affixed our signatures. 1 What was there in the
heart was transferred to the public registers. Readers will see that
document along with this issue. This institution has always belonged
to the reader, those who want to regard it as theirs even more may do
so and cherish it as much as they wish. The junior staff of Navajivan
may be regarding themselves as salaried employees today. It is my
hope as well as that of my colleagues that tomorrow they will become
its true owners. With this intention, we have bought a small plot of
open land near the Sabarmati station. It is our hope that the workers
will live there in fresh air, set up an ideal township, be happy, water the
plant of service, enjoy its shade and pass it on in their turn to the
country. The aims of the institution are all-embracing. In order to
1
Vide “Declaration of Trust”, 26-11-1929.

ensure their success, the organizers, the workers and the readers must
give their full co-operation. That co-operation has been there till
today more or less. I have not found it cumbersome to run this
journal. I have derived immeasurable delight from the kindness of its
readers and the unique loyalty of my colleagues. And from it, I have
had a glimpse of swaraj and have nurtured hopes of knowing the
atman. However, just as one who is given the support of the finger
hopes for the support of the wrist, I hope for more effective
co-operation from the reader. If this bears fruit, swaraj is within our
grasp.
[From Gujarati]
36. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI

December 2, 1929
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,
Since you are not in the Ashram, I do not take the trouble of
writing to you every day. But I see from your last letter that you have
carried with you the burden of the Ashram. You should lay it aside.
You have gone out on Ashram work, leaving your charge to someone
else. Why, then, should you carry any burden? Let things happen as
they will. We have the example of Janaka constantly before us.
Gibbon’s history, though beautifully written, is not true history, for it
is written with external materials. It is based on imperfect events of the
hour. The Mahabharata, on the other hand, is based on the timeless
and imperishable inner experience, and therefore it alone is true
history. We should not, therefore, regard Janaka’s example as an
ancient one, but treat it as belonging to the present time. Have faith
that Krishna, Arjuna and Yudhishthira are talking about the same
things and acting in the same manner today, though not under the
same names. Is it not through faith that we believe in Gibbon’s
historical narrative, too? We have, in fact, more reliable evidence to put
our faith in the stories of the Mahabharata than we have in Gibbon’s
history. If we understand this simple and plain truth, many of our
problems will be solved in no time. Let us, therefore, not regard
Janaka’s example as a mere brinjal in a book, but believe it to be as
fresh brinjal, to be plucked and eaten, as the ones growing in our
field.
You will now understand that the resolutions which I have
permitted to be passed, or say inspired, in your absence should not
make you unhappy. You wanted a clarification of certain matters,

which I procured by patiently discussing them with others and
persuading others to discuss them among themselves. Nothing more
than this can be done, and nothing less could have been. The thing
boils over again and again, but that can be controlled by gently
blowing over the boiling liquid or adding a little water. We need not,
however, remove the milk off the stove. If we are vigilant, it is not
likely to get burnt or to boil and spill over. If it does despite our
vigilance, the responsibility is not ours. The Gita is our authority for
this.
You feel that some of the things are good there and bad here:
this is both true and not true, more “not” than otherwise. It is but
right, however, that we should magnify our defects. It is only by
constantly doing that that we get the proper perspective. I, therefore,
believe that you are in the right. This is my reply to your previous
letters, as far as I remember their contents.
Now I shall reply to your last letter. If you keep bad health
there, I cannot permit you to stay on. Your health has suffered
because you have given way to false civility or shame. You ought not
to eat imperfectly cooked food. If you cannot get food there
according to your requirement, you should, without taking or giving
offence, go outside and get what you want. This is real friendship.
You cannot eat the dal prepared there; but you can easily live on milk
and roti, with such vegetables as can be eaten raw, like tomatoes.
I want to be lodged in a tent. That is what I have told Tandonji.
It will suffice if the facilities similar to those provided by Vallabhbhai
in Ahmedabad are provided at Lahore. And I see from your accounts
that they will be. Dr. Gopichand should remember that I shall be
accompanied by quite a number of invalids. There should be
sufficient space to accommodate them all. In other words, those who
undertake to provide me the facilities I need should put up an ashram
on a small scale. They should also put up a fencing to imprison me so
that I may be protected against crowds wanting darshan of me. If this
is done, I may not have to give nor they need take more trouble.
Everywhere we come across individual votaries of khadi such as
you find there; this is a very hopeful sign. I will certainly remember
about the Maganlal memorial. I doubt whether we can look after it in
the Ashram. The rule that we can employ only an associate1 comes in
the way of such additions. Nor do I see anything wrong in this. If,
however, you are confident enough, though knowing that we shall not
get an associate, let me know. We cannot get, or use, the building
meant for the doctor. I do not think, moreover, that the ground floor
1
Gandhiji uses the English word.

is sufficient for the purpose. We have, thus, no choice but to put up a
new building for the memorial. I do not think it would be improper to
locate it in the Vidyapith or in Jamnalal’s farm at Wardha. But I
cannot come to a firm decision to that effect just now.
We need give no thought to the objections which Ratilal might
raise about water, etc. He is the proprietor. But we arethe trustees and,
therefore, it is for us to decide independently to what extent and how
to use that water. I have explained this to Ramniklal.
You are quite right in reminding me about Sind relief. The
matter is not out of my mind. But we shall not have done our dharma
by spending the money in a hurry. I have not advised that the money
collected for the Malabar Relief Fund should be used for khadi work,
but I have taken the freedom to use that money for relief work outside
Malabar. The relief was carried out through khadi work, for we have
accepted khadi as a means for such relief. In Malabar, much relief
work was done through khadi. My conscience is clear in this matter.
We have already come to a decision about Sind. It is that we should
send the money when Jairamdas or Malkani asks for it. Both of them
are planning to organize relief to the distressed through khadi.
Malkani has plenty of money with him just now. More than half of
what he had has been wasted, and he has been looking on helplessly. I
forgot to mention one thing about Malabar. An alternative name for
Malabar Relief [Fund] was Southern Relief [Fund]. I had, however,
inserted a notice to clarify the matter in order that there might be no
misconception among people. The money has been spent for relief in
the South. I have not been able to decide about the Assam money. I
need Satis Babu’s opinion before I can do that. I have been in
correspondence with him for one month.
There are two candidates for the honour; one, Dhiraj of
Sylhet, and the other, Suresh of Comilla. The only thing to be
considered is which of them, or whether both, should get the honour.
Let the account of overseas help stand. I explained this matter to
Ramniklal long ago. I am not in a position just now to get the money
from Jehangirji. However, if I do not succeed in getting it during my
lifetime and if you have not written off the sum and forgotten about
the account, you may be able to get the money from him even after
my death. Even today, if I spend some time going after the thing, take
up the issue seriously and see a lot of people, I may succeed in getting
it. But I have no wish to do that at all, nor is it necessary that I should.
I am convinced that this account has a claim over the money lying
with Jehangirji and that is enough for me. We may get something
from Birla next year, we do not know how much. If he and his firm

are safe, we are bound to get something. We should continue to give
to the Labour Union what it has been receiving fromthis fund, as long
as Anasuyabehn wishes. She is trying to make some other
arrangement.
I may have to examine what look like bad debts. They should,
however, be shown separately in our balance-sheet, so that no
misleading impression is produced. For I remember right now one or
two debts which appear to be bad and which are not likely to become
good in future. For instance, Sitla Sahai’s and Rupani’s.
I am trying to take in Nanubhai. He came and saw me
yesterday. He feels shy to live in the Ashram, and will not feel
comfortable at Vijapur. He has requested to be posted elsewhere. I do
not think that will be possible. I believe, however, that it will be
possible to attract him to the Ashram. He asked for more time to think
over the matter and went to Vijapur yesterday.
Manji’s problem will give no trouble. The mother-in-law and
the daughter-in-law may certainly stay as long as Gangabehn has no
objection. I have dictated so far by 4.15. To do that, I got up at 2.45.
I have done this not to oblige you, but to guide one through whom I
have to get work done. This gives satisfaction to my soul.
When I talked to Gangabehn about Krishnamaiyadevi, she told
me, “Things are going on well just now, and she has been doing good
work.” Mauni, too, seems to be working. So long as there is no
complaint against her, nothing need be done at present.
I have had no talk with Bhansali. After he saw me in connection
with Nanibehn, he has not come again, and I have not been able to go
myself. But, I will have a talk with him. I do not like his children
going to the Vidyapith. But I reconcile myself to the position with the
thought that he lives in a certain manner as a guest. The inmates of the
Mandir cannot follow his example and send their children to the
Vidyapith. We should tolerate Nayan’s and Rupi’s going there, since
they are being trained not for village-life but for city-life.
I have had a talk with Dinkarrao. I had also called a meeting of
the Goshala Committee to consider the matter. I have now to draft
rules for a case like his. It is enough if he agrees to observe
brahmacharya as long as he lives in the Mandir. We or I shall lose
nothing by this arrangement. We cannot say that, if a man observes
brahmacharya for the sake of his moral well-being or service, what he
does is improper or is a waste of effort. It should be enough if he
does not cheat us. I am sure in my mind that most of the inmates of
the Mandir are honestly doing their best. It is possible that there are
some who are deceiving us.That does not diminish the value of our
rules, nor prove them unnecessary. We can, however, draw this

conclusion from the presence of such persons, namely, that while the
world exists, there will also be people in it who deceive others. What
we have to consider is whether there are any persons who have found
peace under the cool shade of these rules. The reply to this is so clear
that no one can have any doubt about it. Maganlal and others came
through all difficulties under the protection of the rules. Prabhudas
and the other boys and Radha and the other girls are holding on
because of the strength they derive from the rules. Dinkarrao does not
seem to me to be a person who is likely to deceive us. However, who
can ever give a guarantee about anyone? “Man commits sin against
his will” 1 is a statement for ever true. I believe that Dinkarrao will
keep his word. Parnerkar and the others believe it. At present we
should run the dairy subject to the same rules as for the Mandir. It has
not reached the stage when it can function as an independent
institution. This is the independent view of those people, including
Dinkarrao.
I have told them to permit old families which wish to opt out of
the common kitchen to do so. Ramabehn 2 made a start yesterday. I
immediately agreed. I complimented her in my mind for her
frankness. You need not feel hurt by this, but should be pleased. I
have not had a frank discussion with her. Perhaps she would not desire
that.
I cannot bring myself to accept a separate kitchen for the girls.
We shall know by and by what happens about this.
At present, by “the rules about the girls’ section in the
Ashram” we mean Gangabehn. She may bear those other rules in her
mind and manage the affairs.
Let us hope that in future we shall be able to do all these things
which we cannot do now. If we fail and see our error, we shall correct
it.
I look upon Shivabhai as a person with a sense of responsibility.
If he falls, he will be going out of the way. Wherever people are
required to obey rules, impostors have some scope. What shall we do
about that? Darkness always follows the sun. Nothing remains now
from your letters to be replied to.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Bhagavad Gita, III. 36
2
Addressee’s wife

5.30 a.m., Silence Day, December 2, 1929
CHI. MIRA,
I am writing this after having taken the weekly silence. I
have all your letters and wire. I have also your notes for Young
India. One will appear [in] the coming issue.1 It was crowded out this
time.
That you are now keeping normal health gives me relief. I hope
there will be no setback now.
Mathuradas has introduced a new method of carding. I am
trying to learn it.
Dr. and Mrs. Sherwood Eddy and Mr. and Mrs. Kirkley Page
are coming tomorrow. I wish you could have met them. I expect to
find them extra-good.
Love.
BAPU
[PS.]
You are likely to meet Mahadev before this reaches you. Then
he will give you all the news.
I have read your two notes—railway travelling 2 and violence 3 .
You have begun the second on the same sheet where the first ends.
This is inconvenience for me and the compositor. A separate note
should be commenced on a separate sheet. Tom-tom is a drum, a
gharry is called and spelt tum-tum. The two notes will go in. In one
place I have corrected what appeared to me loose thought, in another
an irrelevant mention of events. You will perhaps detect both the
corrections. There are a few minor ones. Though the notes are going,
they are not for you up to the mark. There is ample room for
improvement. Perhaps when you see yourself in cold print, you will
realize it yourself. Therefore do not attempt to be regular.
Concentrate on what you want to write and rewrite it ten times if you
like, till at least you can say to yourself you can make no further
improvement. For the time being you must write not to relieve
myimmediate pressure, but to replace me in future. The pressure is
already removed. Valji has given me matter of which I am able to take
1
Vide “Our Brethren the Trees”, 5-12-1929.
2
Vide “The Third-Class Carriage”, 12-12-1929.
3
Published under the title “The Futility of Violence” in Young India,
19-12-1929

for the current week only one-sixth. Coomarappa’s and Mahadev’s
contributions you have seen.
BAPU
[PPS.]
You are quite correct in having decided for yourself about
Monghyr.
38. NOTE TO REGINALD REYNOLDS

Silence Day [December 2, 1929] 1
MY DEAR REYNOLDS,
I saw your nose bleeding. You need not feel distressed about it.
Take rest for a while and sip cold water through the nose and bring it
out through the throat and splash cold water over the head and at the
back of it.
M.K.G.
From a photostat: C.W. 4537. Courtesy: Swarthmore College, Philadelphia
39. LETTER TO M. J.
UDYOGA MANDIR , S ATYAGRAHA ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
December 2, 1929
BHAI M. J.,
If you use all your money for public good, then you have no
longer a duty to give something to the sister. The lapse you
committed cannot be undone. The sister has no debts to pay. The debt
of which you write is an idea of the mind, and it is not possible to
discharge it with money. It can be discharged partly through service
to womankind.
Now about you. If you have money, why do you at all draw
any money from here? A jijnasu2 or mumukshu3 would never doso
without good reason. This, however, is only a general observation. If
Bhai Chhaganlal Joshi has committed himself to you in any way, the
1
Inferred from the addressee’s article, “Letters from Bapu”, in Incidents of
Gandhiji’s Life, p. 279, wherein he writes this and another note, vide “Note to
Reginald Reynolds”, 3-12-1929 were “evidently written between Gandhiji’s return to
the Ashram at the end of November 1929 and his departure to Wardha.” Gandhiji
reached the Ashram on November 26 and left for Wardha on December 6.
2
Seeker of knowledge
3
Aspirant for moksha, i.e., salvation

commitment is binding on the Udyoga Mandir and on me, so that
either Joshi himself may decide whether the money which you are
asking for should be given to you, or I may give an opinion in the
matter after hearing him. If Bhai Ramniklal or Shivabhai knows the
facts the matter can be settled immediately. Even though it may be
possible thus to give you the money, the moral question remains
unsolved for you.
Regarding your going on leave. This matter is entirely within
Bhai Ramniklal’s jurisdiction. If he lets you go, you may by all means
go. It is certainly necessary for you to go.
I do think it wrong that you should have been given the
accounts work. I do not know why it became necessary to give you
that work. Generally speaking, my opinion is that, till newcomers have
properly mastered the processes leading to and including spinning, no
advantage should be taken of their knowledge of book-keeping, etc.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: S.N. 15839
40. LETTER TO PRABHASHANKAR PATTANI

December 2, 1929
SUJNA BHAISHRI,
I got your telegrams and your letter. I have assumed that you
will take what has happened as my reply to them. So thick is the
jungle of work around me that I feel suffocated. Had it not been so, I
would have replied to you in detail. Just now I can only tell you that I
keep in mind what friends like you write to me from time to time. I
assure you, however, that I shall be guided entirely by what the atman
within tells me. Who knows if, because of my evil deeds, that inner
atman gets frozen and quite another power begins working in its
place? How can one know when the inner voice is speaking and when
one or more or all of the six inner enemies are speaking? It is only
after death, isn’t it, that one can know it? My health is quite good. It
seems you are on the whole keeping the promise to visit the Ashram
once a month.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS

Silence Day, Magshar Sud 1, 1986 [December 2, 1929]
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I did not wish to suggest that one should not write long letters
even on one’s birthday. Your letter is all right. I do send you my
blessings. The pain is deep. But Ramanama is not meant for a boil,
which can be cured with poultice. Ramanama is meant for making a
bridge across the sea, for making paper boats sail, for turning stone
into water and water into stone. So, you cling to it with faith and
devotion. Do not worry if you can see no results on the surface. You
will triumph in the end. Your letter is torn. I do not remember the
questions. You find your own answers or ask again. The paper should
be such that it does not get torn. I do remember one question. While
uttering Ramanama, I do not concentrate on any idol. I do not
worship Rama as an idol. Have you not seen that we worship the
name? Tulsidas has said that the name of Rama is greater than Rama
himself. In other words, the indescribable element which is beyond
physical existence is greater than what resides in the body. Utter the
name of God kind and do charitable deeds. The significance is not of
Rama the king but of the name of Rama. Have you not seen my
definition of God? Usually I had been saying and writing that God is
Truth. In the new manual I have deliberately improved upon that
definition and Inow say Truth is God. I am here thinking of that
Truth which transcends even God. It is not only at prayer time that I
have this realization. I may say it is in me while eating and drinking,
evacuating, reading, writing this, writing other things, delivering
speeches—it is there every moment. In spite of that, there is no limit to
my imperfections, because the realization is only awareness; it has not
permeated my being. That may not even happen during this life.
However, why should I worry about it? It is within my power to make
an effort. The result is in the hands of Satyanarayana.
This does not give you the complete answer. No matter what
lustful thoughts come, it is sufficient if you do not succumb to them
and are not defeated. You just sing and dance to the glory of the
Lord. Do not feel distressed that lustful thoughts assail you but fight
against them. The great quality of a Kshatriya is not victory but not
flinching from battle. This is enough. Chhaganlal and Kashi have just
arrived. They will be staying at least for two days. Do not worry about
them.
Blessings from
BAPU

[PS.]
I have not revised the letter. I shall be going to Wardha on the
6th. Tell Devdas not to deprive me to letters.
[From Gujarati]
Ashram Bhajanono Swadhyaya, p. 253
42. NOTE TO REGINALD REYNOLDS

MY DEAR REYNOLDS,
I am somewhat troubled about the guests who are coming today.
I am most anxious that they should have the necessary creature
comforts supplied to them so long as it is within our power to do so.
Will you please act as co-host with Sitla Sahai and see that they do not
feel strangers in a strange place?
M.K.G.

Wednesday [December 4, 1929] 2
CHI. PRABHAVATI,
I have your letter. I very much liked Jayaprakash’s sincere

letter. His frankness is remarkable. I shall be reaching Wardha on the
7th. Come over when you can. I have no time to write more today.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
I am at the moment sitting in the gathering at Umiya’s wedding.
1
Vide 1st footnote to “Note to Reginald Reynolds”, 2-12-1929 and “Letter to
Mirabehn”, 2-12-1929.
2
Uma was married to Shankarlal Agrawal on this date, which was a Wednesday.

44. LETTER TO JAYAPRAKASH NARAYAN
S ABARMATI ,
December 4, 1929
CHI. JAYAPRAKASH,
I was delighted to have your letter. I cherish the wish that your
marital life may be an ideal one. About Prabhavati’s attitude of
indifference we shall talk when we meet.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
From the Hindi original: Jayaprakash Narayan Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library
45. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING, SABARMATI

ASHRAM
December 4, 1929
It might be argued how do an Ashram and the performing of a
marriage go together.1 My reply is that the two are not contradictory
of each other. Those who can exercise control over the self should do
so; those who cannot, may marry. This is proper. None need think
that those who practise self-control are pure and those who marry are
all impure. It is possible that a married person may be virtuous and a
bachelor a hypocrite. This is why we consider marriage desirable,
although a nuisance.
In this marriage we have gone one step further. In Man-
ilal’s marriage we broke the caste barrier; in this we blast the
provincial prejudices. From Gujarat we have come to Mewar. This is a
good sign. This has added to our responsibility. Whichever marriage
is performed here, we keep the duty aspect before us and we do it in a
religious way. We adopt for ourselves a code of conduct. Considering
the present conditions in these troubled times, if we can master the
passion it will indeed be good. But we ought not to resort to
compulsion. If, therefore, a boy or a girl so desires, a partner should
be found, and they should be blessed into wedlock. This is theduty of
the Ashram. So far,we have been acting on this premise and the result
has not been bad. We perform the wedding without pageantry, in a
short time, and with pure minds. This is a matter of joy.
This marriage was precluded by uneasiness and anxiety which
have now vanished. All possible precautions were taken. The bride
1
Shankarlal Agrawal and Umiya were married in the Ashram on this day.

and the bridegroom were both consulted. I have given importance to
national interests over personal. Through this marriage one province
has been drawn nearer to another. This is the first experiment.1
You have hundred times more responsibility upon your
shoulders than has Umiya. Umiya’s courage has pleased me. Keep
abreast of her desires and needs. In Hindu society, women have
suffered in status. They are regarded as dependent. Give her freedom.
You are a scout. It is the duty of a scout to give protection to others.
She should not feel unhappy, but should feel that everybody holds
her dear. I could not teach her enough Hindi. So put up with this. If
all of us realize our duties, the difference between a Marwari and a
Gujarati cannot last. Keep duty and tradition before your eyes. I
advise both of you to lead a life of restraint and never forget the
interests of the country.
Umiya, what should I say to you? I have not time enough to talk
to you separately. You have shown courage and shed lustre on the
name of the Ashram, the province and the family. Do nothing wrong.
I have put small garlands around your and Shankarlal’s necks. In my
estimation they are big. Do not fail to read the Gita every day. When
disappointment stares into your face, select a hymn from the
Bhajanavali and recite it. When you have some leisure, spin on a takli
and live peacefully. May God make you true servants and grant you a
long life. Live in such a way so that I may not have cause for regret.
[From Hindi]
Bapu: Maine Kya Dekha, Kya Samjha? pp. 25-6.
46. OUR BRETHREN THE TREES2

Gandhiji wanted to card some cotton and make slivers before going to
bed, even though it was getting late. I went to put the bow, etc., ready and,
being in a hurry, I asked a local volunteer to fetch me from the garden some
babul tree leaves, which one requires for applying to the gut of the bow.
The boy brought me a large bunch, and as he handed it to me, I was
surprised to notice that each little leaf was tightly folded up.
I took them to Gandhiji’s room. “Do you see, Bapu,” I said, “the little
leaves have all gone to sleep!”
“Of course,” replied Gandhiji, looking up with indignation and pity in his
eyes. “Trees are living beings just like ourselves. They live and breathe, they
feed and drink as we do, and like us they need sleep. It is a wretched thing to go
and tear the leaves off a tree at night when it is resting! And why have you
1
The following paragraph was addressed to Shankarlal Agrawal.
2
Vide “Letter to Mirabehn”, 2-12-1929.

brought such a huge quantity? Only a few leaves were necessary. Surely you
heard what I said at the meeting yesterday about the poor flowers, and how
deeply it pains me that people should pluck those masses of delicate blossoms
to fling in my face and hang round my neck. Was not it thoughtless to send
someone out like that to worry and pain a tree at such a late hour when it had
folded its leaves in sleep? We should feel a more living bond between
ourselves and the rest of animate creation.”
“Yes, Bapu, I know—I understand,” said I, hanging my head in shame. “It
was very thoughtless of me, In future I will always go myself, and I will
endeavour never again unnecessarily to disturb the peaceful sleep of the trees
by plucking at their foliage after dark.”
And I felt doubly ashamed of myself, as many and many a time have I
gained comfort and guidance from our forest brethren. Often have I put my
arms round the trunk of an old mighty tree and listened to his hushed words of
wisdom and peace.
How could I have been so heartless !
Let not the reader call this sentimental twaddle, or accuse
me or Mirabai of hopeless inconsistency in that we swallow a
camel when we eat vegetables by the cartload and strain at a
gnat because we would not care to pluck a leaf from a tree
having its night’s rest. ‘Even a butcher may be to a certainextent
humane.’ Because a man eats mutton, he does not slaughter a herd of
sheep when they are asleep. The essence of manliness consists in
showing the utmost consideration to all life, animal as well as
vegetable. He who in search of pleasure shows little consideration for
others is surely less than man. He is thoughtless.1
India has cultivated no small respect for trees and other sentient
beings. The poet describes Damayanti going from tree to tree in the
wood bewailing her lot. For her companions, Shakuntala had trees as
also the birds and beasts. The great poet, Kalidasa, tells us how her
separation from them all was painful to her.
Young India, 5-12-1929 and Navajivan, 12-1-1930
47. ZAMINDARS AND TALUKDARS

Nothing during the recent U.P. tour pleased me more than the
way in which several young zamindars and talukdars had simplified
their lives and fired by patriotic zeal were easing the burden of the
ryots. I had heard fearful accounts of the alleged atrocities of many
zamindars and their mode of levying cesses, legal and illegal, on all
conceivable occasions with the result that the ryot was reduced to
serfdom pure and simple. The discovery therefore of so many young
1
Navajivan, 12-1-1930, has the following additional paragraph.

talukdars was a very pleasant surprise to me.
But the improvement has to go further and be thorough.
There is yet even among the best of them a wide gulf between
themselves and the ryots. There is yet a great deal of patronizing and
self-satisfaction over the little that has been done. The fact is that
whatever may be done is no more than a belated return to the ryots of
their due. The hideous caricature of varnashrama is responsible for
the air of superiority that the so-called Kshatriya assumes and the
status of inherited inferiority the poor ryot submissively recognizes as
his deserved lot in life. If Indian society is to make real progress along
peaceful lines, there must be a definite recognition on the part of the
moneyed class that the ryot possesses the same soul that they do and
that their wealth gives them no superiority over the poor. They must
regard themselves, even as the Japanese nobles did, as trustees holding
their wealth for the good of their wards, the ryots.Then they would
take no more than a reasonable amount as commission for their
labours. At present there is no proportion between the wholly
unnecessary pomp and extravagance of the moneyed class and the
squalid surroundings and the grinding pauperism of the ryots in
whose midst the former are living. A model zamindar would therefore
at once reduce much of the burden the ryot is now bearing, he would
come in intimate touch with the ryots and know their wants and inject
hope into them in the place of despair which is killing the very life out
of them. He will not be satisfied with the ryots’ ignorance of the laws
of sanitation and hygiene. He will reduce himself to poverty in order
that the ryot may have the necessaries of life. He will study the
economic condition of the ryots under his care, establish schools in
which he will educate his own children side by side with those of the
ryots. He will purify the village well and the village tank. He will teach
the ryot to sweep his roads and clean his latrines by himself doing this
necessary labour. He will throw open without reserve his own gardens
for the unrestricted use of the ryot. He will use as hospital, school, or
the like most of the unnecessary buildings which he keeps for his
pleasure. If only the capitalist class will read the signs of the times,
revise their notions of God-given right to all they possess, in an
incredibly short space of time the seven hundred thousand
dung-heaps which today pass muster as villages can be turned into
abodes of peace, health and comfort. I am convinced that the
capitalist, if he follows the Samurai of Japan, has nothing really to lose
and everything to gain. There is no other choice than between
voluntary surrender on the part of the capitalist of superfluities and
consequent acquisition of the real happiness of all on the one hand,
and on the other the impending chaos into which, if the capitalist does

not wake up betimes, awakened but ignorant, famishing millions will
plunge the country and which not even the armed force that a
powerful Government can bring into play can avert. I have hoped that
India will successfully avert the disaster. The privilege I had of
meeting intimately some of the young talukdars in the U.P. has
strengthened the hope.
48. KHADI AND HONESTY

Sjt. C. R. Rajagopalachari sends me an interesting letter, which
with the omission of personal references and one or two redundant
passages I publish below:1
. . . I admit that till now I have been indifferent regarding khadi. But I have
now realized that khadi men are men who follow truth. The day before
yesterday I went to Coimbatore khadi depot. . . I had with me notes of the
value of Rs. 10,000 . . . which I placed . . . on the table. I quite forgot about
the money and left the depot. After some time, your manager saw the money
and in the hot sun came to Podanur . . . handed over the money to me . . .
This letter shows how unreasoning and illogical we are. Surely
there is no necessary connection between honesty and khadi. Even
rogues must cover themselves and therefore may wear khadi. I am
sorry also to have to confess that not all the workers in the employ of
the A.I.S.A. have always been found to be honest. Would that every
one of them was incorruptible. But alas! khadi service like every other
service has its black sheep. And supposing for the moment that all
khadi servants were incorruptible, it is still possible for khadi to be a
huge mistake or an economic waste. But I know that many have come
to khadi not on the strength of its merits but on grounds irrelevant to
khadi, and I knew too that some others have left off using
khadi not because it is an error but because they have not liked
something some khadi men have done or not done. Whilst therefore
I do not mind the adventitious aid such as the possessor of the ten
thousand rupees notes promises to give, khadi to be stable must stand
on its own unassailable merits. These are fortunately being proved day
after day.
The other reflection the foregoing letter gives rise to is
somewhat humiliating. Why should anyone run into ecstasies because
someone is found to possess the ordinary honesty of not stealing
other people’s property? Have we fallen so low that a man forget-
fully leaving valuables in a shop may not feel as safe about them
1
Only extracts are reproduced here.

as if they were in his possession? At any rate this letter has a lesson
for men and women in khadi service. Their honesty maybring rich
votaries to the altar of Daridranarayana. And He needs them all.
49. “THE STORY OF BARDOLI”

Mahadev Desai who was the literary secretary of Sardar
Vallabhbhai Patel during the Bardoli Satyagraha campaign wrote
some months ago the history of that great and eventful struggle in
Gujarati. Sardar Vallabhbhai had intended that an English edition too
should be published so that a wider public may be in possession of a
faithful record of the events. Mahadev Desai had first-hand and
intimate knowledge of most of the stirring events of those exciting
times. He has now placed before the public an English edition. In view
of the impending upheaval during the coming year, the book should
be read by every national worker. The text covers 323 pages and
including the appendices and the index extends to 363 pages. It is
published by the Navajivan Press at Rs. 2/8 cardboard binding with
khadi back. It contains a specially prepared map, fine illustrations and
a helpful glossary.
50. OUR DELUSION

Tulsidas says:
Like the appearance of silver in conch shell
And of water in the sun’s rays;
Illusions, though ever unreal,
Are impossible to remove.
Every day I experience the profound truth embodied in
these lines. Any notion—whether good or evil—is hard to remove
once it takes possession of one’s head or heart, unless experience
destroys it.
So has the delusion in the form of untouchability taken deep
roots among the Hindus. Reason tells us that no one is untouchable.
People have neither a name nor a definition for an untouchable. If an
untouchable conceals his so-called untouchability no one, excepting a
few who recognize him, will guess that he is an untouchable. That is
why several ‘untouchable’ brothers can freely visit temples and other
places.

If untouchability were a part of religion an untouchable of one
province would be treated as such in every other province. In fact,
however, the untouchables of Assam are not considered untouchables
in Sind. The untouchables of Travancore are not treated as such
anywhere else. Not a trace of the untouchability and unapproac-
hability prevalent in Travancore is to be seen in other places.
This delusion of untouchability has assumed monstrous and
terrible proportion among the Hindus. Shri Jamnalal is striving hard
to eradicate it. His success in getting the temples thrown open to the
untouchables is no mean achievement. Events like the opening of the
eight temples to the untouchables at Jabalpur and the participation of
distinguished citizens, etc., are quite hopeful signs. The best way to
remove this delusion of untouchability is that those who have
overcome it should by their actions convince others still labouring
under it that untouchability has no connection with religion.
[From Hindi]
51. CABLE TO SAROJINI NAIDU

[Before December 6, 1929] 1
DEVI S AROJINI NAIDU
NAIROBI
COUNTRYMEN THERE MAY ON NO ACCOUNT COMPROMISE
NATIONAL HONOUR,
GANDHI2
1
The addressee was to preside over the Congress at Nairobi beginning from
December 6, 1929.
2
This is followed by instructions for his secretary: “Make sure of the
address”.

52. TELEGRAM TO MOTILAL NEHRU
AHMEDABAD ,
December 6, 1929
P ANDITJI NEHRU
LUCKNOW
YOUR WIRE 1 . I CONSIDER MY PRESENCE WHOLLY
UNNECESSARY DELHI. THINK SITUATION WILL BE EN
TIRELY MET BY YOUR SEEING HIM REPLY
WARDHA IF NECESSARY.2
GANDHI
Motilal Nehru Papers, File No. G-1. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
53. LETTER TO HARDATTA SHARMA3

DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. The second (reason) I gave only for the sake
of completing the truth. The decisive cause was my utter inability to
do justice to anything else than the political situation that will confront
us during the Congress week.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
The Tribune, 10-12-1929
1
Dated December 5, 1929. It read: “Your letter. Viceroy’s invitation to me
personally for twentythird received through Sapru and accepted long ago. Viceroy
intended inviting you also but feared you had no time. He can now be informed you
can meet him. His object is discuss Congress view freely with us. Presence of
non-Congressmen with entirely different views will not help. I think only we two
should interview. Have therefore not wired Vithalbhai. Wire your view.”
2
Addressee’s reply dated December 7, 1929 read: “Your wire. Think your
presence interview indispensable. Meeting Vithalbhai Delhi tomorrow night. Shall
wire.”
3
In reply to addressee’s request to Gandhiji to explain his inability to preside
over the Social Conference; vide “Telegram to Ruchiram Sahni”, on or after
23-11-1929.
4
The tribune report is date-lined December 7.

WARDHA ,
December 7, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
We arrived here at six in the morning.
I had a frank talk with Jugatram about Tara. He is of the view
that it would do Tara good if she stays on in Wardha; after she has
recovered, she may resume work at Vedchhi. He will give her the work
which we have thought about. After the talk, I wrote to you yesterday.
I am waiting for a wire today. I enclose with this papers which should
be filed with you.
Important changes have been introduced in the Ashram this
time. Keep a note of them. We must have a record of lapses due to
carelessness on everyone’s part. Say, for instance, someone did not do
his work in the kitchen in time; in such a case a note should go to the
office. Even if no action is taken in the matter, the thing should not
remain out of notice of the manager and the chief manager of the
department concerned. The registers of all adult students, that is, of
students who are above 16, should be complete so that we may know
from them which of them attended prayers both times on how many
days and did or neglected sacrificial spinning on which days. All of
them must hand over their yarn every week. The quantity received
from each should be stored separately and khadi be made from it. No
one should be asked to give more than 160 rounds of yarn for this.
The work of the sanitary department must become regular. The
person in charge of the department should go round all the lavatories
every day. Others besides Gangabehn should learn to make bread.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a Photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4155
55. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL JOSHI

WARDHA ,
December 7, 1929
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,
I shall not write much today. If you wish to come to Wardha to
attend the meeting of the Spinners’ Association or simply to meet me,

and if you can come, certainly do so. But you need not put yourself
to trouble in order to come. I will certainly think about the Maganlal
memorial. With me are Ba, Pyarelal, Kusum, Bal and Kamala. There
are two others who have arrived from Banaras.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 7, 1929
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I received your letter as soon as I reached here. I am very happy

at your decision. It is my wish that you should stay there till June and
if your health remains good, come down to Bombay when it begins to
get cooler there. In any case, even there your time is not wasted. Dilip
and Tara are getting physical and mental education. Almora is the
Himalayas. And in the Himalayas countless sadhus have stayed. Many
seekers have found self-realization there. If Tara understands this, it
will also mean spiritual education for her. You are always busy doing
something or other. Hence it is only desirable that you do not come
down from there in a hurry.
My health is fine. Ba, Pyarelal, Kusum, Kamala and Bal are with
me. Mahadev is touring in Bihar with Vallabhbhai. Ask Taramati to
write to me. I am here till the 20th at least.
Blessings from
BAPU
TARA HOUSE
ALMORA
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
57. APPEAL TO AHMEDABAD LABOURERS

December 7, 1929
Mahatma Gandhi has issued an appeal to the workmen following the award of
the Umpire, Diwan Bahadur Krishnalal Mohanlal Jhaveri, in which Mahatma Gandhi
says that he is grieved, as they might have been grieved, because the Umpire has not
fully accepted their demand. Their demand was perfectly proper, but after accepting
the principle of arbitration they must accept the decision of the arbitrators or Umpire

whether they like it or not.
The Umpire has accepted one principle which is of great importance from the
viewpoint of workers. They have been contending for years that they are not getting
even a living wage which they have a right to obtain and from which there can be no
reduction. The Umpire has accepted this principle. He agrees that the figures of
expenditure which they have produced are legitimate and in comparison with those
figures their wages are less. On this ground their demand was bound to be fully
accepted. But it is their duty to be satisfied with what the Umpire has given.
This does not, however, mean that they should give up their effort to secure a
living wage. That effort will continue to be made by all legitimate means and they
will make that demand at the first suitable opportunity. Meanwhile it is their duty to
make good use of the increase in wages which they have got by bettering themselves,
by giving up their vices and by increasing their efficiency. They should thank the
Umpire for the great care with which he has examined their case.
The Bombay Chronicle, 10-12-1929
58. MY NOTES
GUJARAT VIDYAPITH
I would like to draw the attention of readers to the appeal
issued by Sardar Vallabhbhai and Kakasaheb Kalelkar on behalf of
the Gujarat Vidyapith. Gujarat is not ignorant of the services
rendered by the Vidyapith and the contribution made by it to the
non-co-operation movement. Acharya Gidwani, Acharya Kripalani
and now Kakasaheb have nurtured this plant. Gujaratis have supplied
the required quantities of water to it. More water is required now. The
Vidyapith, instead of pursuing a policy of accumulating wealth and
building up capital, has relied on the generosity of the public. It is an
institution of the people. They should water it so long as they wish.
This is one of the best external methods of preserving the integrity of
a public institution. Ordinarily, funds are collected from people by
going from door to door. This time, Sardar Vallabhbhai and
Kakasaheb have expressed a new hope. They expect the people to
contribute to the best of their abilities without expecting a visit to their
homes. It should not be necessary for the principal organizers to give
their time to the collection of funds. Gujaratis should send their
contributions, according to their capacity, for the institution which
they love. It is my hope that they will fulfil the expectations of Sardar
and Kakasaheb. This appeal is addressed not to Gujarat but to
Gujaratis. That is to say, it is imperative for Gujaratis living outside
Gujarat, whether in other provinces, in Burma, Singapore, Japan, East,
South or North Africa, Mauritius, Madagascar or other countries also
to send in their contributions.
[From Gujarati]

59. SOME SIGNIFICANT QUESTIONS
A friend has asked some significant questions with reference to
the bombshell that the Viceroy has thrown in our midst, the resulting
tumult and the hopes entertained in some quarters. These questions
must have arisen in the minds of many others too. Hence it is
necessary to some extent to express my views on them. I give below
the questions and the replies.
1 . What is meant by Dominion Status ? Does it imply a genuine partnership
and an equal status in the British Empire, or does it mean responsible government
under the leadership of the British? Does it imply the Dominion Status as understood
prior to 1919 or the status as defined by the Imperial Conference of 1926?
The term Dominion Status has no definite connotation. If the
terminology applicable to living beings can be applied to it, it may be
said that it has not even attained maturity yet, and hence it deserves to
be protected and can be made very healthy if fed on a proper diet.If
the atmosphere is unfavourable, there is a possibility of its becoming
pale since it happens to be delicate. And it may even be suffocated if
it does not get oxygen. Hence the health and vitality of that baby
depend upon the country where it is nurtured. If it happens to come
to India, its development will depend upon how we look after it.
Hence, in my opinion, we have little to do with the definitions given in
1919 and 1926. Its definition will be determined by our ability to
obtain it. And when its precise connotation has not been defined,
every person can interpret it as he chooses. My definition is this:
Dominion Status implies the fullest equality and a voluntary
relationship with the British Government in India which either party
can freely break off with or without giving reasons for doing so. It
does not exist where there is any room whatsoever for the distinction
of superior and inferior. Dominion Status means independence.
2. The Indian States may, of course, be invited to the same Conference as
British India. But what if the former come in the way of true independence of British
India? What guarantee is there that the British Government will not side with them
and prevent us from progressing by making their treaty with the Indian States a
pretext? Right up to the present day, the States have been deliberately kept aloof
from the political activities of British India; why is this policy being reversed today
all of a sudden? Even the Butler Committee is opposed to the amalgamation of the
Indian States with British India without the former’s consent. Why then this sudden
reversal of outlook? And what about the subjects of the Indian States? Have their
representatives no place whatsoever in the forthcoming Conference?
Whether the Indian States intend to do so or not, they will
certainly stand in our way if we—that is, the party demanding

swaraj—lack spirit. I myself have scented some diplomacy in the
bringing of the Indian States to the forefront at this juncture. The
Empire has earlier used them as pawns in their game. It seems that
these pawns have been used this time. The princes are dependent on
the Empire for their very existence. Hence they have no alternative
but to dance to the tune of the Empire, and if we realized this we shall
also know that we shall not be able to derive any advantage by
maligning them. We should realize their dependence, regard them as
merely the limbs of the Empire and be on our guard, and, knowing
that in whatever they say or do on such an occasion they merely echo
the words or the deeds of the Empire, we should concentrate our
attention upon the latter alone. I entertain no fears regarding the
subjects of the Indian States. So long as independence is not secured,
many of the evils of the Empirewill be found to be magnified in the
Indian States. I cannot visualize a form of swaraj in which the Swaraj
Party would have bartered away the rights of the people of the Indian
States.
3. Supposing there is unanimous agreement at the Conference, does
Parliament still have the authority to make changes in its decisions? It has been
authoritatively proclaimed that Parliament continues to maintain its independence in
this context and even the political parties in Britain are not in any way committed in
this matter. Is there not then the possibility of the labours of the forthcoming
Conference coming to naught? There should be some guarantee regarding this also—
and that too before we agree to cooperate.
This question is an echo of our weakness. From the legal
standpoint, Parliament is certainly the supreme body. It can wipe out
the work of the Conference. However, there is no need to ask for any
guarantee regarding the decision of the Conference, as suggested by
the person who has put the question, at a conference which India will
be attending by reason of its strength. Moreover, I am also of opinion
that it does no credit to us to ask for such a guarantee and that no
party in Britain has the right to give it.
4. Why is such great emphasis laid on the policy of 1917 and the Act of 1919?
Lord Irwin claims that India will get swaraj as a matter of course according to the
policy of 1917. What does the phrase “in the fulness of time” signify? Mr. Benn
says, “There is no change, in substance or time, until after the Conference has met.’’1
Do they not appear to be threatening words? And, in all this, there is no
reference whatever to the economic rights—economic independence— of India.
According to the Congress resolution of 1922, the Indian people are not bound to pay
up their national debt. Has that resolution been completely set aside? Will Haji’s
Coastal Reservation Bill2 also be set aside? Foreign banks have usurped many rights;
1
The source has the passages in quotes in English.
2
To reserve for Indians trade along the coastal ports

shall we ever take these into account ? These points are not included in the
clarification issued by Lord Irwin; but could we, for that reason, forget them?
The fact that the Act of 1919 has been stressed gives rise to fear.
And even if there is nothing to fear in it, it certainly is an ambiguous
statement. It is for this very reason that the leaders who
have signed it have been asked to clarify its meaning. I am not
unhappy because the economic independence of India has not been
mentioned in the official communication issued by Lord Irwin.
Anything that does not include economic independence cannot be
regarded as swaraj at all. The Congress resolution of 1922 regarding
the debt has not been nullified; it still holds good and its consideration
is essential in the scheme of swaraj. The same may be said of the Haji
Bill and the banks. We cannot expect to find the plan for swaraj to be
given in the official communication of the Viceroy. However, it
should certainly be made clear that the Congress Party can attend a
conference only on condition that each and every question relating to
swaraj can be freely discussed there. This has not been clarified in
Lord Irwin’s communication and in my opinion it is the dharma not
only of the Congress Party but of all other parties also to have this
point clarified before attending the Conference.
Let me finally say this too. The Labour Government does have
the authority but lacks the strength to utilize that authority to its fullest
extent. We on our part lack the strength to get our demands accepted.
Hence I entertain only a meagre hope of two parties which lack
strength getting together and doing any great service to India. My
inner voice tells me that if the British Labour Party really wishes to see
India gain her independence, it should muster all its strength at
present and then carry on a life and death struggle until this
independence is achieved. We, on the other hand, should realize our
want of strength and keep away from such intricate matters like
conferences. However, worldly affairs are not carried on in such
logical manner. Hence, we cannot suddenly turn down a hopeful
proposal even if it be one from the weak Labour Party. We may attend
the Conference, in fact, it should be the dharma of the satyagrahi to
do so, provided conditions are granted which would ensure success
and an atmosphere is created where we are assured that these will be
abided by. A satyagrahi will not let go an opportunity, however small
it may be, for any possible compromise.
[From Gujarati]

60. LETTER TO MATHURADAS PURUSHOTTAM
WARDHA ,
December 8,1929
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I hope you are carrying out my suggestions to you regarding

daily attendance, etc. Keep me informed from time to time how the
work is going on.
Inform me about Motibehn’s daily work. See that she writes her
diary.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 8, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. Anyone who has kept a regular diary for the
whole year may, if he or she wishes, get that book. For the present, it
will be enough if all the people start using a small notebook like the
one I use. Keeping a good diary is an art, and it can be of much
benefit to the person keeping it and to the Ashram. One can record
one’s work for the day in the fewest possible words and give a brief
description of the things done.
I had sent a letter for you from Bardoli itself in regard to Tara. I
had enclosed it with Apte’s1 .
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Who had come from Kolhapur to learn khadi work

62. LETTER TO VITHALBHAI PATEL
WARDHA ,
ON THE GRANT TRUNK EXPRESS,
Sunday morning, December 8, 1929
BHAISHRI. . . 1 ,
On the last day I got a long wire from Motilalji saying that he
had received the invitation2 for the 23rd December and that he had
accepted it. He also writes that the Viceroy does not wish to meet all
the leaders together, but for the present only wants to know the
attitude of the Congress. That is why he has invited Motilalji. If I
wished to go with him, the Viceroy would certainly invite me. In these
circumstances I think it is not at all necessary for me to go.3 For the
present it is best that Motilalji alone should meet him. In my opinion
it will be useless for you or Mr. Jinnah to go. I think my going can
only do harm.
63. A LETTER
WARDHA ,
December 8, 1929
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT,
I hope the conference will succeed. Day by day I am being
confirmed in the views I have expressed from time to time regarding
the Princely States.
1. So long as we have not attained freedom, I think true reform
in the Princely States is impossible.
2. The evils of the States are never going to be remedied by
merely condemning them.
3. Nor is real reform going to take place so long as there is no
real awakening among the subjects of the States.
4. Those who are full of anger can never offer satyagraha. Bear
in mind these points during your deliberations and give them
whatever importance you can.
1
The name is omitted in the source.
2
From the Viceroy; vide “Telegram to Motilal Nehru”, 6-12-1929.
3
Gandhiji, however, met the Viceroy on December 23, 1929; ibid.

64. LETTER TO V. A. SUNDARAM
WARDHA ,
December 9, 1929
MY DEAR SUNDARAM,
Why do you get ill so often? I hope Baby is flourishing as well
as I. You may send the bowl through someone minus the coppers. Let
them multiply with you.
BAPU
From a photostat: G.N. 3175
65. TELEGRAM TO VITHALBHAI PATEL

[On or after December 9, 1929] 1
P RESIDENT P ATEL
NEW DELHI
WROTE YOU SATURDAY. 2 MOTILALJI WIRES THE IS
SEEING YOU.
GANDHI
66. LETTER TO ASHRAM WOMEN

WARDHA ,
Silence Day, December 9, 1929
SISTERS,
When I was with you this time, there were so many things to
keep me busy that I forgot to talk to you about two matters. One of
1
This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram received on December 9,1929
which read: “Anxiously awaiting your wire for writing to the Viceroy. Sapru has
consented.”
2
Conveying the contents of this letter, the addressee wrote to the Viceroy on
December 11, 1929: “Gandhi now writes to me that he has received a telegram from
Motilal . . . that he (Motilal) has already received and accepted an invitation from
Your Excellency to meet you on the 23rd of December and that the idea is to discuss
the Congress point of view with Your Excellency with Congressmen alone. In these
circumstances, Gandhi adds that it was wholly unnecessary for me to move in the
matter. On receipt of this letter, I at once sent a copy of it to Mr. Jinnah and informed
him that the arrangement had fallen through.” Vithalbhai Patel: Life and Times, Book
II, p. 1072

them came to my notice so late that there was no time then to talk
about it. The other went out of my mind altogether.
I shall take up the second matter first. Our women do not let
themselves be examined by [male] doctors or even be operated upon.
This is a false sense of shame and has its origin in an impure state of
the mind. In this matter I prefer the practice in Western countries. I do
know that at times it has had undesirable consequences. When an
unscrupulous doctor has a simple-minded woman patient whose
passion is easily aroused, evil results have followed. But this happens
all over the world in any conditions. That should not deter us from
pursuing good and necessary activities. We should have confidence in
ourselves. I, therefore, liked it very much that Santok got herself
operated upon by Dr. Haribhai and my belief in her courage was
confirmed. In Phoenix we had made this a common practice. When
Devdas was born, a male doctor was in attendance. Ba had a complaint
of the vaginal canal and required an operation. It was performed by a
male doctor. Ba is very brave but simple about such matters. She
certainly requires my presence at such times, but that is a small matter.
Everyone requires a trusted person by his or her side on such
occasion, and that is but right. My purpose in writing about all this is
to explain to you that in the Ashram we should cultivate this type of
courage and abandon false shame. Hundreds and thousands of
women suffer because of such shame. We have before us Vidyavati’s
example. She would not let her private parts be examined even by a
woman doctor. We wish to cultivate the innocence of Shukadevji. We
should not, of course, pretend to have it so long as we have not
succeeded in acquiring it. There are men whose passion is aroused by
the mere touch of a woman, and there are, likewise, women who are
aroused by the mere touch of a man. Such persons should certainly
force themselves to live as untouchables, even if that means their
continuing to suffer a disease. Here I have only suggested that you
should give up false shame. Those who are afraid of impure feelings
being aroused in them by the mere touch of a man should admit that
candidly and behave with due regard to the limitations of their nature.
Such a passionate nature is a kind of disease and a man or woman
who suffers from it should avoid the touch of a person of the opposite
sex The disease will probably disappear in course of time.
Read this part of the letter several times and try to understand its
meaning. If you do not understand it, ask me. Valjibhai, too, will
explain it if you ask him. It is, of course, simple enough.
The second point arises from Umiya’s wedding. Immediately
after the wedding, she started wearing ornaments in her ears and nose.
I did not like this at all. The giver and the receiver were both at fault.

What was done was against our practice in the Ashram. Umiya could
have started wearing ornaments after she had gone to live with her
husband, but the poor girl could not wait till then. I mention this
incident not as a complaint, but in order to draw a lesson from it. Let
no other girl follow Umiya’s example. Poor Umiya, after all, has not
been trained in the Ashram. Jaisukhlal has not paid sufficient attention
to her. Her mother is a good-natured woman who follows tradition,
good or bad. Umiya’s fault, therefore, is pardonable. I have drawn
Umiya’s and her husband’s attention to this matter. From him, she
has received nothing except a small choodi 1 . I have, however,
mentioned this matter so that no man or girl who knows the rules of
the Ashram may act in this manner. I also wish to draw another moral
from this. Lustful men have degraded woman. They have taught her
ways of dressing and behaving which might please them. They have
taught her to adorn herself. Woman did not see in all this her slavery
and her degradation. She, too, was attracted by lustful thoughts and,
therefore, consented to get her nose and ears pierced, put on fetters on
her feet and became a slave. An evil man can easily drag a woman
behind him by getting hold of her nose-ring or earring. It passes my
understanding how any thoughtful woman can put on such things
which make them helpless. Real beauty is of the heart. Let
every woman in the Ashram save herself from external adornment and
resist being pierced in the nose. Is it not enough that draught animals
are so pierced? It is now six o’clock and so I stop here. Iremembered
you so early in the morning, for I expect much from you.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter.
I am returning Chhaganlal’s letter. His view is correct. The
tannery is certainly a school. There should be no objection to its
becoming self-supporting. There are many such institutions which are
self-supporting, and still they are known as schools. Our aim is not
trade, but research and service. If, therefore, you can save money, you
should do so. Find out and send me the clause stating the circums-
tances under which the charges cannot be increased. Meanwhile, if this
1
Bridal bracelet

exemption is possible, secure it.
You are not adding to my work by writing to me long letters. It
was certainly necessary to write about Budhabhai.
How is it that Chimanlal’s health does not improve?
I have no time now to write more.
Blessings from
BAPU
68. LETTER TO GANGABEHN VAIDYA

WARDHA ,
CHI. GANGABEHN—ELDER,
I have your letter. I have returned it after correcting the
Gujarati. Go through the corrections. You may go on writing as you
can. Do not feel discouraged because of my corrections. If you go
through the corrections your Gujarati will automatically improve. You
must say to yourself. ‘I must write correct Gujarati.’
You will have been to Bombay and met Nathji.
Chandrakanta2 tell me you did permit her to come. Now her
mother wishes to come. She wants to work and earn her living. She
says she is good at sewing. But she does not wish to have her meals at
the Ashram. I have told her that if she is skilled at serving and will
give her full time to the Ashram she can have a room in Budhabhai’s
house. If she comes, she will have to observe all the Ashram rules and
will receive Rs. 25 a pay. She may be willing to do this. She seems to
be a nice and good woman. Her husband is well-to-do but he gives
away all his money in charities. Let me know what you think of this.
Madhavji is expected to come with his wife. It is not possible to
say no to him. His wife is an experienced lady. They have two fine
children, they are like Hari and Vimala.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 11267; also C. W. 8716. Courtesy:
Gangabehn Vaidya
1
From the reference to the expected arrival of Madhavji Thakkar and his wife,
Mahalaxmi, who came to Wardha before December 12, 1929; vide “Letter to
Ramniklal Modi”, 12-12-1929.
2
Cousin of Sumangal Prakash

69. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI
December 9, 1929
CHI. NIMU,
I did not get any opportunity at all to talk to you to my fill. I

called you to massage my legs so that I might talk to you but I was so
tired that I soon fell asleep. However, I had nothing more to say about
Bachu 1 than Idid. You should go out for a walk every day taking
Bachu with you. You must get rid of your constipation. Bachu’s
health will depend on your own.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
70. LETTER TO DAHYABHAI M. PATEL

[December 10, 1929] 2
BHAISHRI DAHYABHAI,
I was very unhappy to hear first from Ramjibhai and then

from Thakkar Bapa that you scolded and sent back the Antyaja
workers whom, as you knew, Thakkar Bapa had accepted. I think you
have
made a big mistake. Thakkar Bapa told me that you asked for his
forgiveness. You should have asked forgiveness of theAntyaja men
and women. If I am unfair to you in this, please correct me.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Your report is not to be published.
From Gujarati: C.W. 2700. Courtesy: Dahyabhai M. Patel
1
The addressee’s first child, a daughter, born in October 1929 and later named
Sumitra
2
From the postmark

WARDHA ,
December 10, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
There is no post from you today. The manager of every
department should inspect it daily and should note having done so in
his notebook. You should look into the notebooks when you are free
from other work. If we want to remain vigilant and keep a watch over
ourselves, we should never neglect such proceedings. We of all people
cannot neglect them, for we have attached so much importance to this
thing that we sent away Jagannath from the Ashram. We have relieved
some others, too, for the same reason. I forget the names of these
persons. If there is laxity in observing rules which are easy to observe
and if we tolerate it, the Ashram will not only break up one day but I
am sure there will also be a blot on its fair name. If deficiencies
remain despite our vigilance, the world will forgive us for them. But it
will have a right to censure us for what may happen through our
remissness.
I have been thinking a great deal these days about such matters.
I feel extremely concerned and am becoming confirmed in the views
which I expressed when I was there. That is, those who regularly
violate rules which are easy for all to observe should be asked to leave
the Ashram or should themselves leave it. That will save us from many
dangers.
Our Ashram is not an asylum for the infirm and the crippled.
There grown-up men and women have come together inspired by a
certain ideal. I exclude from this, but only partially, the women who
have been there from the beginning. If those who have thus
voluntarily come together do not observe the rules which they
themselves have made and if we tolerate that, I think we are traitors to
dharma and society.
If all of you in the Ashram do not know, you may know by this
that Rajibehn, who lived in the Ashram for some time, died of illness
in her village. Chandulal had come here and he gave me the news.
She was guilty of serious lapses, but she had eaten the salt of the
Ashram and it is, therefore, our duty to pay her the tribute of
remembrance.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 11, 1929
CHI. PRABHAVATI,
I have tour letter. I wonder why you have not received my
letters. I replied to every one of your letters. I have informed you of
the date of my leaving here. At the earliest I may leave on the 20th. I
have received all your letters and I was quite satisfied. With one letter I
wrote, I had posted one to Jayaprakash too. Was that also lost in
transit? Come as early as you can.1
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-10: Shri Prabhavatibehnne, pp. 25-6
73. A LETTER
December 11, 1929
Your diagnosis is not correct. The men and women living in the
Udyoga Mandir are very happy. They can and do laugh freely.
Visitors have often expressed their happiness at seeing these people so
happy. The Mandir itself is a club. There is no need for us to set up
separate bodies for entertainment and recreation. We can find greater
joy in doing well the work which we are doing. It is true, however, that
notwithstanding the happiness we seem a little listless. But the reason
for it lies in the laziness in our blood and the consequent lack of
method in our work. In comparison with other institutions people
notice our activity and praise it. But we recognize our failings. I am
sure that they will gradually disappear. In any case do not base your
pessimism on the views which I occasionally express.
It is not for me to praise such virtues as I may see in the Udyoga
Mandir. On the other hand it is my duty to magnify into mountains
the defects I may notice and draw your attention to them. We can
never see our own faults till we so magnify them.
I think that the children somewhat lack in courtesy. But we need
not be upset by this. True courtesy will develop on its own from the
present lack of courtesy. We may certainly teach it. As we are teaching
equality, it is bound to lead to lack of courtesy for some time.We are
1
Here follows a note that as Gandhiji was engaged in a competi-
tion of spinning on the takli and the spinning-wheel, he could not sign the letter
himself.

far from feeling ourselves as small as grains of sand. Hence there is no
reason at all at present to fear our overdoing it. We have not yet
stopped bothering about rights. There are no rights. There are only
duties. If we realize that this is rightly so, true courtesy will develop in
us on its own, and we shall ultimately learn to become real cyphers.
The C.I.D. is really our friend. Let it watch all our activities that
it wants to.
74. NOTES
ANTI -UNTOUCHABILITY C AMPAIGN
The trustees and the others concerned-in the opening to the
so-called untouchables of eight temples in Jabalpur and one in
Bombay1 deserve congratulations for their timely action. By it they
have rendered a service to Hinduism and India and brought fresh
hope to the untouchables who had begun to show signs of impatience.
It is impossible to avoid an exhibition of impatience and worse if, after
having awakened them to a sense of their awful position, we do not
succeed in easing it for them before it becomestoo late. They must
drink the ozone of freedom just as much as the so-called higher
classes expect to do as a result of the mass awakening that has come
into being. We Hindus may not expect freedom so long as we hold a
fifth of ourselves as bondsmen unfit even to be touched and
sometimes even to approach us within a certain distance or to be seen
by us.
LALAJI MEMORIAL
Writing from memory on the collection for Lalaji Memorial in
the U.P. I said over Rs. 30,000 was collected. 2 Sjt. Purushottamdas
Tandon sends me a reminder and I have now the figures before me
that the total collected during the tour was Rs. 42,138-8-9. This is
apart from the sums collected before the tour and the sums promised
during the tour but not yet realized. But whilst the actual total is more
satisfactory than I had thought, my complaint that the U.P. has not
done enough justice to the memory of a great patriot stands. I hope
that Sjt. Tandon will undertake another collection tour and not rest till
the U.P. has paid at least Rs. 1,00,000.
1
Ramchandra temple. Vide “Temples for ‘Untouchables’”, 28-11-1929.
2
Vide “Notes”, 28-11-1929.

DELHI HINDU C OLLEGE C OLLECTION
The Principal, Hindu College, Delhi, writes:1
The amount actually received was duly included in the total for
Delhi in the usual columns, and I am grateful for Rs. 800 now
received. No doubt no mention was made in the notes even as none
was made of several other important and interesting items. It was
impossible to take such a detailed notice of all the events. Only the
most outstanding items were selected out of the many in a crowded
programme in a tour which had to be finished during half the time
required for covering such a vast area as that of the United Provinces.
75. U.P. NATIONAL SERVICE

It was a happy idea of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru during my
recent tour to ask for funds for forming a national service for the
province. Rs. 12,036-15-9 were collected for the purpose. Though the
sum is not adequate for the purpose intended, it is a goodly sum as a
nucleus. The idea of having a national service is not new. Ever since
1920 it has been before the country. But Pandit Jawaharlal has given it
a shape and a habitation. National work must suffer so long as we
have to depend upon volunteers who give only a part of their time and
that too by fits and starts. Permanent work requires permanent whole
time workers. This can best be done by each province establishing its
service in accordance with its needs and out of funds collected locally.
Feeling hampered at every step for want of trained and tried
permanent workers, Pandit Jawaharlal seized the opportunity that the
tour gave him of getting funds. I hope now that no time will be lost in
framing rules and inviting applications.Untouchability, Hindu-Muslim
unity, boycott of foreign cloth, total prohibition, national education,
etc., can absorb a large number of permanent workers. Indeed our
ideal should be to have at least one worker to every one of the seven
hundred thousand villages. But apart from the A.I.S.A. we have
hardly a worker even for every district. All the provinces will naturally
watch the coming U.P. national service organization. Experience
teaches that any such service to be truly national and permanent,
though a creation of the Congress, must stand outside of its varying
politics and must enjoy complete responsible self-government. We
1
The letter is not reproduced here. While sending Rs. 800, as promised, the
correspondent had pointed out that Gandhiji’s visit to their college and the sum
collected there were not mentioned in the tour account published in Young India.

must be able to give an absolute assurance to our workers that they
will not be subject to dismissal with the annual change in the elected
office-bearers of the Congress. This assurance is possible only under
an autonomous board with well devised constitution.
76. THE THIRD-CLASS CARRIAGE

I was a third-class passenger from Allahabad to Patna on 20th November
last. . . .
I have travelled thousands of miles in third-class carriages throughout
the length and breadth of India during the last four years, and my experience is
that ordeals of this kind are of common occurrence.
Such a condition of things would be utterly impossible in any well
governed country.1
Having become a Mahatma, although I have resumed third-class
travelling for the past twelve months or more, my experiences of
overcrowding that more than resemble Mirabai’s can only date back
to 1915 to 1917. These were duly recorded in the Pressat the time I
had gone through them. I had however flattered myself with the belief
that as a consequence of these disclosures, overcrowding had been at
least made bearable. But I see that I was mistaken. The railway
management is no respecter of persons so far as non-Europeans or
un-Anglicized Indians are concerned. For Europeans and Anglicized
Indians there is no doubt more than needed comfort in third-class
carriages. For the 60,l7,78,000 third-class passengers who made in
1925-26 payment of Rs. 34,76,45,000 to the railways, they must be
content to be ‘packed like sardines’ in boxes. Though they pay fares
as passengers having wants of the same kind as 1st and 2nd class
passengers, they are treated as if they were so many parcels to be
thrown in a heap into a luggage van. If Mirabai had exercised the
privilege of her colour and birth she would either not have gone
through the experiences she has, or if she had, her complaint would
have been heard in the proper quarters. Let the reader and the other
concerned ponder over the following instructive figures for 1925-25:
Passengers
1st 2nd Inter Inter Third
Numbers in thousands 11,69 1,04,87 1,40,09 60,17,78
Income in thousands
of rupees 1,20,42 1,89,42 1,59,61 34,76,45
1
Only extracts from Mirabehn’s article are reproduced here.

But at present it is of course doubtful whether her article will
have any effect on the authorities.1
We ourselves are one of the causes of this disease. The sayings
‘Only he can sell his goods who shouts their names’ and ‘Not unless
you ask will even mother serve you a helping at a meal’ are as true as
they are trite and common. Our spirit of tolerance passes all limit, and
the result is laziness and painful indifference. Many of the difficulties
can be removed if our sense of self-respect is awakened, if we look
upon it as our duty to end discomforts which it is not our duty to
submit to, and if we gladly suffer the hardships which follow from our
doing this duty. Passengers should refuse to go into a carriage
whenever they find in it more than the lawfully fixed number. They
should be prepared to run the risk of missing their train occasionally,
if necessary. If after the matter has been brought to his notice a
railway official does not find for the passengers the room required, I
think he can be sued in a court of law. Ordinary passengers cannot
take that step. They would either abuse or fight. Action which requires
patience, firmness and knowledge is only for the educated and
experienced passengers to undertake. Whenever they have to face
such occasions they ought to take proper steps without fail.
77. AN IMPORTANT AWARD2

The award given by the Umpire, Diwan Bahadur Krishnalal
Mohanlal Jhaveri, in the matter referred to him by the unofficial
permanent arbitration board appointed voluntarily by the Ahmedabad
Mill-owners’ Association and the Textile Labour Union is, as the
reader will recognize from the text printed elsewhere, an important
document. The Umpire’s judgment is a preparation evidencing a
careful study of the facts of the case and is a bold enunciation of the
doctrine that when ‘the worker does not get enough wages to enable
him to maintain a suitable standard of living’, ‘he can ask his
employer to pay him wages which would enable him to do so.’ The
contention advanced by labour for the past many years and denied by
employers that it is entitled to a living wage has been wholly accepted,
as I maintain it was boundto be, by the Umpire. It is also worthy of
note that he has found as a matter of fact that the average earnings of
families of labourers including the lowest paid and the highest paid
are not more than Rs. 40 per month and the expenses not less than
1
This and the following paragraph are from Navajivan, 19-1-1930.
2
Vide “Appeal to Ahmedabad Labourers”, also “Textile Labourers’ Demand”?
15-12-1929

Rs. 50 per month. Now the matter referred to the Umpire was the
demand made by labour for full restoration of the cut of 15% made
in 1923 by the mill-owners in labour wages. The learned Umpire
having granted the contention that labour is entitled to a living wage
and that as a matter of fact Ahmedabad textile labour is not getting
such a wage, it is not easy to understand why the whole of the cut has
not been restored. The reader will note that even the restoration of the
whole cut would not send up the wage to Rs. 50 per month. The only
explanation I can discover for this discrepancy between the finding on
the theory and its actual enforcement in terms of wages is that the
Umpire was afraid of his own finding, or that he hesitated to condemn,
even by implication, the action of the mill-owners in making the cut in
1923, and that too not by arbitration, but by an arbitrary exercise of
their power to coerce labour. For whilst it is quite true that the
condition of the mill industry was not as prosperous as it was in the
War period, it was a period of merely less profits, not of loss and
encroachment upon capital. The question of cut can occur, if at all,
only when the wages are so good as to leave a margin after paying for
living expenses and when the industry concerned has to face an actual
deficit. But the men are wedded to the principle of arbitration and
therefore they must cheerfully submit to the Umpire’s decision even
though they do not get the full restoration of the cut. They must
thankfully accept what the Diwan Bahadur has allowed, and
perseveringly and peacefully work for the balance. Indeed there can
be no rest for them or the employers so long as the living wage is not
actually reached and better housing and other ordinary comforts are
not secured. But it will be a great gain if strikes become unnecessary
and the principle of arbitration is strictly adhered to by both parties.
In spite therefore of the partial failure of the men, I tender my
congratulations to the Diwan Bahadur for the labour of love that he
gave to the task that was entrusted to him and for the prompt and
impartial manner in which he approached the difficult question
referred to him by both the parties.
78. IMMORALITY IN HOLY PLACES

A resident of Banaras writes:1
It is likely that this description is exaggerated. But after allowing
for exaggerations what remains deserves to be deplored. No one
should ignore these evils by saying that such immoral practices are
found in the holy places of other religions as well, or in other Hindu
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had described the various
immoral practices in Banaras, its widow-homes, orphanages etc.

places of pilgrimage. In any case, such immorality is reprehensible
everywhere, and efforts must be made to remove it. The best method
to remove these evils is for those who know them and regard them as
reprehensible to purify their own lives and make it progressively
purer every day. This is an ancient method. When adharma is on the
increase, virtuous people practise penance. And penance means
purification.
The other and modern method is to organize a movement
through young men. These days young men’s associations are
multiplying. The spirit of service has grown and is still growing
among young men. Much can be done if they take up this work.
After making a list of all the temples, contacts should be developed
with their custodians and priests, and all possible enquiry should be
made about the temples against which there are complaints. Pilgrims
and other visitors should be forewarned against these evils.
Information should be collected about orphanages and other
institutions. Much improvement will come out of these efforts. For
immorality can thrive only in darkness, not in light.
The lives of young men who take up such work should be pure.
Those who want to purify others can have no influence if they are not
pure themselves.
A third possible course is to set up a committee of respectable
and virtuous people and strive to reform religious places.
These three methods can be adopted simultaneously. We are
dishea-rtened at the sight of such immorality. But there is no need to
lose heart. Several evils persist on account of our despondency
and ignorance. We should have the faith that immorality is atransient
thing and it cannot face the dynamic morality of even a few.
[From Hindi]

WARDHA ,
December 12, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. I am not worrying about Padma. What I have

written about Budhabhai is enclosed with this. The reply which you
have given to Lilabehn is correct. If she wants a separate kitchen for

her mother, she can start one in Budhabhai’s house. We keep Bhansali
because he is still not a person who may be described as responsible. I
think it is our duty to keep him till he regains his memory. Discuss
this matter with Surendra and let me know if he sees any error of
reasoning in this.
Parnerkar and others came and spent a few hours here. I
understand what you say about Mathuradas. He is bound to meet with
difficulties.
I cannot say that I enjoy more peace here than I did there if it
means that I did not enjoy peace there. What I can say is not that I had
no peace there but that I did not enjoy sufficient rest there. I get
plenty of it here. There is very little outdoor work and I don’t have to
take interest in the Ashram affairs.
Mahadev and Mirabehn are expected the day after tomorrow.
Pyarali and Noorbanu were here. Madhavji and his wife Mahalakshmi
have also come. There are sixteen people in the Ashram here, but at
present we are as many as 32. Everyone, therefore, feels cramped for
space.
Blessings from
BAPU
80. LETTER TO HEMPRABHA DAS GUPTA

WARDHA ,
December 13, 1929
DEAR SISTER,
How are you now? I want you to be perfectly healthy. My own

health can be described as pretty good. I am taking milk, curds and
fruit only, no cereals at all.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1665

81. LETTER TO MATHURADAS PURUSHOTTAM
WARDHA ,
December 13, 1929
CHI. MATHURADAS,
The way before you is not without thorns. Read the enclosed
letter. I have also written to Ramsahai and advised him to have a talk
with you. Show boundless love, keep patience and never lose hope. If
you do so you are bound to win in the end. Never feel easily satisfied
with your own work and always be generous in assessing ano-
ther’s. Bear with the imperfect work of an honest worker. With
the dishonest non-co-operate. Have love for both. That is what is
meant by samabhava. Giving bread to the hungry, but refusing food
to one suffering from indigestion, as both these acts are inspired by
love for the persons, such an attitude is called samabhava which
means treating the ant and the elephant on the same footing.. Do not
proceed on the belief that your new method has succeeded outright.
The friction will be minimum, if you proceed by persuading and
carrying with you those insisting on following the old method.
Whether the method adopted is old or new, it should be followed
faithfully. Write to me from time to time about the difficulties that
arise. Do not f eel the least embarrassed in doing so. If on any points
you find my inferences based on insufficient information or mistaken,
caution me about them. It may be very well to have faith in any
principles which I may laydown, but the inferences which I draw from
facts can never be a matter of faith, as faith has no place at all in
matters belonging entirely to the field of the intellect. Do therefore
correct me whenever you find me misinformed about facts and hence
mistaken in my conclusions. If you follow this practice, I shall be able
to write to you more freely and guide you better.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 13, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. It was good that you wrote to Jayantiprasad
conveying permission for his wife to come. Do the same about

Vrajbandhu Mishra’s wife. Do not mind if Dinkarrao’s wife has left. I
believe that when he is absent she will never stay there. We should
unfailingly observe one rule about admitting women, and that is that a
woman may be admitted only if approved by Gangabehn. Her wishes
should also be respected in regard to permitting any woman to stay on
as an inmate. This she has a right to demand, and more than that, I
believe, she does not desire. Let me state in this connection that
Chandrakanta, Sumangalprakash’s cousin, has arrived here. I believe
that Gangabehn has agreed to her being admitted. The managing
committee, too, has given its consent. In my judgment, this girl will
bring credit to the Ashram. Though she is only sixteen, she is very
wise, and is firm and brave. Her intelligence, too, is sharp. Her
character seems to be pure and her thoughts and aspirations are
mature. Who can say, though, what kind of a woman she will grow to
be? If, therefore, the matter has not been considered there, let
Gangabehn think about it and then the managing committee.
The entire amount received from Delhi is to be handed over to
the Spinners’ Association. I suppose the money received for the
Lajpat Rai [Memorial] is also being sent through the Association.
It is desirable that Chimanlal and Sharda should go out
somewhere. Sharda needs some control over her. She on her own
cannot exercise control over herself. She requires strict supervision.
Be that as it may, it will certainly be a good thing for both of them to
go out for some time. I shall write to Govind Babu.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 13, 1929
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I have your letter. Even before I got it, I had sent off a long
letter to Bhagirathji. I will spare some time, if necessary, and solve the
problem. I have written to him about all the matters. I will reach Delhi
on the 22nd. I will be travelling by the Grand Trunk Mail which
reaches there at eleven o’clock.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI P RABHUDAS GANDHI
JAMIA MILIA
KAROL BAGH
DELHI
From the Gujarati original : S.N. 33002

WARDHA ,
December 14, 1929
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I wired you yesterday in answer to your letter that I shall be with
you in Delhi on 22nd. I have since discovered that 23rd is a Monday.
I do not know when the appointment with the Viceroy comes off. It
must not be in the morning. If it is any time in the afternoon, there
will be no difficulty. I would take silence on Sunday at about that
hour. But what of our talk before the interview? My train reaches
there at 11.28 a.m. If the interview takes place in the afternoon we
would easily have some time on Sunday. The other way is for us to
meet somewhere on the train and the third is for you to talk and for
me, if I have anything to say, to put it down on paper. After all I have
not much to say. At the interview you should lead. I do not know what
I could say beyond reiterating the four conditions. As a matter of fact
we go to listen to what H.E. has to say about our conditions. Now you
will direct me.
I observe that your professional engagements keep you fully
busy. I shall look forward to a fair share of the spoils. Daridranar-
ayana’s belly is never full.
Yours,
From a copy: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S.N. 32579/24

WARDHA ,
December 14, 1929
BHAISHRI VITHALBHAI,
I have your letter. So ultimately Motilalji could not go there. He
has written to me saying that my presence is very necessary. I will
therefore reach Delhi on the 22nd. According to Motilalji the Viceroy
wants to meet the leaders of different parties separately. And he also
thinks that to be the best course. I would be of only limited use in all
this. Nevertheless I will go. Motilalji will have met the Viceroy by
then.
Narayan-Narayan from
MOHANDAS

86. LETTER TO SHIVABHAI PATEL
WARDHA ,
December 14, 1929
BHAI SHIVABHAI,
I have your letter. The question itself is based on faulty
reasoning. Work and rules are not two independent things, just as the
elephant and the curb are not unconnected with each other. An
elephant which is not properly controlled can be of no service and is
actually a danger. Similarly, undisciplined work is also useless. Now
tell me yourself which of the two is more important. That the number
of labourers cannot be reduced and that they do not mix with us—
both these are defects which it is the duty of all inmates of the Ashram
to remove. If my view of the matter is correct, a rule should mean that
anyone who cannot observe it should leave the Ashram. What you
write about the kitchen is true. I see that our activities are increasing,
but I do not feel inclined to check them since it is the same activities
which are expanding. I think that work has not been properly
assigned to Jethalal, Manji and Bhagwanji. At present, however, it is
not my job to interfere with the running of the Ashram; my duty is to
watch things and offer criticism when necessary. You are right when
you say that the necessity for too many rules means that the secretary
is weak. The secretary himself knows, and so do we all, that he is weak.
But he will do nothing wrong knowingly. It is enough for me, and
should be so for all of us, that he strives to do his best. All the
questions you have asked are good. Discuss them with me when I
return, and we shall then do what we can.
Blessings from
BAPU

WARDHA ,
December 14, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. Nothing else could have been done about
Lilabehn. If guests feel hurt, we are helpless in the matter. I
understand your difficulty about the rules. It will be enough if you do
what you can. I certainly don’t like Navin and Kusum and others

being able to run away from the Ashram whenever they wish. I can
see disadvantages even in the facilities provided by trains, and besides
there are the well-known inconveniences obvious to all. Relations lived
at distant places even when there were no trains and mail was carried
by runners. But people endured their misfortunes then and did not,
could not, run from one place to another for anyone’s sake. Even
today that is the condition of millions. The rich can run about in all
manner of ways. On every occasion like the present one, it hurts me to
think that we are in that category. I did not, therefore, like Ba’s
running up to Rasik. You can draw your conclusions from this. We
cannot force our views on others in such matters. Let us know,
however, that Ashram-dharma is a difficult one. As on one side the
field of service expands, on another it contracts. When we cultivate
spiritual bonds, the worldly bonds should progressively lose their
force. This seems empty wisdom today and we do not follow it, but it
is worth bearing in mind.
I understand what you say about Moti and Totaramji.
Blessings from
BAPU
88. LETTER TO RAGHUNATH

[After December 14, 1929] 1
BHAI RAGHUNATH,
I wanted to have a talk with both of you but I had not a moment
to spare. And neither of you asked for it.
Do not worry over the future. The present duty well performed
gives an indication of the future.
There are no objective tests of Truth. What our heart assents to is
Truth. In most cases we recognize Truth; but purity of heart is
essential for the correct perception of Truth. That is where the yama2 ,
niyama3 and other disciplines come in.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
This undated letter is placed after a letter of December 14,1929 in a series of
photostat letters chronologically arranged and preserved by Ramniklal Modi
2
Rules of moral discipline
3
External religious observances

89. VIDYAPITH’S APPEAL FOR FUNDS
Those who have in principle approved of the appeal made by
Vallabhbhai and Kakasaheb should remember the following Latin
proverb: “He who gives in time gives twice.” We have the following
parallel saying: “There is a great deal of merit in giving
immediately.” We experience every day the truth of the point
underlying this saying. If a doctor or a vaid does not give timely
medical help the patient will suffer and there are even cases in which
the latter dies. We see every day that if anyone who is bitten by a
snake is immediately given medical aid, he can be saved; if not, he
dies. Although it is our dharma to feed a hungry person, he who does
not do so immediately is guilty of violence towards the hungry
individual. This should be regarded as holding good for all acts of
philanthropy. There is no generosity in giving alms indiscriminately
to anyone who begs. This may imply thoughtlessness, foolishness, or
even pride. However, despite knowingthat the person who begs is a
worthy individual and the cause for which he begs is a deserving one,
anyone who contributes his share only after the former has
approached him wastes public time and forfeits his own prestige, and
thereby misuses the worthiest persons belonging to the institution.
Considering the Vidyapith’s appeal in this light is a form of education
for the people. This appeal is not addressed to people who do not
approve of the Vidyapith. Its object is to point out their dharma to
those who entertain no doubts regarding its usefulness or the service it
has rendered and its object is also to encourage and draw those who
are neutral towards it but may contribute if they come to realize its
value. At this time of public awakening, no one should, as far as
possible, stay neutral. Those who do not stand by their country in its
hour of need also help the cause of the enemy. It is the dharma of
every individual to make his choice. The Vidyapith is an institution
for non-co-operation, that is, one which serves in this time of distress.
Its additional advantage is that its usefulness will always endure.
However, it was born in the hour of the struggle in order to assist in it.
Hence it is my expectation that those who have not arrived at the
conclusion that the Vidyapith is a harmful or a useless institution
should come to know what it stands for, what its achievements are and
what it can achieve in future. It is the dharma of such people to send
in their contributions after they have known of and have been
convinced about it. Contributions may be sent to the following
addresses; Sheth Jamnalal Bajaj, Treasurer, 395-397, Kalbadevi Road,
Bombay 2; Gujarat Vidyapith, Ahmedabad; Provincial Committee,

Ahmedabad; Navajivan Karyalaya, Ahmedabad and Udyoga Mandir,
Sabarmati.
[From Gujarati]
90. A PERPLEXED HUSBAND

A perplexed husband writes:1
I do wish to console him; but in such matters if a person does
not himself find consolation, others will hardly be able to give him
any. However, a person can derive some solace from an intellectual
discussion. Let us, therefore, analyse the problems faced by this
young husband. One can see that the power exercised by traditionlies
at the root of his problems. It seems that in his heart of hearts, the
husband desires to exercise the authority vested in him by virtue of his
being lord and master. If this is not the case, and if the husband
regards the wife as a friend, there will be no cause for despair. We
reason with patience with a friend and, if he is not convinced, we
neither feel disappointed nor use force. If the husband has a right to
entertain any expectations of his wife, will not the latter also entertain
some of the former? What do many wives who regularly go to temples
to have darshan of God do when they do not approve of the modern
habits of their reformed husbands? They would not even dare to
persuade their husbands. Hence, I would first of all advise this
husband and others in similar predicament deliberately to give up the
right of exercising authority over their wives. In order to serve and
educate their wives, they should suppress all physical desire during the
period of education and later patiently explain to the latter that false
superstitions, faith in the priests of temples, visits to so-called places of
worship, etc., are not only futile but may also prove harmful. I have
not the slightest doubt that if the husband’s love is pure, the wife will
surely be convinced. Mango trees do not bear fruit quickly. If a tree
like the mango tree requires to be tended for a number of years, how
much tender care will a woman require who is like a tree and who has
been kept ignorant for so long? It has been my experience that both
satisfaction and success lie in such daily care and tending. One should
not give up one’s efforts if, after having told a person once, the latter
is still unconvinced. One should have faith that such daily care will
finally lead to a change of heart. Hence I am unable to advice either
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had described the feeble
understanding of his wife whom he had been forced to marry in early childhood.

that one should put up with one’s lot or abandon one’s wife. To try in
the above manner to rectify the error made by one’s parents in
arranging such a marriage is a truly manly effort. It is easier to be
happy by abandoning one’s wife; but that is not true happiness; it is
not a truly manly effort and hence it is not dharma. Anyone who is
aware of the poverty-stricken state of his country does not, therefore,
abandon it but, on the contrary, tries until his death to free his country
from the grip of poverty, puts up with many hardships and finds
happiness in doing so. Once we understand this, we shall behave
towards our wives accordingly. The gentleman himself admits that
there are others who are faced with the same difficulties as himself. If
all such husbands abandon their wives, what will be the plight of all
these women in our country? Who will look after them if not their
husbands ? Perplexed husbands should realize that the incompatibility
that is found between husbands and wives today is also a symptom of
the present plight of our country and adopt a path accordingly.
Moreover, by solving such problems, they will readily learn the
correct way of solving the difficulties that lie in the way of attaining
swaraj and this will be an additional advantage both to themselves and
to the country.
[From Gujarati]
91. MY NOTES
TRUTH BOWS BEFORE AUTHORITY
A young man writes:1
This is a good question. Peace is possible only where truth is
pursued. Truth can be returned only by truth. Just as a person who
sells the most valuable object cannot expect to get something even
more valuable in return, similarly, what more than truth can a truthful
person expect? I do not wish to belittle Harishchandra but it is
erroneous to say that he and Dharmaraja 2 had been unhappy. They
had regarded misery as happiness, so that they welcomed that which
we regard as sorrow. It is for such reasons that the poet-devotee has
sung:
The path of God is the path of the courageous; here cowards have
no place.
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had said that one does not
get peace of mind by following the path of truth.
2
Yudhishthira, eldest of the Pandava brothers

Just as the sun radiates heat and also sustains life so does truth.
If the sun stops radiating heat even for a fraction of a: second, this
universe will become lifeless; a similar result will follow if the sun in
the form of truth ceases to radiate heat even for a moment. It is a fact
that we come across untruth in the world, but that is like the dross
within coming out. We should never be oblivious of the fact that
crores of individuals by their very nature employ truth. My own
experience, without exception, suggests that no one has been able to
misuse till the end whatever purity there may be in me. As against this,
those who have come forward to misuse my single-minded devotion
to truth have suffered loss of prestige and even much else besides. I
have had to face difficulties for the sake of my adherence to truth in
thought, word and deed, but I have never suffered on that account.I
have derived only total happiness and peace from it. I have put before
the world an instance of my untruth. So long as it was within me, it
was eating me up. I gained peace only when I purified myself by
ridding myself of it. I can also recall many other similar instances in
my own life. So far as I am aware the world has accepted that the
satyagraha in South Africa ended in nothing but triumph. It appears
that the gentleman who has raised the above question has no
knowledge of the events in South Africa. The experience of the world
as well as my own teaches me that it is incorrect to hold that truth
bows before authority. On the contrary, the latter has always to remain
a servant of the former.
KHADI C ATALOGUE1
I would request all lovers of khadi to obtain a copy of the
catalogue issued by Shri Vithaldas Jerajani as a supplement to the
Khadi Bulletin on the 1st of this month—(December). This catalogue
is a new edition of the original one. Just as a great deal of
improvement can be found in the new one as compared to the old
one, similar is the case of khadi too. Beautiful new illustrations have
been included in the new edition. We also find here descriptions given
of a shopping-bag, a school-bag, a Bardoli-bag and a Burma-bag. The
illustrations regarding the incorrect and correct methods of washing a
khadi-cap are worth seeing. By following the correct method its life
can be increased and it will always maintain its proper shape. If
anyone who wears a khadi-cap does not keep it clean and allows it to
become dirty, his own prestige as well as that of khadi will suffer. On
looking at the picture it becomes quite obvious that to wash a khadi
cap is a very simple matter. While on the subject of khadicaps, let me
1
A shorter note on the subject appeared in Young India, 21-11-1929; vide
“Illustrated Khadi Catalogue”, 21-11-1929.

also add that I find the method discovered by Sjt. Dayalji, which
consists in making as and when necessary a cap from the required
length of khadi without sewing it up, to be the best one. I have
requested that a description of it be-given in the next issue of the
catalogue. Moreover, this would facilitate washing and save on
tailoring charges. However, the most attractive part of this catalogue is
the assurance given in it. I give it below:1
The guarantee given here is not a false one as in the case of
guarantees carried in many advertisements. I know of cases
wherepeople have been refunded the amount when khadi was
purchased in this manner. Apart from this, many other informative
items worth knowing will be found in this catalogue, e.g., the method
of making old Kashmiri cloth look like new. Such other informative
items and hints regarding the washing of woollen clothes and the
method of preserving them will be found in this catalogue.
[From Gujarati]
92. TEXTILE LABOURERS’ DEMAND

I am both grieved and surprised that the Umpire, Sjt. Krishnalal
Jhaveri, has been unable fully to accept the demands of the textile mill
workers. I am grieved at their non-acceptance, as I continue to hold
the opinion that their demands should have been fully accepted and I
am surprised as I do not find any reasons for their non-acceptance in
the verdict of the Umpire. However, the Umpire has fully accepted the
principle put forward by the Majoor Mahajan, namely, that labourers
have the right to receive and demand wages which are needed for their
livelihood. Moreover, he has also accepted the figures given by the
Majoor Mahajan. Sjt. Krishnalal Jhaveri states that the average
monthly income of a labourer’s family does not exceed Rs. 4D, while
his expenditure does not fall below Rs. 50. He also admits that in the
figures of expenditure given by the Majoor Mahajan, some necessary
items of expenditure such as those involved in ceremonies concerned
with birth and death have not been included. Moreover, the Umpire
admits that the mills have suffered no loss of capital.
In my opinion, any amount that has to be withdrawn from the
capital should be regarded as a loss. No loss is incurred if there is less
profit. A fall in profits should never be a reason for decrease in
labourers’ wages. Such a situation can arise only when labourers
1
This is not translated here.

become owners in the same manner and to the same extent as
shareholders. If we are not narrow-minded, we shall immediately
realize that labourers should have a greater right to ownership than
shareholders. All that shareholders do is to pay money whereas a
labourer contributes the sweat of his brow every day and, if he
happens to be a loyal worker, will not desert his work at all. A mill can
be run without shareholders but it is impossible to run it without
labourers. Someone may say that as the labourer is not an intelligent
person, the mill will be ruined if he becomes its owner.This contention
also is without any foundation. All shareholders are not intelligent
persons. No one examines their hearts and their heads. Nevertheless,
they have a right to vote, and the mills continue to function. In my
opinion, they will function better if the labourers are given ownership
rights. The experience of certain multi-millionaires in the United
States of America who are experimenting on these lines lends support
to my views. If labourers are given wages which exceed their bare cost
of living and provide room for improving or bettering their condition,
one can certainly conceive of situations in which they can be reduced.
Just as it will be regarded as improper to touch the capital of the
capitalists, similarly it is improper to touch the wages of the labourers
which barely provide them with a livelihood. A happy state of affairs
will be the one in which an arbitrating body will annually determine
the wages sufficient to cover the cost of living in accordance with the
price of foodgrains, and just as shareholders receive dividends,
labourers should, similarly and in the same proportion, receive an
increase in wages every year. I would regard it as wholly proper that
this increment should vary in proportion to an increase or decrease in
dividends. However, here I have digressed from the original
subject-matter.
The Umpire has arrived at the conclusion that the mills are
making larger profits than they did in 1923. Hence not a single valid
reason can be found for not making good the percentage of the wages
that was cut in 1923. Yes, the Umpire has indeed made one
observation. He has stated that it was not fair to have regarded the cut
effected in 1923 as improper. At that time, the mills were in a
condition much worse than that during the War. That has not been
repudiated on behalf of the labourers. However, during that year the
mills did not have to draw upon their capital. Just because conditions
prevailing in a particular mill may be proved to have been so bad, the
same cannot be said to hold good of the industry as a whole. Hence,
in my humble opinion, there was no reason for the Umpire not to
have resolved to restore in full the fifteen per cent cut after having
accepted the principle that wages should be sufficient to cover the cost

of living and concluded that the wages paid fell short of this. We
should bear in mind that even if the fifteen per cent cut is fully
restored, the emoluments will not amount to a living wage. The
Majoor Mahajan has shown good sense in not demanding a living
wage for the present.
Although I believe that full justice has not been done to labour,
I have nothing but congratulations to offer to Sj Krishnalal Jhaveri.
The labours that he put into this task were in an honorary capacity.
And yet he exerted himself to the maximum. He examined the entire
case carefully, there has not been a single day’s delay on his part, and
his efforts have left on me an impression of nothing but impartiality.
In other words, he has dispensed nothing but what he has regarded as
justice. None can expect more than this. It is beyond the capacity of
human beings to satisfy everyone equally. All that we can do is to
make an attempt to do so, and we can clearly see an attempt in this
direction in the award of the Umpire.
Hence, the labourers have done well in gratefully accepting the
decision of the Umpire. I have already indicated in the leaflet 1
addressed specially to them what their duty is. As the Umpire’s award
has been acceptable to both the mill-owners and the Majoor Mahajan,
it is the dharma of both the parties to honour it fully in thought, word
and deed.
I would, therefore, like to congratulate the mill-owners on
having resolved to accept the award of the Umpire. I find that they
have expressed dissatisfaction. I do not understand this. I am also
unable to understand how this will have an adverse effect on the textile
industry. Even if the mill-owners agree in principle to wages being
equal to the cost of living—and they are, in fact, bound to do so—
they should be happy realizing that they have been saved a sum of
about Rs. 20 lakhs. And they should make preparations right from
today to increase the wages at the first and earliest opportunity so that
they are sufficient to meet the cost of living. They should realize that
a demand from labour for an increase to that extent is bound to come
up at the proper time. It would redound to their credit if they agreed
to the increase and offered the increased amount even before it was
demanded. If the figures arrived at by the Umpire, viz., Rs. 40 as the
average wage and Rs. 50 as the average expenditure, are not
acceptable to them, it is their duty to go deeper into the matter and
examine these figures. If they take the very first step rather
unwillingly, the gap between the two sides will widen instead of the
friendship between them increasing as it should do.
1
Vide “Appeal to Ahmedabad Labourers”, 7-12-1929.

An acceptance of the principle of arbitration should lead to an
increase in friendship and mutual confidence. And in order to foster
them, both the parties should implement the award of the Umpire not
by harbouring any secret grievance but wholeheartedly. If the
labourers are careless even to the smallest extent in this matter, they
shouldcorrect their attitude. It is a publicly known fact that the
mill-owners have been indifferent to this. Although they have agreed
to make provision for water, overhead cover, etc., nothing has yet been
done in these matters in many mills. Although there are awards
relating to such matters already given by arbitration boards, the
capitalists display an attitude of unconcern. I hope that these
drawbacks will be rectified in good time.
There is another matter which needs to be resolved without any
delay. Both Sheth Mangaldas and I are fit to retire. I see old age
approaching me, hence I conclude the same about my colleague as
well. I now see the necessity to appoint other arbitrators. As I have to
do a lot of touring, Sheth Mangaldas, the mill-owners, and the Majoor
Mahajan have been kind enough to meet my convenience. I also had
to ask the Umpire to grant me that concession. So far as I was
concerned, this was indeed a pitiable condition for me to be in. I am
aware that it was my dharma to suit the convenience of the Umpire
and go whereever he happened to be; but he realized my awkward
position and himself bore the inconvenience. However, this cannot be
done every day. Even the petty grievances of labourers should be
heard regularly and immediately. And for this purpose, there certainly
ought to be local arbitrators. The already existing board may be
continued for the sake of formality or as a court of appeal. It is not
even necessary that two persons should be present. It should not be
difficult to find a single, impartial person from Ahmedabad. I believe
that it is better to appoint somebody on a salaried basis if a man or
woman cannot be found who can devote this amount of time in an
honorary capacity. I do not believe that it is essential to have only a
man as an arbitrator. Fortunately for Ahmedabad, we have such
educated women here who have the capacity to serve, who can remain
impartial, and can understand the problems. I believe that one of them
can easily be chosen. At the moment, I put all this by way of a
suggestion before both the parties. So far as the industry in India is
concerned, Ahmedabad is second only to Bombay. Hence, if the
industry in Ahmedabad is put on a stable basis, if a healthy
relationship can be established between capital and labour, between
owners and workers, it will be worthy of imitation by the whole of

India. It is the mill-owners who have to play the principal role in this
matter. Will they do so?
[From Gujarati]
93. PLIGHT OF WOMEN

A gentleman from Kathiawar who has given his name and
address has given some account of the plight of two women. I abridge
his letter as follows:1
So many details have been included in this that there is no
danger of any exaggeration. It is an important question as to what
women who are in such a pitiable plight should do. In a majority of
cases, such women are in a sense helpless, that is to say, they are not
aware of their own rights, and even if they are, they do not know what
can be done in the matter. Perhaps even if they knew what was to be
done, they are unable to do it. Hence they can be saved only if their
relatives and friends help them. The article 2 to which the above
correspondent has referred is meant for intelligent and brave women.
So far as these two women are concerned, legal assistance should be
enlisted and local public opinion should be cultivated, if possible.
There is no need to be awed by wealth or the power of the authorities.
There are at present in Gujarat ashrams for women which offer shelter
to such women. These two should be taken there, educated and an
attempt made to make them self-supporting too. Very often, such
injustices are shielded for fear of public criticism. I regard this as
unnecessary and improper. Many unjust and immoral acts cease being
perpetrated once they become known.
[From Gujarati]
94. INCORRECT NEWS

A reader of Navajivan has sent the following cutting from a
magazine and writes:3
1
This is not translated here. The correspondent had described the plight of two
deserted wives. For a contradiction of this, vide “To Contributors and
Correspondents”, 23-2-1930.
2
Vide “Position of Women”, 17-10-1929.
3
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had requested Gandhiji to
comment on the report that Kasturba touched the feet of holy men.

Although, both my wife and I belong to the Vaishnava sect
ever since we entered public life, that is, for about thirty-fiveyears now,
neither of us has the slightest recollection of my wife ever having
gone for darshan of a maharaj 1 . I fail to understand how the writer
could have gathered the courage to publish such news. I myself do
not have faith in touching anyone’s feet. Even if this sentiment is
worth nurturing, it will only be worthy of those individuals who are
known for their integrity and character. I have never been able to
convince myself that all persons born in the family of traditional
maharajs are like gurus.
[From Gujarati]
95. TO WEARERS OF FINE KHADI

I am very sorry to say that a good deal of deceit is being
practised with regard to the fine khadi from Andhra which has
become famous. Just as the priests in temples are not afraid of stealing
the temple property, the custodians of the poor do not hesitate to
misuse khadi which is like God’s blessings to the poor. They are not
ashamed to sell fine cloth made of foreign yarn by passing it off as
khadi. The Charkha Sangh has taken drastic measures after this fact
came to its notice. However, it is necessary for those who wear fine
khadi to help the Charkha Sangh. They should not even touch a bolt
of khadi which does not bear the stamp of the Charkha Sangh or one
which has not come from a bhandar that has been certified by the
Sangh. Those who wish to obtain a list of certified bhandars can do so
by sending a one-anna stamp to the Secretary of the Charkha Sangh.
It is the dharma of those who wish to wear pure but fine khadi to take
this trouble. Those who do not wear khadi for the sake of outword
show but for the sake of swaraj and for the sake of those who are
dying of starvation should not rest satisfied until they have convinced
themselves of its genuineness. Such men and women should also
make themselves familiar with the method of discerning genuine
khadi.
[From Gujarati]
1
Priest of a temple

96. DISEASES IN VILLAGES1
In the consideration of public education, knowledge of the
alphabet takes a subordinate place. It can be said that knowledge of
the alphabet has no place at all among the important aspects of life.
Moksha is for us the final state to be desired. Who will deny that
knowledge of the alphabet is not necessary for moksha here and
hereafter ? If we have to wait until crores of people have gained a
knowledge of the alphabet in order to win swaraj, attainment of the
latter will become almost an impossibility. Moreover, no one has
claimed that the great teachers of the world like Jesus Christ had this
knowledge.
Knowledge of the alphabet has been given the least important
place in this series of articles. It is a means and not an end. It is a
well-known fact that as a means it is very useful. However, when
considering the type of knowledge that is required for crores of
farmers who are engaged in their occupations and have reached a
mature age, we find that there is much else that they should be taught
before being given a knowledge of the alphabet. We find the same
thing in Mr. Brayne’s book from which I have given summaries of
some parts.
We have already considered the sanitation of villages from this
standpoint. Farmers can readily acquire a knowledge of the
improvements mentioned in the earlier chapters. It is the dearth of
good volunteers and the lethargy of farmers that come in the way of
their acquiring this knowledge.
Today we shall consider diseases which are commonly found in
villages. It has been the experience of all my colleagues who have
lived in villages that fever, constipation and boils are the most
common ailments. There are many other diseases, but they need not
be considered at the present moment. The above three are the ones
that come in the way of the farmer carrying on his profession. It is
very necessary for him to know the household remedies for them. By
ignoring these complaints, we suffer a loss of crores of rupees. And
yet these maladies can be cured very easily. The eradication of
these ailments was of course included in the work thatwas begun in
Champaran under the supervision of the late Dr. Dev.
The volunteers there had no more than three medicines with them.
Later experience also leads to the same conclusion. However, this
series of articles does not envisage a knowledge of how those
1
This appeared in Shikshan ane Sahitya supplement.

treatments are to be carried out. That is a separate and interesting
subject. What is to be pointed out here is that the farmers should be
taught how to treat these three ailments in a scientific way and that this
is an easy task. If sanitary conditions are maintained in the villages,
some diseases will just not occur. And every vaidya knows that
prevention is the best cure. Constipation can be prevented if one can
prevent indigestion, fevers are prevented if the atmosphere of the
village is kept free from pollution. Boils can be prevented if the water
in the village is kept clean and if one takes bath with clean water daily.
Fasting is the best remedy if any of these three ailments occurs and a
hip-bath and sun-bath are useful aids during fasting. This has been
discussed in detail in “General Knowledge About Health”. I would
request every volunteer to go through it.
I find everywhere a feeling that a village should have a hospital,
if not that, at least a dispensary. I have, however, not seen the need for
it at all. It would be nice if such an institution existed in the vicinity of
several villages. However, this is a matter that does not deserve to be
given much importance. Wherever there is a hospital, it is bound to be
filled up with patients. From this, it should not be concluded that it
would be a great boon to the villagers if there were seven lakh
hospitals in the seven lakh villages. The village school should serve as
a dispensary, and its reading-room should also be located there.
Diseases are there in every village, a reading-room should be there in
every village and a school is also needed there; but if one thinks of
having separate buildings for each of these three institutions, one will
realize that taking all the villages into consideration crores of rupees
will be required for it and also it will take a long time. Hence, while
considering the problem of public education and village
improvement, there is no alternative for us but to keep the country’s
extreme poverty in mind.
Had we not borrowed our ideas on such matters from a nation
which has enriched itself by robbing foreign countries and, had there
been a true awakening amongst us, the face of our villages would have
altered long ago.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 15-12-l929

WARDHA ,
December 15, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
After reading the Ashram Samachar I had asked you to write

about certain matters; I had the news concerning them read out to me
yesterday. The note about the changes is a good one. I see from the
news that Velanbehn has started a separate kitchen. All right.
Mirabehn has arrived. Prabhavati is likely to come, accompanied
by her husband and Mahadev.
A Marwari merchant who sells pure ghee in Bombay was here.
He sells cow’s ghee too. The rate is one and a quarter rupees for a
pound, but he promised to sell it to us at one rupee a pound whenever
we required it. His name is Khemraj Agrawal. Address: 192 Kalbadevi
Road, Bombay. He is known as ‘ghee merchant’. I have sent these
particulars for your information thinking that they may be useful to
us when we need it.
I dictated the foregoing after the morning prayer. I have now
received today’s mail, which contains a letter from you too. Did I
write to you and tell you that Madhavji and his wife are here? Pyarali
and Noorbanu also are here. I think it is necessary to note in the
diary particulars about every kind of work done. If, however,
someone does not wish to write about work done in addition to eight
hours’ work or about social duties outside the Ashram, we cannot
force him or her to do so. I would, however, say that such a person
does not even know how to think. However, this is only about khadi
students. You and I can claim no hour as private. To keep aside an
hour as private or to think a private thought is certainly as much
personal possession as money can be, but it can be personal
possession of even a worse kind. Frightful instances of this occur to
me even as I dictate this. Really speaking, the diary should contain
notes about everything done from four in the morning to eight in the
evening. If it is a sacred duty for the Ashram to maintain a daily cash
account, it is equally a sacred duty for all to maintaina diary. Metal is
not the real money; time is. The Lord has said: “Of reckoners, I am
Time” 1 and he who does not keep an account of his time is a prince
1
Bhagavad Gita, X. 30

among deceivers.
Perhaps I too would not understand the meaning of the
sentence: “We should tell anyone who does not attend prayers—if
you do not come, leave the Ashram.” But what I wished to say was
this: “We should tell those who have agreed to join in prayers or any
other compulsory duties and yet do not take part in them, that they
should leave, for if they break their word in one respect they are likely
to do so in other matters too.” Is not this as clear as light? But you
will not be able to carry out this all at once, even after you have realize
the necessity of observing rules, for we have been lax for quite a long
time. At present, therefore, you should merely wake up the people.
After I return, I shall, if all of you agree, take upon myself the
responsibility of acting upon my suggestion.
It is not as if I do not understand Tara’s love for me even in her
refusal to come. I have a beautiful letter today from her too.
I can readily say what lesson we as a body can take from the
Ashram at Wardha. The peace, the respect for rules and the sacrificial
work done here have appealed to me very much. By peace I mean
absence of noise. Respect for rules means doing everything, from
prayer onwards, at the fixed time so that the outward life of the
Ashram may go on in an orderly manner. In the sacrificial work,
everyone is bound to spin yarn of not less than 30 counts. A sari of
eight and a quarter yards length and fifty [inches] width has just been
made. The Ashram inmates themselves wove it. Weaving it took 24
hours. The yarn is excellent. All cloth of such fine count is sold. The
inmates of the Ashram themselves do not wear khadi of more than
eight or ten counts. Since all work is done according to rules, I don’t
see anyone who worries. One of the reasons for this condition here is
of course that the number of inmates is small. I have merely replied to
your question.
I send with this letters received from Umiya and her husband.
They should be read out without fail at the women’s prayer meeting.
Convey the news to others.
Blessings from
BAPU

98. LETTER TO RAMANAND CHATTERJEE
WARDHA ,
December 16, 1929
DEAR RAMANAND BABU 1 ,
I received your letter of 26th November only today. You want
me to give you 1000 words. It is like drawing 1000 live teeth at
present. And you wanted this for your Xmas number. Does it not
mean I am too late? But if I am not, to find time for writing out
something of the size you want, is physically impossible. Every
minute is premortgaged.
I have forgotten all about the promise but I would gladly fulfil it
if you can wait and send me a reminder, if you find that I am still not
resting somewhere near Yeravda in January.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: C.W. 9282. Courtesy: Santadevi
99. LETTER TO K. S. NARAYANA IYER

WARDHA ,
December 16, 1929
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter.
In wishing the Conference success I do hope that Travancore
will wipe out the curse of untouchability and unapproachability and
the like.
Yours,
K. S. NARAYANA IYER
THE ALL-INDIA HUMANITARIAN C ONF[ERENCE]
TRIVANDRUM
1
Editor, Modern Review, Calcutta

100. LETTER TO V. THARAI SWAMY PILLAI
WARDHA ,
December 16, 1929
DEAR FRIEND,
I am sorry I have not been able to overtake your letter earlier.
My message is:
In all you do always think of the old country and her starving
millions.
Yours,
V. T HARAI S WAMY P ILLAI
‘ALCOVE ’, T URRET R OAD
C OLOMBO

CHI. GANGABEHN,
I have received both your letter. Do not mind if your language
is not grammatically correct. If the grammar of thought is correct,
what need for the grammar of words? None the less, practice will
improve the grammar of words too.
I do not feel embarrassed to address some women as ‘Chi.’ in
spite of their being grown up in age. As you made me feel like this
towards you, I found it natural to use ‘Chi.’ in addressing you. I am
returning one letter of yours after correcting it. I would correct even
more if I had the time. Do not be disheartened by my corrections.
One who has made herself as daughter to another should not feel
ashamed on any defect of hers being known to the latter. One who is
ashamed of his or her defect being known cannot overcome it.
Make your body strong and sturdy.
Janakibehn expects you to come here after the condition of
your vow is fulfilled.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
From the contents this letter appears to have been written after the letter to
the addressee dated December 9, 1929. The first silence day after this date fell on
December 16.

Monday [December 16, 1929] 1
CHI. VITHALBHAI,
Many telegrams have been exchanged since your letter and
there is therefore no need to write anything. I am now only waiting
for the wire from Delhi. I shall leave for Delhi after I get it. If I do
start I will reach there on the evening of the 21st2 . Your are of course
dragging me there, but I do not know what I shall be able to do at
present.
I am returning the letter you had asked for. I have not shown
your letters to anyone to read; but I had to give the substance to my
associates. It is for you to decide whether by doing that I have
disobeyed your order.
So far everybody has been acquitting himself creditably.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
[PS.]
I have just received the wire from the Viceroy. I will reach Delhi
on the 21st.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: Vithalbhai Patel Papers. Courtesy: Nehru

WARDHA ,
SISTERS,
Having written to you a sufficiently long letter last time, I wish
to be brief today. I have many other letters to write, and the time at
my disposal is up. I may write about all manner of things, but you
may accept from my letters only that which you can digest. You can
leave the rest. Strive hard to act upon what you understand and accept.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
From the contents
2
The source has “1st”, which could be the result of some confusion in
deciphering, for the letter is clearly concerned, with the meeting with the Viceroy on
the 23rd; vide also “Speech at Khadi and Village Industries Exhibition, Lucknow”,
28-3-1936.

CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. Tell Budhabhai that he can certainly make in

the document the change which he suggests. I shall see Chhotubhai
when he comes.
My view about [attendance at] prayers will be clear from what I
wrote yesterday. If Mathew has a religious objection, we may respect
it, though, according to the rule, such persons too should remain
present. My attitude, however, is that those who have accepted the rule
should not remain absent.
I have already informed you that Madhavji and his wife are
here. They are thinking of renouncing everything and devoting
themselves to service. For the present, they wish to join the Ashram to
get some experience. I believe that, if they come, we should permit
them. I have said this in my letter to Gangabehn. You and the
managing committee should also think about this. I think the husband
and the wife are good in every way and have respect for rules.
The question about Chandrakanta’s mother is altogether
different. She is a capable lady. I have no time just now to go into the
whole case. She will probably be reluctant for some time to have
meals in the common kitchen. She wants to be selfsupporting and live
near her daughter. I have told her that she should give all her time to
the Ashram and do the work assigned to her, and that she will be paid
Rs. 25. She will have to live in a room in Budhabhai’s house and cook
her meals there. She will probably accept this suggestion. She says
that she knows tailoring well. I think, if she does work of that type, she
will not be a burden on us. If, in addition, she observes the other rules,
I think there should be no difficulty in permitting her to stay with us.
Think about this case too.
Blessings from
BAPU

105. LETTER TO M
December 16, 1929
BHAI M,
If you do everything thoroughly, after careful thinking, the

next steps will suggest themselves to you and you will find
contentment.
106. LETTER TO M
December 16, 1929
CHI. M,
It is not wrong to refuse to undertake a task, but it is altogether

wrong to leave off a task once begun. Now that you have vowed to
write the diary, it should not be discontinued. As spinning is a
sacrificial activity for us, we ought to learn it properly. Write to me
from time to time.
107. LETTER TO C. RAMALINGA REDDY

WARDHA ,
December 17, 1929
DEAR FRIEND,
My recollection is that Deshbandhu did insist on the release of
prisoners but he was satisfied even if the Fatwah prisoners were
excluded. This time we have to mount many steps before we come to
the question of release.
Your sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S JT. C. R. R EDDY
VICE-CHANCELLOR
ANDHRA UNIVERSITY
BEZWADA
From a copy : C. W. 11337. Courtesy : Dr. N. Rama Murthy and C. A. Reddi

WARDHA ,
December 17, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter. Let all the people think further, and afresh
too, about the note which I dictated. We shall think about it
again when I return there in January. In the mean time, it is
necessary that everyone should think about it from his or her own
point of view.
I do not mind the permission which has been given to Santok to
cook her meals in a separate kitchen. I have adopted a neutral attitude
in this matter. I shall be satisfied if we do not go down further still. I
understand the suggestion about going to Wardha too, and have
agreed with it. I do not remember about Calcutta, nor do I wish to.I
shall, however, think about the matter when I go over there. I shall not
let it happen that you are obliged to take the responsibility upon
yourself.
The Ramachandra lift has tried our patience well enough. The
Gita is almost finished. I intend to leave this place after I have
completed it and dispatched the proofs from here.
Jawaharlal Nehru arrived today. He will be here for two
days.
Blessings from
BAPU
109. A LETTER
WARDHA ,
December 17, 1929
DEAR FRIEND,
My recollection is that Deshbandhu4 did insist on the release of
prisoners but he was satisfied even if the Fatwa prisoners were
excluded. This time we have to mount many steps before we come to
the question of release.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI

WARDHA ,
December 18, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have been trying to come into close contact with Bhai
Madhavji. I have formed a good opinion about the couple and have
high hopes of them. They have been voluntarily observing complete
brahmacharya for a year and a half. The desire for service has
awakened in Madhavji for quite some years. He is full of enthusiasm.
He is a capable businessman and we shall, therefore, be able to utilize
his ability. I have advised him to understand the work of all the
departments. My advice to you is that you should give him work so
that he should at any rate become proficient in all the processes up to
spinning. He will require agricultural work for at least some time
daily. I also believe that he will be able to look after the store. And he
is bound to know bookkeeping. His wife is a fine woman, but how she
acquits herself there the future alone will show.
Chandrakanta and her mother are-getting ready. Now the
mother, too, has agreed to take her meals in the common kitchen, so
that there will be no problem of a separate kitchen for her and of
paying a salary to her. I had a letter from Chandrakanta, which I am
sending with this to be filed. I will send. her mother’s letter too.
I will leave this place on the 21st., 22-23 in Delhi and 24 in
Lahore. Letters intended to reach me on 22-23 should be addressed
C/o Lakshminarayan Gadodia. You should get this letter on the 20th.
Post letters on that date to Delhi, as also on the 21st. From the
22nd onwards, to Lahore.
Do not mind if Lilabehn has started cooking her meals in
Budhabhai’s house. I believe that Bhansali will certainly not stay on
after he has recovered. Since Lilabehn has started cooking separately,
I should not be surprised if he goes and lives in Budhabhai’s house.
I did not see any letter from Ayodhyaprasad. Carry out what
you have suggested about him.
Blessings from
BAPU

111. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI
WARDHA ,
December 18, 1929
CHI. MANILAL AND SUSHILA,
I am glad that you have come home. Manilal will certainly go to

Lahore. As for Sushila, Ramdas says in his letter that Ba desires that
she may also be permitted to go. I am certainly not against her going.
I have merely given advice. Ba believes that Sushila may wish to see
the Congress session. If this is true and she wishes to go, she may do
so provided Sita’s health is all right and Sushila herself has regained
her physical strength. In short, you two are no longer children; you
are grown-up persons and free to decide for yourselves. That you
nevertheless ask my permission is an act of courtesy on your part and
a voluntary limitation of your freedom out of respect for me. I,
therefore, wish only that you may do as you both like.
Whether Manilal ought to return within four months, we shall
discuss when we meet.
I have decided to return to the Ashram before January 11.
Blessings from
BAPU
112. A MILITARY PROGRAMME1

George Joseph has been one of my dearest comrades. When I
was having rest in Yeravda, he was editor of Young India. Before that
at my instance he was editor of the now defunct Independent. He had
sacrificed a lucrative practice for the sake of the country. He went to
jail for the same cause. He is an earnest and honest worker. He is
therefore entitled to a respectful hearing, the more so when such a
man differs from you and rejecting the old recommends with the
fervour of a convert the adoption of a new policy. George Joseph has
done it. One of his old associates sends a cutting from a newspaper
containing Joseph’s enunciation of his new policy and marks it
‘George Joseph’s confession of faith’. Another man, an unknown
admirer of George Joseph, copies out from the report the whole of his
1
Another article on the subject appeared in Navajivan, 29-12-1929 under the
title “Khadi v. Khaki”.

criticism of the khadi programme. He writes in a most distracted
mood and insists that I must take notice of the remarks about khadi.
There is no cause for distraction, grief or alarm. It would be
surprising, if, in a great national upheaval, we did not find men
honestly recanting old views and enunciating new. Change is a
condition of progress. An honest man cannot afford to observe
mechanical consistency when the mind revolts against anything as an
error. We must therefore patiently try to understand what George
Joseph has to say and not hesitate to accept what appeals to our reason
even though it may mean a sacrifice of some cherished ideal.
It is, I hope, in that spirit that I have endeavoured to study
Joseph’s speech. He condemns khadi, he is ‘quite satisfied that the
removal of untouchability is not primarily a problem of statesm-
anship’. His programme in one simple sentence is: ‘Militarize India’.
Here is an extract from the speech:
We cannot all become soldiers. There is not enough room for us.
But it should be possible for us to set about the idea of training about
5,000 men every year in this Presidency in urban units. The men will go to
drill two or three times a week, go out to camp three weeks in the year.
Such training should be made available not only for the students who
are at college but also for men of sufficient social and educationalstatus, the
educational standard being the membership of the School Leaving Class. If
you see in every street such people going about in khaki, there will be a new
element in our life. This kind of training would make people to stand straight,
to think straight and to speak straight. It will be a great enrichment of our life.
My experience teaches me differently. I have known men in
khaki rolling in gutters instead of standing straight, I have seen a Dyer
thinking crooked and speaking not straight but nonsense. I have
known a commander-in-chief being unable to think at all, let alone
thinking straight. Let those who are enamoured of military training
have it by all means, but to suggest it ‘as a new constructive
programme’ betrays impatience and hasty thinking. There is not
much danger of ‘the new programme’ taking root in the Indian soil.
Moreover it is against the new order of things that is coming into
being even in the West which has grown weary of the war-god. The
military spirit in the West bids fair to kill the very humanity in man
and reduce him to the level of the beast. What is wanted and what
India has, thank God, learnt in a measure undreamt of before is the
spirit of unarmed resistance before which the bayonet runs to rust and
gunpowder turns to dust. The vision that Joseph puts before us of an
armed Government bending a minority to its will by a clatter of arms
is a negation of the democratic spirit and progress. If that is the
promise of the new programme, we have the armed coercion even now

not indeed of a mere minority but of an overwhelming majority. What
we want, I hope, is a Government not based on coercion even of a
minority but on its conversion. If it is a change from white military
rule to a brown, we hardly need make any fuss. At any rate the masses
then do not count. They will be subject to the same spoliation as now
if not even worse. When George Joseph has lived down his impatience,
I know him to be too honest not to retrace his steps and become the
fine democrat that to my great joy I had discovered him to be on the
Madras beach in 1919.
Let us then turn to what he has to say about khadi:
As long as I was within the fold of the Congress, the only thing the
constructive programme represented was khaddar, removal of ‘untouchability’,
and in later years prohibition. Now I must frankly tell you that I have come
deliberately to the conclusion that not one of these goes to the root of the
fundamental need of this nation. Khaddar does not. I think it will not survive
the creator of the movement, Gandhiji. I have come to that conclusion,
because of the fundamental economic defect which is attached to khaddar. It
costs far too much to produce and to buy, and is, consequently, unjust to the
consumer. Khaddar which costs about a rupee a yard will not stand against the
cloth produced by the machine industries costing as. 6. My experience of
khaddar is that it results in injustice to the producer also. The women, the
spinners, who are at the root of khaddar, working for 10 hours a day, have got
to be content with a wage of as. 3. I suggest that an industry based on the
payment of as. has wages to the fundamental producer thereof cannot succeed,
because it amounts to sweating of labour. The sweating of labour consists
essentially in paying to the labourer less than is sufficient for her physical
maintenance. It is no answer to say that the country is stricken with famine,
that there are millions of people without occupation, and to say that for these
as. 3 is better than no income whatever. I refuse to accept that argument. That
cannot be an argument which can appeal to any human employer of labour, or
any statesman with a forward looking view, in reference to the affairs of his
country. It is no consolation to be told that I shall be right in offering as. 3
wages a day, when I know as a matter of economic necessity that the wages
would not be sufficient to maintain the worker, much less her family. That is
to my mind the hopeless ineradicable and inexorable vice that attaches to
khaddar. That is why today, in spite of 7 or 8 years of labour by Gandhiji, and
in spite of lakhs of money poured like water into the organization of the
industry, the production of khaddar is infinitely small compared to the
magnitude of the problem that has got to be solved, that is, to produce
clothing for the whole of India and to put an end to the importation of Rs. 60
crores worth of cloth every year.
Here George Joseph’s impatience for reform has betrayed him
into lapse of memory. For he brings no new argument in support of
his summary rejection of khadi but quotes as facts what he himself
used to refute as fallacies. Arguments may be revised on further

consideration, but facts may not be unless they are proved to have
been false.: Khadi as conceived for the use of millions does not cost
more than foreign cloth for the simple reason that the millions must, if
khadi is to be used by them, be their own manufacturers and
consumers. These pages have shown that in Bardoli, Bijolia and
several other places khadi is being so manufactured and consumed
even as in millions of homes people cook and eat their own food. It is
possible to demonstrate, in terms of metal, that rice or bread cooked in
a few factories would cost less than they cost today in the millions of
homes. But nobody on that account would dare suggest that the
millions should cease to cook and should send their raw rice and
wheat to be cooked in centralized factories.
Again it is not true to say that women spinners work ten hours
per day. Whatever spinning they do is done during their spare hours
and what they get is not a day’s wage but in the majority of cases a
substantial addition to their daily earnings from their daily avocation.
The earning from spinning is waste turned into wealth and not the
price of ‘sweated labour’ as Joseph puts it. And let me correct Joseph
by saying that no spinner even working for 10 hours per day can earn
3 annas per day. Spinning has never been conceived as a full day
occupation. Lastly it is untrue to say, that “lakhs of money have been
poured like water into the organization of the industry”. No
organization on a nationwide scale has been known to cost less in
organizing than this has. What is true is that a paltry 25 lakhs have
been invested as capital for organizing this great and daily growing
cottage industry which brings water to thousands of parched lips.
Joseph must think cheap of his countrymen when he prophesies that
an organization which employs at least 1,500 willing workers in 1,500
villages, an organization which brings daily relief to nearly 1,50,000
women, an organization which commands the self-sacrificing labours
of a Mithubai Petit, the Naoroji sisters, of a Banker, a Jamnalal, a
Rajagopalachari, an Abbas Tyabji, a Venkatappayya, a Pattabhi, a
Gangadharrao, a Vallabhbhai, a Lakshmidas, a Rajendraprasad, a
Jairamdas, a Mahadev, a Kripalani, a Satis Chandra Das Gupta, a
Suresh Banerji, aye a Jawaharlal and a host of others, lawyers, doctors,
merchants and laymen too numerous to mention though known to
fame, will die after the death of one man. It will be a tragic miracle if
all these men and women find the morning after my death that khadi
was a ‘huge blunder’.
And the pity of it all is that Joseph does not suggest an
alternative. Not even if every educated Indian was dressed in khaki
and knew how to shoot straight, would the problem of the growing
poverty and the forced partial unemployment of millions of the

peasantry be solved without a special programme devised for the
purpose. For better or worse khadi is that programme till a better is
evolved.
113. THE DUTY OF CAPITALISTS

Sjt. Ghanshyamdas Birla, presiding the other day at the
Maharashtra Merchants’ Conference (Sholapur), delivered a speech
that was noteworthy for the freedom with which he expressed his
opinions. He would have no distinction made between English cloth
and other foreign cloth in the matter of protection. He said:
What I want to tell the Government is that while the country would not
tolerate any duty based on principle of differentiation1 even in the interests of
the cotton industry, it is vitally essential that an extra uniform ad valorem
protective duty should be imposed. I maintain that the Bombay cotton
industry requires protection not only against imports of cheaper goods but
also against imports of finer goods.
Speaking on the duty of capitalists he presented an ideal which
it will be difficult even for a labour man to improve upon. Pleading
for unity among the merchant class he said:
But let me make it clear that the unity which I propose for the
businessmen should be unity for service and not for exploitation. The modern
capitalist has been much abused of late. In fact, he is being looked upon at
present as belonging to a separate class. But in the days of yore the situation
was something quite different. If we analyse the functions of the Vaishya of
the ancient times, we find that he was assigned the duty of production and
distribution, not for personal gain but for common good. All the wealth that
he amassed, he held as a trustee for the nation. Capitalists, if they are to fulfill
their real function, must exist not as exploiters, but as servants of society. No
Communism or Bolshevism can thrive if we know and discharge our duty. If I
may say so, it is we who provided a fertile soil for the development of
Communism and Bolshevism by relegating our duty to the background. If we
knew our duty and followed it faithfully, I am sure that we could save society
from many evils. I have mentioned that our true function is to produce and
distribute.... Let us produce and distribute for the service of the community.
Let us live and be prepared, if it comes to that, to sacrifice ourselves for the
common good.
1
Presumably the reference is to the Cotton Textile Industry (Protection) Bill
which was passed by the Legislative Assembly in March 1930.

114. TO WHOM DOES CONGRESS BELONG?
During my tour of the U.P. someone asked me a few questions
and requested me to give the answers through the columns of the
Hindi Navajivan.
One of them was:
Is the Congress a joint organization of the Hindus and Muslims? If the
answer is ‘yes’, can Congress workers who are responsible for Hindu-Muslim
clashes be called Congressmen and have a following ? When such a situation
arises what is the man in the street expected to do?
Congress, of course, belongs to Hindus and Muslims but it is
much bigger than that. The Congress belongs to every citizen of
India—Hindu, Muslim, Parsi, Sikh, Christian, Jew and others. Men and
women who accept the ideals of the Congress Party can become its
members. If any Congress member becomes the cause of
Hindu-Muslim clashes, such a person can be expelled from the
Congress. He, who, being a Congress member, causes discord between
the two communities, is an enemy not only of the Congress but of the
country as a whole.
This is only a bare answer to the above question. But when I
myself am not satisfied with this much of an answer, how can I expect
the questioner to be content with it? The sad fact, however, is that
hatred between the two communities already exists and there is no
need to create it. This state of affairs affects Congress also to some
extent. How can such mutual hatred be removed? The questioner must
have had this problem in mind though he has not put it into words.
In order to eschew hatred, purity of mind is necessary. Courage
should be generated in the minds of both. Today we are afraid of
each other. If this fear could be replaced by mutual trust all hatred
and enmity would soon vanish. The best way to get over such
weakness is not to follow anyone in this matter but to shed fear and
suspicion from our own hearts. If even a few such men could rise
today, then the Congress would come out unscathed. Yes, I do realize
that there is an endeavour to create such an atmosphere and, knowing
this, I cannot give up my own hope and faith.
[From Hindi]

WARDHA ,
December 19, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I had a letter from Somabhai. Since you have made no
reference to him, I infer that you have not read the letter. Let me
know if what he has stated as facts are such. You will realize that many
questions arise from what he has stated. Ask Surendra to write to me
and tell me what he had said to Somabhai. It is but proper that I
should not discuss anything relating to that letter till I have heard
from you.
Dr. Mehta will probably land in Bombay on the 23rd. Write to
Manilal Kothari about the kitchen and get it vacated and cleaned. I do
not know where Manilal is at present. In any case I am sending from
here a wire to him at his Wadhwan address. If the key of the kitchen is
with you, make a list of his things and put them away in a safe place
and then get the kitchen swept and cleaned.
Chandrakanta will start tomorrow and reach Ahmedabad on
Sunday morning. She will be accompanied by her parents. Her father,
too, seems to have the spirit of self-sacrifice in him. I have, therefore,
suggested to him that he himself should accompany Chandrakanta to
the Ashram, see the place for himself and live there for a few days, so
that I may feel less worried on her account. The husband and the wife
wish to have separate arrangements for their meals for the present. If
the mother decides to stay in the Ashram for some time at least, she
will certainly take her meals in the common kitchen. At present, lodge
the husband and the wife in any vacant rooms in Budhabhai’s house.
Nanibehn is not there, nor Parvatibehn. Hence some rooms are bound
to be vacant. The two may stay in them and cook their meals as they
wish. Supply them provisions from the store against their names. Give
them a bill if they ask for it. If they do not, keep the amount pending
in the department’s account, and consult me about it after I return.
Chandrakanta will of course stay in the women’s wing. The
parents are thinking of staying there till my return. Do not get
confused because I thus give you new information about this in
every letter. I have no time to narrate the whole case. IfI could do that,
you would easily understand the indecision of this couple. I cannot
say positively yet when Madhavji will come. If he decides to come
after I have left this place, he himself will write to you and let you
know the date.
Blessings from
BAPU

[PS.]
I have not revised this.
116. LETTER TO SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE

WARDHA ,
December 20, 1929
DEAR FRIEND,
You attribute to me powers I know I do not possess. There are
no-changers and pro-changers nowadays. It would be wrong on my
part to interfere with the discretion of co-workers in matters outside
the operations which keep them in touch with me. If there is any
specific thing against any of them, I shall gladly go into it.
But whether I can be of any service or not I wish you could find
a way out of this unseemly wrangling.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. G.
S UBHAS BOSE
117. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR MORARJEE

WARDHA ,
December 20, 1929
CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,
I have your letter. I cannot but feel extremely unhappy in
refusing to accede to your request. But, frankly, I shall be quite out of
place at such a meeting1 . The very list of names frightened me. What
place can I have in such a meeting, and what would I do there? Sir
Purshottamdas or Sir Dinshaw Petit will certainly fill the place with
honour. Personally, I would advise you to think of no other name.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 4794. Courtesy: Shantikumar
Morarjee
1
Condolence meeting on the addressee’s father’s death

118. LETTER TO PREMABEHN KANTAK
December 20, 1929
CHI. PREMA,
I have your letter. I had also expected you to give in it an
account of the Bal Mandir and a description of the state of things
there. May I expect them still?
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—5: Ku. Premabehn Kantakne, p. 6

WARDHA ,
December 20, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have always been indifferent about Dattajayanti1 , etc. I am not
moved by such things. But I do not feel repulsion towards such things
either. I do not, however, wish that the public should come to know
about the temple and that people from outside may even come to
worship there, for I visualize the evil consequences which are likely to
follow. I cannot easily imagine any beneficial results from such a
development. Those in the Ashram who wish to use the temple for
devotional purposes may do so, but I wish that we should not go
further than that. Let Panditji also read this.
I, too, would have decided as you did about Premabehn. I
missed mildness in your decision. It is desirable that we should not
attend marriages. But we have not adopted a rule that no one may
attend a marriage at any time. Of course, I do feel that we should not
spend the Ashram money for such a visit and that we should dissuade
those who would listen to us.
I have already written to you about Somabhai in my letter of
yesterday. If he and Hasmukhrai have settled the matter between them,
the problem is solved. If it is necessary to write to me further about
this, do so.
I wrote to you about Chandrakanta yesterday. There is no
question now of paying Rs. 25. If I like a certain idea from a distance,
1
Birth anniversary of Lord Dattatreya

it does not follow that you or anybody else should approve of it. My
view may be wrong. Now Kanta’s parents are also accompanying her
as guests. I have come to regard Antyajas and the common kitchen as
two shields which protect us. I see every day that without them we
would be blown up.
Send the sums mentioned by Chhaganlal Gandhi. They are
earmarked for such purposes. A note about this is also filed in the
office there. If we don’t have a list of all such papers, we should
have one, and on the page on which the account of an earmarked
sum commences the conditions for its use should be mentioned, or the
serial number of the document in which they are mentioned should be
quoted. If that is done, anyone who takes charge of the work will be
able to find the necessary information the moment it is required; our
method of maintaining accounts should be thus clear.
If Kashinath is there, tell him that I could not follow what he
says about his widowed sister. He may, however, consult Gangabehn
and they two may decide about the matter as they think fit.
Blessings from
BAPU
120. A LETTER1
WARDHA ,
December 20, 1929
CHI. . . . ,
I have announced during the morning prayer at the Ashram that
Chi. . . . has violated the vow of brahmacharya. . . . I have also written
a detailed letter to the Managing Committee. You will get a copy from
there. Chi. . . .has fully atoned for his sin. I do not see any need for
you to step down as . . . of the Managing Committee. Today Chi. . . .
is with me. Most probably I will not bring him there.
1
Omissions in the letter are as in the source.

121. TELEGRAM TO PRIVATE SECRETARY TO
VICEROY
P RIVATE S ECRETARY
VICEROY’S C AMP
YOUR WIRE 2 . SHALL GLADLY WAIT ON HIS EXCELLENCY AS
DESIRED MONDAY NEXT FOUR THIRTY.
GANDHI

P RESIDENT P ATEL
NEW DELHI
YOUR WIRE. PRAY EXCUSE. SHALL EXPLAIN WHY I MAY NOT
STAY WITH YOU.
GANDHI
1
The addressee’s telegram was dated December 20, 1929.
2
It read: “His Excellency has received intimation that you along with Pandit
Motilal Nehru Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru Mr. Patel Mr. Jinnah would be glad if invited to
meet him and place him in possession of your views on his recent announcement. He
would therefore be very pleased if [you] would come to see him at Viceroy’s House,
New Delhi at four thirty on afternoon of Monday December Twenty-third. Kindly
confirm by telegram. His Excellency has been in communication with Mr. Patel who I
understand is writing to you in this connection.”
3
Presumably this was sent after Gandhiji’s decision to meet the Viceroy; vide
the preceding item. The drafts of this and the following three telegrams. are found on
the same sheet of paper,

123. TELEGRAM TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
[On or after December 20, 1929]
S ARDAR VALLABHBHAI
S URAT
EXPECT LETTER POSTED TODAY. GOD BE WITH US.
BAPU
124. TELEGRAM TO LAKSHMINARAYAN GADODIA

GADODIA
DELHI
WILL THANKFULLY STAY WITH YOU PARTY DEVDAS.
GANDHI
125. TELEGRAM TO D. B. KALEKAR

KAKASAHEB
GUJARAT VIDYAPITH
AHMEDABAD
YOU MAY ANNOUNCE CONFERENCE1 DATES.
BAPU
1
Presumably the All-India National Education Conference held on January 13,
1930.

126. TELEGRAM TO MANILAL KOTHARI
MANILAL KOTHARI
JORAWA [R] NAGAR
DOCTOR MEHTA EXPECTED 23RD. KITCHEN SHOULD BE
VACATED.

December 21, 1929
YOUR WIRE. HAVE ACCEPTED INVITATION. STAYING GADODIA2 .

GANDHI
From a copy: Vithalbhai Patel Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
128. LETTER TO RAMNIKLAL MODI3

WARDHA ,
December 21, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have not written again about Chi. . . . That episode will

certainly not be discussed. There should be no mention of it just now
in the Ashram Samachar also. We have to draw from it the proper
lesson and therefore have to take every step with caution. Whatever
may have been. . . . ’s error, he needs no persuasion to atone for it, as
Chhaganlal Gandhi did. The latter’s secret remorse was great. But as
he was in ignorance as regards his lapse, so was he in regard to
atonement. I do not think it is so in the case of . . . , and I am actually
observing that he is fully atoning for his error in the right manner. If
he emerges successful in his atonement I would consider that his test
1
Drafted on the reverse of the sheet containing the drafts of the preceding four
telegrams; vide also “Letter to Ramniklal Modi”, 19-12-1929.
2
Lakshminarayan Gadodia; vide “Letter to Ramniklal Modi”, 18-12-1929 and
“Telegram to Lakshminarayan Gadodia”, on or after 20-12-1929.
3
Omissions in the letter are as in the source.

had been light. I am testing myself, too, for . . . has not left it to
himself what he should do; he has left the decision to me.
129. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL GANDHI

WARDHA ,
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,
I have your letter. I can understand what Shankerlal has told
you. The idea behind the activities in Vijapur is different. Bear in
mind that we are not obliged to women. If they really need the work,
they will do it.There can be no comparison between a bidi and a
spinning-wheel as there can be none between liquor and Gangajal.
Let those who make bidis go on making them gladly. You should
carry on your work without any fear. Make any improvement you can
think of. Write to me when the time for sending khadi to Calcutta is at
hand. Kundi can be made there. I have seen hand-made kundi at
Mir[pur] Ashram. Krishna has reached. . . . 2 We should be satisfied
with what . . . 3 of his can be tolerated.
I expect that you will be able to cope with the land affairs
provided Subani is keeping a close watch over it. Keep me informed.
You have done the right thing in paying a visit to Talwalkar.
That was one debt to be repaid. Giving the . . .4 does not settle it, but
we have derived satisfaction from it. True debt we have to repay by
rendering outstanding service to the society. I will leave here for Delhi
on the 21st. From there to Lahore on the night of the 23rd.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
From Gandhiji’s itinerary mentioned in the last para; in 1929, he reached
Delhi on December 22 and Lahore on December 24.
2
The source is not clear at these places.
3
ibid
4
ibid

December 21, 1929
I have your letter. I never knew that in spite of your company
Taramati would believe herself to be in prison. Moreover, the silent
companions there—the natural scenery—make any company
superfluous. But I was glad that all of you went there. More so
because you all stayed there so long. So you may gladly come down
at the end of January. I am leaving for Delhi today. Just now it is five
o’clock in the morning. Have to meet the Viceroy. I am not going
there with any hopes.
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Prasadi, p. 97
131. LETTER TO SHIVABHAI PATEL

ON THE TRAIN ,
December 21, 1929
BHAI SHIVABHAI,
I have your letter. The get-up of Ashram Samachar is fairly
good. Very probably, I know the stuff on which you have printed it. I
shall be able to tell when I see it.
Blessings from
BAPU
132. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

December 21, 1929
CHI. NARANDAS,
I have your letter. I am writing this reply in the train which is
carrying me to Delhi. I have understood your reasons. I will,
therefore, say nothing for the present. If I get some peace, I will go
deeper into the matter in January. The women’s class must be going
on very well.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-9: Shri Narandas Gandhine, Part 1, p. 56

133. WHAT SHOULD BE DONE FOR FARMERS?
A young man who has mentioned his name and wishes to see
me but has forgotten to give his address writes:1
The desire expressed by the father of this young man is shared
by many other parents today. Those young men who have been
infused with patriotism and who are prepared to undergo any amount
of hardship on account of this sentiment will certainly not like toserve
the Government or a State after graduation. Parents should accept this
fact. They should give up their insistence upon forcibly guiding along
boys and girls who have reached the age of maturity, and young men
like the one who has posed the above question should, with humility
but with equal firmness, place their ideas before their parents and put
them into practice. However, how who are ready to do so should also
be prepared to renounce their parents, wealth. A son or daughter who
is looking forward to receiving, or is actually receiving, an inheritance
from his or her father has no right to disregard his or her parents’
wishes. The question as to what should be done about the poor people
or the farmers now takes a subordinate place. Anyone who has the
strength to give up politely and for the sake of serving the country the
shelter afforded by his father will find hundreds of ways of serving
the poor farmers. One can make a beginning by living like a farmer.
This naturally suggests to me the spinning-wheel. But to whomsoever
it does not, may not start serving through the spinning wheel. If he
goes and settles down in any village, a number of ways of serving it in
accordance with his capacity will strike him. If however, anyone poses
the question as to what is to be done there for the sake of one’s
livelihood, the answer to it is that all such persons should join an
institution like the Charkha Sangh, accept an adequate salary and
work there. All readers of Navajivan are aware of the fact that
hundreds of young men are working in this manner at present. Hence
the way is dear for all those who truly wish to serve. For all those who
have the enthusiasm to serve, but not the training to do so, there are
available today means whereby they can acquire this knowledge.
However, very often it is found that there is not the same amount of
understanding as the fervour that is found behind the patriotic urge.
Some young men believe that this fervour is by itself sufficient.
However, jut as vapour without control is useless or sometimes proves
harmful, similarly, such thoughtless fervour is also futile and may
even at times prove harmful. Those young men who wish to serve the
1
The letter is not translated here.

farmers should possess a great deal of patience, self-confidence,
physical strength, capacity to withstand heat, cold, etc., and the
willingness to get training.
[From Gujarati]
134. WOMEN AND ORNAMENTS

I have never been able to understand our rajas’ and maharajas’
fondness for ornaments. Or I may say that the rajas heavily laden with
jewellery have reminded me of women. I do not wish to malign
women by comparing the rajas with them. Even women would not
appear beautiful to me if they looked like men. Every person looks
well in his or her rightful place and can make a useful contribution
only by remaining there. He loses his status if he tries to go above it
and we also say that he does likewise if he attempts to climb down
from it. This is what is meant when it is said that better one’s duty
bereft of merit, than another’s well performed.1 However, after having
spoken of the ornaments of the rajas, I wish to speak of those of
women. The former may not even be reading Navajivan. Even if they
do, they will not pause to ponder over such matters. And even if they
wish to do so, the Emperor will not permit it. These vassals derive their
lustre from the latter. They are not self-luminous; if they give up their
ornaments, perhaps they may also have to give up their thrones. They
themselves say that it will be regarded as an insult to the Emperor if
they do not deck themselves with ornaments on State occasions, and
the Emperor will be displeased with them. Whether they desire it or
not, they have no alternative but to possess and wear expensive
ornaments and attend such functions. Hence there is no point in
raising at present the question of the rajas. The planets will
automatically find their proper places once the sun finds its own.
These rajas are like the planets. They do not at present have any
independent powers of doing good or evil. They can react
independently to what they are told only when they can escape from
the Emperor’s clutches or free themselves from his influence.
But what about women? The uplift of women is one of the
principal aims of running Navajivan. During my tour of the U.P., I
was very much irritated at the sight of the ornaments worn by rich and
poor women alike. At that very time, I read Mr. Brayne’s book. I was
largely convinced by his criticism of ornaments. He has held the men
1
Bhagavad Gita, III. 35

folk too responsible for this fondness for ornaments. I believe that
men are or were responsible for this; their responsibility may now
have decreased, but the women’s responsibility for this fondness is no
less. I was unable to convince many women to give up their
ornaments.
How and whence did women develop this fondness? I do not
know its history, hence I have only made some conjectures. The
ornaments which women wear on their hands and feet are a sign of
their bondage. Some of the ornaments worn on the feet are so heavy
that a woman cannot walk fast, let alone run. Some women wear such
heavy ornaments on their arms that they prevent them from fully
utilizing the latter. Hence I regard these ornaments as fetters on the
hands and feet. I have found that by means of the ornaments which
are worn by piercing the nose and ears, the men lead the women as
they wish. Even a child, by firmly taking hold of a nose or ear
ornament of a woman, can render the latter helpless. Hence I have
looked upon these principal ornaments as mere symbols of slavery.
I have found even the designs of these ancient ornaments ugly. I
have beheld no true art in them. I have seen and known them as
objects which harbour dirt. A woman who is loaded with ancient
ornaments on her hands, feet, ears, nose and hair cannot even keep
these parts of her body clean. I have seen layers of dirt collected on
those parts. Many of these ornaments are not even removable every
day. When some women gave me their heavy anklets and bangles,
they had to call in a goldsmith to have these removed from their
hands and feet. When these were taken out, they left a good band of
dirt on the hands and ankles, and the designs carved on the ornaments
were full of layers of dirt. These women too felt as if they were rid of
an age-old burden.
The modern woman is oblivious of this origin of ornaments and,
regarding them as objects which beautify her gets delicate ones made
for her. She has them made in such a way that they can be readily
worn and removed and if she happens to be very wealthy, she has
them made of diamonds and pearls instead of gold and silver. They
may gather less dirt, it may well be the case that they are regarded
artistic, but they have no utilitarian value and their capacity to beautify
is also imaginary. Women of other countries would not wear the
ornaments worn by our women. Their idea of adorning themsleves is
different. Ideas of adornment and artistic beauty vary from one
country to another; hence we know that in such matters we have no
absolute standards of beauty or art.
Why is it then that many reasonable, educated women still

continue to be fond of ornaments? On considering the matter, itseems
that as in other matters, here too tradition reigns supreme. We do not
find reasons for all our actions and do not even stop to consider
whether they are proper or otherwise. We do them because it is
customary to do so and later we like them independently. This is
called thoughtless life.
However, why should all those women who are awakened, who
have started thinking for themselves, who wish to serve the country,
who are taking or wish to take part in the yajna of swaraj, not exercise
their discretion with regard to ornaments, etc.?
If the origin of ornaments is what I have imagined it to be, they
are fit to be renounced, however light or beautiful they may be.
Fetters, though made of gold, diamonds or pearls, are fetters only.
Whether in a small dark room or in a palace, men and women
imprisoned in either will be regarded as prisoners only.
Moreover, wherein lies the beauty of a woman? Does it lie in her
ornaments, her mannerisms, her new clothes which she changes daily,
or in her heart, thought and action? The cobra which has a precious
stone on its hood has poison in its fangs. Hence, despite the fact that it
wears a crown of precious stone, it is not considered worthy of
darshan or of being embraced. If a woman realizes that this ‘artistic
device’ leads to the downfall of countless men, why should she garner
these ornaments although they may possess any amount of artistic
value? This is not a matter of individual freedom, nor is it a question
of the rights of an individual; it is merely a wilful act and hence fit to
be renounced, because it involves cruelty. It is the dharma of every
thoughtful and compassionate man and woman to see what effect his
or her actions have on others and to desist from them if they are not
otherwise proved to be useful and produce a harmful effect.
Finally, in this poverty-stricken land, where the average daily
income of a person is seven pice or at the most eight pice, who has the
right to wear even the lightest of rings? A thoughtful woman who
moreover wishes to serve her country, cannot ever touch ornaments.
Looking at it from the economic standpoint, the gold and silver that
we lock up in making ornaments causes threefold harm to the
country. The first harm is that where there is a shortage of food, we
increase it by wearing ornaments. It should be borne in mind that our
average daily income is seven or eight pice. As those whose daily
income is a thousand rupees are also included in these calculations,
even if we leave the destitutes aside and take into account only
thepoorer classes, their income would amount to one or two pice.
Hence the amount spent on jewellery is something that we have taken
away from the poor. The second is that these ornaments do not yield
any interest, hence we prevent an increase in the national wealth to that
extent. The third is that a large portion of these ornaments finally
wears off or, in other words, that amount of wealth is lost for ever. Just
as if an individual throws away some of the gold bars in his possession
into the ocean, his wealth will decrease to that extent, almost the same
can be said of a woman who invests her money in ornaments. I use the
word “almost”, as some ornaments are sold in straitened
circumstances and hence they may be regarded as having been put to
some use. The loss that they have suffered through wear and tear
before their sale is of course there; moreover, anyone who buys them
can never recover their original value when reselling them, and the
loss suffered thereby is also there. Therefore, any woman who wishes
to keep aside ornaments as her own property or as property which
may be useful in times of distress should put their equivalent in cash
in her name; either her parents or her partents-in-law should open an
account in a bank and give her the pass-book. Such times may well be
far off. However, if thoughtful women, who wish to render service,
give up their love of ornaments, I would regard this article as having
fully served its purpose at least for the time being.
[From Gujarati]
135. MY NOTES
THE LATE JAIKRISHNA INDRAJI
A reader of Navajivan writes 1
I had become acquainted with Sjt. Jaikrishna in Porbandar and
that very time I was astonished by his diligence in trying to
excel himself in his own field and by his simplicity which matched his
diligence. In trying to discover new plants, he had often roamed the
hills of Barda and as a result of his vast experience, he had also
written a beautiful book. In his own house, too, he had built up
a collection which included many botanical specimens and he showed
it with pride to anyone who visited him. He thought ofnothing but of
making discoveries in the field of botany. He felt his spiritual
well-being in this world as well as the next to lie in this only. Hence I
always regarded him as an ideal student. During my tour of Kutch, I
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had informed Gandhiji of
the death of Jaikrishna Indraji.

renewed my acquaintance with him. His passion for planting new trees
increased rather than decreased with advancing age. Men with such
single-minded devotion to their subject are indeed rare. Sjt. Jaikrishna
Indraji was one of them. He has now left us after fulfilling his duty;
hence his soul is of course at peace. Let us all emulate his
single-mindedness and his self-confidence.
LABOUR AND C APITAL
Nowadays labour and capital have formed two distinct camps
and it is found that the two are generally opposed to each other. A
sect has arisen in the world which believes that the capitalist class
should not exist at all, or that everyone should belong to the class of
owners. In my opinion, such a state of affairs will never come about in
the world. What is possible, and what should happen, is that instead of
mutual distrust and enmity, there should be trust and love between
them. Just as a sect has arisen which aims at destroying the capitalists,
today in the West another has arisen which believes that it is possible
to create trust and love between the two. If such a situation is possible,
it is primarily the responsibility of the capitalists to bring it about.
This is so not only because theirs is the stronger side, but also because
it is their class which will have to make the requisite sacrifices. Labour
has no privileges on its side, or the only privilege that it does enjoy is
the one to feel aggrieved, that is to say, to offer satyagraha. That,
however, is not the special privilege of labour. All human beings
enjoy it. Sheth Ghanshyamdas Birla had recently made a speech in
Sholapur1 in which he has accepted the fact that capitalists should
make this type of sacrifice. In it, he had clearly stated that it was
against the dharma of the mill-owners to misuse or make anything in
order to earn profits, that their dharma was to produce goods and sell
them only in order to serve and benefit the public. And he has also
expressed the view that if mill-owners do not do so, they cannot
continue to survive in the long run. If all mill-owners act in this
manner, all disputes will be banished and an atmosphere of trust will
be created between them and the labourers and along with it, the two
canbe united by a bond of love. In the language of the old times, this
is known as conduct in accordance with one’s dharma and in modern
language it is known as just conduct. While judging the matter by
these very standards, Sjt. Ghanshyamdas has also expressed the
opinion that they should not abandon what is important in order to
reap a minor benefit or, in other words, if the temptation arises to levy
an import duty on foreign cloth other than that manufactured in
1
Vide “The Duty of Capitalists”, 19-12-1929.

Britain, they should not yield to it. Sheth Ghanshyamdas Birla had
delivered this speech as President before the business community of
Sholapur; and it has not been reported that anyone raised any
objections to it. However, it is one thing not to object to such ideas,
and quite another to put them into practice. What is essential is to act
in accordance with such ideas, because even the best of ideas have
ultimately no value if they are not put into practice.
HAJAM OR ‘VALAND’?
A gentleman from Palitana writes:1
The contemptible implication underlying the word hajam is
actually directed towards that profession. This word is used with
reference to persons whose profession is to shave or cut the hair. If
this word is not approved of, I shall only use the word ‘Valand’
in Navajivan. However, it is my confirmed opinion that this is no
remedy for the basic problem. The real remedy consists in ending the
prejudice against those professions which are essential but are
concerned with the removal of dirt. Thereafter, we can remain
indifferent to names that may be used to indicate them. What can we
do when ‘a boy fondly named Hari dies at an early age’? We should
not, therefore, look upon the word Hari with contempt. The prestige
of words increases or diminishes in the world with that of persons and
it will continue to do so.
In this age of reforms, everyone has learnt to shave himself and
the sting in the barber’s profession will easily disappear—it has
already half disappeared. For me, words like Valand, Bhangi Chamar,
Dhed, etc., have no repugnance. I myself do the work of all those
professions and inspire others to do so and I find pleasure in it. My
advice to those of my brothers who follow the above professions isthat
they should disregard the contempt that society has for these
professions, that they should become adepts in their trades, purify
their own thoughts and actions and enhance their own prestige as well
as that of their trade. Although I can shave myself well, through these
very same motives, I avail myself of the services of a barber clad in
khadi wherever I happen to find one and try to lead him to do
national service. As we wish to win swaraj which is untainted, it is
necessary that we should take the help of all those who are engaged in
such professions and also try to improve their lot. We have had
1
use Valand instead of hajam to denote a barber because the latter word had become a
term of contempt.

Chamars, weavers, cobblers and Dheds, etc., among us who had
attained the highest knowledge and had become bhaktas. Should it
then be surprising if one of them, by virtue of the strength of his
services, becomes the President of the State? Persons who follow such
a profession can maintain the highest degree of integrity in their
conduct and can also sharpen their intellect. The sorry part of the
story is that when persons who practise such trades happen to be
intelligent individuals, they are ashamed of their professions and
finally give them up. The President of my imagination will be one
who while earning a livelihood by practising a barber’s or a cobbler’s
profession, will also be guiding the ship of the State. It is possible that
because of the burden of national work he will be unable to ply his
trade regularly but that is a different question.
[From Gujarati]
136. A LETTER
I have your letter. I shall try to do whatever I can for political
prisoners. It has never happened that I kept quiet out of fear. Even
with regard to political prisoners, I would consider it improper to do
anything for those who are in prison for crimes of murder. I shall not
argue the point. I shall of course do my utmost for Bhai Vinayak
Savarkar.2 But as I have said earlier anything I can do will be
inconclusive. In any case Pt. Motilalji will be the chief spokesman. I
shall only be a witness. I suggest everything should be submitted to
Motilalji in writing.
What you said was certainly irrelevant to some extent. But that
was because of the fever. The realization made me sad. I hope you are
now better.
From a copy of the Hindi: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S.N. 32579/28
1
From the contents this letter appears to have been written before Gandhiji
met the Viceroy on December 23, 1929.
2
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar had been sentenced to two consecutive terms of
transportation for life on charges of treason and spent ten years in the Andaman Jail.
In 1921 he was brought to India and was released in 1924 on the condition that he
should not leave the Ratnagiri district and should not take part in politics.

DELHI ,
December 23, 1929
SISTERS,
I am writing this in Delhi after the morning prayers. It is severe
cold, so severe that Mirabehn’s feet have become stiff. She has slipped
back into bed and is lying near me. Lahore, of course, is even colder
than Delhi.
But I do not wish to write to you about the cold. I wish to
write about our duties. Just now I shall say only this, that those among
you who are thinking about their selfish desires are bound to fall.
Those who devote themselves to their duty, when can they have
the time to fall? It has always been my experience that those who
fell had remained, or become, indifferent to truth. A sinful actrequires
the cover of darkness. It is always done in secret. We certainly see
persons who have abandoned all sense of shame and act sinfully in the
open. There are even people who regard sin as virtue. We are not
talking about them. One reason why progress in many of our activities
is held up is the selfishness I have mentioned above. In that selfishness
lies the danger of our fall and that of society. Think over this, fix your
mind on it and let each one examine her life in the light of it.
Blessings from
BAPU

DELHI ,
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have your letter.

Mahadev is here. Vallabhbhai, too, is here.
You were right in sending Henry’s 1 wire by post. In such
matters, you may decide for yourself and do what you think best. No
one rule can be laid down which can be followed in all cases. Our aim
should always be to save money.
1
Polak

Your reply to Manilal Kothari was correct.
Budhabhai is our neighbour. I intervened in his affair. If, now,
we do not accept the deposit, our service will remain incomplete. The
burden on us will not be much. If Budhabhai and Nanibehn are
innocent, we should keep the money. If they are guilty, we cannot but
know that by this means. In this complex world, who can say which
man or woman is pure and which impure? To me it seems our clear
duty to accept the deposit and to maintain relations with both. It is not
we who have to provide a room to Nanibehn. She is to be given a
room in Budhabhai’s house. If she comes and lives in the Ashram, she
will of course live as the other women do. More about this when we
meet.
If the Thana land can be disposed of for Rs. 9,000, nothing will
be better than that. Pyarali separated from us from Wardha. Write to
him at his Bombay address,
We have to meet the Viceroy at 4.30.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Giant;: G.N. 4168
139. SPEECH AT SERVANTS OF THE PEOPLE

SOCIETY, LAHORE
December 24, 1929
Mahatamaji speaking on the occasion 1 said he considered it a privilige that
immediately on his entry into Lahore, he should be called upon to perform the
opening ceremony of the Lajpat Rai Hall.
He said he did not like to say many words of praise about Lalaji and his Society
because they were well known to all Punjabis. He was a Bania and he had always acted
Bania-like. From the report read by Mr. Purshottamdas Tandon he found that the full
amount of five lakhs appeal for the Lalaji Memorial Fund by Pandit Malaviya, Dr.
Ansari and Mr. Birla had not been subscribed yet He hoped the Punjabis would
subscribe the amount remaining to be realized.
He knew fully well the capacity of the Punjabis for public work but he had not
been able fully to realise the Punjabis’ love for Lalaji, because the Punjabis, in the
midst of whom Lalaji lived and did, had not St paid their Me share towards this appeal.
He hoped the full amount would be subs the people of the Punjab before the end of the
present year and he would be relieved d the anxiety on that account.
He had tried his best to collect as much money as possible during his tours in
different parts of India, but he had not been able to collect the total amount. He
appealed to all men and women present at the gathering to give him as much money
1
Anniversary celebrations of the Society

as they could for the Lalaji Memorial Fund.
He said he had a mind to come to the Punjab long before, but as the Congress
had been invited in the Punjab and Congressmen were busy raising subscriptions for
Congress, he postponed his visit
Mahatmaji said he had heard that Punjabi women were very fond of silk and
ornaments, that they used many foreign articles and foreign scented oils. This pained
him much. He said until India got swaraj no woman should wear ornaments and
whatever ornaments they had they should hand them over to him.
Addressing the assembled men, Mahatamaji; said they always raised
loud shouts of Vandemataram but when they were asked to do solid work theyrefused
to do it. He had been repeatedly asking them to wear khaddar, but they would not wear
it. He asked them to save all their money by curtailing useless expenditure and give it
to him.
Mahatmaji then asked the volunteers to go round the men and women sitting at
the meeting and collect money for the fund....
Mahatmaji congratulated all on their response to his appeal. He said they had,
by their action, fulfilled his hopes. He was satisfied with what he had collected.
The Hindustan Times, 26-12-1929
140. SPEECH AT ALL-INDIA SUPPRESSED CLASSES

CONFERENCE, LAHORE
December 24, 1929
Mahatma Gandhi while delivering his presidential address at the Suppressed
Classes Conference declared:
Freedom can never be attained by exploding bombs on an
innocent man. I regard it as a most outrageous crime.
He said no other power on earth could prove a barrier against the attainment of
freedom, but our own weaknesses were our greatest enemy. Continuing, Mahatmaji
urged the untouchables to remove all social evils, to give up drink and meat of dead
animals. He laid stress on sanitation, education, etc. He paid a tribute to Rishi
Balmiki, their ancestor and author of the Ramayana, and exhorted the untouchables to
follow him.
Referring to the question of temple-entry, Mahatma Gandhi said entering
temples by force was not satyagraha. They should learn satyagraha from him. He cited
the example of the satyagraha at Vykom in South India five years back. He said
compulsion whether by the British or by Indians was a crime. They must not compel
high caste people for temple-entry. He said they could not see God by force. God was
present within their hearts and not in temples and mosques. He advised the
untouchables patiently to undergo sufferings and pray that high caste cruelty may
come to an end.
Continuing, Mahatmaji said a large section of people in India had resolved to
put an end to untouchability under the lead of the Congress Anti-untouchability
Committee under the guidance of Pandit Malaviya and Sheth Jamnalal Bajaj. If they
could not remove untouchability and attain real Hindu-Muslim unity, swaraj for the

masses could not be attained. Concluding, he declared:
The key to swaraj was not in London nor with the Viceroy but
in the hands of Indians themselves.
He then appealed for the Lalaji Memorial Fund.
141. NOTES
A VICIOUS INFERENCE
The estimated drink and drug bill paid by Madras in 1928-29,

according to the statistics collected by Sjt. C. Rajagopalachari, was Rs.
16,83,00,000, i.e., seventeen crores in round figures. The revenue got
out of this was Rs. 5,10,00,000, i.e., a little over five crores. The net
waste was therefore say 113 crores. This is more than the land revenue
by over four crores. These figures are startling enough to make a
reformer think. But the worst is yet to follow. The same vigilant eye
has observed that the drink bill increases year after year as also crime
against Abkari1 laws. From these statistics the Madras Government is
reported to have drawn this vicious inference:
The continued increase of crime against Abkari laws and its appearance
in all parts of the Presidency must give pause to any immediate drastic action
in the way of cutting of the supply of licit liquor lest the result should prove
more serious to the general morality than are the present conditions.
This is the same as saying that because the crime of thieving is
on the increase there should be a progressive relaxation of the laws
against thieving. The inference is based on the assumption that
drinking intoxicating liquors is not a disease or an evil in the same
sense as thieving. The fact however is that the drink habit has been
demonstrated to be a parent of thieving as of many other crimes. The
proper inference to be drawn from the increasing crime is that the
existence of liquor shops is a fatal trap for poor humanity and that
therefore the true method is forthwith to declare total prohibition
without counting the cost. Crime there will still be against the
prohibition laws as there is and always has been against laws
prohibiting thieving, etc. If there is no licensed thieving, there may be
no licensed drinking. For an unsophisticated mind that is the only
inference possible and that is the straight and simple logic. A
Government whichwants a revenue anyhow to run an expensive
foreign administration manufactures logic to suit its evil purpose.
1
Excise

“SEVEN MONTHS WITH GANDHIJI”
This is the title of two volumes brought out by Sjt. Krishnadas
who was with me as my valued assistant during the stirring
non-co-operation days whilst I was touring through Assam and
elsewhere1 . He recorded the events of those days in his diary chiefly
meant for his guru, Sjt. Satischandra Mukerji who had lent
Krishnadas’ services to me when Mahadev was wanted by Pandit
Motilalji. The volumes are chiefly extracts from that diary and have
been before the public for some time. Satish Babu having received
inquiries from foreign friends as to the authenticity of the facts
narrated in the volumes asked me whether I would read the volumes
and testify. Krishnadas himself was anxious to know my opinion of
his volumes. I have gone through them. And the facts appear to me to
be correctly set forth and exhaustively dealt with. For the inferences
and opinions drawn from and based on the facts I can say nothing.
We know that different minds applied to the same facts draw different
inferences. We know too that the same mind by efflux of time and
maturer experience draws opposite inferences from the same facts. So
far as these volumes are concerned, whilst the pen is that of
Krishnadas, the directing mind is that of his master and guide
Satischandra Mukerji. The volumes are the only narrative we have of
the seven months with which Krishnadas deals. The first volume is
published by S. Ganesan, Triplicane, Madras, and the second is
published by Babu Ram Binode Sinha, Gandhi Kutir, Dighwara
(Bihar).
142. DEFINITE SUGGESTIONS

During the U.P. tour I received the following letter 2 from
Allahabad students:
Though I dealt with the matter in one of my addresses to
students and though a definite programme has been placed before
students in these pages, it is worth while reiterating and perhaps more
pointedly the scheme adumbrated before.
The writers of the letter want to know what they may do after
finishing their studies. I want to tell them that the grown-up students
1
In 1921.
2
Not reproduced here. The students had complained that Gandhiji’s article
“What May Youth Do?”, pp. 108-9, was vague, and wanted some definite outline to be
clearly chalked out

and therefore all college students should begin village work even
whilst they are studying. Here is a scheme for such part time workers.
The students should devote the’ whole of their vacation to
village service. To this end, instead of taking their walks along beaten
paths, they should walk to the villages within easy reach of their
institutions and study the condition of the village folk and befriend
them. This habit will bring them in contact with the villagers who,
when the students actually go to stay in their midst, will by reason of
the previous occasional contact receive them as friends rather than as
strangers to be looked upon with suspicion. During the long vacation
the students will stay in the villages and offer to conduct classes for
adults and to teach the rules of sanitation to the villagers and attend to
the ordinary cases of illness. They will also introduce the
spinning-wheel amongst them and teach them the use of every spare
minute. In order that this may be done students and teachers will have
to revise their ideas of the uses of vacation. Often do thoughtless
teachers prescribe lessons to be done during the vacation. This in my
opinion is in any case a vicious habit. Vacation is just the period when
students’ minds should be free from the routine work and be left free
for self-help and original development. The village work I have
mentioned is easily the best form of recreation and light instruction. It
is obviously the best preparation for dedication to exclusive village
service after finishing the studies.
The scheme for full village service does not now need to be
elaborately described. Whatever was done during the vacation has now
to be put on a permanent footing. The villagers will also be prepared
for a fuller response. The village life has to be touched at all points,
the economic, the hygienic, the social and the political. The immediate
solution of the economic distress is undoubtedly the wheel in the vast
majority of cases. It at once adds to the income of the villagers and
keeps them from mischief. The hygienic includes insanitation and
disease. Here the student is expected to work with his own body and
labour to dig trenches for burying excreta and other refuse and
turning them into manure, for cleaning wells and tanks, for building
easy embankments, removing rubbish and generally to make the
villages more habitable. The village worker has also to touch thesocial
side and gently persuade the people to give up bad customs and bad
habits, such as untouchability, infant marriages, unequal matches,
drink and drug evil and many local superstitions. Lastly comes the
political part. Here the worker will study the political grievances of the
villagers and teach them the dignity of freedom, self-reliance and
self-help in everything. This makes in my opinion complete adult
education. But this does not complete the task of the village worker.

He must take care and charge of the little ones and begin their
instruction and carry on a night school for adults. This literary
training is but part of a whole education course and only a means to
the larger end described above.
I claim that the equipment for this service is a large heart and a
character above suspicion. Given these two conditions every other
needed qualification is bound to follow.
The last question is that of bread and butter. A labourer is
worthy of his hire. The incoming president is organizing a national
provincial service. The All-India Spinners’ Association is a growing
and stable organization. It furnishes young men with character an
illimitable field for service. A living wage is assured. Beyond that
there is no money in it. You cannot serve both self and country.
Service of self is strictly limited by that of the country and hence
excludes a living beyond the means of this absolutely poor country.
To serve our villages is to establish swaraj. Everything else is but an
idle dream.
143. THAT CRUEL CUSTOM

Sjt. Gangadharrao Deshpande writes as follows1 on the practice
of animal sacrifice prevalent in Karnatak and reported in these
columns :2
How I wish public opinion moved fast enough to stop this
inhumanity altogether and now ! How can we who value freedom
deny it to our fellow creatures and practise unthinkable cruelties on
them and that too in the name of religion?
144. ‘GOANS’
The editor of the Voice, a Goan organ, writes:3
I wish the editor of the Voice had imagination enough to know
that if we are worth our salt, the India of the future will not be British
but Indian. British India is a contradiction in terms. India is the name
of the country where Indians live. But for the slave habit which we
1
The letter is not reproduced here.
2
Vide “In the Name of Religion”, 21-11-1929.
3
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had enquired about the
status of Goans in “the British India of the future”.

have never questioned, we would refuse to use any such term as British
or other India. The India of the future will be India under swaraj, not
Britain. In India under swaraj ‘Goans’ will pride themselves in being
called Indians. Why should they even now call themselves ‘Goans’
when they are born in India? India will not always remain vivisected
into British, Portuguese, French, etc., but will be one country although
its parts may be under different systems of government. In any event
India free cannot deny freedom to any son of the soil. It gives me
both pain and surprise when I find people feeling anxious about their
future under a freed India. For me an India which does not guarantee
freedom to the lowliest of those born not merely within an artificial
boundary, but within its natural boundary is not free India. Our fear
paralyses our thinking powers, or we should at once know that
freedom means a state at any rate somewhat better than the present for
every honest man or woman. It is exploiters, money-grabbers, pirates
and the like who have to fear the advent of freedom.
145. THE NATIONAL LANGUAGE

Although all people theoretically admit that Hindi alone can be
the national language, yet the requisite love for the Hindi language
is not apparent among young men of the provinces where the
mother tongue is Hindi. Whatever literature is being published in
Hindi is mostly translation. If, however, some original piece does
come out it is found to be insignificant. It might be argued that
aRabindranath is not born every day and Tulsidas is one among
millions. Nevertheless, all of us can at least create a climate for the
advent of poets like Tulsidas and Rabindranath, namely, a sincere zeal
among young men. As their devotion to Hindi grows so would Hindi
pervade the environment, leading to a flowering of a few genuine
poets as well.
Today neither the fervour nor the endeavour is manifest in the
language of the young men having Hindi as their mother tongue. The
grammatical errors occurring in the Hindi of the young men of U.P.
and Bihar are not at all to be seen among the Bengalis and
Maharashtrians. No doubt the national language is being propagated
in provinces like Madras, etc.; but I have seen that Hindi teachers are
not easily available. They are not energetic and their capacity for
self-sacrifice is very limited. There ought to be innumerable young
men ready to dedicate themselves exclusively to the propagation of
Hindi; but I have not come across such persons, if any. Undoubtedly
young men are available who are eager to serve at subsistence wages,
but they are not equipped to teach Hindi.
If young men will it, this shortcoming can be overcome. With
the initiative of a single young man this work can make progress. If
one loses heart and rests on one’s oars in face of a distressing
situation in a certain field, the situation deteriorates further. It is the
duty of a devoted person to try to relieve the distress without delay
and not sit with folded hands fearing obstacles on the way. Every
school should have an association for the promotion of Hindi. It
would be the duty of such associations to make progressive use of
Hindi in all fields, to evolve new technical words, never to use a
foreign language in politics, etc., to make a sound study of abstruse
books, to provide Hindi teachers wherever necessary and to organize
volunteer Hindi teachers for honorary work, etc. Even if a single
young man in every school is fired with this zeal he will not stay inert
but will sprout into an association and will induce his fellow-students
to join it. The only way to keep up the awakening among the young
men today is for them to utilize every moment of their lives for some
sort of social service.
It is to be noted that in this article Hindi also means Hindustani.
To me a language which deliberately discards Arabic and Persian
words is not Hindi.
[Form Hindi]
146. DRAFT RESOLUTIONS FOR A.I.C.C., LAHORE1

[December 26, 1929] 2
l. This Congress deplores the bomb outrage perpetrated on the
Viceregal train and warns those who believe in violent activities that
such action is not only contrary to the creed of the Congress but
results in harm being done to the national cause, and congratulates His
Excellency the Viceroy, Lady Irwin and the nation on the fortunate
and narrow escape Their Excellencies and party had on that occasion.
2. This Congress, whilst endorsing the action of the Working
Committee in connection with the Manifesto signed by party leaders,
including Congressmen, in connection with the Viceregal announ-
1
According to the Free Press of India, the resolutions were circulated among
the Congress Working Committee members for consideration. Gandhiji drafted the
resolutions in consultation with Motilal Nehru and other leaders.
2
The report is date-lined “Lahore, December 26, 1929”.

cement of 31st October relating to Dominion Status and appreciating
the efforts of His Excellency the Viceroy towards peaceful settlement
of the national movement for swaraj and having considered the result
of the meeting between the Viceroy and Pandit Motilal Nehru and
other leaders, is of opinion that nothing is to be gained in the existing
circumstances by the Congress being represented at the proposed
Round Table Conference, and, in pursuance of the resolution passed
at the Calcutta Congress last year, declares that swaraj in Congress
creed shall mean complete independence; and therefore, further
declares the Nehru Scheme of Dominion Status to have lapsed and
hopes that, now that the communal question drops out of the purview
of the Congress, all parties in the Congress will devote their exclusive
attention to the attainment of complete independence, and hopes also
that those whom the tentative solution of the communal problem
suggested in the Nehru Report has prevented from joining the
Congress or actuated them to abstain from it, will now Join or rejoin
the Congress and zealously prosecute the common goal, and as a
preliminary step towards organizing the campaign for independence
and in order to make the Congress policy consistent with the change
of the creed, declares complete boycott of Central and provincial
legislatures and calls upon Congressmen to abstain from participating,
directly or indirectly, in future elections, and calls upon the present
members of the legislatures to tender their resignations and also calls
upon the nation to concentrate attention upon the constructive
programme of the Congress and authorizes the All-India Congress
Committee, whenever it deems fit, to launch the programme of Civil
Disobedience, including non-payment of taxes whether in selected
areas or otherwise, and under such safeguards as it may consider
necessary.
3. This Congress congratulates the Foreign-Cloth Boycott
Committee, the Anti-Untouchability Committee and the Prohibition
Committee on the vigorous prosecution of programmes entrusted to
them, but notes with regret that the response from the nation has not
been as adequate as the Congress had a right to expect. The
experience gained by these Committees and by the All-India
Spinners’ Association show that far more effective work becomes
possible through autonomous organizations created for specific
activities and this Congress, therefore, hereby declares the foregoing
Committees to be permanent, with complete autonomy and without
any control or interference from the Congress and with powers to add
to their number, to frame their respective constitutions and to raise
funds, provided, however, that Congress reserves to itself full authority
to disown or to disaffiliate any of these bodies when and if they

appear to the Congress to be acting contrary to national interest.
4. In order that the Congress may become a swift-moving and
more efficient organization, it has become necessary to separate its
spectacular, as distinguished from its practical and businesslike
function, and to make it a more compact body, the Congress hereby
resolves to reduce the number of delegates to under 1,000 and the
A.I.C.C. to under 100, and hereby authorizes the A.I.C.C. to
incorporate the necessary changes in the constitution and to make the
necessary redistribution.
5. Inasmuch as the annual Exhibition in connection with the
Congress is intended to be predominantly and progressively of an
educative character and to further the programme of the boycott of
foreign cloth through khaddar, this Congress authorizes and appoints
a permanent Committee, composed of, or alternatively the A.I.S.A.
with powers to co-opt local men to manage and conduct the whole of
Exhibition and to raise funds for the purpose.
6. Inasmuch as the Congress is intended to be representative of
the poor masses and inasmuch as holding of the Congress at the end
of December involves very considerable expense to the poor peoplein
providing for extra clothing for themselves and is otherwise
inconvenient to them, the date of the Congress session is hereby
altered to February or after, according to the convenience of the
province concerned.
7. This Congress wholeheartedly endorses the idea propagated
by the President of organizing Provincial National Services, and
advises all provinces to initiate such services and to that end appoints
permanent committees, with autonomous powers in the manner
indicated in Resolution 3 regarding Foreign-Cloth Boycott Committee
and other committees.

LAHORE ,
December 26, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
I have kept your letters for replying to them. Having some free
time now, I am dictating this. Your argument against my suggestion
regarding the use of Budhabhai’s house appeals to me. It is correct.
You have done right in lodging Chandrakanta’s parents in the room
adjoining Valjibhai’s.

Our ideal, of course, is that a husband and wife should, having
overcome desire, live either separately or together for the sake of
service and adopt a mode of life which suits the nature of the work,
exactly as two friends may do. But so long as such relationship has
not been cultivated and the two can save themselves from the power of
passion only with great difficulty, it is best—and it is a duty—to live
separately. I think this answers all your questions. If you think,
however, that any point is left out, please write to me.
Bhansali’s idea certainly seems erroneous. But we tolerate it
because he is a fine man, is frank of heart and says what he believes.
He lives as our co-worker, and, moreover, is at present attacked by a
disease. We should, therefore, tolerate him as long as we can.
I am not bound to Budhabhai by any promise. But it was I who
drew him to the Ashram kitchen. I was happy when he said that
he had taken a vow to have his meals in the Ashram kitchen for
one year and told him that it was a good idea. This is all the
binding there is on my part. But I don’t look upon the thing in
thenature of a binding. If he accepts my advice and goes a step
further in the same direction, I would welcome it. This should not be
interpreted to mean that I have bound myself by any promise. If,
therefore, you and the managing committee come to an independent
decision, I will get it accepted.
The consideration in favour of my view is that I have regarded
. . . bhai1 and . . . behn2 as innocent, and still regard them so. Even if
my belief is erroneous, I can discover my error only by taking their
innocence for granted. If, however, my action has not produced a
good effect on others in the Ashram, you should do what they think
proper. For, a group that harbours suspicion about a person will not
accept him. That is, they cannot behave frankly towards him. But this
raises another issue, namely, if I believe a person to be innocent and
you or others do not agree with me, they should not respect my wishes
in regard to that person. It is morally wrong, untruthful, to respect
them. I, on the other hand, can keep aside my own view in the matter
and act upon the view of the group. I have done so in the past, and
that is what duty requires. This raises no question of principle. It is a
question of our experience, of our likes and dislikes or of error of
judgment. If all the others regard the two as innocent, it becomes our
duty as neighbours to accept both. If you have not followed this
whole argument, note it among the points to be discussed with me.
It is very cold here. I believe that it would have been better if
1
The name has been omitted.
2
ibid.

some of those who have come had not done so. No one should have
come besides those whom duty required to come.
I believe that I shall be able to return there earlier than I had
expected. The necessity of having to stay here after the Congress has
disappeared by itself. Do not, therefore, be surprised if I leave on the
30th.
According to me, we need do nothing about Mahadev. He will
live on the same terms with us as at present. I am trying to arrange that
he should live in the Ashram itself. I will write about other things if I
get time.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
I have not revised this.
148. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.1

LAHORE ,
December 27, 1929
The first part of the resolution deals with the Delhi Manifesto2
and it is based on political necessity, or wisdom as you may choose to
call it. I and Pandit Nehru tried to get Dominion Status for the
country and I must confess in spite of the best possible efforts we have
been unsuccessful. I would like to mention one thing in this
connection. I do not think the Viceroy is to blame in any way for this
failure. We must praise his efforts to come to some agreement. But
considering his point of view, I cannot lay any blame upon him. He
was very courteous all through the interview we had with him and his
manners were attended with sweetness. After all that has happened, I
must say that no good can be expected of the Congress being
represented in the Round Table Conference. So thinking about the
question from all its aspects, we feel that no good can be had for the
country by the Congress sending representatives to the Round Table
Conference. I hope there will be no amendment to this part of the
resolution.
The second part of the resolution is regarding the change of
1
Gandhiji spoke in Hindi on the resolution on complete independence; vide
Resolution 2, “Draft Resolutions for A.I.C.C., Lahore”, 26-12-1929.
2
Vide “All Parties Leaders’ Joint Statement”, 2-11-1929.

creed of the Congress. This again is nothing but the logical
conclusion of the resolution passed in the Calcutta Congress last year.1
The Madras Congress2 had set up the ideal of swaraj within the Empire
if possible and without it if necessary. And by the exigencies of
circumstances, we are now compelled to declare that the Congress
wants complete independence and fixes it as its “swaraj”. The Madras
Congress did not actually change the objective of the Congress. The
Calcutta Congress too did not take up definitely any attitude in regard
to this matter. But now we are going to change our objective into
definite form of complete independence.
Today, I do not want to say swaraj within Empire is possible at
all, and we say clearly that swaraj means complete independence.
The third part of the resolution deals with how to work up this
new creed of complete independence. The first step as suggested by
the resolution is for boycott of legislatures and local bodies, or in
other words we want that the legislatures both provincial and central
should be boycotted by Congressmen. Not only that, the Congress
further wants the boycott of local bodies such as municipalities, local
boards, etc. It is no doubt a great step. But for the attainment of that
great ideal of complete independence, we must have to take up such
rather drastic steps. We must be now prepared for great struggles
ahead. We must cease to have any more internal difference and
dissensions. Another thing I want to make clear before you. Now that
the Nehru Report on the line of Dominion Status will be declared to
have lapsed, there cannot and should not be any further fighting over
it and I hope the Sikhs and Muslims and all other sections who had
one or other grievances against the Nehru Report will see no objection
to join the Congress and unite within its fold for the battle of
independence. Even if you have got unavoidable dissensions, still we
should act unitedly within the Congress. If Mussalmans cut the throats
of Hindus let them cut it. But the consolation there must be, that we
have got freedom. Or if the Sikhs have got any quarrel either with the
Hindus or Mussalmans, let them sink all such differences and unite
within the Congress.
I never thought of going to the legislatures and I am glad that
the same feelings are being entertained by other leaders regarding
these legislative bodies. Now it is being widely felt that no good can
be brought to the country by taking part in them and today we want
to decide to leave them. As regards municipalities and local bodies, I
1
Vide “Speech on Resolution on Nehru Report, Calcutta Congress-III”,
31-12-1928.
2
In 1927

should like to say that the desired amount of good cannot also be had
from these institutions, however self-governing they might be
characterized. For example, I may mention that our President did
yeoman service in the Allahabad Municipality. But at last he felt
disgusted with it and left it. So, Babu Rajendra Prasad did much in the
Patna Municipality and he too was disgusted in the long run and left
it. If we want independence for the country, if we sincerely desire to
have independence, we cannot afford to go inside these institutions
which cause such distraction of our energy.
Therefore we should now have no hesitation in deciding that no
longer do we want to go to the legislatures and local bodies.
It is clear that the non-payment of taxes is the final stage of the
national fight and I admit we have not reached it. It is also clear that
either you must do this work or that. Either you must choose to go to
the councils and local bodies and stop to talk of civil disobedience or
you must choose to boycott those places and concentrate all your
energy for civil disobedience. There is no good in saying that both
these things can be done side by side. If you like to take part in the
legislatures and local bodies, I must frankly tell you that civil
disobedience is an impossibility. Civil disobedience undoubtedly
requires much discipline, much vigour and, most of all, absorbing
concentration. If you go to the councils, you cannot work up all these
absolutely requisite conditions for civil disobedience. If you want to
do what has been done in Bardoli, 1 you should now cease to think
about things such as the legislative councils, the Assembly, etc. It must
be admitted that the country is not at present prepared for civil
disobedience and the country must be prepared for it. If you want me
to conduct the civil disobedience movement, I would conduct it. But
you must be soldiers of the battle and you must acquire all that is
required for civil disobedience.
In conclusion, Mahatmaji asked all not to vote for the resolution because he
had moved it and said:
I want you to think about the whole resolution in all its aspects
and implications properly and then to vote as you think best.
1
Bardoli Satyagraha.

149. DISCUSSION WITH SIKH LEADERS1
December 27, 1929
It is understood that Mahatmaji placed before the Sikh leaders the text of the
Working Committee resolution withdrawing the offer of Dominion Status.
Mahatmaji, it is said, told them that he did not think it best to give the Sikhs special
protection under the Nehru Report.
Since the Sikhs are not satisfied the Congress is prepared to
review the question; but the situation has changed now and with the
Working Committee withdrawing the offer of Dominion Status, the
Nehru Report has automatically lapsed and no review of the question
is called for.
Mahatmaji also made it clear that in an independent India the right shall not be
apportioned on a communal basis; but, if at all communalism is made the basis of
political rights, he shall see that satisfaction is given to the Sikhs.
150. DEVELOPMENT OF THE VIDYAPITH

Kakasaheb is writing about what Gujarat Vidyapith has done
and what it is trying to achieve. There is one bit of criticism, however,
to which he cannot reply. Some say that the Vidyapith has met with
disaster since he took charge of it. If it has been ruined, I am
responsible for it, not Kakasaheb. This is because so long as the
people are enamoured of me or are fond of me and largely accept my
advice, I am responsible for the changes that have been made in the
Vidyapith. I was primarily responsible for the boycott of Government
schools and for formulating a policy for national education. This I
must humbly say or admit. It was I who brought over Acharya
Gidwani and it is I who asked him to step down. Kakasaheb was
connected with the Vidyapith ever since its inception. Again, it was I
who took him away from the Vidyapith. During Acharya Gidwani’s
term of office, the Vidyapith attracted students, land was bought for it
and buildings were erected. Perhaps the Vidyapith would not be there
if there were no Acharya Gidwani. He had promised me twice that he
would readily come over whenever I summoned him. I received
Vallabhbhai’s telegram in Bhiwani in which he had suggested
that Acharya Gidwani should take charge of the Vidyapith.
He immediately agreed to do so. And in a few days, the first
1
An informal conference between the Sikh leaders including Sardar Kharag
Singh, Sardar Bahadur Mahtab Singh, Sardar Tara Singh and Sardar Amar Singh on the
one side and Gandhiji, Motilal Nehru, Dr. Ansari, Dr. Satyapal and Sardar Sardul
Singh on the other.

non-co-operation university in India was launched. The treaty that was
made between Gujarat and Sind by bringing him over to the former
place is still there. I withdrew Acharya Gidwani because of a
difference of opinion that arose in the Vidyapith. That did not imply
any slur on anyone. It is my conviction that even today, Acharya
Gidwani belongs to Gujarat. He went over to Prem Mahavidyalaya
because Gujarat sent him there. And today he is inKarachi, only as a
delegate from Gujarat. At all the three places, it is hoped, the national
viewpoint will be fostered. At all the three places, there will certainly
be propaganda for khadi.
Acharya Kripalani was borrowed from the Kashi Ashram, which
is his own creation. I relieved him as I had promised to do so. Under
his leadership, too, the Vidyapith has not taken a retrograde step. At
the time of the students’ strike, we saw that he had stolen the hearts of
the students. Acharya Kripalani was a second gift that Sind gave to
Gujarat. Even today, he belongs to Gujarat. In my opinion, under his
leadership also the Vidyapith has progressed. Although all may have a
common ideal, there is naturally a difference in the work and
character of every man. And, it is in accordance with this that an
institution which is in charge of a particular person develops and takes
on a distinct colour. However, in regard to the Vidyapith, I have felt
that this variety has been as beautiful as the variety in the colours of a
rainbow. Whereas one principal has strengthened one aspect of it,
another has done the same for another aspect of it. The result has only
been good. At present the rudder is in the hands of Kakasaheb. He
has been moulding the Vidyapith. The Vidyapith has not crumbled; it
is going ahead. So long as Kakasaheb is at the helm, all that needs to
be said with regard to it is that anyone who has any doubts about it
should go there and inspect it. Just as all the three principals have
been complementary to one another, the periods to which they
belonged also stand in the same relationship to one another. As all the
three are fruits of the same tree, there is a continuity hidden behind
their work. Not even one of them has wiped out what had been
achieved before, but has added to the sum total of its achievements.
The present state of the Vidyapith itself bears testimony to this. At the
very inception of the Vidyapith, I had suggested a test for judging it;
that holds good even today. The Vidyapith is going to be judged
neither by its buildings nor by the number of its students, nor again
by the knowledge of English that its students possess. It is
going to be judged by the patriotism of its students, by their capacity
to give to others the knowledge of the subjects which they have learnt,
by their knowledge of Hindi, by their knowledge of the science of the
spinning-wheel, by the strength of character of its students and

teachers, and by their turning towards the villages. Judged by these
standards, it is my confirmed belief that the Vidyapith has taken
forward strides and anyone who wishes to ascertain this can do so
by going over to examine it. Just as a tree is judged by its fruit,
theVidyapith can be examined in a similar manner. It is not a distant
institution about which an investigator would need a testimonial from
me or from anyone else. Moreover, it is fair to scrutinize a thing
personally, wherever this is possible and where such a scrutiny is
necessary. After conducting this inquiry if it is felt that the Vidyapith
has made continuous progress and has augmented its capacity to
serve, it is only fitting that contributions should flow in to its doors.
[From Gujarati]
151. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.1

LAHORE ,
December 29, 1929
The President has commanded me to address you to the
amendments that have been moved. Mr. Kelkar has reminded me that
I had said in my first speech that I did not want to speak again on the
resolution. He is partially correct. What I said was that I would like to
be silent as I do not want that at the time of voting you should be
influenced by any appeal I might make to you. I wanted you to vote
according to your conviction judging the resolution on its merits and
leaving out of your mind considerations for me personally. But if you
desire to hear me so that I may explain to you my views on the
amendments and on the debate, it is your right to demand it and my
duty to comply with.
VOICES: Mahatmaji, kindly address us.
I shall do so. Let me first apologize for my brief absences
yesterday when the debate was continuing. I left only to meet nature’s
needs. I have listened with great care and attention to the speeches
made on the resolution.
I would first utter a word of caution. The resolution submitted to
you is a resolution proposed by the Working Committee. On dealing
with the amendments to the resolutions you should be careful that the
Working Committee has been appointed by you and they are
your servants. You must have confidence in your servants that
they would not press on you any resolution if they did not consider
1
Gandhiji spoke first in Hindi and then in English.

it absolutely necessary after taking into consideration all aspectsof the
question. I would, therefore, urge you not to press any amendment
unless you are very certain that the Working Committee is in the
wrong and it is your duty to press the amendment.
This is also a rule which is observed in all well conducted and
responsible organizations.
I shall not refer to the words ‘in the existing circumstances’
which has made several speakers to smell some loophole. I quite agree
that it would not be correct to think that all doors for negotiations
would remain closed for all times. There is bound to be a round table
or a square table conference at some time or other. Many say that
once we declare independence as our goal, there will be no conference
for us. Even if you have violence as your creed there will have to be a
peace conference. The only question is what will be discussed at that
conference. I can tell you that now that Congress is declaring
independence it would not be right for any Congressmen to go to any
conference to discuss Dominion Status. Congressmen can enter any
conference only to discuss independence.
Now a complaint has been made that we have not disclosed the
conversations that took place between the Viceroy and Nehru and
myself and other leaders in the agreed statement which has been
published in the Press. Whatever you had the need to know, whatever
you had the right to know has been conveyed. Nehru went to that
meeting with the Viceroy as your ambassador and he ought to be
relied upon. In view of what had been published regarding the
conversations with the Viceroy the word ‘in existing circumstances’
are quite intelligible.
Pandit Malaviya and Mr. Kelkar have pleaded for postponement
of the decision. I have great respect and affection for them. They have
pleaded for the revival of the All-Parties Conference. Let me tell you
that I have no regrets about the All-Parties Conference. It has done
very valuable work. It has brought the Congressmen and the leaders
of other parties together. It has enabled them to understand one
another. It has brought about co-operation between them. It has
brought the Liberals and other friends nearer to us. Therefore, I am
fully alive to the very useful work done by the All-Parties Conference.
My reply to our friends like Pandit Malaviya and others is that
we of the Congress have got our duty to perform. We have to chalk
out our programme. The Viceroy’s refusal to give an assurance that
we wanted and non-fulfilment of other conditions makes our course
of action clear.
At Calcutta I pleaded for the grant of two years’ time. I would

have been glad if that had been granted. That would have given us
more time to be prepared but to meet the wishes of our youth who
wanted the pace of progress to be increased, I agreed to the reduction
of the period from two years to one year. I must keep to my pledge. I
believe that once the nation makes a resolve it ought to adhere to it
whatever may be the consequence. Otherwise, it would be degrading.
That is why I want you to declare for independence and keep your
resolve. There are amongst us those who believe that we are not yet
ripe to declare independence. If you are of that opinion and if you
think that it is a wrong move to declare independence do not hesitate
to say so. It is urged that we should postpone the declaration for
independence until inter-communal unity has been attained. I do not
agree with that view. Nations must, having once resolved, adhere to
their resolves whether they have the support of only a handful or of
millions. Of course, we must try to secure the support of the largest
number of our countrymen.
Now I shall refer to boycotts. I have been asked why the boycott
of courts and schools has been omitted. I may tell you frankly that I
am never in favour of omitting any of the triple boycott. In fact, I
want a fivefold boycott, but that is another matter. I am certainly for
the triple boycott. That is my view. But are we ready for it? As one of
the nation I must keep pace with the nation. I have therefore included
only the boycott of councils and local bodies because of the feeling
that time has not come for calling on the lawyers and the students. If
you think the time has come to make that call and that call would be
answered, do so.
I have been reminded in the discussion of council boycott of the
valiant actions of President Patel. I yield to none in my admiration of
President Patel’s achievements. I recognize that he had enhanced the
prestige and status of India and Indians, but neither President Patel
nor the resolutions in the Assembly or the councils can give us
independence. They would not get us Dominion Status either. The
Working Committee was unanimous in adoption of boycott of
councils.
As regards local bodies and municipalities I want to tell you that
I had not included them in my original draft, but I do not believe that
local bodies can do any good to national work. The experiences
of Pandit Jawaharlal who was the Chairman of the Allahabad
Municipality, of Babu Rajendra Prasad who was the Chairman
of the Patna Municipality and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel who wasthe
Chairman of the Ahmedabad Municipality confirm my view. I have
no personal experience. I can however tell you that if Sardar Patel had
not relieved himself from the Chairmanship of the Ahmedabad

Municipality there could have been no Bardoli campaign. I have not
seen any local body having strengthened the people. I want the
villagers to be strengthened. We ask for independence, but we are not
prepared to forgo even the small benefits. We must be prepared to
forgo small benefits. We must retain only those which would help us
attain our goal. But these are my personal observations. The decision
rests with you.1
We can only non-co-operate step by step. Please do not tamper
with the resolution as it is one united whole. But do not talk vaguely.
Vote my resolution down if you do not believe in it or, amend it. I did
not include the boycott of law-courts because I was not sure of
response.
I shall now deal with the objections raised to the preamble of
this resolution, namely, endorsement of the Delhi Manifesto and the
appreciation of the Viceroy. The preamble is quite necessary. The
leaders acted in obedience to the Calcutta Resolution in holding
themselves in readiness for any conversations for the attainment or
guarantee of Dominion Status. As regards appreciation of the
Viceroy, Pandit Motilalji as well as myself feel that we have in the
Viceroy a genuine person whose sincere aim is to secure peace. I
think I can say it of the Viceroy. That is my impression as the result
of my contact with the Viceroy. That is also Nehru’s view.
I shall now come to the doubts expressed that independence
cannot be attained by non-violence. I do not agree with that view. If
you do not agree with me and if you do feel that violence should not
be eschewed from consideration say so and change the creed. Do not
stay your hands out of consideration for me. Do as your convictions
tell you. Let me however tell you my conviction that if the nation
carried out the non-violent programme loyally, there need not be any
doubt about the attainment of our goal. Where is room for misgivings
if we do not fill the Government treasury with our tax moneys, if our
soldiers decline to serve and withdraw, if our lawyers boycott the
courts, if our students boycott the schools? Where is the necessity for
violence? For our nation with its three hundred millions of people
there is no call for violence. But I do not want to say more to you on
the efficiency and efficacy of non-violence after you have given
thisnon-violent creed a trial for all these years. Now it is ten years and
you have not been convinced about its potency. What can I say in its
defence? Review the course of the last ten years. Look at the national
awakening, at national assertion, at the freedom of opinion, association
and action shown by the people. Are these not the fruits of the
1
The paragraph which follows is from The Tribune.

working of the non-violent creed? But if you are not of my opinion,
do not hesitate to vote against the non-violent creed but do not mean
one thing and say another thing. Be frank, courageous and vote
according to your convictions.
Mahatma Gandhi next spoke in English traversing the ground covered in his
Hindi speech. He emphasized that his regard and affection for Malaviyaji and Mr.
Kelkar and other friends could not possibly deflect him from the course which
suggested itself to him as being in the interests of the nation. The step he and Pt.
Motilal took at the meeting with the Viceroy as representatives of the Congress with
the Calcutta resolution in view [was the only step they] could have taken and it was
impossible for them today to recommend any other resolution. He knew that they had
unanimity behind the All-Parties Conference but unanimity would be too great a price
to pay if they had to sacrifice immediate Dominion Status. If they had broken that
unanimity, they did so only to come together again, but not now on Dominion Status
but on the platform of independence. He knew they would come in for a great deal of
condemnation here, in England and elsewhere but they must run the risk in the
interests of the nation.
As for that part of the resolution relating to the boycott of legislatures,
Mahatma Gandhi declared himself still a believer not in the triple boycott alone but
in fivefold boycott programme which he originally enunciated. But he could go only
so far as the nation could go. There was no question of principle and when he saw that
most valued associates and friends could not see eye to eye with him he loyally
accepted their decision and went as far as he could with them in associating himself
with the programme of entry into the legislatures. But when he found to his joy that
their experience as they told him was that nothing more could be achieved through
the councils than what had already been done, he put forward the idea of the boycott of
legislatures. He could not say likewise in regard to the boycott of law-courts and
schools but when the time came for it he would be glad to submit that also for
consideration. But now as far as he could sense the opinion in the country there was
yet no atmosphere for these two boycotts.
As for the boycott of local bodies it was adopted by the Working Committee
on the suggestion of one member of it. This house was to judge whether these should
be boycotted or not. But his view was that independence could not come through local
bodies and the less they looked up to these agencies which were a creation of the
Government and which had still to derive sustenance even to certain extent from the
Government the better.
Much had been said about boycotting insurance companies, banks, etc. He for
one would certainly try to give up every activity with which the Government was
associated, but that had been an impossibility even for him, the author
of non-co-operation. He was ashamed of having to make that confession but there it
was. 1
As for the preamble to the resolution Mahatma Gandhi emphasized the creed of
non-violence necessarily carried common courtesy.
If any Englishman meant well by India then this house would be unworthy of
1
What follows is from The Tribune.

its trust if it did not show courtesy to him. He did not want to vindicate the
independence by harming Englishmen. It would do Englishmen good if they retired
from India, but he did not want to make them retire by firing a single shot.
Mahatma Gandhi proceeding explained that he had more effective means of
making Englishmen retire from India. That was to cease to salaam them and to cease
to pay tribute. The moment they all did that Englishmen would cease to be
slave-holders. The last word was imperfectly heard. But there was no doubt that the
impression which the Viceroy gave him and Pandit Motilal was that he was a sincere
man.
Lastly Gandhiji addressed himself to the amendment that complete
independence should be attained by all possible means and not necessarily by
peaceful means. He said the nation had shed a large part of fear by the
non-co-operation movement. If they had no trust in non-violence and truth
vindicating not merely Dominion Status because that was buried once for all but even
independence, then he asked them to respect it.
Amrita Bazar Patrika, 31-12-1929 and The Tribune, 31-12-1929

LAHORE ,
SISTERS,
I am writing this simply to let you know that I remember you on
this Silence Day. I hope to arrive there on the 5th. It is very cold here.
There is noise all around me. I am sitting in a meeting and shall not,
therefore, try to write more.
Blessings from
BAPU

LAHORE ,
December 30, 1929
CHI. RAMNIKLAL,
Though it is my Silence Day, Jawaharlal has dragged me to the

Subjects Committee. Sitting in the meeting, I am writing letters. There
is nothing special to write about to you. But wherever I happen to be
on the Silence Day, I remember you all. That is why I write this.
I think we shall be able to start from here on the 3rd. A situation
has arisen which does not permit me to go away.

It is very cold. Everyone feels it.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Everyone must have been introduced to Dr. Mehta. He must
have been carefully looked after.
154. LETTER TO CHANDRAKANTA R. VYAS

LAHORE ,
Silence Day [December 30, 1929]
CHI. KANTA,
I was expecting your letter. I hope you, your mother and father
are well. Now we shall be meeting very soon.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Chandrakanta Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library
155. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.–I1

December 30, 1929
With the President’s permission I would refer to one matter
before I speak on the resolution. Mr. Harisarvothamarao appealed to
me on council boycott amendment2 to omit the council boycott after
having seen the strength of the feeling on the subject, seeing that it
would result in fraternal war. Now Mr. Raja has appealed to me to
delete the preamble3 to the main resolution seeing that the amendment
has been retained by one vote only.
Mr. Harisarvothamarao has reminded me how I stayed my
hands in Allahabad and asked me to do the same now. Now let me tell
you that I would withdraw my proposal for the council boycott not
once but hundred times if it was in my hands and also if I had hands
and also if I thought it was in the interests of the country. I have
1
Gandhiji spoke in Hindi.
2
Which was lost, 116 voting for and 117 against
3
Moved by N. C. Kelkar and lost, 113 voting for and 114 against. The
amendment sought to delete from the resolution the mention of appreciation of the
Viceroy’s services towards peaceful settlement of the national struggle.

placed the main resolution before you not on my behalf but on behalf
of the Working Committee. If it had been left to me alone I would
have placed before you a triple boycott. As regards an appeal to me to
accept the amendment which has just been lost by a strength of one
vote let me remind you that we claim to work under democratic
constitution. One vote has today meant that the amendment has been
lost, but one vote the other way could have easily meant the retention
of the amendment. What you have to consider is whether the country
would suffer by the loss of the amendment.
156. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C. –II

December 30, 1929
This Congress congratulates the Foreign-Cloth Boycott Committee, the
Anti-Untouchability Committee and the Prohibition Committee on the
vigorous prosecution of the work entrusted to them, but notes with regret that
the response from the nation has not been as adequate as the Congress had the
right to expect. Experience gained by these Committees and by the All-India
Spinners’ Association shows that far more effective work becomes possible
through autonomous organizations created for specific activities. This
Congress, therefore, hereby declares the foregoing Committees to be
permanent with complete autonomy and with powers to add to their
number, to frame their respective constitutions and to raise funds, provided
that they shall follow the general policy of the Congress and further that the
Congress reserves to itself full authority to disown any of these bodies when
and if they appear to the Congress to be acting contrary to the national
interest. 1
Mahatmaji then spoke.
As regards the resolution which has been submitted to you
several questions have been asked. It has been asked: ‘Is it intended to
create an empire within the empire?’ My reply is in the affirmative.
Even they say imperium in imperio. I want you to give these
Committees, which it is proposed to create, dominion status.You have
given dominion status to the All-India Spinners’ Association and the
result is that they are carrying on work in l,500 villages and the
prestige of all the work which is done goes to the Congress. If the
All-India Spinners’ Association ever becomes anti-Congress in its
tendency, then you can withdraw the permission that you have given
them to use your name. Today the Congress is for khaddar. But we
1
The resolution was placed before the Subjects Committee by Jawaharlal
Nehru on behalf of Gandhiji. For the draft by Gandhiji, vide Resolution No. 3, “Draft
Resolutions for A.I.C.C., Lahore”, 26-12-1929.

have amongst us a school of thought which is against khaddar and
works against it. Then we have also a school which believes that
production of khaddar alone will not effect a complete boycott of
foreign cloth and that mill-cloth also should be included in the
Congress programme. The All-India Spinners’ Association believes
that khaddar would give us swaraj. If tomorrow the Congress fails to
believe in khaddar and is of opinion that the policy of the Spinners’
Association is against the policy of the Congress, it has only to pass a
resolution at a general meeting and to disown that body. The Cong-
ress should, when such conflict arises, non-co-operate with that body.
Then it is asked what about the prestige, authority and strength
the Spinners’ Association would have attained during the time that it
had the use of the name of the Congress. Yes, there is that risk. But
you must be prepared to take risk. You must have the self-confidence
that as long as the Congress works on lines of truth it alone will
remain as the supreme body and that no subordinate body can ever
usurp its authority or prestige. In history there are instances where
such usurpations have taken place. But you must be willing to take
that risk. There is no compulsion in this matter. This is one way of
getting work done. To those who have a special taste for one kind of
work the Congress says go forward and do good work in our name
and with our approval. It results in good work being done and the
Congress prestige and authority is enhanced thereby. In this
connection I am reminded of the Chirala-Perala example. Duggirala
Gopalakrishnayya, when he started the Chirala-Perala satyagraha1 ,
consulted me. I told him and when I went to Chirala-Perala I told the
people that they must not take the name and authority of the Congress
for their movement. They must do it on their own responsibility. If
they succeed the Congress will get the credit. If they failed they would
take the odium.
Here I am proposing to you something reverse. Under this
resolution work will be done and the Congress will get the credit.
But it would not give money. It would not exert itself. It is opento you
today to wind up the Foreign-Cloth Boycott Committee as also the
Prohibition Committee and the Anti-Untouchability Committee. For
the last two years I have been trying to do anti-untouchability work
through Jamnalalji.
Not much work could be done for long years. Meanwhile
the Calcutta Congress2 passed a resolution appointing the Anti-
1
Vide “Chirala-Perala”, 25-8-1928.
2
In 1928

untouchability Committee and the work was entrusted to Jamnalalji
who was able to achieve some result and the credit for it went to the
Congress. It is not the main work of the Congress to take full
responsibility for social work. It should at the same time promote it.
The Congress is a political body in which there are bound to be
frequent differences of opinion. I would urge to have a far-sighted
vision and to create these Committees and to let them do good work
by organizations which are of their own making and with money
which they collect.
I am your servant. I am bound to your service. Let me tell you
frankly. What is the good of ignoring facts? It is not easy to get all the
money which the Congress would want for all these purposes. In the
name of the Congress I can tell you so. From my experience in my
wide travelling I note and observe many things. In Andhra and in the
United Provinces I had to face several questions regarding the
Congress fund. They ask what happened to the Tilak Swaraj Fund?
Who spent it? And how did you spend it? Where is the account? Then
they also say, ‘We will give you money in your name. We will give it
to you but not to the Congress.’ I tell them give it to me in any name.
I shall render you account for every pie and I now ask you let me
spend this money on the objects which the Congress approves today.
But in return I ask you to grant these Committees dominion status. As
regards the Congress we ought to know what response we get for our
appeals for funds. We levied a tax of one per cent on the income and
to our shame we know how few have paid the levy. These Committees
want from you no money, no men but only permission to work in
your name. But you who cannot find money or men say: ‘No we
must have control.’ I tell you that you have no right to it. If you had
that right you would not be granting to these Committees dominion
status which I beg of you to give to them. There it is. Give these
Committees dominion status or do not. But let there be no
misconception. I tell the foreign Government that independence is my
right. But I tell you, I beseech you, I beg of you to give medominion
status or freedom for these Committees. But do as you think right.
But let me make one appeal to you in connection with the main
resolution. You have tried your strength with me for two days. You
are free to do so in the open Congress also on that resolution. I am
prepared to meet you and fight with you. But please do not be
obstructive in respect of other resolutions. Show that you have the
sense of value of time. Please be businesslike. You refuse to be
businesslike. You take two days over one resolution. You give no time
to the Working Committee and then you take it to task for not
supplying copies of the resolution to you. Is that right? Is that

workable? I read in the papers recently that the annual meeting of the
Bank of England which is concerned with the management of crores
of rupees was over in thirteen and a half minutes. Let us learn from
them. I appeal to you to decide as you like, but to be businesslike and
to have less of speeches. Ask questions to get information, but do not
argue because it would be an expenditure of time.
Replying to Dr. Rahim, Mahatmaji said that these Committees were proposed
on the principle of specialization of work. Mahatmaji instanced the work which Dr.
Hardikar was doing through the Hindustani Seva Dal in the name of the Congress, but
under an autonomous constitution. Continuing, Mahatmaji said:
If the Congress wants to keep everything in its hand then there
would be no doing of work and no progress. There are some people
who have a taste for one kind of work only and who are prepared to
give their time and energy for specific purposes. They should be
mobilized in the service of the objects which the Congress has in view
and which would also enhance its prestige.
Replying to Mr. Ramanarayan Singh, Gandhiji said that it was true that in
certain cases khaddar had to be popularized on the basis of its economic appeal only.
Khaddar had both economic and political aspects. In Rajputana as also in some other
States khaddar was ‘red rag’ to the rulers. In such cases khaddar was presented in its
economic aspect. Gandhiji said:
I went the other day to one Chief Justice and asked him for
money for khaddar. He said it is political. I said it may have political
effects, but you have nothing to do with it. It’s humanitarian.
Replying to Mr. Aney, Gandhiji said that once the Committee was created the
Congress would have no voice in its personnel.1
157. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C. –III2

December 30, 1929
I know you have just now thrown out one resolution moved by
me and you may throw off this resolution too. But because you like to
overthrow some resolutions, the Working Committee and myself
cannot stop our work. The members of the Working Committee are
your servants and they must perform their work whatever decisions
1
The resolution was then put to vote and defeated by an overwhelming
majority.
2
Gandhiji spoke after moving the resolution on reduction in the number of
delegates to the A.I.C.C. For the text, vide Resolution No. 4, “Draft Resolutions for
A.I.C.C., Lahore”, 26-12-1929.

you may make upon their work. Since you seem to have lost your
confidence in your Working Committee I think you should elect a
separate Working Committee of yours. Since the Nagpur Congress1 I
have been urging upon this important change in the Congress
constitution. I am confirmed in my belief that delegates are too heavy
for the Congress to proceed with its work smoothly, promptly and in a
businesslike manner. I also believe that 350 members for the All-India
Congress Committee are also too heavy. I feel it my duty to place
before you a programme for your work and it is for you to decide it.
You must fully realize what your work is. I would like to urge upon
you that if you do not pass this resolution today you will have to pass
it tomorrow or the day after. If you so . choose you may elect another
Working Committee of yours. But so long as this Working Committee
is there you should see that whatever is placed by it is passed. I am
convinced that the demonstrative part of the present-day Congress
should be separated. It means a lot of waste of money and energy.
This resolution means concentration of the Congress force. If you
have not got so many members in the Assembly why should you
think it proper that the All-India Congress Committee should have
such a number of members? You talk of National Parliament. You
should then realize what should be the size of your National
Parliament. If the Congress wants to spread away all over the country
it should concentrate on its programme. You want civil disobedience.
But you can never expect civil disobedience to be a practical thing
with such an unwieldy national body which is to set to the work: I am
living for civil disobedience and if need be I willcarry on civil
disobedience separately. You can never think of civil disobedience
with such indiscipline as exists there today. I do not want to say more
on the resolution. Now you are to decide in any way you like.2
158. SPEECH AT CONGRESS SESSION , LAHORE–I

December 31, 1929
Mr. M. K. Gandhi . . . moved the following resolution:
This Congress deplores the bomb outrage perpetrated on the Viceroy’s
train and reiterates its conviction that such action is not only contrary to the
creed of the Congress but results in harm being done to the national cause. It
congratulates the Viceroy and Lady Irwin and their party including the poor
servants on their fortunate and narrow escape.
1
In 1920
2
The resolution was declared lost by 111 against 101 votes.

After speaking in Hindustani Mr. Gandhi continued:
MR. PRESIDENT AND FRIENDS,
I have been asked to give you in English the substance of what I
have said. In my opinion, it will be a good beginning if our
resolutions dealing with the task before the Congress are passed
unanimously. In appearing before you I have realized my
responsibility in the matter to the fullest and my certain conviction is
that the Congress will fail in its obvious duty if it does not record this
resolution. You find the reason for it stated in the resolution itself. So
long as the Congress creed remains what it is, namely, that we want to
attain swaraj, not by any means, but by peaceful and legitimate means,
it is our bounden duty to take note’ of anything that happens in India
in breach of that condition. You might be told, as I dare say you will
be told, that when people who do not belong to the Congress
organization and are not connected with it in any shape or form do
particular acts which may be contrary to our creed, we are in no way
and in no sense responsible. Those who think like that have, I say in
all humility, little sense of the tremendous responsibility that rests on
their shoulders; and they have little sense also of the great status that
belongs to the Congress. We either claim to represent the thirty crores
of Hindustan or we do not. If we claim to represent them, as I, a
humble Congress worker, most certainly do, and asI hope, you also
do, then it is our duty to consider ourselves responsible for anything
that any single person born in Hindustan may do and it does not
matter to me in the slightest whether that person is a reasonable
human being or whether he belongs to the C.I.D. I hope that you
consider the C.I.D. Indians also to be our kith and kin. Every Indian
we expect to convert by our deeds to our creed and use his services in
the attainment of our goal. Not only that, but the resolution states, and
I hope you believe it, that such acts do great harm to the national
cause.
I do not wish to take up your time by drawing your attention to
the various landmarks in the history of the Congress, which would
enable you to prove to your own satisfaction that each bomb outrage
has cost India dear. You may say, if you wish to, that the reforms that
were obtained could not have been obtained without bomb outrages
or without violence. Let me tell you that every one of these reforms
has cost far more than you would care to pay. We have paid millions
in exchange for mere toys.
The Congress Resolution also congratulates the Viceroy and
Lady Irwin and their party including the poor servants. In my humble
opinion it is a natural corollary to what has been said in the previous

part of the resolution, that we congratulate the Viceroy and Lady
Irwin and their party. We lose nothing by using common courtesy.
Not only so; we would be guilty of not having understood the
implications of our creed if we forget that those Englishmen, whether
in authority or not, who choose to remain in India are our charge, that
we who profess this creed of non-violence should consider ourselves
trustees for the safety of their lives. We have a tremendous military
burden which is crushing the starving millions who are living in the
700,000 villages of India. That military burden is really not due to the
necessities of frontier defence, but let me assure you, that burden is
due to the fact that thirty crores of people are held bond-slaves by a
few thousand Englishmen coming all the way from England. If we
would get rid of this military burden at any stage, it would be a
necessity of the case that we hold the lives of those whom we may
even consider our enemies as a sacred trust. That is the clearest
possible implication, in my humble opinion, of the creed of
non-violence for the political salvation of India, and if you hold with
me, then it is not only a matter of courtesy on your part,
but it is a matter of duty to tender our congratulations to the
Viceroy and Lady Irwin and their party including the servants,
and tender congratulations, if you will, to ourselves also. I hope that
after having listened to everything that might be said against this
resolution you will pass it unanimously and heartily.1
BROTHERS AND SISTERS,
I know I have spoken enough on this resolution and the less I
speak now the better. But strong faith in some particular thing
sometimes impels one to speak on in its favour in the hope that it
might convince others. This impulse has drawn me here again.
Your Congress is about to undertake a major task. It is in the
offing. All of you have assembled here in this Congress with great
hopes, namely, to define swaraj as complete independence. To my
mind we can be completely independent only when we preserve the
liberty of different communities residing in India. In the light of what
I have told you—provided you consider it right —what is our duty
today? We should be able to assure each and every Englishman, even
a child, that his safety is the sacred concern of those Indians who seek
independence. We do not say this out of any fear. It is quite possible
that in the heat of excitement you may not follow my viewpoint but I
am sure later on you will also be persuaded to it.
1
A debate on the resolution followed in which M.A. Ansari, Swami
Govindanand, Purushottamdas Tandon and others spoke, What follows is translated
from Gandhiji’s speech in Hindi.

Several friends have opposed this resolution. In the opinion of
Swami Govindanand and Dr. Alam this resolution is unwarranted. Let
me tell you that if we oppose this resolution it means we are not true
to the creed of non-violence—and Dr. Alam claims to be a votary of
non-violence. Whatever we do, we should be able to say
unhesitatingly, “Yes, we have done it.” The atmosphere, however, has
changed lately. It is being suggested that no note should be taken of a
recent violent outrage. The argument advanced is: “Let us go our way
and let them go their way.” But I can assure you that this is not the
way to attain independence. When we claim that the Congress is the
largest organization in India, nothing should deter us from registering
the views of the Congress regarding such incidents in the country.
If you want to reject the resolution, do so by all means. If you
desire to discard the creed of the Congress, you are welcome to do so.
But if the Congress creed remains what it is, then you cannot but
adopt this resolution. One thing more—it has pained me to hear that
the youth would be enraged at the adoption of this resolution by the
Congress and they may leave the Congress. What does this mean? It is
not as if I do not know the younger generation. I have come in
contact with young men by thousands . . . even in Europe. I claimthat
not one of them has opposed me in anything. Even here they come to
confer with me. If I emphatically proclaim in the Congress what I
consider the truth, I daresay that not a single young man would desert
me. Granting, however, that young men are not happy about it, even
then, at the risk of their displeasure we shall continue doing our duty
in the best interests of the country. May God endow us with strength
to follow the better course. The moment I forsake my duties in
apprehension that others might abandon me, I shall consider myself
unworthy of being a servant of the Congress. If you have faith in the
Congress, then your duty is to do what you consider right.
You are votaries of independence. You are going to undertake
major tasks—do national work—but I would submit to these friends
that they lack the strength for all that. They are trying to cover up
their weakness. They aspire to attain independence, whether they have
the strength or not. They are trying to talk big. But I wish to tell them
that we ought to cleanse our hearts if we decide to launch the new
programme.
It is being alleged that this resolution smells or rather stinks of
cowardice. I would like you to consider which part in this resolution
amounts to flattery of Englishmen. Nothing here can be called
flattery. Congress has abandoned all forms of flattery. May I request
you to give up the suspicion that we are airing independence and
flattery in the same breath. That man is a coward who gives up his

duties. Why should a person, who is not afraid of anyone except God,
fear the partisans of the bomb? I for one have faith in nothing but our
duties—and our creed. There may be persons who have no faith in the
creed of the Congress and pay it only lip-service, but the Congress
must express its opinion on acts of violence or terrorism. Even at the
cost of displeasure or rage of the persons concerned, the Congress
must voice its opinion. Whenever this was done, people have become
infuriated. May I hope that the young men have grasped my
viewpoint? I simply want you to bear in mind that you have come
here as delegates. You have taken a pledge, you believe in God, you
believe in Truth and if you believe in the Congress you must decide
now whether you adhere to it or not. If you have faith in God then
with God as your witness take the right step. If, however, you come to
the conclusion that the resolution is not correct, then reject it by all
means.1
Report of the 44th Indian National Congress, Lahore
159. SPEECH AT CONGRESS SESSION, LAHORE–II

December 31, 1929
This Congress endorses the action of the Working Committee in
connection with the manifesto signed by party leaders including Congressmen
on the Viceregal pronouncement of the 31st October relating to Dominion
Status, and appreciates the efforts of the Viceroy towards a settlement of the
national movement for swaraj. The Congress, however, having considered all
that has since happened and the result of the meeting between Mr. M. K.
Gandhi, Pandit Motilal Nehru and other leaders and the Viceroy, is of opinion
that nothing is to be gained in the existing circumstances by the Congress
being represented at the proposed Round Table Conference. This Congress,
therefore, in pursuance of the resolution passed at its session at Calcutta last
year, declares that the word “swaraj” in Article I of the Congress constitution
shall mean complete independence and further declares the entire scheme of the
Nehru Committee’s Report to have lapsed, and hopes that all Congressmen
will henceforth devote their exclusive attention to the attainment of complete
independence for India. As a preliminary step towards organizing a campaign
for independence and in order to make the Congress policy as consistent as
possible with the change of creed this Congress resolves upon a complete
boycott of the central and provincial legislatures and committees constituted
by Government and calls upon Congressmen and others taking part in the
national movement to abstain from participating directly or indirectly in
future elections, and directs the present Congress members of the legislatures
and committees to resign their seats. This Congress appeals to the nation
zealously to prosecute the constructive programme of the Congress and
1
The resolution was then put to vote and declared carried.

authorizes the All-India Congress Committee whenever it deems fit to launch
upon a programme of civil disobedience including non-payment of taxes,
whether in selected areas or otherwise, and under such safeguards as it may
consider necessary.1
MR. PRESIDENT, SISTERS AND BROTHERS,
Please tell me whether or no you are able to hear me. (No,
no.) I hope now you can hear me. Please be kind and listen to me.
(Laughter) If you do so, you are likely to gain but if youdo not, I
don’t mind. (Laughter) I shall read out the second resolution copies
of which are already in your hands.
If you will kindly permit me I would like to omit reading the
resolution. Since you have the resolution in English I hope you must
have understood to some extent. With your permission, therefore, I
shall not read out the resolution but only explain its purport in Hindi.
In the first place, it is a lengthy resolution constituting the very basis
of future Congress programme. That is why I wish that all of you
must have a clear conception and a firm conviction as regards this
resolution.
We have tremendous tasks lying ahead of us. I submit that we
should strive to carry on our programme. The first part of the
resolution states that the Congress approves the action of the Working
Committee regarding the manifesto signed by our leaders replying to
the Viceregal announcement of the 31st October, and laying down
specific conditions for attending the Round Table Conference.
In the second part it is said that the Congress appreciates the
Viceroy’s efforts towards a settlement of the national movement for
swaraj.
The third part of the resolution states that notwithstanding the
appreciation mentioned above, the Congress, having considered the
outcome of the meeting between Gandhi, Pandit Motilal Nehru, Tej
Bahadur Sapru and Jinnah, etc., and the Viceroy, considers that
nothing is to be gained in the present circumstances by the Congress
being represented at the Round Table Conference. The Congress
delegates, therefore, ought not to attend the Round Table Conference,
if there is one. Many others may go but we have to decide what we
ought to do.
In a resolution passed at last year’s Congress session at Calcutta,
swaraj was defined, in political terms, as complete independence.
1
For the draft of the resolution by Gandhiji, vide Resolution No. 2, “Draft
Resolutions for A.I.C.C., Lahore”, 26-12-1929. What follows is translated from
Gandhiji’s speech in Hindi.

Henceforth it becomes our immediate objective. That is why the
Congress wants to declare that Nehru Report, which we wanted the
British Government to accept, has lapsed since the time-limit fixed for
its acceptance at Calcutta has come to an end. As the British
Government has failed to accept it within a year the Nehru Report
ceases to exist for the Congress. All this is covered in the resolution.
The Congress, therefore, expects that all the organizations working
under it shall do their utmost for the attainment of complete
independence. The resolution goes on to say that since the Congress
has subscribed to complete independence we have to work in.
consistence with that creed. Accordingly, the Congress now resolves
not to participate in the Assembly and Council elections, and
hasenjoined upon the present Congress members of the Assemblies
and Councils to resign their seats. The Congress has hereby made a
vigorous appeal to the nation—to the masses—to devote themselves
with zeal and vigour to the constructive programme of the Congress,
viz., khadi, removal of untouchability, etc. Moreover, the Congress is
empowering the All-India Congress Committee to launch a
programme of civil disobedience—including non-payment of taxes—
whenever and wherever it finds conditions favourable. I would like to
tell you that this resolution authorizes total civil disobedience.
I do not want to speak any more on the resolution at present.
You must have noticed that some ten or twelve amendments have been
moved to it. I shall not take up your time any longer as I wish to give
some rest to you as well as to myself. Please listen carefully to
whatever is being said in opposition to this resolution. One word of
caution I must utter. The first part of the resolution is just a
statement—in no way does it amount to flattery of the Viceroy. In fact
it is something separate. Another matter to be considered is the
proposed resignations from the Assemblies and Councils. I would like
you to listen to the debate bearing these things in mind. Actually this
lengthy resolution is one organic whole and it should be discussed as
such. The resolution seeks to implement the decision taken by the
Congress at its Calcutta session. I leave it to you, having heard the
arguments, to accept what is good and reject the rest. (Laughter)1
MR. PRESIDENT, SISTERS AND BROTHERS,
I hope the loudspeakers now work properly. (Laughter) Are

they all right?
[VOICES]: Yes, yes.
1
Then followed a debate in which Motilal Nehru, Madan Mohan Malaviya, N.
C. Kelkar, S. C. Bose and others spoke. What follows is translated from Gandhiji’s
speech in Hindi.

To begin with, I owe an apology to you all. I could not be
present here to hear the debate on the resolution, on the refutations
and the amendments. It might be considered a discourtesy on my part,
but I am sorry I could not help it. Since I was feeling very exhausted I
retired with the kind permission of the President. Moreover, you
know, one cannot resist nature and I had to attend nature’s call. I have
come back on being summoned. I am a little sorry that I could not
listen to what my friends had to say on thissubject. Nevertheless, as I
have read all the amendments and heard these friends argue in the
Subjects Committee, I can imagine what they must have spoken.
Moreover, I do not believe in arguing and answering. If I simply
say what I wish to convey that in itself serves my purpose to a
considerable extent. When I said that the resolution should be read out
my venerable friend, Pandit Motilal, explained it in Hindi and also
gave its genesis. The President asked me to address you in English to
enable the Tamil and Bengali friends also to follow me. I told the
President that I had nothing new to say. As is already known to you,
we had gone to the Viceroy as your message-bearers; and now I stand
before you with his response. The Working Committee’s reaction was
put before the Subjects Committee and now it has come to you.
You must have noticed that this resolution consists of three
parts—no doubt they could be further sub-divided. I wish to comment
on all the three parts. The first part is the preamble or introduction. It
reiterates ‘complete independence’. The moment has arrived for
realizing the resolve made earlier. The next part gives the reasons
behind this reiteration. It spells out what the Viceroy did and how the
Working Committee reacted. You must all have a clear grasp of the
whole story. This resolution is like an edifice. If a brick is removed,
the structure is weakened; if a wall is taken away the edifice collapses.
It means that if you reject a part of this resolution you disfigure it—
you topple its whole structure, you mutilate its form. If you
understand this I ask you to kindly reject all the amendments.
Let us consider one point. Every year you appoint a Working
Committee whose duty it is to decide what should be done in the
interests of the Congress all the year round. It is left to the discretion
of the Working Committee to frame an issue and thereafter place it
before you. If the ultimate responsibility is left with the Working
Committee it might result in harm. Hence it is open to you to amend
its decision as you desire. The Working Committee places the
resolution before the Subjects Committee and only after being
scrutinized there it is brought to you. That is why I would request you
not to make any change now in the resolution which is being moved
in the names of Panditji and myself.

Let us see the issues posed here. One is in respect to the
Viceroy. I emphatically say that votaries of independence will never
renounce their fundamental principles, viz., their steadfastness, valour
and courage. Courage does not mean arrogance. You ought not to
oppose this part of the resolution. A truly courageous person willnot
hesitate to pay a compliment even to his enemy. Granted that being a
representative of the British Empire the Viceroy is our enemy—as we
regard the British Empire our enemy so we do its representative—
nevertheless even enemies are after all human beings. It is, therefore, a
gesture which we owe to humanity as such—but the Viceroy wields
authority and rules the nation. It is, however, our duty towards any
and every human being. It is true that the Viceroy works for the
interests of the Empire. Still whatever good efforts he has made have
been appreciated here. Since this topic was discussed in the Subjects
Committee I have spoken a few words here also on it.
I would like to speak on other amendments as well. According
to one of them the phrase ‘existing circumstances’ should be deleted.
In this respect I shall state most humbly that I do not imagine that our
delegates need ever go to the proposed Conference. Whenever
England is constrained to call the Conference we have in mind, it
might become imperative for us to attend it, but not under the existing
circumstances. I would like to clarify that such an eventuality can arise
and our delegates may then attend a conference. If you take away the
phrase ‘existing circumstances’ you will leave a void there. It is,
therefore, not open for you to delete it.
Another issue discussed in the Subjects Committee was in regard
to the Councils. My friend Jamnadas Mehta has argued that Gandhi
has not said that Councils should be boycotted. To this I shall have to
say that you are free to do what you like. However influential a person
may be, he cannot issue commands. Who am I? Considering myself a
humble servant of the nation, I only draft resolutions. Hence what
authority do I have to issue commands? I can only offer advice. Of
course, I tender it with all the good intentions and only after having
gone into the pros and cons of the matter. I agree that you can gain as
much as you desire from the Councils and the Assemblies for your
near and dear ones and not only for them but for your country as
well. You can have grants amounting to thousands of rupees for the
schools. People keep domestic animals like dogs and bullocks, so were
slaves kept at one time. These animals do get something to eat; even
slaves are fed. But mind you, an animal is after all an animal. No
doubt some benefit or other can be had from the Councils but if you
aspire to attain complete independence what can you achieve there?
I for one have faith in the boycott of schools and courts as well.

I believe in the boycott of many other things. But as I can only
givemy advice, I try to co-operate with others, hence I wish to take up
only those steps which are approved by others. For example, Pandit
Motilalji has gained some experience by working in the Councils. His
achievements there have done some good to the nation. He, if not
others, has today turned against the Councils. You are aware that at
one time these friends resolved to enter the Councils and I agreed as I
thought that since they were so keen about it they should have their
way. But now they have had enough of it. You have assembled here in
thousands. If from your experience you conclude that Councils are
essential and but for them the attainment of swaraj will be delayed,
then give up the council boycott by all means; but if your experience
proves otherwise then please think it over. I believe that the Councils
will not be of any good to us, so does Pandit Motilalji. Moreover, he
has come to this conclusion after his own experience. Therefore if
you are convinced of it please reject the amendments and retain the
boycott.
Now let us come to the schools. It is being proposed why not
boycott the schools also. I do desire that all the young boys should
sacrifice themselves on the altar of the nation. At least those above
sixteen should enter the arena, but do we have the atmosphere? I say it
is not there. What sort of education are our boys receiving? Of what
avail could that education be which is financed from the 25 crore
rupees of the revenue derived from liquor and opium? But is it
possible today to convince people about this? Years have rolled on
and we have seen things for ourselves. Do you think that lawyers
would boycott the courts and break stones or spin? Not a single
lawyer would do so. Everyone wants to have good food, and money to
spend. These lawyers argue that if they boycott the courts they would
not be able to pull on. In 1920, when a call was given to boycott the
courts, Pandit Motilal and Deshbandhu Chitta Ranjan Das responded,
but not the other lawyers. The conditions are not ripe for undertaking
these boycotts simultaneously, hence this omission. We do not say that
it would be wrong on the part of the lawyers if they would leave their
practice and proceed to the villages to participate in the constructive
programme but we do feel that the requisite atmosphere has not been
created yet.
Besides these, there are other amendments too, but I do not want
to go into all of them. One topic, of course, is there, viz.,
civil disobedience. You want it and I also want it. I would like to
say a few words about it. It has been suggested that civil dis-
obedience should be launched throughout the length and breadth of
India. I wish I could do so but I think the time is not yet. This task has

been delegated to the All-India Congress Committee but I do not
consider that even the All-India Congress Committee will be able to
initiate it under the present circumstances. For that you should be
peaceful and calm—should have faith in the Congress creed. It is
alleged that persons violating laws are criminals, but I declare that
mere disobedience of laws does not constitute sin or crime; on the
contrary it can have some virtue. But, mind you, only that person is
entitled to disobey law who is calm and collected—who believes in the
Congress creed, approves it and acts upon it. Today I find that
everyone is for division. We do see nothing conducive to civil
disobedience. Today I do not see the environment wherein we can
challenge the Empire within a month or so. God willing we may do
so. His power is great. But perhaps He knows that we are in error at
the moment.
The young men who desire to overthrow the Empire by simply
waving red pamphlets and flags will be of no help to us. To attain
freedom we must cultivate strength. Several persons are of the opinion
that strength is generated by drawing the sword, not by remaining
peaceful. I prefer to say that we should calmly face the enemy’s
assault. Brave were those Sikhs who got themselves massacred in 1921,
1922. I admit and believe that cool courage is mightier than the
sword. Cool courage can very well implement civil disobedience. If
one thinks that complete independence cannot be achieved through
peaceful means, it implies that he has no faith in cool courage. The
moment we acquire cool courage, complete independence will be
ours.
After all what does independence mean? Independence means
freedom of the 7 lakh villages. Therefore I ask you to reject the
amendments and pass the resolution.
Another amendment suggests the continuation of the status quo
till February; let no decision be taken just now, it says, let an
All-Parties Convention be summoned. I do not approve of this and I
feel that it would produce no results. According to another
amendment it is being proposed that along with civil disobedience we
may set up a parallel government to frighten this Government. This
amendment has been moved by Subhas Chandra Bose. At Calcutta too
this proposition was mooted. I have great regard for Subhas Chandra
Bose. But he considers me just an old man of sixty. It is true that I
have grown weak and he can physically lift me up if he desires to. But
I claim I am still young at heart. (Laughter) I can outdo younger
men. That is why I claim that notwithstanding the belief that

one becomes Senile after sixty,I do not feel so at all. I think even
today I can control young people. Supposing today I am offered a
horse to ride, I shall gladly accept it—I shall not ride the horse myself
(Laughter) but I shall lead it; for holding the reins Jawaharlal Nehru is
there. (Laughter) Today the reins of the nation are in the hands of the
youth. It is up to them to strive unitedly for the independence of the
country. Let them not say afterwards that the opportunity was not
offered to them. It is being alleged that I think too much of
Jawaharlal. I do not deny it. I find that he is keen on work. It would
be highly detrimental if you do not unite to work. The programme of
parallel government will yield no benefit. We are not yet prepared for
parallel government. We ought not to bite more than we can chew.
You have to carry on propaganda in 7,00,000 villages. So far
nothing has been done there. It is hard to find even 7,00,000 Congress
members in those villages. Our villagers are not even familiar with the
name of the Congress. Under such circumstances instead of talking of
parallel government we should work in the villages—should educate
the villagers. Only after having accomplished this much can we think
of parallel government. The hour is not ripe for it today.
Friends, I have had my say regarding the amendments. And
having analysed the resolution I have made it clear to you what ought
to be accepted. That is why I earnestly say that you are welcome to
reject the resolution if you desire to do so but for heaven’s sake do
not mutilate it. It is far better to kill a handsome man than chop off
his nose or ears. It is not decent to chop off ears and noses.
(Laughter) It is wrong to do so. Do not try it. The thing has been
placed before you; you may keep it if you like it or reject it if you
don’t. 1
Now a few words to the friends from the south and to the friends
from Bengal. Twice I got a note as I was coming here, from one of the
delegates, that now it was high time that, in the Congress at least,
nothing but the Rashtra Bhasha, Hindi or Hindustani, was spoken and
heard. That is really a counsel of perfection. Years have rolled by and
yet even delegates have not fitted themselves for conducting the
proceedings in the national language. I hope that next time when we
meet we will all come prepared to understand everything that may be
said here in Hindustani; but today let us face facts as they are
andunderstand that there are some who do not understand Hindustani,
and for their sake I will say only a few words.
With reference to the amendments that have been moved in
1
Gandhiji then spoke in English.

connection with this resolution, I want to use the same simile that I
have used in Hindustani that this resolution has got to be considered
as a whole, as a building or as a whole picture. He who destroys a part
of the picture or a part of the building destroys the whole of it. You
take off a few bricks here or a wall there from the building and it is
bound to topple; it has become shaky; it is not the building that had
been conceived by the architect. Similarly with a picture. You paint a
picture and any interference with a part of it destroys the whole of the
picture. The Working Committee gave all the skill that they were
capable of commanding to the framing of the resolution. Then it went
into the Subjects Committee and there it was sought to make it
undergo all sorts of changes and now it has come to you. Now, it is
really for you either to reject that proposition in toto or to accept it in
toto, but not to interfere with it or disturb it. There are amendments,
for instance, to strike out the phrase ‘in the existing circumstances’. I
assure you that it has a definite place there. It is time that we realized
that some day or other we shall have to meet in conference with the
enemy for the establishment of independence. The phrase is
necessary. But it is equally true that that phrase makes it incumbent on
the Congress not to be represented in a conference where
independence is excluded.
Similarly there is the appreciation of the efforts of the Viceroy
in connection with the swaraj settlement. Either you believe the
testimony of your two chosen representatives or you reject that
testimony. If you really believe that your representatives have told
you the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth when they say:
“The Viceroy seemed to us to mean well; he was courteous
throughout; he patiently went through the whole thing as if two
friends had met”—if you accept all this testimony, does it not behove
you, is it not a matter of common courtesy, is it not your bounden
duty to appreciate that effort, if, as I say, you believe their testimony?
If, on the other hand, you do not believe their testimony, then you
must hound them out of the Congress. It is not a sign of courage that
one should be ashamed of saying what one feels; but it is a sign of
decided courage when a man openly admits the good that even his
enemy does. As a matter of fact a people that are pledged to the creed
of non-violence will always go out of their way to perform an act of
courtesy to the enemy, to think well ofthe enemy and to see hope
where there seems to be utter darkness, because a man of truth and
non-violence is always filled with hope. Hope begets hope, hope
begets courage and hope therefore begets decisive action. Therefore
as men pledged to a creed of this character it is your double duty to
accept this statement in the original resolution and summarily to reject

the amendments that have been moved.
Then there is the question of boycott of the legislatures. I can
only say with reference to it that it is supported by the testimony of
some of those who went into the legislatures with high hopes, and
amongst these towering above all is Pandit Motilal Nehru. When he
who did brilliant work in the Assembly and commanded the respect
even of his opponents says that we can make no further progress in
the legislatures his testimony is final for me as it should be for you
also. I have no personal experience of these legislatures, but I have got
the fixed immovable conviction that what I used to say about the
legislatures and the rest in 1924 applies even today, if possible with
greater strength.
Again it is said that if you boycott the legislatures, why not
boycott the schools and the law-courts? It is a perfectly consistent and
logical proposition, but mankind is not governed always by logic and
consistency alone. Sometimes mankind gets illogical; it vindicates its
weakness as also its strength by being frankly and even brutally
inconsistent. Inconsistent we are in boycotting the legislatures and not
boycotting the schools and the law-courts and the post office and the
railways and what not. But there comes our wisdom in understanding
our limitations and the Working Committee did understand those
limitations; and although the proposition was contested in the Subjects
Committee, the majority of the Subjects Committee have come to the
conclusion that we may no longer go to the legislatures, and that we
have got strength enough to remain outside the legislatures. There is
one stock argument, I know, that no matter what you do your places
will never remain vacant; but it is not the idea that the places should
remain vacant. If there is an opium den and if you imagine that fifty
thousand people go there including yourselves, will we hesitate to
empty that opium den because somebody else will go and occupy that
place? I am quite certain that we will not. If we believe that the
legislatures are played out for the nation and for the Congress, then it
is wisdom for us to stay out. That others will occupy our places is not
a relevant consideration. The relevant consideration is this: can we or
can we not, in terms of complete independence, go to these
legislatures or hasten our progress towards ourgoal by entering or
remaining in thelegislatures? If you feel that we can hasten our
progress towards independence by going into these legislatures, by all
means go there. I will not talk to you now about the oath that has got
to be taken in the legislatures, though for a man like me that also

becomes a conclusive argument.
As for the boycott of the schools and law-courts, as I have told
you, I do not see today the atmosphere about us necessary for such
boycott. If there is no such atmosphere, what is the use of putting in a
clause which is not going to be operative, which is not going to be
acted upon by the very people to whom it is addressed ?
Then there comes the question of civil disobedience. Civil
disobedience is a thing which I swear by because I possibly cannot
conceive India winning her freedom by criminal disobedience; and
criminal disobedience means the bomb and the sword. I can conceive
of freedom and independence being achieved by and on behalf of the
starving millions scattered over the length and breadth of India, in the
seven hundred thousand villages, by legitimate and peaceful means
only. Disobedience to be absolutely effective has got to be always
civil, that is always non-violent; and if you want that civil disobedience
should come in the near future you will have to transform yourselves.
You will then not have jugglery of thought; you will not then deceive
yourselves and, unconsciously it may be, deceive the nation also into
the belief that the bomb and non-violence can run on parallel lines. In
a place like India where the mightiest organization is pledged to
[non-] violence, if you really believe in your own creed, that is to say,
if you believe in yourselves, if you believe in your nation, then it is
civil disobedience that is wanted; and if it is civil disobedience that is
wanted, then, you must observe the strictest discipline, you must see
that no passion arises at least amongst ourselves, no ugly
demonstrations of the sort that we have seen here and that we saw in
the Subjects Committee; we must be calm, cool, collected, courageous,
brave; and we must speak to the point, never obstruct. It does not
matter a bit if every one of my propositions is lost; I must have
toleration for those who have moved and supported these
amendments. Then only shall I be able to vindicate my faith in non-
violent organization. And so, if you really want civil disobedience in
the near future, it is necessary for you to conduct the proceedings of
the Congress and of the Subjects Committee in a manner behoving
peaceful men. If you have got real love for freedom, then there is no
room for irritation, mutual jealousies, quarrels; but there is room only
for united, brave, calm and collected action. Hence I ask you with all
the strength that I can possibly command to carry this resolution with
acclamation because this is the central resolution of this session. Let it
not be said in the world that we, who today pledge ourselves to

independence, pledge ourselves with divided counsels, that we are a
house divided against itself and therefore bound to fall. Let us go
forth to the whole world that we rose to a man to vindicate our
freedom and that we pledged ourselves to attain that freedom by the
quickest possible manner. Hence I ask you to reject summarily the
resolution of Mr. Subhas Chandra Bose also. I know that he is a great
worker in Bengal; he has shone in many a field; he was the
commander-in-chief of our forces in Bengal. He has moved a
proposition which is not an amendment, it is really a substantive
resolution to be substituted for the original resolution. It is a good
proposition, I do not deny that; but it goes far beyond my resolution.
It suggests a parallel government. If you think that you can have a
parallel government today then let me tell you that the Congress flag
does not at present fly even in one thousand villages. All honour to
those who favour this amendment but it is not bravery, it is not
prudence, it is not wisdom. You cannot establish freedom by the mere
passing of a resolution. You will establish freedom not by words but
by deeds. Therefore, consider whether you can establish a parallel
government today, whether you can carry out all the boycotts
mentioned in that resolution. We are not declaring independence,
mind you. In Madras we declared independence as our goal. Here we
go a step further and say that independence is not a distant goal but it
is our immediate objective. But Subhas Chandra Bose wants you to go
a step further still. I would like to follow him through and through if I
considered parallel government a present possibility. Parallel
government means our own law-courts, our own schools and colleges,
etc. If you think that we have the ability to do today all the things
enumerated in Subhas Babu’s resolution you should pass it and reject
my proposition. But I suggest to you that we have not that ability
today and therefore I ask you to think with me that the step suggested
by the Working Committee is the longest step that we can take today;
a step further and it lands you in a pitfall. That is my certain
conviction and hence I urge you with all the strength that I can
command to carry this resolution without the change of a comma.1
Report of the 44th Indian National Congress, Lahore
1
The resolution was put to vote and carried.

160. LETTER TO BIJON KUMAR SINHA
[1929] 1
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter.
The books I can recommend are: Tolstoy’s The Kingdom of
Heaven Is Within You, What to do, Edwin Arnold’s Song Celestial,
Max Muller’s What Can India Teach Us?
If you have not read Ramayana you should read it too.
Yours,
BIJON KUMAR S INHA
UNDER-TRIAL P RISONER
BORSTEL JAIL
LAHORE
161. A LETTER
[1929]
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter. I cannot endorse the appeal you propose to
make for a new journalistic venture. I do not know how Liberty is
being conducted. But if it is not well conducted the remedy is
persuasion and not a counter-enterprise. In my opinion we have too
many newspapers in the country at present. Such being my opinion
please put me out of your mind.
Yours,
162. LETTER TO RUSTOMJI

[1929]
BHAISHRI RUSTOMJI,
I do not believe that the observance of brahmacharya in one’s
relations with one’s wife is necessary in order to build character. I do
believe, however, that for one who wants to dedicate himself
1
This and the following items have been placed as in the source.

completely to service, such extreme brahmacharya is essential. For the
purpose of building character, ceaseless search for truth and non-
violence and following them in practice are sufficient. Everything else
is included in that.
Every human being has or should have only one aim, and that is
the knowledge of his Creator or realization of the Self. Service of the
country is not an independent aim, but without it realization of the
Self is impossible.
I find great peace in observing silence. My work becomes
cleaner and easier. I can be more introspective. Silence is very helpful
in controlling anger.

[1929]
CHI. GANGABEHN,
I have not corrected the whole of your letter as there was no
time. Shouldn’t the letter for you be dispatched on Monday?
Blessings from
BAPU

[1929]
CHI. GANGABEHN,
Herewith the common letter1 , and your letter after corrections.
The sh at the end of a verb indicating tense is always palatal.
You will improve your handwriting quickly if you write slowly with
your pen and write big letters.
Do no grudge the expense on thing that may be necessary to
improve your health. Do not be impatient either.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 11271
1
For the Ashram women

165. A LETTER
[1929]
Our aspiration is to reach the state of nothingness. Unless we
destroy the ‘I’ in us, where will ‘He’ come and sit? How can two
occupy one place?
166. A LETTER
[1929]
I hope you have calmed down now. You have to live long and
serve and through service have to realize God. Remember the words
of Arjuna: “My delusion has gone and I have regained knowledge of
my true self.” 1 When you also gain full knowledge of your self,
delusion will pass away and, instead of trying to conquer your body
by fasting, you will have faith and realize the self by serving and also
be of great help to others in their quest for self-realization.
167. A LETTER
[1929]
CHI. . . . ,
You need not apologize. It will be enough if we realize that such
mistakes are an indication of our state of ignorance. No one is wholly
free of this ignorance. All we can do is to try to free ourselves of it.
I understand the change. It will be enough if you do everything
after careful thought. Do not let your improved health have a set-
back. Remember what I have told you. You should not do any service
which causes you mental suffering. Even out of fear of hurting my
feeling you should not take up any burden beyond your capacity. I
am not easily hurt and whatever pain I feel is only momentary. Even
that I should not feel.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Bhagavad Gita, XVIII, 73

168. LETTER TO JAGAT NARAIN LAL
[1929]
Krishna was the servant of His servants. He was always immersed
in work of service without the least slackness. No task was too small
for Him. One can truly worship Him only by following Him.
P T. J AGAT NARAIN LAL
‘MAHAVI’, PATNA
169. LETTER TO GOVIND BALLABH PANT

[1929]
DEAR GOVIND BALLABHJI,
I have your letter. As for Sitalakhet, I shall find out about it
when I have some leisure. There is no hurry.
As regards the Prem Vidyalaya, I have sent a draft for Rs. 2,000
to Bhai Har Govind Pant, as I had said I would. I had intended to send
it to you; but I sent it to Har Govind because you are mostly touring
and away from the Prem Vidyalaya, while Har Govind is at hand. I
assume that the conditions I have sent to the press will be conveyed to
you by Har Govind. After seeing those conditions, you may do what
you consider proper. I hope you will visit the Prem Vidyalaya now
and then and take more interest in it. On that assumption alone I have
sent the money.
170. A LETTER
[1929]
It is not proper for a man devoted to duty to be disheartened in
any situation.
We must consider death as our friend. Why should we grieve
when our dear ones embrace a friend? We have got to give up fear of
death.

171. A LETTER
[1929]
DEAR SISTER,
I have your letter. All is well if you are content at heart. I am
afraid of being disappointed by being hasty in Sodepur. We shall find
an opening by proceeding slowly.
Blessings from
BAPU
172. A LETTER
[1929]
DEAR SISTER,
I have your letter. I want to see you restored by whatever means.
Do not work beyond your capacity.
I shall try to regard Sodepur as I do Sabarmati. I do not yet so
regard it because I doubt if the experiments that have to be conducted
at Sabarmati and Wardha can be conducted at Sodepur. I do not
intend ruining Sodepur by carrying on those experiments there.
Sodepur exists for khadi; Sabarmati is meant for experimenting with
truth, etc. This should not give you the idea that Sabarmati is superior.
I have merely pointed out the fields of activities of both. I do hope
that theexperiments at Sabarmati will also be carried out at Sodepur.
But all that depends on God. Whatever happens at Sodepur I regard
you as an inmate of the Ashram.
Blessings from
BAPU
173. A LETTER
[1929]
I have your letter.
A devoted wife serves her husband best by being perfect and
free from blemish.
You cannot save from your scholarship and send the amount to

your in-laws. But you can earn something by doing some work in the
Ashram and send it to them.
You have done well in having stopped visiting Raghunath. You
should not even mentally desire to meet him. Such restraint cannot be
forced.
174. LETTER TO JAMNADAS GANDHI

AHMEDABAD ,
[1929] 1
CHI. JAMNADAS,
I have committed a great blunder. Driven by a particular
thought I just said that you should go to Calcutta. By all means, go to
any place where you can find your peace of mind. I have had long
arguments with you. I have prevented you from doing many things.
We must give up the habit of indulging so much in arguments. In that
state of mind I just told you to go to Calcutta if you so wished. But I
cannot give you such a permission. It is one thing if you wish to go
and go. But it is another if I happily permit you to go. Not only am I
not in favour of your going to Calcutta, but I am against it.
Considering my view, take an indepedent decision. It would not hurt
me in any way. My reason for opposing your going to Calcutta is as
under :
I have believed that there is no other city in India as wicked as
Calcutta. The atrocities that are perpetrated in Calcutta can hardly be
witnessed in any other city of the world. This comparison may be
somewhat exaggerated. My knowledge about other cities is
incomplete. But I have no doubt at all about the cities of India. In
Calcutta, thousands of innocent lambs and goats are slaughtered in the
name of religion. Such a thing is done nowhere else in India.
Everyone, big and small, the learned and the foolish, are a party to this
slaughter. No one stops to think about it even for a moment. The
enlightened Calcutta does not even protest against it. And in this so-
called age of reform, this cruel act is being performed day after day.
Stand anywhere in the Bhawanipur area of Calcutta early in the
morning and you will see flocks of sheep around. I have witnessed
that sight with my own eyes. Right from that moment, I had decided
that I would never agree to any suggestion of my settling down at
Calcutta. Again, in Calcutta, cows and buffaloes are milched after
1
From the contents. In 1929 Gandhiji returned to Ahmedabad from Calcutta.

blowing. This process of blowing is so cruel that I cannot even
describe it. This time I witnessed that too with my own eyes. Such
cruel things always go on in Calcutta. The very thought that you
should spend your life in that city and waste your time by engaging
yourself in futile business is terrible for me. It seems to me that you
cannot chalk out an ideal life from it. Only some divine creature may
remain unaffected in spite of living in such hell. I do not take it for
granted that you belong to that category. Think a thousand times
about what you wish to do in life and then decide. This is all I wish to
say.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati : Chhaganlal Gandhi Papers. Courtesy : Sabarmati
Museum, Ahmedabad
175. LETTER TO RAMDAS AND NIRMALA GANDHI

Silence Day [SATYAGRAHASHRAM,
1929] 4
CHI. RAMDAS AND NIMU,
You may forget me, but not Ba. She is deeply grieved and
crying out her heart. She imagines all kinds of fearful things to have
befallen you: ‘Could Nimu be ill, or something have befallen
Ramdas?’
When I, a baby in the cradle;
Started crying, who came
running to soothe me?5
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original : Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru

176. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.-I
January 1, 1930
1
Mahatma Gandhi, in supporting the resolution , said:
I have travelled throughout the country more than anybody
else.
MR. JAMNADAS MEHTA : I think except Seth Jamnalal Bajaj.
MAHATMAJI : I do not think there is any exception.

MR. JAMNADAS MEHTA : But Jamnalalji claims that.
MAHATMAJI : I refute this charge. I have travelled throughout the

country in the third class and have mixed with the poor more than
anyone else and I have seen with my own eyes how the poor suffer in
winter. This proposal has been placed before you after the most
careful consideration of all the months of the year. During the month
suggested there is no rain, no malaria or any other epidemic or
diseases. It may be said that we get railway concession during the
Christmas. But I think it is immaterial. And we hope to be in control
of the railways before long. (Laughter) Similarly the question that we
will not get students as our volunteers seems to be also immaterial,
because besides students there are lakhs of people who are
non-students and I hope these poor men will take part in the
Congress. The months of February and March are the best months for
the poor from the point of view of convenience and cheapness. I very
much realize the remark that we are Xmas politicians. Henceforth: we
want to dispose of our business most promptly and I think I need not
speak much on this resolution.
1
Which read: Inasmuch as the Congress is intended to be representative of the
poor masses and inasmuch as the holding of the Congress at the end of December
involves a very considerable expense to the poor people in providing for extra
clothing for themselves and is otherwise inconvenient to them, the date of holding
the Congress session is hereby altered to some date in February or March to be fixed
by the Working Committee in consultation with the Provincial Committee of the
Province concerned,

177. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.-II
January 1, 1930
Mahatmaji then moved the resolution of the Working Committee repudiating
the national debt and declaring that at the time of final settlement of India’s national
debt a tribunal would be appointed to judge which debt India should pay and would pay
according to the decision of that tribunal.
This Congress is of opinion that the financial burdens directly
or indirectly imposed on India by the foreign administration are such
as a free India cannot bear and cannot be expected to bear. This
Congress, whilst reaffirming the resolution passed at the Gaya
Congress in 1922, therefore records its opinion for the information of
all concerned that every obligation and concession to be inherited by
independent India will be strictly subject to investigation by an
independent tribunal, and every obligation, every concession, no
matter how incurred or given, will be repudiated if it is not found by
such tribunal to be just and justifiable.1
The resolution was unanimously passed.
MR. SANYAL: May I know who would constitute this tribunal?
Mahatmaji, amidst loud laughter, said:
If you want this information you may correspond in the matter.
I cannot interpret it. Independent India would do that.
The Bombay Chronicle, 2-1-1930 and Young India, 20-2-1930
178. SPEECH AT SUBJECTS COMMITTEE, A.I.C.C.-III

January 1, 1930
Mahatmaji in replying to the opposition said:
I believe you will realize the real significance of this
resolution2 .You all know Pandit Motilal Nehru had come to Lahore
1
The resolution is reproduced from Young India, 20-2-1930.
2
It read: In view of the lapse of the Nehru constitution it is unnecessary to
declare the policy of the Congress regarding communal questions, the Congress
believing that in an Independent India the communal question can only be solved on a
strictly national basis. But as the Sikhs in particular and the Muslims and other
minorities in general had expressed dissatisfaction over the solution of communal
questions proposed in the Nehru Report, this Congress assures the Sikhs, the
Muslims and other minorities that no solution thereof in any future constitution will
be acceptable to the Congress that does not give full satisfaction to the parties
concerned.

some days before this National Week and he came here only for two
reasons, namely, for clearing the misunderstanding entertained by the
Sikhs and for deciding the Punjab Congress dispute. To clear the
misunderstanding, Panditji, myself and Dr. Ansari had been to see
Sardar Kharag Singh, the Sikh leader, about it. Their grievance was
that they were not properly treated in the Nehru Report. We discussed
with the Sikhs 1 and gave them the assurance that in future if any
national problem is solved on the communal basis we shall satisfy
them and other minorities. At the same time I say that in an
Independent India every problem is to be solved on a national basis
and not on a communal basis. Still since these brothers of ours have
been offended by the Nehru Report I want to satisfy them and bring
them into our fold. I do not say that the moment we pass this
resolution this pandal will be full with Sikhs and Muslims. If they
come let us welcome them, and if they do not come still we are to
carry on our battle for independence. Even if there are only five men,
still we five are to attain independence.
179. INTERVIEW TO THE PRESS

[LAHORE ,
January 1, 1930] 2
What is the difference between the Non-co-operation Movement of 1921 and
the present movement?
The present movement is directed towards independence,
whereas that of 1921 was directed towards the redress of the Khilafat
and Punjab wrongs and the attainment of swaraj within the Empire if
possible and without if necessary. The boycott is confined this time
only to the legislatures, but civil disobedience including the no-tax
campaign is common to both, as also truth and non-violence.3
The civil disobedience will be of the Bardoli type?
You mean the satyagraha of 1928? Yes, somewhat of that type;
only in Bardoli the people fought for the redress of a specific local
grievance.
How about the other boycotts?
It may not be necessary to resort to them if we can place civil
1
Vide “Discission with Sikh Leaders”, 27-12-1929.
2
A report in The Statesman, 5-1-1930, giving portions from the interview,
says it was given just before Gandhiji left Lahore, that is, on January 1, 1930.
3
What follows appeared also in The Statesman, 5-1-1930.

disobedience on a proper basis.
When do you expect to succeed?
It is more than a human being can say.
Assuming that there is Chauri Chaura again, would you call off civil
disobedience ?
I am trying to conceive a plan whereby no suspension need take
place by reason of any outside disturbance—a plan whereby civil
disobedience once started may go on without interruption until the
goal is reached.
Have you any such plan?
I have nothing concrete before my mind at the present moment.
But I think it should not be impossible to devise such a plan. I am
going to leave no stone unturned. It is likely that although one
maytake all the safeguards that it is humanly possible to do, an
outbreak may occur. The plan I am trying to think out is to prevent a
discontinuance in case such an event happens.
But supposing you see your mistake?
Well, then, I shall have strength enough to atone for it.
But if you cannot hit upon a plan such as you are thinking of, what would you
do?
If I do not succeed in discovering such a formula, and if there is
a recurrence of Chauri Chaura, I should not hesitate to stop the
movement.
180. SILENCE-DAY NOTE TO MIRABEHN

[On or after January 1, 1930] 1
What are your impressions of the A. I. C. C. meeting?
Considering the revolutionary character of the two resolutions,2
the criticism was restrained and the voting showed an extraordinary
sense of responsibility and appreciation of facts. The attendance too
was quite good.
From the original: C.W. 5440. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 9442
1
From the reference to “the revolutionary character of the two resolutions”
which were adopted during the A.I.C.C. meeting held in Lahore from December 26,
1929 to January 1, 1930
2
Vide “Draft Resolutions for A.I.C.C., Lahore”, 26-12-1929.

181. THE CULT OF THE BOMB
There is so much violence in the atmosphere immediately
surrounding us, politically minded part of India, that a bomb thrown
here and a bomb thrown there causes little perturbation and probably
there is even joy over such an event in the hearts of some. If I did not
know that this violence was like froth coming to the surface in an
agitated liquid, I should probably despair of non-violence succeeding
in the near future in giving us the freedom which we are all
violently-minded and non-violently minded people yearning for.
Happily I have a certain belief based upon ceaseless experience
during my tour in the heart of India for the past twelve months very
nearly, that the vast masses who have become conscious of the fact
that they must have freedom are untouched by the spirit of violence.
In spite therefore of sporadic violent outbursts such as the bomb
explosion under the Viceregal train I feel that non-violence for our
political battle has come to stay. It is because of my increasing faith in
the efficacy of non-violence in political warfare and the possibility of
its being practised by masses of people that I propose to reason with
those who may not be so much saturated with violence as to be
beyond the pale of reason.
Let us think then for a moment what would have happened if
the Viceroy had been seriously injured or killed. There certainly
would have been no meeting of 23rd ultimo and therefore no
certainty as to the course to be adopted by the Congress. That surely
would have been, to say the least, an undersirable result.
Fortunatelyfor us the Viceroy and his party escaped unhurt, and with
great self-possession he went through the day’s routine as if nothing
had happened. I know that those who have no regard even for the
Congress, who hope nothing from it and whose hope lies only
through violence, will not be affected by this speculative reasoning.
But the others, I hope, will not fail to realize the truth of the argument
and to put together several important deductions that can be drawn
from the hypothetical case put by me.
Take again the net result of political violence practised in this
country. Every time violence has occurred we have lost heavily, that is
to say, military expenditure has risen. As against this, I am willing to
put the Morley-Minto reforms, the Montagu reforms and the like. But
an ever widening circle of politicians is now beginning to realize that
they have been like toys given to us against heavy economic burden.
Whilst paltry concessions have been made, a few more Indians have

found employment under Government, the masses in whose name,
and for whose sake, we want freedom, have had to bear greater
burdens without having any return whatsoever therefor. If we would
only realize that it is not by terrorizing the foreigner that we shall gain
freedom, but by ourselves shedding fear and teaching the villager to
shed his own fear that we shall gain true freedom, we would at once
perceive that violence is suicidal.
Then consider its reaction on ourselves. From violence done to
the foreign ruler, violence to our own people whom we may consider
to be obstructing the country’s progress is an easy natural step.
Whatever may have been the result of violent activities in other
countries and without reference to the philosophy of non-violence, it
does not require much intellectual effort to see that if we resort to
violence for ridding society of the many abuses which impede our
progress, we shall but add to our difficulties and postpone the day of
freedom. The people unprepared for reform because unconvinced of
their necessity will be maddened with rage over their coercion, and
will seek the assistance of the foreigner in order to retaliate. Has not
this been happening before our eyes for the past many years of which
we have still painfully vivid recollections?
Take now the positive side of the argument. When, that is in
1920, non-violence came to be part of the Congress creed1 , the
Congress became a transformed body as if by magic. Mass awakening
came no one knows how. Even remote villages were stirred.
Manyabuses seemed to have been swept away. The people became
conscious of their power. They ceased to fear authority. The system of
begar2 vanished like mist in Almora and several other parts of India,
wherever the people had become awakened to a sense of the power
that lay within themselves. Such as it was, it was their freedom that
they had attained by their own strength. It was true swaraj of the
masses attained by the masses. If the march of non-violence had not
been interrupted by events culminating in Chauri Chaura, I make bold
to say that we would have been today in full possesssion of swaraj. No
one has been found to dispute this proposition. But many have shaken
their heads as they have said, ‘But you can’t teach non-violence to the
masses. It is only possible for individuals and that too in rare cases.’
This is, in my opinion, a gross self-deception. If mankind was not
habitually non-violent, it would have been self-destroyed ages ago.
But in the duel between forces of violence and non-violence the latter
1
Vide “Speech on New Congress Creed, Nagpur”, 28-12-1920.
2
Forced unpaid labour

have always come out victorious in the end. The truth is that we have
not had patience enough to wait and apply ourselves whole-heartedly
to the spread of non-violence among the people as a means for
political ends.
We are now entering upon a new era. Our immediate objective
and not our distant goal is complete independence. Is it not obvious
that if we are to evolve the true spirit of independence amongst the
millions, we shall only do so through non-violence and all it implies?
It is not enough that we drive out Englishmen by making their lives
insecure through secret violence. That would lead not to
independence but to utter confusion. We can establish independence
only by adjusting our differences through an appeal to the head and
the heart, by evolving organic unity amongst ourselves, not by
terrorizing or killing those who, we fancy, may impede our march, but
by patient and gentle handling, by converting the opponent, we want
to offer mass civil disobedience. Everybody owns that it is a certain
remedy. Everybody understands that ‘civil’ here means strictly
non-violent, and has it not often been demonstrated that mass civil
disobedience is an impossibility without mass non-violence and
without mass discipline? Surely it does not require an appeal to our
religious faith to convince us that the necessity of our situation, if
nothing else, demands non-violence of the limited type I have
indicated. Let those who are not past reason then cease either secretly
or openly to endorse activities such as this latest bomb outrage. Rather
let them openly and heartily condemn these outrages, sothat our
deluded patriots may for want of nourishment to their violent spirit
realize the futility of violence and the great harm that violent activity
has every time done.
182. HINDI IN THE CONGRESS

It is our strange misfortune that we are not as familiar with the
name “Mahasabha” as we are with the name “Congress”. When the
name Mahasabha is mentioned some take it to mean the Hindu
Mahasabha and others take it for some other organization. During my
tour of the United Provinces when I used the word Mahasabha for
Congress I was told no one would recognize Mahasabha as the
Congress. This is the influence of habit. We have got into the habit of
using an English word; therefore when someone uses a Hindi word we
find it difficult to understand.
Therefore, even though it is a rule that only the Hindi language

should be used in the Mahasabha, it is English that is largely used.
The Mahasabha notices are generally printed in English. In the
Mahasabha office too English is generally used. Correspondence is
carried on in English. In the lanes of Lajpat Nagar1 wherever one
looked, one found only English signboards. All this is lamentable. But
the remedy for this malady is not rigorous enforcement of the rules.
The remedy is love for the national language in the masses and the
resultant effort. If the public wishes, it can insist on all the business of
the Mahasabha being transacted in Hindi. The fact is, there is neither
sufficient awakening nor enthusiasm nor love for their language in the
masses.
There is one great practical difficulty in running the Mahasabha
office in Hindi. President Jawaharlal Nehru has drawn the attention of
the members to it. As I have already written last time,2 in the United
Provinces, Bihar and other Hindi-speaking provinces there are very
few people who are willing to take up this work. Those very few who
are or who can, are engaged in their own work. Be it in the Mahasabha
office or in offices elsewhere, very few Hindi-speaking people are
available for national work. In these circumstances it is not surprising
that the work of the Mahasabha is done mostly in English only in
spite of the rule about the use of the national language.
Ten years ago all the work was done only in English. Now there
is considerable change in the desirable direction; even then, much
remains to be done. All debates and discussions in the Mahasabha
should be conducted only in the national language. And there should
be no need for their English translation. Two difficulties crop up in
achieving this. One is that, members from Bengal, Tamilnad and other
such provinces understand very little Hindi and the second is that, the
speaker who wants to say something wishes to explain what he means
to all. If he knows both the languages he gains his end by arguing in
both of them. To overcome these difficulties there are two ways. One
is that, when any member begins to speak in English, he and the
President should be reminded of this. Secondly, the Bengali and Tamil
brothers and sisters should declare that they have no need for English.
Their duty is to learn Hindi or get the sense of the proceedings from
their neighbours. The change of heart in the Bengali, Tamil and other
brethren depends entirely on the love, determination and courtesy of
the Hindi-speaking people. Without courtesy no work can be done.
Force and compulsion will not secure for Hindi its rightful place.
[From Hindi]
1
The venue of the Congress session in Lahore
2
Vide “Letter to a Friend”, 2-2-1921.

183. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
Thursday [January 2] 1 , 1930
CHI. MANI,
I have your two letters. I am writing this in a moving train. Do
resolutely whatever you can. If the situation referred to in your
second letter arises, you should go to Vile Parle or to Wardha. If you
come and see me, I will explain this more fully and you will be
comforted. Come on Tuesday or Wednesday, so that you will be able
to bring more news from that end. Do what you can with the help of
even a few women as co-workers.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . M ANIBEHN P ATEL
NADIAD
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-4: Manibehn Patelne, p. 70

DELHI ,
January 3, 1930
DEAR MOTILALJI,
In Lahore there was no time to talk or to read the newspaper or
to think of anything else but the next hour’s work. Here, in Delhi, on
a cattle farm five miles away I saw the Hindustan Times and the Kelkar
manifesto. It struck me immediately that it was absolutely necessary to
have from you a brief statement to show why the boycott of
Legislatures is an absolute necessity. The sooner you issue it to the
Press, the better it would be. Jawahar surpassed all expectations. Even
the critics were silenced. If we can but take some decisive step and
come to grips this year it will be a fitting finish to the presidential year
so well begun.
Yours,
From a copy: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S. N. 32579/35
1
This was the only Thursday on which Gandhiji travelled by train before his
arrest in 1930.

AS AT THE ASHRAM,
S ABARMATI ,
January 3, 1930
DEAR SUBHAS BABU,
You are becoming more and more an enigma to me. I want you
to live up to the certificate that Deshbandhu once gave me for you. He
pictured you to me as a young man of brilliant parts, singleness of
purpose, great determination and above pettiness. Your conduct in
Calcutta 1 therefore grieved me, but I reconciled myself to its
strangeness. But in Lahore2 you became inscrutable and I smelt petty
jealousy. I do not mind stubborn opposition. I personally thrive on it
and learn more from opponents than from friends. I therefore always
welcome sincere andintelligent opposition. But in Lahore you became
an obstructionist. In connection with the Bengal dispute, in your
writings to the Press you were offensive and the discourteous,
impatient walk-out nearly broke my heart. You should have bravely
recognized the necessity and the propriety of your and other friends’
exclusion. It was not aimed at you, Prakasam3 or Srinivasa Iyengar. It
was meant merely to strengthen the hands of the young President by
providing him with a cabinet that would be helpful in carrying
forward the national work.4
There was no question surely of distributing patronage, of
placating personal interest, however high they may be. The question
was one of devising measures for achieving independence in the
shortest possible time. How could you, having no faith in the
programme, or Prakasam, with philosophic contempt for the present
programme, or Srinivasa Iyengar, with his unfathomable unbelief in
Jawaharlal and Pandit Motilalji, forward the nation’s work? But all the
three could help by becoming sympathetic critics offering sound
suggestions along their own lines. There was certainly no
undemocratic procedure. If the putting of the names en bloc did not
1
In 1928.
2
In 1929.
3
T. Prakasam
4
For the Working Committee two independent lists had been prepared, one by
Motilal Nehru in consultation with Gandhiji and the other by Jamnalal Bajaj. The
addressee and Srinivasa Iyenger, along with a few others, staged a walk-out against
this procedure as they wanted the Working Committee to be formed by election.

commend itself to the Committee, the Committee could have so
expressed its opinion and that would have been also a fair measure of
the strength of your party. 1 But I do not want to continue the
argument. I simply write this to ask you to retrace your steps and
otherwise also prove to me and those whose co-operation you would
seek, the truth of the certificate issued by Deshbandhu. I do not want
to change your view about anything, but I do want you to change
your conduct in enforcing those views.
Yours sincerely,
186. LETTER TO S. SRINIVASA IYENGAR

AS AT THE ASHRAM,
S ABARMATI ,
January 3, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
I was deeply distressed over your walk-out and the whole of
your uncertain behaviour. Uncertainty there always has been behind
your acts, but I had not detected before any unworthiness about them.
When we first met your sincerity and high aspiration attracted me
towards you. That attraction was increasing with closer contact. How is
it that it has been decreasing of late and reached almost the ebbing
point? I do not mind difference of opinion, but it would cut me if my
regard for you were to be diminished. Please correct me if I have
erred. If I have not, I would have you retrace your steps and be what
you were when I first knew you. Political life need not debase us.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C.W. 10754. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
1
After the Congress session at Lahore the addressee and S. Srinivasa Iyengar
announced the formation of a new party, the Congress Democratic Party.

187. LETTER TO SHAUKAT ALI
DELHI ,
January 3, 1930
MY DEAR FRIEND AND BROTHER,
I see that we are definitely moving in opposite directions, but
that should not mean any breach of friendship, though it was born of
political co-operation. You must therefore not empty your pocket of
me altogether and I want you to make me a promise always to write to
me in the frankest manner possible whenever you feel I am wrongin
my views or in the expression of them.
Yours sincerely,
[PS.]
Please pass it on to Mohd. Ali.
188. LETTER TO S. SATYAMURTI

AS AT THE ASHRAM,
S ABARMATI ,
January 3, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
It would be wrong of me to conceal from you the grief which I
have expressed to others over your highly ungentlemanly, unpatriotic
and uncalled-for conduct on the 1st instant at the A.I.C.C. meeting.1 I
do not mind opposition even though it may be merely destructive, but
I do mind want of manners, which I am afraid you were betrayed into
on the very day when you would be expected to be restrained and
helpful, even though you did not believe in the programme or even
the procedure.
Yours sincerely,
S. S ATYAMURTI
1
Vide “Letter to Ramniklal Modi”, 13-11-1929.

189. LETTER TO SHUAIB QURESHI
AS AT THE ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
January 3, 1930
MY DEAR SHUAIB,
I was grieved that you did not have the chat to which I had
looked forward in Lahore. You must now go even out of your way, if
necessary, and come to Sabarmati and have at least a day there. I was
delighted at the news Mohd. Ali gave me.
Yours sincerely,

DELHI ,
January 3, 1930
CHI. MATHURADAS,
I have your letter. The situation is such that Jamnalalji cannot go
there for the present. But if at least ten acres of land1 with water on it
was available near Almora things could be managed. I hope all of you
are well.
What could I write about Lahore? I am dictating this at Delhi.
Blessings from
BAPU
TARA HOUSE
ALMORA, U. P.
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
1
For Gandhi Seva Sangh

191. YOUNG JUDGE
A young judge has put me the following question:1
This question refers to the time when Gujarat was ravaged by
floods and a large number of young men and other volunteers were
working hard under Sardar Vallabhbhai’s guidance. That a man reaps
as he sows is an immutable principle which admits of no exception.
The above extract is an example of how the principle can be
misinterpreted. Many persons think in this way, and the question
deserves consideration because I know that the correspondent has not
advanced his plea merely for argument’s sake. The maxim “Reap as
you sow” is true for all times. Holy books in Sanskrit state the same
thing, and so does the Bible. Nowhere does the maxim imply that we
are to inflict on the doer what his deed deserves. The present
correspondent, however, has put such a construction on the original
sentence, and that has led to a terrible misunderstanding of its
meaning. When we say ‘man reaps as he sows’, we mean that God will
bestow on him his due and not that any of us might sit in God’s place
and mete out justice to the doer according as he thinks of the latter’s
deed. If we had the right to judge a man’s deed and reward or punish
him as the case may demand, there would be nothing left for anyone
to do for anyone else. In that case, the idea of service would lose all
meaning. If that idea should disappear, the world would perish. But
the fact is that the world has not perished. Countless men have been
rendering service to one another, correcting one another’s mistakes
and even forgiving one another. From this we see that the meaning of
the great maxim in question is not what the correspondent conceives it
to be, but it is what I have suggested above.
We do not fully know how to judge a man’s action. With limited
experience, we can only draw an inference about a given action. Each
one of us often draws a different inference. The seven blind men in
the fable came each to his own conclusion according to the elephant’s
limb that he could feel. Thus, though each was true in respect of his
own experience of the elephant, all the seven remained ignorant and
none could form a correct idea of the elephant. Similarly, thejustice
we mete out is the justice of the blind and is therefore imperfect.
Hence, it is our religious duty always to hunger after service and find
fulfilment in only serving one another. To reward or punish is God’s
1
This is not translated here. The correspondent had objected to relief work in
Gujarat.

exclusive right, for He sees the past, the present and the future. There
certainly exists some sentient Power that pervades this world, to whose
tunes we dance, no matter whether we call the Power God, or Lord, or
describe him as a principle, or whether or not we apply any epithet to
it. That Power alone rewards or punishes us as our actions might
deserve. In any case, we are not the Power; and so, instead of saying
‘Let us give a man what he deserves’, we say ‘A man gets what he
deserves.’ It was from the realization of man’s imperfection that there
arose the family of virtues, such as service, generosity, love,
forgiveness and non-violence. We do not, therefore, know whether the
calamity suffered by Gujarat was the result of people’s sin or
goodness in this life or another. But certainly, those who participated
in the alleviation of the suffering have done their duty and found self-
fulfilment to the extent they did so. If they had put a wrong
construction on the law of karma and kept to their homes with hands
folded, they should have shown themselves ignorant of duty.
I hope the correspondent will now see that his statement was not
merely one-sided, but was entirely mistaken, and will take care not to
commit such a mistake again.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 5-1-1930

192. LETTER TO RAMDAS GANDHI
January 6, 1930
CHI. RAMDAS,
We arrived here on Saturday night1 without any mishap during
the journey. Write and tell me how you are keeping. Is
Lakshmidasbhai’s dietetic experiment still going on? How is Jivandas?
Has he returned? If not, where is he? Ba will leave tomorrow for
Vijapur. Nimu is there, and so is Manu, as also Kashi. She is therefore
keen to go there. Manilal has gone to Akola. He will return with
Sushila in a few days.
Blessings from
BAPU
193. LETTER TO HARIBHAU UPADHYAYA

January 7, 1930
BHAISHRI HARIBHAU,
. . . 2 and . . . 3 had a long talk with me and said all that they
wished to say. There is little worth in . . . I did not form a good
opinion about . . . About . . ., I formed a better opinion. . . . admitted
that they had become, and remained, fairly enslaved by physical
attraction for each other. That is their condition even now.... says that
they felt attracted while helping each other with innocent motives. ...
kept silent on this subject. She agreed to let herself be medically
examined. But I doubt very much if, when produced before a doctor,
she would not run away from him. . . . says that they did not go as far
as the ultimate act, being held back by shame at the thought of their
guilt becoming known to you and me. I met . . .’s father. I infer from
my talk with him that he may not be aware of this illicit relationship. I
did not, however, think it necessary to ask him about it and make sure.
I was not much impressed by him. I see from one of your articles that
you believe it as proved that he is not . . . ‘s father. In the second
article, I see that you have changed your opinion. . . . says that he is
1
On January 4, 1930, after attending the annual session of the Indian National
Congress at Lahore
2
The names have been omitted.
3
ibid

her father. I have given my decision below after considering all the
facts.
l. . . . should go and live as . . .’s wife.
2. If she does not wish to do that and if she can keep herself
pure, she may observe brahmacharya.
3. If she cannot overcome the desire for sex-gratification, she
may marry some other young man.
4. Her relation with . . . ought to have been kept pure till they
were married. Though both of them have claimed that their relation
has remained pure, I do not believe that it is moral. If, however, the
two cannot control their desire for gratification, they may openly have
relations with each other. But they will not have my blessings or my
consent if they adopt this course. Nor can they remain in any
institution with which I am closely connected. I am afraid . . . will not
be able to live without . . . I believe that she gets hysteria because of
her craving for sex-gratification. . . . ‘s touch being impure, it
increases her hysteria.
You may now act as you think best.
I have not revised this after dictating.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati: C.W. 6069. Courtesy: Haribhau Upadhyaya

ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
January 8, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have a letter from you after many days. Even though I am in
the Congress, I can sleep over not only postcards but even letters from
my sons and daughters. What is your weight? How is your health? If
you are not regular in writing your diary, try to be so and also
describe in it your thoughts and feelings. One who does not conceal
one’s good or bad thoughts from oneself deserves compliments. One
who conceals them certainly violates the vow of non-stealing. If you
do not understand this idea, ask Vinoba to explain it. Tell Kamala to
write to me. She, too, should write a diary. My health is fine. I have
worked hard and even feel fatigued, but my health has not suffered.
Blessings from
BAPU

195. LETTER TO NAUTAMLAL BHAGWANJI
January 8, 1930
BHAISHRI NAUTAM,
Doctor1 arrived here last evening. Immediately on arrival, he
told me that he wished to have Chi. Maganlal’s2 marriage, like
Ratilal’s,3 celebrated in the Ashram, and that I should write to you for
that purpose. Women everywhere look forward to a wedding and wish
to enjoy the occasion in various ways. If, however, you have regard
for Doctor’s wishes, entreat the women on my behalf and win them
over. I am sure you will agree with me that, if rich parents have a truly
religious ceremony for the marriage of their sons and daughters,
theyserve the good of the community and provide an example to the
poor. I, therefore, hope that you will obtain the consent of the women
and let the marriage be celebrated here. Probably you know that there
is no music and dancing and no feasts on the occasion of a wedding
in the Ashram. The celebration consists entirely of the religious
ceremony and the dresses of the bride and the bridegroom are all of
khadi.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS GANDHI
196. LETTER TO ANANTRAI PATTANI

S ABARMATI ,
January 8, 1930
TO PATTANI SAHEB,
I had got the letter of recommendation you sent with the two
Japanese gentlemen. But I am writing this letter to make you a
request. You will no doubt have been pained by the resolutions passed
at Lahore.4 But when did I ever shrink from causing pain to friends?
If I please friends like you by suppressing my conscience I may earn
1
Pranjivandas Mehta
2
Pranjivandas Mehta’s sons
3
ibid
4
Vide “Speech at Congress Session, Lahore-I & II”, 31-12-1929.

their congratulations for a while, but ultimately they will have to leave
me. Would it not be better to inflict momentary pain and preserve real
friendship? I assure you that neither the main resolution1 nor any
otherresolution was passed to please the public. I drafted the
resolution only according to my understanding of the good of the
people.2 I therefore wish you not to be pained by my action.
197. LETTER TO KASTURBA GANDHI

S ABARMATI ,
January 8, 1930
BA,
I am sending herewith a letter from Ramdas. If I sat down to
write myself, I would have to stop the spinning for that time. That
would be so much loss to the country. Is it not better that I dictate this
letter?

ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
January 8, 1930
CHI. RAMDAS,3
I got your letter. I am sending it on to Ba. I am writing to her to
keep herself ready to let Nimu leave whenever you desire her to be
with you. For myself, I do approve of your wish. I quite understand
Nimu’s desire. I should like that from their very childhood, Sumitra,
Savitri, Rumbha and Bachu should grow up with you and according to
your manner of living and, therefore, I am wholly with you in the
suggestion you have made. Ba is simple-hearted and will immediately
agree. Keshu4 being ill, has been sent away to Devdas in Calcutta. He
is better now. Santok and Radha, too, had left this place without
consulting me. If I had known of their intention to leave, I would have
asked Devdas not to go.
Dr. Mehta arrived last night with Manekbai. He will be here for
1
About complete independence
2
3
The letter is in Mahadev Desai’s handwriting.
4
Keshav, Maganlal Gandhi’s son

four or five days. And I myself having arrived, the place is beginning
to get crowded. You did well to send the invitations. I am keeping
perfectlywell. A diet of milk, curds, and fruits is suiting me very well.
That you are keeping well these days is good news to me.
Blessings from
BAPU1

ASHRAM S ABARAMATI ,
January 8, 1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
How did you manage to fall ill ? You must have of course
known that I was opposed to your going to Lahore. You should for
the present avoid going after new adventures and even resist the
temptation of seeing new places. Your duty is to be content with what
you can think and do without moving about and to live according to a
fixed schedule. When Devdas arrives there and relieves you, you may
certainly go to Vijapur.
Blessings from
BAPU
JAMIA MILIA
KAROL BAGH
DELHI
200. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA

January 8, 1930
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I have your letter. I was expecting to see you even today.
Prabhudas must be all right by now. I hope you continue writing your
1
The subscription is by Gandhiji.

daily diary. It must not be interrupted now. Fix the date of departure
for Wardha and let me know it. Are you keeping up carding?
Blessings from
BAPU

[About January 8, 1930] 1
2
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I read your letter to Chi. Jamnadas. I did not like it. You cannot
be considered fit for a pilgrimage to Badrinarayan. Though I have
sentShantilal to be your companion, it does not mean that he should
spend his time in sight-seeing. A man who loves work, will engage
himself in some work anyhow. It would be proper for him to help in
the weaving work or some other similar work. If you also wish to take
up some responsible work, I should like you not to think of going to
Badrinath, etc. It would be another matter if you thought of the
pilgrimage when a suitable occasion arose, provided that your health
was good enough and provided also that your work there had been
properly set going. Or, again, there would be no harm in going to
Badrinath if you had stayed on there purely for the sake of your
health and had taken up no responsible work. Moreover, I am not at
all certain that a trip to Badrinath will not harm your health. It would
be better to be content with the improvement in your health which has
already taken place. I am of opinion that, for the present, you should
hold back your desire for sight-seeing. If Jamnadas can go and does
go, let him go by himself. But I wish that none of us should forget
that we wish to compete with the beggars of India.
Blessings from
BAPU3
1
From Gandhiji’s advice to the addressee to withhold his “desire for
sight-seeing’’, it appears that this letter was written about the same time as the
preceding one.
2
The letter is in Mahadev Desai’s handwriting.
3
The subscription is by Gandhiji.

202. LETTER TO G. D. BIRLA
[Before January 9, 1930] 1
BHAI GHANSHYAMDASJI,
I did not answer your last telegram. What instructions can I give
from this distance? There can be nothing lacking in your attention. I
am aware that Keshu 2 needs some comforting. To that end I am
sending Devdas. I have little faith in medicines. But I do not interfere
in the treatment of those away from me. Hence there was no need for
any instructions in response to your telegram. My treatment isquite
well known—fasting or fruit juice, sun-baths, sleeping at night in a
well-ventilated room and enema in case of constipation. Many patients
like Keshu have been cured by this treatment. But I do not wish to
practise my theories from a distance. You can do whatever you like.
Medicines should not be suggested to Keshav unless he asks for them.
I hope Keshav will be out of all danger by the time this reaches you.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
From Hindi: C.W. 6179. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
203. STATEMENT TO “ THE NEW YORK WORLD”

[Before January 9, 1930] 3
The world should realize that as Congressional representatives,
Pandit Motilal Nehru, leader of the Nationalists in the Legislative
Assembly, and I could only treat the Viceregal pronouncement about
Dominion Status in India as a response to the Calcutta Congress
resolution of 1928. 4 We were bound, therefore, in pursuance of that
resolution to press for a clear declaration that the proposed Round
Table Conference would consider only ways and means of framing a
scheme for a Dominion Status constitution and no other. This the
Viceroy, Lord Irwin, could not do. While, therefore, we appreciated his
good efforts and his difficulties, we had no course left open but to
decline to have Congress represented at the proposed Conference. The
1
From the contents it appears this letter was written before the one to the
addressee dated January 9, 1930; vide “Letter to G. D. Birla”, 9-1-1930.
2
Maganlal Gandhi’s son, Keshav
3
The statement was published in The New York World, 9-1-1930.
4
Vide “Speech on Resolution on Nehru Report, Calcutta Congress”,
28-12-1928.

Conference, so far as Congress was concerned, having miscarried, the
independence resolution1 need frighten nobody. I had repeatedly
declared that for me, as for all other Congressmen, Dominion Status
could mean only virtual independence; that is partnership at will for
mutual benefit and to be dissolved at the instance of either partner. It
only clears the issue, especially after Secretary of State for India,
Wedgwood Benn’s unfortunate statement that India already had a
Dominion Status in action.
The real cause for satisfaction to lovers of peace consists in the
fact that through the full debate Congress supported methods of
non-violence and truth, to the exclusion of other methods.
Civildisobedience is a dynamic expression of non-violence. It is
undoubtedly fraught with great danger and difficulties, but infinitely
less so than the present danger of unbridled but secret violence
breaking out in many parts of India, owing to understandable and
pardonable impatience on the part of many youths. Responsibility for
initiating civil disobedience rests on me and I am not likely rashly to
embark upon it. At the same time I must confess that I shall not
hesitate to run a certain minimum of risk which is inevitable in any
struggle for freedom. The risk for prolonging the present agony
caused by the realized slavery here is any day much greater than I am
ever likely to run.
The boycott of legislatures is also part of the programme for
enforcing the national demand. This was a natural corollary to the
independence resolution, and I am glad to say it is finding an
adequate response from Congressmen. A constructive programme
such as removal of untouchability, communal union, liquor
prohibition, and the boycott of foreign cloth remains. These have
tremendous social and economic value and also bear great political
consequences. The Nehru constitution, with its tentative communal
solution, naturally lapses.
Congress, therefore, will concentrate on solving the communal
question, not on differential lines, but on strictly national lines. There
was also a resolution on financial obligations.2 It need not disturb any
foreigner who has a legitimate interest in India. It should be
remembered that there are always, under any foreign Government,
obligations incurred and concessions granted that are in no way in the
interest of the country concerned, and are indeed often hostile to it.
These can never be acknowledged by successors who are free to
examine every such obligation and concession. Congress has offered
1
Vide “Speech at Congress Session, Lahore- II”, 31-12-1929.
2
Vide “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-II”, 1-1-1930.

investigation of these by an independent tribunal. Lastly, the door
against a conference purposely convened to satisfy national
aspirations, that is, to frame a scheme of independence has been left
open.
The Hindu, 25-3-1930
204. NOTES
THE LATE MAZHAR -UL -HAQ
Mazhar-ul-Haq was a great patriot, a good Mussalman and a
philosopher. Fond of ease and luxury, when Non-co-operation came
he threw them off as we throw superfluous scales off the skin. He grew
as fond of the ascetic life as he was of princely life. Growing weary of
our dissentions, he lived in retirement, doing such unseen services as
he could, and praying for the best. He was fearless both in speech and
action. The Sadakat Ashram near Patna is a fruit of his constructive
labours. Though he did not live in it for long as he had intended, his
conception of the Ashram made it possible for the Bihar Vidyapith to
find a permanent habitation. It may yet prove a cement to bind the
two communities together. Such a man would be missed at all times;
he will be the more missed at this juncture in the history of the
country. I tender my condolences to Begum Mazhar-ul-Haq and her
family.
P ROHIBITION C AMPAIGN
At the Temperance Conference in Lahore one of the resolutions
adopted was as follows:1
It is a matter for sorrow that in a country like India, where drink
is almost universally admitted to be a vice, there are respectable
newspapers enough to be found to take advertisements for the sake of
spirituous liquor whilst their editorial columns favour total
prohibition. I hope that the resolution of the Conference will move the
newspapers concerned to stop taking the offending advertisements.
There may be the question of contracts made with advertisers. Since
the proprietors of the newspapers concerned have wronged the nation
in taking the advertisements, it is not too much to expect them to part
with a portion of the ill-gotten profits in paying for such damages as
may be necessary for ending contracts before their times.
1
The resolution is not reproduced here. It demanded immediate ban on the
display of liquor advertisements in public places and newspapers.

205. THE CONGRESS
P RESIDENT
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru more than justified the choice of the
people. His address brief and to the point was bold, extreme in
conception but moderate in expression. It bore evidence of a man
capable of viewing things with complete detachment. A confirmed
socialist, he wants for his country only what the country can manage.
He is a practical statesman tempering his ideals to suit his
surroundings: But for himself he is an idealist who would ever strive to
live up to his ideals.
As in his address, so in the chair. He was strong, yet
accommodating. His wit came to his rescue on many an awkward
occasion. He never hesitated when action was required. His tireless
energy and entire self-forgetfulness, his natural simplicity and
affability captivated everyone. No Government that is at all anxious to
do what is right can have any reason to fear Jawaharlal Nehru. A
wicked Government would soon feel the strength of a stalwart who
counts no price too dear to pay for ridding the country of wicked
rule.
The youth of the country has every reason to be proud of their
representative, the nation may well rejoice to find in Jawaharlal Nehru
such a noble and worthy son. May God’s blessings descend upon him
and may the nation reach her destination during Jawaharlal’s year of
service.
INDEPENDENCE
The resolutions of the Congress strictly followed the trend of
1
the Presidential address. Let us first consider the central resolution2 . In

strict accordance with the Calcutta resolution3 and owing to a
combination of circumstances undesigned by anybody, Dominion
Status gave place at the stroke of midnight 31st December 1929 to
complete independence as the immediate objective of the Congress.
Swaraj in article 1 of the Congress constitution is now to mean
complete independence. It is as well. Apart from the
Calcutta resolution, Mr. Benn’s statement that India already had
1
2
Vide “Speech at Congress Session, Lahore- II”, 31-12-1929.
3
Vide “Speech on Resolution on Nehru Report, Calcutta Congress-II”,
28-12-1928.

DominionStatus in action made that phrase impossible of acceptance
to convey the nation’s meaning. If representation, at important
functions, of India through representatives chosen by the British
Government, means Dominion Status in action, Heaven help India.
The Congress means something totally different from it. For the
Congress, Dominion Status meant complete independence plus
voluntary partnership with Britain as it might be with any other nation
for mutual good. Lastly it has been of late loudly whispered that
independence was illegal, and a resolution replacing Dominion Status
with independence would mean the death of the Congress. This threat
made it a sacred obligation for the Congress to incorporate complete
independence in the Congress creed. The Congress would not be
worthy to represent the nation if, for fear of consequences, it hesitated
to enunciate the nation’s birthright. If swaraj was a doubtful word, it
becomes unequivocal by becoming purna swaraj.
‘PEACEFUL AND LEGITIMATE’
But the Congress rejected by an overwhelming majority any
change in the description of the means. They still remain ‘peaceful
and legitimate’. There were members in the Subjects Committee who
suggested that independence would not be vindicated by non-violent
and truthful means. Violence there undoubtedly was in the air. But I
feel that those who flock to the Congress session year by year have a
living faith in non-violence as the only possible means for India at
least to regain her lost freedom. Non-violence and truth are the vital
need for India if the stupor of the millions is to be removed, if the
warring communities are to be welded into one. A foreign power must
be a necessary factor for any community that will coerce any other or
the others into submission to its will. But the Congress must perforce
remain non-violent if it will represent, as it claims to represent, all
communities. Whether therefore it takes a year or ages to reach
political independence, non-violence and truth are in my opinion the
shortest way to it. Complete independence of the Congress is no
menace to a single legitimate foreign interest or the presence of a
single Englishman who will live as a friend willing to submit to the
rules applicable to the whole of independent India.
This is clear from the condemnation of the bomb resolution and
the clause in the central resolution appreciating the efforts of the
Viceroy to arrive at a peaceful solution of the national problem. Both
the bomb resolution and the clause were hotly contested, but the
Congress accepted both, the one by a substantial majority
ascertainedafter a division and the second by an overwhelming
majority. I am sure that by passing the resolution and the clause the

nation has conformed to its creed, and risen in the estimation of the
world, as it would have denied its creed and lost in the world’s
estimation if it had refused to condemn the bomb outrage and
perform the common courtesy of recognizing the good even in a
representative of a rule which we seek to destroy.
BOYCOTT OF LEGISLATURES
To the constructive programme the Congress has added boycott
of legislatures. This was in my opinion inevitable. Those who would
have independence have to work outside the legislatures and among
the people. That no single seat will remain vacant because of
Congressmen withdrawing from the legislatures is no reason for
opposing the boycott. Let those who believe in the legislatures by all
means go there. It is enough that Congressmen employ themselves
otherwise and cease to give those bodies any prestige through their
presence there. For me the decisive opinion of Pandit Motilalji in
favour of boycott was enough to incorporate it in the resolution.
The programme would have been undoubtedly strengthened if
law-courts and Government schools were also boycotted. But the
atmosphere was absent. The Congress is not an organization to
enunciate theories, but to anticipate national wants and wishes, and
forge practical sanctions for their fulfilment.
Local bodies stand on a different footing. They were included
in the original draft. But as opinion was sharply divided, I did not
press for their retention in the boycott clause. Let no one however run
away with the idea that it is now any Congressman’s duty to seek
election to or capture these institutions. On the contrary it is the duty
of every Congressman to retire from or avoid them, if they take away
best workers’ attention from better work or if they mean continuous
wrangling, dissensions or worse. They are at liberty to remain in them
or seek election thereto when they are convinced that by their
presence there, they can promote not merely some legitimate interest
but national independence.
C IVIL DISOBEDIENCE
The greatest and the most effective sanction however is civil
disobedience including non-payment of taxes. Whilst the task of
choosing the time and the method of it has been nominally and
properly left to the All-India Congress Committee to decide, I know
that it is a duty primarily devolving upon me. I must confess that I
donot see the atmosphere for it today. I want to discover a formula
whereby sufficient provision can be made for avoiding suspension by
reason of Chauri Chaura. A time must come when there my be a fight

to the finish with one’s back to the wall. With the present temper of
many Congressmen, with our internal dissensions, with the communal
tension, it is difficult to discover an effective and innocent formula. It
may be impossible to offer civil disobedience at this stage in the name
of the Congress, and it may be necessary to offer individual civil
disobedience without the Congress imprimatur and apart from it. But
just now every thing is in the embryonic state. I can only give the
impatient patriot the assurance, that I am concentrating all my powers
on discovering a workable formula. He can help me materially by
assisting to promote a non-violent atmosphere and to push forward
the constructive programme. I know that many have refused to see
any connection between the constructive programme and civil
disobedience. But for one who believes in non-violence it does not
need hard thinking to realize the essential connection between the
constructive programme and civil disobedience for swaraj. I want the
reader to mark the qualification. Constructive programme is not
essential for local civil disobedience for specific relief as in the case of
Bardoli. Tangible common grievance restricted to a particular locality
is enough. But for such an indefinable thing as swaraj people must
have previous training in doing things of all-India interest. Such work
must throw together the people and their leaders whom they would
trust implicitly. Trust begotten in the pursuit of continuous
constructive work becomes a tremendous asset at the critical moment.
Constructive work therefore is for a non-violent army what drilling,
etc., is for an army designed for bloody warfare. Individual civil
disobedience among an unprepared people and by leaders not known
to or trusted by them is of no avail, and mass civil disobedience is an
impossibility. The more therefore the progress of the constructive
programme, the greater is there the chance for civil disobedience.
Granted a perfectly non-violent atmosphere and a fulfilled
constructive programme, I would undertake to lead a mass civil
disobedience struggle to a successful issue in the space of a few
months.
‘IN THE EXISTING C IRCUMSTANCES’
Whilst thus the central resolution lays down the country’s
objective and the methods for its attainment in no uncertain terms, it
does not rule out the idea of a conference in every circumstance.
It merely and most properly says, that ‘in the existing circumstances’
no good purpose can be served by the Congress being representedat
the proposed Conference. What are then the conceivable
circumstances in which the Congress may be represented at such a
conference? I can mention at least one such circumstance. If the

British Government invites the Congress to a conference, that is to
discuss and frame not any scheme but a scheme definitely of
independence Government, and fulfils the other conditions suitable
for such a conference, I take it that the Congress leaders will gladly
respond. Indeed a conference there must be at some stage or other. It
can take place as the proposed Conference was expected to take place
out of Britain’s good grace our land pressure of world opinion, or out
of pressure from us as we hope it will be if we develop sufficient
strength. Whether such a time is to be far or near depends upon how
we utilize or waste this year of grace.
OUR F INANCIAL OBLIGATIONS
Next in importance and almost part of the central resolution
must be deemed the one dealing with our financial obligations.1
Everyone who knows anything of public finance knows how
extravagant this Government is and how heavy is the load of debts that
is crushing the nation. Everyone knows also what concessions have
been given to foreigners in utter disregard of the national interest.
These cannot demand, dare not expect recognition from independent
India under the much abused name of vested interests. All vested
interests are not entitled to protection. The keeper of a gambling den
or of a brothel has no vested interest. Nor has a corporation that
gambles away the fortunes of a nation and reduces it to impotence.
The Congress at Gaya2 therefore passed a comprehensive resolution
repudiating certain debts. The last, whilst reaffirming the Gaya
resolution, laid down that obligations or concessions pronounced to
be unjust and unjustifiable by an independent tribunal shall not be
recognized by the independence Government to come. No exception
can, in my opinion, be possibly taken against such a reasonable
proposition. To shirk the issue is to invite disaster.
C OMMUNAL QUESTION
Equally important is the communal resolution3 . Though it was
adopted for the sake of the Sikhs, it was necessary other wise too
toenunciate the principles underlying it. Independent India cannot
afford to have communal representation, and yet it must placate all
communities if the rule of independence is not based on coercion of
minorities. But the Congress has now to cultivate a spirit of common
nationality and refuse to resort to camouflage or expedience in a
matter so vital as the communal question. In the Congress we must
1
Vide “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-II”, 1-1-1930.
2
In 1922
3
Vide “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-III”, 1-1-1930.

cease to be exclusive Hindus or Mussalmans or Sikhs, Parsis,
Christians, Jews. Whilst we may staunchly adhere to our respective
faiths, we must be in the Congress Indians first and Indians last. A
good Hindu or a good Mussalman should be a better Hindu or a
better Mussalman for being a lover of his country. There never can be
any conflict between the real interest of one’s country and that of
one’s religion. Where there appears to be any, there is something
wrong with one’s religion, i.e., one’s morals. True religion means
good thought and good conduct. True patriotism also means good
thought and good conduct. To set up a comparison between two
synonymous things is wrong. But if the Congress is ever forced to
consider a solution based on communalism, the resolution binds it to
reject any that does not satisfy the parties concerned. In order
however that the Congress may never be faced with a situation
demanding a communal solution, it should now be joined in large
numbers by Mussalmans, Sikhs and others who will have India as one
indivisible nation. I for one would welcome the Congress passing into
Mussalman, Sikh, Parsi, Christian, Jewish hands rather than that it
should be in any sense a sectional organization. Anyone who has the
spirit of service in him can capture the Congress. It has the most
democratic franchise. Its doors are ever open to those who would
serve. Let all join it and make it a mighty instrument for gaining
complete independence for the poorest, the weakest and the most
downtrodden. I must defer the consideration of other resolutions and
the other matters relating to this remarkable Congress to a future
issue1 , if not the next.
206. MR. PENNINGTON THE EVERGREEN

My remarks on the Congress2 are a fitting answer to this letter3 .
We must be the judges of our own wants, not Englishmen, however
well-intentioned they may be.
1
Vide “What Not to Do?”, 16-1-1930.
2
3
Not reproduced here. Referring to Gandhiji’s article “Honest Differences”,
pp. 192-5, Pennington had written that the evils of British rule had been exaggerated
and immediate independence for India was an impossibility.

207. JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
Jawaharlal Nehru has proved to be a jewel of India. In his
1
address lofty thoughts are couched in sweet and courteous language.

Several topics have been dealt with thoroughly and yet the address is
short. The splendour of the soul shines in every sentence. The
apprehension that lurked in many hearts disappeared after the oration.
As was the address, so was his deportment. During the Congress
session he did all his work independently and impartially. And since
he worked incessantly and strenuously everything was completed on
time and without any hitch.
If under the Presidentship of such a brave and righteous young
man we can achieve nothing it will greatly surprise me. But if the
ranks are unworthy, what can the brave captain do? Therefore, we
should do some introspection. Are we fit to be under the leadership of
Jawaharlal Nehru? If we are, then the outcome must be propitious.
Liberty cannot be secured merely by proclaiming it. An atmosphere
of liberty must be created within us. Liberty is one thing, and licence
another. Many a time we confuse licence for liberty and lose the latter.
Licence leads one to selfishness whereas liberty guides one to supreme
good. Licence destroys society, liberty gives it life. In licence
propriety is sacrificed; in liberty it is fully cherished. Under slavery we
practise several virtues out of fear; when liberated we practise them
ofour own free will.A slave will not steal out of fear, will not quarrel
with anyone, will not lie and will appear honest. He will be protected
from dacoits and others by his master. A slave does not exercise his
free will in whatever he does. A free man’s thoughts and actions are
identical. Whether for good or for evil he acts of his own free will.
Therefore, a free man reaps the full benefits of his good actions, and
when this happens society progresses from day to day. A free man will
not fail in his duty of protecting others.
Therefore, if we have understood true freedom, we will shed
communal fear. Hindus and Muslims will cease to fear one another. If
both could shed fear at the same time all the better; but a free spirit
should not expect the help of others to cast off fear. If the other side
violates justice, even then he would not seek the help of a third party.
He will depend only on his own strength, and if he loses, he will try to
augment his own strength. To die fighting is itself victory, it is one’s
duty. To run away from the fight is slavery and humiliation. Real
freedom is impossible without the spirit of a true Kshatriya. Therefore,
1
Literally, ‘jawahar’ means jewel

the unique quality of a Kshatriya is considered to be his determination
never to shrink from a battle. For this reason we too, in everything we
do, must never run away from the battlefield.
[From Hindi]
208. LETTER TO KHALIQUZZAMAN

S ABARMATI ,
January 9, 1930
MY DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter.

Even before the Independence resolution1 Congress chairmen of
local boards have refused to give addresses. I am quite clear that you
should not present the address and therefore should resign the
chairmanship.
KHALIQUZZAMAN
LUCKNOW
209. LETTER TO BEHRAMJI KHAMBHATTA

January 9, 1930
BHAISHRI KHAMBHATTA,
I received your cheque for Rs. 345. The sum will be used as
desired by you. I hope both of you keep good health.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
The resolution on complete independence called upon the Congress members
of Central and Provincial legislatures and Government Committees to resign their
seats; vide “Speech at Congress Session, Lahore- II”, 31-12-1929.

January 9, 1930
BHAISHRI GHANSHYAMDASJI,
Your letter has arrived. Devdas writes that Keshu is receiving
loving attention from you all. So writes Radhabehn too. What more
can I say in this matter? The treatment too conforms more or less to
what I would have wished. Enough; it would be discourteous to write
anything further on this subject. I am free from all anxiety.
The Lahore resolutions are very much to my liking. And my
opinion is further strengthened by the current happenings. Go
through what I have written in Young India 1 and offer whatever
comments you think fit. You have every right to express your views
and offer advice.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
From Hindi: C.W. 6180. Courtesy: G. D. Birla
211. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

January 10, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
Here is my draft resolution or declaration 2 for 26th instant. I

have nothing as yet from anybody. But I thought I would not now
wait till the last moment. You will cut it up or extend and amend it as
you like. The shorter the sweeter.
Ever since we have separated at Lahore, I have been evolving
schemes of civil disobedience. I have not seen my way clear as yet.
But I have come so far that, in the present state of the Congress, no
civil disobedience can be or should be offered in its name and that it
should be offered by me alone or jointly with a few companions even
as I did in South Africa if you have studied the History ofSatyagraha.
If you have not, you should. If I do finally see my way clear, I shall
think out what part the Congress can play in that event. All this,
however, I have no time to discuss through correspondence. If I make
1
Vide “The Congress”, 9-1-1930.
2
Vide the following item.

further progress, I shall let you know. If you have any remarks to
offer, please let me know. In any case prepare yourself to come here a
day or two earlier than the Working Committee meeting day. Of
course you can come earlier still . . .1 before 26th inst. if necessary.
I hope father is going to Bengal on the appointed day.
I am most anxious to come to grips during your year of office,
but that strictly according to my lights. Please therefore feel free to
criticize whatever I say or suggest. I want to do nothing that would
cross your purpose or thwart your plans, if you have conceived any
independently. The more I think, the more convinced I feel that it was
a happy thing for the country that I did not become President. I
would have felt hampered in maturing plans in complete detachment.
As it is, I cannot conceive a more favourable opportunity for me for
making my experiment than when you are the helmsman of the
Congress.
Yours,
BAPU
[PS.]
Since writing this, I have your letter2 . In view of what I have said
above, I must not go out. The one who may travel through a few
places with effect is father. The weight that he can carry in the matter
of the councils boycott is not to be rivalled by anybody. Can he go?
After reading your notes 3 , I did think it necessary to alter my
draft.
BAPU
A.I.C.C. File No. 16-A, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
1
Illegible
2
Which read: “. . . I shall expect your statement and resolution for the 26th in
a few days. Could you also add some directions for the observance of the day? . . . I
enclose a letter from Rajagopalachari. I think there is something in what he says.
There are so many statements and counter-statements in the Press that the issues are
likely to be clouded. Personally I dislike touring on a big scale but if you think I
should rush about I shall do so. Rajagopalachari’s idea that we may get some of the
non-Congress members out of the legislatures seems to me to be amazingly
optimistic. . . . But even apart from the council boycott it seems desirable to make
the country feel that we are in earnest. If we remain quiet for some weeks it may have a
bad effect. . . .” (S.N. 16335)
3
On exploitation of India by England (S.N. 16335)

212. DRAFT DECLARATION FOR JANUARY 261
[ January 10, 1930] 2
We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as
of any other people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their
toil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full
opportunities of growth. We believe also that if any government
deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them, the people have
a further right to alter it or to abolish it. The British Government in
India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but
has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India
economically, politically, culturally and spiritually. We believe
therefore that India must sever the British connection and attain purna
swaraj or complete independence.
India has been ruined economically. The revenue derived from
our people is out of all proportion to our income. Our average
income is seven pice (less than 2 pence) per day. The taxes we pay are
2.5 pies per day and of these the land revenue derived from the
peasantry is 20% and the salt tax, which falls heaviest on the poor, is
3% of the total.
Village industries, such as hand-spinning, have been destroyed,
leaving the peasantry idle for at least four months in the year, and
dulling their intellect for want of handicrafts, and nothing has been
substituted, as in other countries, for the crafts thus destroyed.
Customs and currency have been so manipulated as to heap
further burdens on the peasantry. British manufactured goods
constitute the bulk of our imports and customs revenue from these,
which ought to have been used to lessen the burden of taxation on the
masses, is 44 times lighter in India than it is in Russia and 44 3 times
and 24 4 times, respectively, less heavy than it is in the United Statesof
America and Germany. The arbitrary manipulation of the exchange
ratio has resulted in millions being drained away from the country.5
Politically, India’s status has never been so reduced as under the
British regime. All administrative talent is killed and the masses have
1
For the final declaration, vide “Things to Remember for 26th”, 23-1-1930.
2
3
For the correction of these figures, vide “Telegram to Jawaharlal Nehru”,
16-1-1930.
4
ibid
5
All the figures quoted in this paragraph relate to the year 1904. For the
changes made by Gandhiji, vide “Telegram to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 17-1-1930.

to be satisfied with petty village offices and clerkships. The tallest of
us have to bend before foreign authority. No reform has given real
political power to the people.
Culturally, the system of education has torn us from our
moorings and our training has made us hug the very chains that bind
us.
Spiritually, compulsory disarmament has made us unmanly and
the presence of an alien army of occupation, employed with deadly
effect to crush in us the spirit of resistance, has made us think that we
cannot look after ourselves or put up a defence against foreign
aggression, or even defend our homes and families from the attacks of
thieves, robbers and miscreants.
We hold it to be a crime against men and God to submit any
longer to a rule that has caused this fourfold disaster to our country.
We recognize, however, that the most effective way of gaining our
freedom is not through violence. We will therefore prepare ourselves
by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the
British Government, and will prepare for civil disobedience, including
non-payment of taxes. We are convinced that if we can but withdraw
our voluntary help and stop payment of taxes without doing violence,
even under provocation, the end of this inhuman rule is assured. We
therefore hereby solemnly resolve to carry out the Congress
instructions, issued from time to time for the purpose of establishing
purna swaraj.
213. LETTER TO DR. SYED MAHMUD

S ABARMATI ,
January 10, 1930
DEAR DR. MAHMUD,
I have your touching letter. This death1 at this time in our
history is a blow indeed. I hope my wire was received by Begum
Saheba. Tell her please that she must not grieve. We must all bravely
bear an event which is the common destiny of all life.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
1
Of Mazhar-ul-Haq; vide “Notes”, 9-1-1930.

214. A LETTER
S ABARMATI ,
January 10, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
I have a letter from Abbas Saheb. I do feel that if you can
possibly avoid attending the Governor’s function, you should do so.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a microfilm: MMU/XXII/66

S ABARMATI ,
January 11, 1930
DEAR SUBHAS,
I like your letter though it does not satisfy me. I wrote1 and did
as I felt. I cannot tax my memory as to . . . 2 now about the details.
The exhibition I remember vividly. But there of course our ideals
differed. I do not believe in the showy part in connection with what is
intended to be a pure education for the masses. But I should have a
battle royal with you on these things if you had leisure. I assure you I
have no partiality for khadi workers. They naturally engage my
attention because they have so much in common with me. I would
love to have the same contact with you. But I cannot have that
privilege as our methods and outlook on life seem to differ. I do not
mind these differences, what I mind is bitterness. But do let me have
your second letter. I am anxious to come nearer to you.
I should be sorry to think or to discover that I do not know
young Bengal which I love and adore.
Yours,
1
Vide “Letter to Ramniklal Modi”, 13-11-1929.
2
Illegible

216. LETTER TO S. SATYAMURTI
January 11, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for your letter. We must agree to differ.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S. S ATYAMURTI
2/18 CAR S TREET
TRIPLICANE
MADRAS
From the original: S. Satyamurti Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library
217. LETTER TO DUNICHAND

January 11, 1930
1
DEAR LALA DUNICHAND ,
I thank you for your letter. I shall certainly bear in mind what
you say.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
218. SPEECH AT GUJARAT VIDYAPITH

CONVOCATION
January 11, 19302
Sjt. Narendra Dev just told you, “You are eager to serve the
nation. You are pure in heart, brave and self-sacrificing. Being eager
for national service, you will prove your mettle one way or another
upon entering worldly life.” I wish that all his praise should be well
deserved. But my experience leads me to ask you to be pure and
remain pure. Let not the vow you just took remain on paper, but
inscribe it in your hearts and let the people’s money and the teachers’
energy spent after you be fruitful. My blessings of course always go
with the students.
1
Advocate, High Court, Lahore
2
From Bombay Secret Abstracts

Sjt. Vallabhbhai and Kaka Kalelkar are holding forth their
begging bowl before the public. Their appeal for contributions is not
to be seen in any of the English papers, for their aim is to see how
Gujarat views its special duty to the Vidyapith. My hope was that by
now all the sixty thousand asked for would have been collected. If this
national work is to progress speedily, people should set our national
workers free from anxiety in the matter of money. The citizens of
Ahmedabad by themselves can do this if they mean it. If this is done,
the teachers can give their whole attention to their proper work. In the
Vidyapith we require ability more than numbers. Behind the
introduction of the civil disobedience and behind the resolution as a
whole, lay the confidence that some students at least would play their
part well and bring us success.
The Congress at its Calcutta session had resolved that if the
Dominion Status of Pandit Nehru’s scheme was not granted within a
year’s time, a resolution demanding independence would be passed
even at the risk of incurring the world’s censure. If the choice is
between independence and Dominion Status, even a person like me
would prefer independence.1
You will naturally expect me to say something about the
independence resolution passed at the Lahore Congress, especially the
civil disobedience part of it, and you will want to know what is goingto
be your share in the struggle. Well, as I have often said here, we rely
not on numerical strength, but on the strength of character, and the
civil disobedience resolution was moved more because I had faith in a
few men sacrificing themselves for the cause than in the number of
men coming forward in response to the call. You know that the
Calcutta resolution pledged us to changing the first article of the
Congress constitution and preparing for a programme of civil
disobedience, provided Dominion Status was not forthcoming by the
end of 1929. This not having been fulfilled, there was nothing for us
but to carry out the pledge even at the risk of adverse criticism and
misrepresentation. Events that have happened after the resolution have
added force to it. Earl Russell2 has given us plainly to understand that
India’s Dominion Status is something different from what we have
always believed it to be, viz., a status allied to that of Canada, New
Zealand and Australia. These, the noble Earl admits, are virtually
independent. I never had anything else in mind when I talked of
Dominion Status for India. What Earl Russel says is tantamount to
1
This and the preceding two paragraphs are translated from the Gujarati in
Prajabandhu, 12-1-1930. What follows is from Young India.
2
Under-Secretary of State for India

saying that instead of being in the iron chains that India has been in
for years, she may now have the choice of changing them for golden
ones. And some of us seem to hug the proposal. We are so very much
fear-stricken that a severance of the British connection means to us
violence and chaos. Well, I want to make myself clear once more.
Votary as I am of non-violence, if I was given a choice between being
a helpless witness to chaos and perpetual slavery, I should
unhesitatingly say that I would far rather be witness to chaos in India,
I would far rather be witness to Hindus and Mussalmans doing one
another to death than that I should daily witness our gilded slavery. To
my mind golden shackles are far worse than iron ones, for one easily
feels the irksome and galling nature of the latter and is prone to forget
the former. If therefore India must be in chains, I would they were of
iron rather than of gold or other precious metals.
The spectre of an Afghan invasion is raised in certain quarters
the moment we talk of independence. Well I don’t mind the invasion
when we have severed our slavish connection with Britain. But I
am an incorrigible optimist, and my faith in India winning her
freedom by a bloodless revolution is unshakable. We have a
helmsman like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, and I do not think we are ever
going to have a better young man as our President. Would that
weachieved our goal whilst he has the reins of our affairs in his hands.
And I think it is quite possible, if you will be true to your pledge. I
would like to see the graduates of this Vidyapith in the front in any
campaign for swaraj. I want you to visualize what is coming. You have
a harder ordeal than going to jail. Robbers, dacoits and murderers also
can go to jail, and they make themselves thoroughly at home there.
But they do not serve the country by going to jail. A mere jail going
man does not help the country. What I want from you is the
preparedness to offer yourselves willing and pure sacrifices in the
struggle. There is a lot of violence in the air, and you will have to
immolate yourselves in the flames, if there are violent outbursts when
and if I am put into jail. If you are true to your pledge of truth and
non-violence, you will not hide yourselves in your houses whilst
violence or incendiarism is going on, nor will you be active
participators in it, but you will go and rush into the conflagration with
a view to extinguishing it. For surely that will be expected of you.
Even the votaries of violence will expect that and nothing else from
you. Vice pays a homage to virtue, and sometimes the way it chooses
is to expect virtue not to fall from its pedestal even whilst vice is
rampant round about.
You will be ready of course to march to jail, but I do not think
you will be called upon to go to jail. The higher and severer ordeal I

have just now pictured to you awaits you. I do not know what form
civil disobedience is to take, but I am desperately in search of an
effective formula.
If you have become indifferent to constructive work, overcome
your indifference. Get rid of any violence and untruth that may be
present in it. We must do something and show concrete results this
year, and the responsibility for this rests on me in the country. All
expect that I shall succeed in the task. I also have the faith that I can
do so. I am saying this not to fill you with enthusiasm, but in order to
wake you up. Rest assured that tomorrow will see something
achieved.1
I am impatient to reach the goal if we can through non-violence
and truth. I have infinite patience to wait, if we cannot reach the goal
without the sacrifice of non-violence and truth. Both spring from
my unshakable faith in the supremacy of non-violence and truth.I
know that however long the route may appear, it IS in my opinion the
shortest.
Young India, 16-1-1930 and Prajabandhu, 12-1-1930
219. WELLS AND PONDS2

As in the past, so in the present also a person wanting to found a
village would first look for water. If there exists no proper facility to
obtain water or it is not possible to create it, he would give up all
thought of founding a village at the place. In South India we come
across dry, though otherwise beautiful, regions where no villages can
be founded for want of water. Man’s first elementary need is air, for
which one does not have to go in search. The next is water. Though it
cannot be obtained as easily as we get air, the getting of water does not
involve the amount of labour needed for producing grain. However,
the water we use has to be as clean as the air or food we take in.
We all know that the villagers are ignorant of this requirement,
or are indifferent to it though they know it. Education in the uses of
water, therefore, has an important place in the programme for rural
education entrusted to the gramsevaks3 . Imparting education in the
subject will test the sevak’s patience. It is not to be expected that the
villagers would of themselves take pains to think out or employ ways
1
This paragraph is translated from the Gujarati in Prajabandhu, 12-1-1930.
What follows is from Young India
2
This appeared in the Shikshan ane Sahitya supplement.
3
Workers engaged in village uplift

and means of keeping the water clean. Slowly we should teach the
villagers the advantages of keeping water clean and the rules to be
observed for doing so. We should also get their assistance in this work.
In several places, it happens that none of the inhabitants comes
forward to help though the work is for their own benefit. In such
circumstances, the only way open to the sevak is to work hard by
himself and, by doing single-handed as much as he can, to induce in
the villagers a feeling of shame for their unhelpful behaviour.
Let us now go a little into the details of what we might do. Many
of the villages have only one pond, where the cattle drink and people
bathe or wash, cleanse utensils and wash clothes, and people fetch the
water for drinking and cooking from the same pond. Experts on
hygiene have demonstrated through numerous experiments how
poisonous germs are born in such water and diseases like choleraresult
from drinking it. With a little care, it is possible to keep such ponds
clean. The village pond should be enclosed so that no cattle can
approach it. Of course there should be a provision for them to drink
water. For that purpose there should be built a separate drinking
trough near the pond as we find done near many of the wells. If
everyone in the village makes it a point every day to fetch and add to
it a potful of water from the pond, the daily requirement of the cattle
would be met without much difficulty.
Never should utensils be cleansed or clothes washed in a pond
from which drinking water is drawn. There are two ways to ensure
this. Everyone should do the washing at home with the water fetched
for domestic use. The other way is to have a water tank just near the
pond. Everyone should fetch and put into the tank his share of the
water needed for this kind of work. Then the tank water may be used
for washing and cleansing by the village population. This would be
possible only if there exists among the villagers a spirit of
co-operation and mutual service. If it is not feasible to get the tank
and the drinking trough filled through personal labour in the way I
have described, this could be done by incurring a little expense on
that account. As water is bound to get spilt and spread at a washing
place, the immediate open space around should be paved so that no
mud gets formed there. Before any utensil is dipped into the pond of
drinking water, it ought to have been cleansed outside the pond.
Moreover, there should be an arrangement so that the feet of the
person fetching water do not have to wade through any part of the
pond. This is about the villages that have one pond only.
In some villages there are, or it is possible to have, more than
one pond. At such a place the pond for drinking water should be set
apart for the purpose.

In the third category of villages there are wells. The water in
these wells ought to be kept clean. With that view, the place should
have an enclosure built around it and no mud should form there.
From time to time the well water should be cleaned to remove the
dross at the bottom. To get all this done by the village inhabitants, the
sevak should himself be prepared to do it. This is cheap, true and
necessary education.
[From Gujarati]

S ABARMATI ,
January 12, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I omitted to reply when I wrote to you 1 to your important

question about 26th instant. I think there should be nothing
mentioned about processions. We do not want the people to hold
processions under licences, nor do we want them to hold them
without. The only thing, therefore, they should do is to hold meetings
and devote the day, if possible, to enlisting members. I do not think
that speeches are necessary or advisable. I am anxious to avoid
anticipation of a crisis. I would value perfect calm for ushering in civil
disobedience. I am writing about this in Young India.2
I hope you received my draft declaration in good time.
Yours sincerely,
BAPU
221. LETTER TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRI

S ABARMATI ,
January 12, 1930
DEAR BROTHER,
This is to ask you if you can depute someone to go to South
Africa and take charge of Indian Opinion. Manilal is here with his
wife. They would both like to be in India now. Manilal is by no means
1
On January 10, 1930; vide “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 10-1-1930.
2
Vide “Independence Day”, 16-1-1930.

a brilliant or even passable editor. Devdhar1 was at one time thinking
of sending someone. If you think that the proposal is at all feasible,
please let me know.
I do hope you are not over-angry with me for my doings in
Lahore. I have but followed the inner voice. I saw no otherhonourable
way out. Russell’s speech2 has justified the decision, i.e., in my
opinion of course. But I know that we can love one another in Spite of
sharp differences of opinion.
And how are you now in body?
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
Letters of Srinivasa Sastri, p. 189
222. LETTER TO JAIRAMDAS DOULATRAM

S ABARMATI ,
January 12, 1930
MY DEAR JAIRAMDAS,
I have your letter.
Yes, you may bring your draft resolution for the Working
Committee’s3 consideration. It will be a great step if we can avoid the
scandal of one province sending as delegates the wastage of other
provinces.
I like too your idea of inviting a few friends outside the
Working Committee. Will you make up a list?
I am concentrating hard on finding a civil disobedience
formula. I hope to find it soon. I feel that we must do something
during the year consistently with non-violence. We must run the
boldest risks. But of this more when we meet. You will come a day or
two earlier please.
Choithram must keep his health. He must not get excited as he
did when he was inviting the Congress to Karachi.4
Yours,
1
G. K. Devdhar of the Servants of India Society
2
He was reported to have said at a Labour Party meeting at Cambridge that
none knew better than Indians themselves how very foolish it was to talk of complete
independence.
3
Which was scheduled to meet at Ahmedabad from Feb. 14 to 16, 1930
4
Karachi was selected as venue of the next Congress session.

223. LETTER TO RAMI PAREKH
S ABARMATI ,
January 12, 1930
CHI. RAMI 1 ,
I suppose I should not expect any letter from you. Ba yearns to
see you. I, on the other hand, get no time even to think about you all.
But I too wish that you should come and pay a visit, if Kunvarji
permits you and you feel inclined. Just now Ba has gone to Vijapur.
She will return in a few days. Manilal is here, and Sushila too.
Blessings from
BAPU

January 12, 1930
BHAISHRI NAUTAMLAL,
I got your letter. I showed it to Doctor. He was happy. I hope

you will succeed in your effort.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
S JT. N AUTAMLAL BHAGWANJI
JETPUR, K ATHIAWAR

January 12, 1930
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I have your letter. If Prabhudas and Uttamchand are fit to travel,
escort them here via the branch line and then proceed to Wardha.
Devdas says that Prabhudas need not be detained there till his arrival.
1
Harilal Gandhi’s daughter and wife of Kunvarji Parekh

Assure Prabhudas that there is no harm in continuing with the
powders prescribed by the vaidya.
Blessings from
BAPU
226. TELEGRAM TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

AHMEDABAD ,
January 13, 1930
WIRE IF TEXT CELEBRATION DECLARATION1 RECEIVED AND
APPROVED. WISH PUBLISH FORTHCOMING YOUNG INDIA. IF
MANY CHANGES MADE WIRE TEXT TO REACH TOMORROW
MORNING.
GANDHI
227. SPEECH AT ALL-INDIA NATIONAL

EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE, AHMEDABAD2
January 13, 1930 3
The Vidyapith owes its origin to the non-co-operation
movement, and, as I said some years ago, the object of the Vidyapith
is the attainment of swaraj. All those studying in national educational
institutions and connected with them must do all the thingsthat the
country has to do, and must go through the same discipline as the
country has to go through for the attainment of swaraj, so that they
may be ready to offer themselves willing sacrifices when the time
comes.
Ours is a movement of self-purification. There are some who
think that morality has nothing to do with politics. We do not concern
ourselves with the character of our leaders. The democracies of
Europe and America steer clear of any notion of morality having
anything to do with politics. Bad characters are often great intellects,
and they can manage certain affairs well enough by the force of their
intellect. The private character of some of the leading men of the
House of Commons will not bear examination. We too have often
1
Vide “Draft Declaration for january 26”, 10-1-1930.
2
Published in Young India, 23-1-1930, under the caption “Not a Policy But
Creed”
3
From The Bombay Chronicle, 14-1-1930

carried on our political movement in the same fashion, we did not
concern ourselves with the morals of the Congress delegates or
leaders. But in 1920 we struck an entirely new departure and we
declared that since truth and non-violence were the sole means to be
employed by the Congress to reach its goal, self-purification was
necessary even in political life.
Today there is not much open opposition to the idea, though
there are many who secretly believe that politics should have nothing
to do with morality. That is why our progress is so slow and in some
respect even nil. If we had acted up to our creed of 1920, we should
not have taken nine years to arrive even at the present stage. If swaraj
was not meant to civilize us, and to purify and stabilize our
civilization, it would be nothing worth. The very essence of our
civilization is that we give a paramount place to morality in all our
affairs, public or private. And as one of the functions of the Vidyapith
is to civilize us, the battle of swaraj calls for the greatest sacrifice from
the national educational institutions.
I want you all to realize the implications of our creed. If you
think that truth and non-violence constitute not the creed but the
policy of the Congress, I do not know where I should be. But if you
are convinced that they are your personal creed, I need not expatiate
on them. The very fact that a person belongs to the Vidyapith should
be sufficient guarantee of his truthfulness and non-violence. The first
thing therefore that this national educational conference and those
who are attending it should do is to ask themselves whether all their
doings have been in consonance with that creed. If you have gone
about your work, following truth and non-violence as a policy, there
will come a day when you might be tempted to alter the policy. For
instance my friends the Ali Brothers accepted truth and
non-violenceas a policy, and they never made a secret of it. They
always said that they could not accept them as a creed. There are
many others of their way of thinking, and they undoubtedly have
their place in the service of the country, but for you, students and
teachers of national educational institutions, that attitude will not
suffice. You must accept both the principles as your creed and they
should be part and parcel of your being. If all make of ahimsa a
policy, and I remain the only votary of it as a creed, we can make very
little progress. Let us therefore ask ourselves once again, and make
sure, that we will in no circumstances harbour untruth and violence for
the attainment of swaraj. Then everything will be well.
The constructive programme has sprung out of the creed of
truth and non-violence. Let us examine every item of it.
Hindu-Muslim unity will be impossible so long as the Hindu cherishes

violence against the Mussalman and the Mussalman against the Hindu.
The Congress resolution at Lahore on the communal question was a
corollary to the creed. The Sikhs wanted bare justice, but the
resolution, as you will have noticed, has gone further, and it is meant
not only for the Sikhs but for all the communities of India.
Then take the removal of untouchability. While talking of this
question, some think of removing physical untouchability, some talk
of the removal of the so-called untouchables’ disabilities as regards
the use of public wells, schools and temples. But you should go much
further. You should love them even as yourselves so that the moment
they see you they might feel that you are one of them. Then and then
only will you be able to have their co-operation in the constructive
programme.
The same is the case with prohibition. Also with the khadi
programme. But need I talk about it here? This work is so concrete
and tangible that a man who maintains a regular diary of his day’s
work can give a clear account of how much he has added to the
national wealth. If we had approached the task in that spirit we should
have made considerable headway by now. The Foreign-Cloth Boycott
Committee has told us what we have been able to achieve even by
means of our very little work of last year. To my mind it is trifling, but
if all of us had done the thing with a will and an active faith, what
would have been the result? We badly need true and efficient workers.
But I know that even amongst you there are quite a number of men in
whom the will and therefore the capacity are both lacking. We have
toshed our inertia, our want of faith, and the capacity will follow as a
matter of course.
I have told you what to do. I shall tell you now something as to
what not to do. Literary training, scholarly research and linguistic
pursuits, study of English and Sanskrit and fine arts had better take a
back seat. All our national schools ought to be converted into
factories of our national ammunition, viz., constructive work. There
are millions of children in India today who have to go without any
education, much less national education and the other big things I
have mentioned. Why then can’t we do without them until at any rate
we have won our freedom?
The Working Committee has appealed to the country to enlist
members and volunteers. Why should there be any other organization
necessary for this work? You can all be members and volunteers and
take charge of the work. Think what the students in Europe did
during the great War. Are we prepared to make the sacrifices that they
made? If deep down in us is the conviction that we may not even

breathe in peace until we have freedom, we will live and move and
have our being in carrying out the constructive programme.
Lastly, may I sum up in a word what is expected of you? Even
as we have to be pure, let us shed the fear of death. An Englishman
has recently told us that though Gandhi may think that India will be
none the worse if Englishmen left India, he has no doubt that not a
rich man’s property will be safe and not a virgin will be inviolate the
moment his countrymen leave India. That shows what a low opinion
he has of us Indians. But how can it be otherwise? We are so
fear-stricken today that we have to maintain the services of hired men
for the defence of our property and our honour. The moment we
shed the fear of death, we shall escape from this wretched plight. I
expect every maiden studying in the Vidyapith to wake up and muster
sufficient moral strength to withstand even the touch of a wicked
individual. I want you all to shed the fear of death, so that when the
history of freedom comes to be written, the names of the boys and
girls of national schools and colleges may be mentioned therein as of
those who died not doing violence but in resisting it, no matter by
whom committed. The strength to kill is not essential for self-defence;
one ought to have the strength to die. When a man is fully ready to
die he will not even desire to offer violence. Indeed I may put it down
as a self-evident proposition that the desire to kill is in inverse
proportion to the desire to die. And history is replete with instances of
men who by dying with courage and compassion on their lips
converted the hearts of their violent opponents.
In reply to a question at the end of the speech, Gandhiji said:
If I am so keen on the students’ share in the struggle, why did I
not press for the boycott of schools and colleges, you ask. I say there
was no atmosphere. But I hope you will not retort that if there was no
atmosphere, what can even these students do? They can do a lot. Had
their devotion to their mission been intenser than it has been, they
would have created an atmosphere that would have compelled the
students of Government schools and colleges to leave them. What they
have not been able to do hitherto, they can do even now.1
Do not be agitated because I have said this. On the one hand,
you must be pepared to die, while on the other hand you must bury
yourselves in your present duties as if you were immortal and would
never perish.
1
The following paragraph is translated from the Gujarati in Navajivan,
19-1-1930.

ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
January 14, 1930
CHI. RAMDAS,
Manilal and Sushila left for Vijapur yesterday. Manilal said he
would return in two or three days bringing with him Ba and Nimu
from there. If you wish, I can arrange for Nimu to be sent with
somebody. Someone or the other keeps going from here to Bardoli. I
write this only from the point of view of saving expense. If you are
thinking of coming here just to take Nimu with, it is not at all
necessary to do so and it will save so much of your money. I am not
very eager to see you so that you need come here on that pretext for,
how am I to find time even to have a look at you, let alone talk with
you? I will be satisfied if I know that all of you are living in peace and
contentment, and are doing your duty wherever you are. For my part,
I am furiously thinking about some way of startingthe fight. 1 If the
government lets me remain free this year, something big is bound to
happen. If, on the other hand, they arrest me, would not that by itself
count for something?
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI R AMDAS GANDHI
S WARAJYA ASHRAM
BARDOLI , ‘V IA ’ S URAT
229. INDEPENDENCE DAY

It was easy enough to pass the independence resolution at
Lahore. It is difficult enough to achieve it even by ‘peaceful and
legitimate means’. The first essential is to let the masses know,
understand and appreciate the message of the Congress. They must
know what independence means and what it is likely to cost. And so
the Working Committee whose business is to make the Congress live in
the daily life of the people has fixed Sunday, 26th instant, as Purna
1
That is, the civil disobedience movement contemplated by the resolution
passed by the Indian National Congress on December 31, 1929, at its session in
Lahore under the Presidentship of Jawaharlal Nehru

Swaraj (Complete Independence) Day when a declaration 1 approved
by the Working Committee will be made by those present. It is
intended to be complete by itself. No speeches are therefore
necessary. They are inadvisable, because the idea is abroad that people
may indulge in loose talk when independence is in the air. These
should understand that loose irresponsible talk is not independence, it
is licence; it is not energy generated by love of freedom, it is froth to
be thrown away as useless and harmful, whereas 26th instant
isintended to be one of complete discipline, restraint, reserve, dignity
and real strength. It would be good, if the declaration is made by
whole cities, whole villages even as happened on that ever memorable
6th of April 1919. It would be well if all the meetings were held at the
identical minute in all the places. In order that these meetings may be
numerously attended, there should be house-to-house visits, there may
be also leaflets circulated among the people. The villages may follow
the customary method of advertising the time by the drumbeat. Those
who are religiously minded may as before begin the day by ablutions
and concentrating on the task before the country and the means for its
fulfilment. They will therefore pass the day in doing some
constructive work, whether it is spinning, or service of ‘untouchables’,
or reunion of Hindus and Mussalmans, or prohibition work, or even
all these together, which is not impossible. Thus a Hindu may get hold
of an ‘untouchable’ and invite a Mussalman, a Parsi, a Christian, a
Sikh to join in a spinning competition for a stated time, and then they
may all go together for say one hour to hawk khadi which they can
together buy to resell and then devote an hour to visit the
neighbouring liquor shop and speak to the keeper about the evil of
gaining a livelihood or making money by such means. They may also
speak to the visitors to such places and wind up the day by attending
the celebration. It should be remembered that Sunday is also the
flag-hoisting day. The day may be well begun by attending the
flag-hoisting ceremony.
If the Congress Committees and Congress workers are serious
about the resolution, I hope they have already begun enlisting new
members and inviting old ones to pay their subscription for the
current year. In doing so, they, the old and the new ones, should be
informed of the change in the creed and its implications. And if
Congress Committees begin methodical work, they will materially help
in reorganizing the Congress on a solid foundation, and the people
who may then attend the celebration on the 26th will be not merely
curiosity-mongers or idlers, but men and women gathered together
1
Vide “Things to Remember for 26th”, 23-1-1930.

with a fairly full knowledge of what they are about and determined
to fulfil their common purpose. It ought to be possible to make the
demonstration universal and yet ensure perfect orderliness throughout
the whole length and breadth of India. Nothing untoward or
unintended should happen on this Independence Day. In order to
enable the central office to gauge the strength of the movement
andthe Congress organization, it is as necessary to send an absolutely
accurate account of the day’s doing in each village or locality as it is
to have the celebration itself. A full and faithful record of the day’s
happenings will enable the Working Committee that is to meet on the
14th February to shape its future course.
All this work requires whole-timers, in other words, permanent
paid volunteers. Part-time workers are good and valuable only when
and where there is at least one whole-time worker. I have already
suggestedthat there should be a permanent Provincial Service Board
formed for the U.P. which should draw up a workable constitution and
immediately set about enlisting recruits. Let us hope that there will be
no time lost in bringing into being this very desirable organization. If
it works efficiently and honestly it will serve as a model for the rest of
the provinces.
Young India. 16-1-1930
230. WHAT NOT TO DO?

In my opinion it was a very wise thing the Lahore Congress did
in shifting the time for holding the Congress session from December
to some time in February or March. 1 December is no doubt a fine
month for the leisured and well-to-do class. For the poor who flock in
ever-increasing numbers to the Congress, December is a trying month
in most parts of India. They sleep anywhere in the open with the
scantiest clothing, and succumb to influenza or the like. The railway
concessions during Christmas holidays benefit the poor but little. The
Reception Committees are always hard put to it to make the delegates
and the visitors comfortable. And lastly it was necessary to break the
spell that December had cast over Congressmen. It was originally
chosen for the sake of lawyers and others who were connected with
the administration of the country and therefore its exploitation. It was
therefore but meet, that with the passing of the independence
resolution the unbecoming tradition was broken. The Congress has
been generally regarded as a pantomime, a holiday show. If
independence is to be achieved, it must cease to be a show, it has to
1
Vide “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-I”, 1-1-1930.

become a stern reality.
It was therefore unfortunate that the Subjects Committee refused
to reduce its own number or that of the delegates.1 But I do not
wonder. Even the Congress has become a venue for coveting office,
distinction and worse. There is so much scramble for office in the
various committees, that election disputes have become a painful
feature in our national organization. A coach and four is sought to be
driven through every section of the Congress constitution in order to
seize office. Well has it therefore been said, that reduction of the
organization may work contrary to the expectation, and may even
increase the corruption instead of removing or decreasing it. I am
fully aware of the danger, and am also aware of the fact that what is
needed is not external remedies but internal purification. It behoves us
however to use every legitimate external means to purify the Congress,
and make it an efficiently working irresistible organization which it
undoubtedly can become if it honestly works up to its creed.
I am looking forward to Karachi2 with great hope. It may be that
by that time I may be in a better place, it may be that the whole face
of the land will be changed by the time the Congress meets. But I
must review the past for the sake of the future as we may expect in the
ordinary course.
Though the reduction of the number of delegates is not in the
hands of the Sind workers, there are many other things that they can
do to make the next session less unbusinesslike and much less
expensive. A city of tents is an expensive affair for this country. Open
grass sheds with half walls 10 feet apart for comparative privacy are
likely to be the cheapest contrivance. Nothing of the material to be
used for the purpose will be valueless after use. The ground chosen
should be levelled and well laid out, and open squares may be given
on hire for the use of delegates and visitors who may make their own
arrangements if they so wish. A small committee of experts should set
to work now to consider the best and the cheapest method of building
a temporary city. No kitchen should be run by the Reception
Committee, but licences may be issued to selected patriotic caterers
who would serve meals according to provincial tastes and at
pre-arranged rates both a la carte and table d’hote. We waste much
effort and more money in trying to do things in amateurish fashion,
and what is more, we lose each year the experience gained in the past.
1
Vide Resolution No. 4, “Draft Resolutions for A.I.C.C., Lahore”,
26-12-1929.
2
Which was selected as venue of the next Congress session

Had it not been so, at the end of forty-five years of experience, the
holding of the annual assembly should be child’s play, and the
arrangements should be a pattern of perfection. As it is, the Reception
Committees in their respective cities where the session is held have a
most anxious time, and thank theirstars if everything goes tolerably
well. Sanitation, waterworks, medicine, ambulance, catering, building
should all be departmentalized and done through honest, nationalist,
licensed contractors. Thus alone could corporate national life be built
up. The nation’s representatives must be able to deliberate and
transact national work in perfect peace and quiet.
The exhibition too should not be a side-show to defray the
expenses of the Reception Committee which should easily pay its
expenses if it did its work in a businesslike manner. The contractors I
have in mind should, through the licence fees they would pay, defray
all the expenses of the central office which under the plan suggested
by me would only have to do the work of inspection of the several
departments and general management. The exhibition must be
entrusted to an expert body. I have suggested the A.I.S.A. But if there
is prejudice against that body, some other agency may be chosen. To
be of real educative value it must satisfy the following conditions:
1. There should be no games and pantomimes. These are
amply provided during festivals and by other agencies.
2. Nothing but swadeshi goods should be admitted. Only that
may be called swadeshi which is wholly made in India by indigenous
skill and for predominantly Indian shareholders where the concern is
controlled by a company. Thus a harmonium whose parts are
imported and only put together in India is in no sense swadeshi, nor is
cloth woven from foreign yarn swadeshi, nor cloth manufactured by a
company whose shareholders are principally foreigners.
3. Not all swadeshi goods may be exhibited. Only those
should be exhibited that are struggling for existence and that are of
real benefit to the nation. Thus cigars, indigenous intoxicating liquors
and drugs, obscene indigenous literature, patent medicines, mill-cloth,
etc., will be excluded.
4. The spinning-wheel and khadi will be the centre round
which all the other exhibits will find place.
Such an exhibition will be of the greatest value to the nation,
and if it has a permanent organization behind it, it would provide
education of the highest economic value to the masses. Let
the Sind workers profit by the mistakes of the past. They have more
than twelve months in front of them. Let them not suspend
their thinking or their action because something untoward or serious

or grand is going to happen. It is a sign of panic to suspend ordinary
and necessary business in anticipation of an uncommon event.We may
hold ourselves in readiness for it even as we do or ought to for the
supreme event, death, without interrupting the even tenor of life. If the
Congress is to be the instrument for achieving independence, it must
be disciplined, compact, united and responsive to the needs of the
dumb millions.
231. POSERS
A political science student of the Benares Hindu University has
asked the following questions1 .
This student’s questions are just the ones that used to be asked
in 1922. But they do not surprise me. Very few readers besides the
questioners themselves go through answers to questions. Out of them
only a few are satisfied. Many others forget these questions and
answers. Therefore every time such questions are asked it is the duty
of the editor to go on answering them.
The first refers to the lack of a spirit of sacrifice. This is true and
at the same time not true. True, because in the immediate environment
of the questioner the spirit of sacrifice is not apparent, and, for this
reason, he assumes that the spirit of sacrifice is lacking in the whole
country. It is not true, because, if the spirit of sacrifice were entirely
absent, any national work would have been impossible. Even
admitting that there is plenty of room for the growth of the spirit of
sacrifice, my experience tells me that the spirit does exist in the
country and it is ever growing. There is not the least doubt that in
order to achieve complete independence the spirit of sacrifice should
be more intense. Regarding the wearing of khaddar the commercial
attitude, which the student speaks of, must progressively make room
for a benevolent and altruistic outlook.
Regarding the triple boycott, I see more of ignorance in what
the student has written because the Congress has not revived the
boycott of schools and courts. I do believe, however, that these three
boycotts are necessary. To say that someone or the other will go to the
Councils, then why should Congressmen not do so, is not right.
1
Not translated here. The correspondent had argued that the triple boycott
expected a degree of sacrifice which the people were not prepared to make, that even if
successful, the boycott was not going to overthrow the Government and that the
earlier satyagraha movements seemed to succeed because they did not challenge the
very existence of the Government.

Liquor shops will not remain empty, so must we enter them too? If we
consider the Councils useless or harmful, why should we attend them?
Now take the case of the schools. I see dangerous self-deception in the
view that boys will remain uneducated by quitting Government
schools. Boys did not remain uneducated before the advent of the
British rule. It is a fact that before the British rule was established in
India, primary education was much more widespread than it is today
and higher education too was imparted in a great measure. Have we
fallen so low today that by ending Government-sponsored education
our education will come to an end? This student should know that
national schools exist in India today and thousands of youths are
receiving national education there. Even if all the boys boycott
Government schools they need not remain uneducated. Yes, they will
certainly not have grand school buildings built with the money soaked
in the blood of the poor nor will they receive an education that
destroys independence.
Regarding the boycott of law-courts it must be admitted that it is
a difficult task. The attachment to them that is evident today is
harmful to the interests of the country. We have to rest satisfied only
by trying to remove this attachment as far as possible. But it must not
be forgotten that the courts are the main refuge of every Government.
Therefore, the more lawyers, plaintiffs and defendants shun them, the
better. We should lower the prestige of the courts day by day.
In the end, it should be remembered that any institution or
person rests on its or his own prestige only. The Government gains
prestige through the Councils, schools, courts, etc. Boycott under-
mines prestige. Therefore the Government’s prestige is lowered by the
preaching of boycott. This is most natural. No Government can
remain stable on the strength of the gun alone.
To say that the people of Bardoli earned less and lost more on
account of the satyagraha is not the truth. They themselves know that
they gained immensely by the satyagraha. If one wants tangible proof
of this one can visit Bardoli and see for oneself even today. It is true
that a hard struggle will have to be waged for attaining freedom; but
this is neither regrettable nor surprising.
[From Hindi]

S ABARMATI ,
January 16, 1930
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ALLAHABAD
RECEIVED WIRES. FIGURES RETESTED. FOUND ACCURATE. YOU

MAY ADD SHORT RESOLUTION IF NECESSARY.
GANDHI

S ABARMATI ,
January 16, 1930
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ALLAHABAD
YOUR LETTER RECEIVED AFTER DESPATCH WIRE. RESOLUTION

DRAFTED BY YOU WHOLLY UNNECESSARY. REVISED DECLARATION
SHOULD BE CIRCULATED. TARIFF RATIO SHOULD READ TWENTY-
FOUR TIMES AND EIGHT TIMES RESPECTIVELY LESS HEAVY
THAN IN UNITED STATES AND GERMANY.
GANDHI

January 16, 1930
BHAI GHANSHAYMDASJI,
I have both your letters. I am so busy these days that there is no
time to answer letters. I shall make my comments after going through
the speech. I too had a talk with Malaviyaji Maharaj. Things can
improve much if he inculcates tolerance in the other party. Do
whatever you can in this direction.
We shall discuss your health when we meet.
I have no anxiety on Keshu’s account.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
From Hindi: C.W. 6181. Courtesy: G.D. Birla

AHMEDABAD ,
January 17, 1930
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ALLAHABAD
READING THREE O’CLOCK THIS MORNING PARA REGARDING
CUSTOMS CURRENCY. DO NOT LIKE IT. IF DECLARATION NOT
SENT PRESS PARAGRAPH REFERRED SHOULD READ QUOTE
CUSTOMS AND CURRENCY HAVE BEEN SO MANIPULATED
AS TO HEAP FURTHER BURDENS ON THE PEASANTRY. BRITISH
MANUFACTURED GOODS CONSTITUTE BULK OF OUR IMPORTS.
CUSTOMS DUTIES BETRAY CLEAR PARTIALITY FOR BRITISH
MANUFACTURES AND REVENUE FROM THEM IS USED NOT TO
LESSEN BURDEN ON THE MASSES BUT FOR SUSTAINING HIGHLY
EXTRAVAGANT ADMINISTRATION. STILL MORE ARBITRARY HAS
BEEN MANIPULATION OF EXCHANGE RATIO WHICH HAS RESULTED
IN MILLIONS BEING DRAINED AWAY FROM THE COUNTRY
UNQUOTE.1
GANDHI
1
This was substituted in the final declaration; vide “Things to Remember for
26th”, 23-1-1930.

236. LETTER TO S. SRINIVASA IYENGAR
S ABARMATI ,
January 17, 1930
MY DEAR FRIEND,
The prayer bell is just ringing 4 o’clock early morn.
Preoccupations compel me to burn after-midnight oil. I can no longer
delay acknowledging your angry letter. Though I have an answer to
every one of the statements you have made I must restrain myself. I
can only give you my assurance that my affection for you is no more
diminished because of political differences than for Malaviyaji for the
same cause. But this I cannot prove by words. Future conduct alone
can prove the truth of my assurance. I did not write my letter to hurt
your feelings. I wrote in order to be true to you, a friend and
associate, and to myself.
We shall know each other better when the mists have rolled
away.
Meanwhile I anticipate your forgiveness for offence given
utterly unconsciously.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: S. Srinivasa Iyengar Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library
237. SPEECH AT HOSTEL BOYS’ CONFERENCE,

AHMEDABAD1
January 17, 1930
My idea of a hostel is that it should be like a family. The
superintendent and the students living in the hostel should live as
members of one family. The superintendent should take the place of
the mother and the father of the students. If the superintendent’s wife
is also staying there the husband and wife together shoulddischarge
the functions of mother and father. Right now the conditions
prevailing in the country are pitiable. Unless the superintendent
observed brahmacharya his wife can never function as a mother in the
hostel. She may not be even approving of her husband working in the
1
Delivered at the request of hostel superintendents who wanted to know
Gandhiji’s views on an ideal hostel for students

hostel. She may be putting up with it just because he earns a certain
amount as salary. Even if he stole some ghee from the hostel, his wife
would be happy that her own children would have a little more ghee
to eat. This is not to suggest that all superintendents belong to this
category. But our whole society today is in a state of disintegration.
There are not many ideal hostels such as I have described either
in Gujarat or in India. If there are, I have not come across them. India
has very few such institutions outside Gujarat. Students’ hostels are a
special product of Gujarat. This can be attributed to many causes.
Gujarat is a land of businessmen. It is natural for those who earn
money from business to be prompted to build hostels for the students
of their community. It was much later that these institutions acquired
the big name of hostels. Those poor creatures called them just
“Boardings”. They did not aim at anything more than providing for
the boys facilities of food, etc. When cultured superintendents came to
be associated with these institutions, they began imbuing idealism into
them.
Personally I consider hostels more important than schools. A
great deal of knowledge which cannot be acquired in school can be
acquired in a hostel. A school may be imparting some formal
education. But the student is not able to digest what he learns in the
school though he may retain something in his mind in spite of
himself. At the moment I am picturing only the dark side of schools.
The strength of mind that can be developed in boys and girls in a
hostel can never be done in a school. In the final analysis my idea is
that the hostel itself should be the school.
The hostels which the rich businessmen built turned out to be of
a different type. Having established the hostels, they kept themselves
aloof. The superintendents too felt that once the boys had taken their
meals and gone to their schools or colleges their work was done. Had
the businessmen and superintendents taken sufficient interest, the
hostels would not have remained as they are. We must now study their
conditions and find out what measures could be taken to improve
them. We can completely transform this institution if we are keen
about it. We can accomplish through the hostels much that cannot be
achieved in the schools. Let the superintendent not confine himself to
looking after the accounts. Let him also keep himself in touch
withwhat the students learn at school, and look after them with care
like his own children or disciples. Today the conditions are such that
in many places the superintendent is not even aware of what the
students eat or drink.
A serious form of moral indiscipline prevails in our hostels. I

specially want to draw your attention to it. The thing is usually winked
at. The superintendents are hesitant and hide it thinking that it would
spoil the name of their hostel. They feel that they cannot expose the
misconduct of the students and do not inform even their parents. But
the superintendent never succeeds in keeping it a secret. The
superintendent may be thinking that nobody knows anything about it.
But the stink spreads in no time. Experienced superintendents must
have understood what I am hinting at. I caution the superintendents in
this regard. They must be vigilant and realize their duty thoroughly.
Those who cannot keep the hostels pure must resign and relieve
themselves of this work. It is a reflection on the fitness of the
superintendents if, by staying in hostels, the students become cowards,
their strength of character is destroyed, their thinking becomes
disorganized and their intellect becomes sterile.
I can cite many instances in support of my statement. I receive
heaps of letters from students. Many of the letters are anonymous and
I consign them to the waste-paper-basket. But I do take in the
substance of these letters. Many simple-hearted students give their
names and addresses and ask me to suggest solutions. When the new
habit is being formed, they are not comforted by the superintendents
and helped to fight against it. On the contrary they are encouraged.
Later when they awaken they find themselves wanting in will-power.
They have no control over their minds nor the strength to follow the
advice from someone like me.
Some persons who can handle the work of a superintendent
quote high prices for themselves. They have widowed sisters to be
supported and children to be married. Such superintendents, even if
they are worthy, are unacceptable to us. There are others who think
that they are meant for this very work. They would not be attracted by
any other work. And some have come forward who are ready to work
getting in return just enough for their subsistence.
It should be clear from what I have said that a superintendent
should be almost a perfect man. Only such a man who can impress the
students and enter into their hearts can become a superintendent. To
collect boys together in the absence of such a superintendent would
be a terrible thing.
So much for the superintendents. Now something for the
students. If the students forget themselves and look upon the
superintendent as their servant and believe that all their work should
be done by servants and they may do nothing themselves, they are
making a mistake. The students should realize that the hostel is not
meant for their pleasure. Let them not think that they are paying for

their stay in the hostel. Whatever they may be paying is not sufficient
to meet the expenses of the hostel. The donors who have built the
hostels are under the impression that students benefit by being
pampered, that they would be doing their duty by providing them
comforts. Under such a belief they provide comforts to the students;
but quite often this results in violation of dharma rather than
observance of dharma. The students, on the contrary, are spoilt and
tend to depend on others. Let the students who can use their brains
calculate the rent of the hostel premises and the salaries of the servants
and the superintendent. All that is not recovered from the students.
They pay only for their board. In some hostels, even food, clothes and
books are provided free. The businessmen would be doing well if they
took an undertaking from the boys that they would serve the country
after completing their studies. But they are so generous that they do
nothing of the kind. But the students should realize that if they do not
do something in return for what they have been getting, it is like
enjoying stolen wealth. I had learnt a poem by Akho Bhagat when I
was a young boy:
“Enjoying stolen wealth is like eating unprocessed mercury.”
Students will not become brave by enjoying stolen wealth. They
will become miserable. Let all of you here resolve that you would not
eat the food that is offered as charity. You may well take advantage of
the facilities provided for you. But when you have gone back from
here you should give notice to the superintendent that all the servants
should be relieved forthwith. Or, if you feel pity for the servants, let
them be continued; insist on doing all your work yourself. Resolve to
do all the work yourself, including the cleaning of lavatories. Then
alone will you become householders and will be able to serve your
country. Today people do not even have the strength to support
themselves and their wives and mothers by any honest occupation.
Anyone who believes in his pride that since he has secured
employment he is following an honest occupation should consider
why he is getting Rs. 75 as a clerk in the mill and that a worker with a
large family gets only Rs. 12. If he examines this carefully he will
know that he does not deserve a higher salary and that it is not an
honest earning. All of us in the cities eat stolen food. We are all
commission agents working for a giant gang of plunderers.
Ninety-five per cent of what we collect from the people we send away
to foreign countries. Any earning from such an occupation is, as good
as no earning at all.
If you have faith in what I have told you today start practising it
immediately.

A hostel is like a hermitage. All those who live there must be
brahmacharis. Even those who are married should have renounced
their family life. If you spent some 5 to 10 years in such ideal
conditions you would be able to do for India whatever you might wish
to do. The sacrifice for freedom has begun. But what can anyone
depending on charity contribute towards it? Someone like me would
be ready. But I would be carrying with me bread made from jowar or
bajra while you will want spicy food every evening! Some of you may
be proud enough to say that everything will be done when the time
comes and that there is no need to worry right now. I have seen many
people talking in this vein. But when the time comes they hang back.
We have already had the experience of how people behave in jail after
they are arrested. It is well known to everyone how the people who
had gone to jail during 1920-21 had created a row over food and
what practices they had resorted to. We had all been put to shame by
it. Do not be under the impression that you can learn to make
sacrifices all at once. It can be learnt only after long training. Anyone
who is eager to make a sacrifice but has not tried to overcome his
subtle craving for pleasures is betrayed by them at the critical
moment. This is proved by experience. If you students would but
understand you would find that what I have said today can be easily
put into practice,
[From Gujarati]

ASHRAM 1
[On or after January 17, 1930] 2
I am glad that you all want me to speak to you on the meaning
of and the necessity for prayer. I believe that prayer is the very soul
and essence of religion, and therefore prayer must be the very core of
the life of man, for no man can live without religion. There are some
who in the egotism of their reason declare that they have nothing to
do with religion. But it is like a man saying that he breathes but that
he has no nose. Whether by reason, or by instinct, or by superstition,
man acknowledges some sort of relationship with the divine. The
1
This was mainly addressed, after the evening prayers, to hostel boys who had
participated in a students’ conference at the end of the National Educational Week.
They sought Gandhiji’s advice on the necessity of making congregational prayers
compulsory, a proposal which was earlier rejected at the Conference.
2
The National Educational Conference concluded on January 17, 1930.

rankest agnostic or atheist does acknowledge the need of a moral
principle, and associates something good with its observance and
something bad with its non-observance. Bradlaugh, whose atheism is
well known, always insisted on proclaiming his innermost conviction.
He had to suffer a lot for thus speaking the truth, but he delighted in it
and said that truth is its own reward. Not that he was quite insensible to
the joy resulting from the observance of truth. This joy however is not
at all worldly, but springs out of communion with the divine. That is
why I have said that even a man who disowns religion cannot and does
not live without religion.
Now I come to the next thing, viz., that prayer is the very core of
man’s life, as it is the most vital part of religion. Prayer is either
petitional or in its wider sense is inward communion. In either case the
ultimate result is the same. Even when it is petitional, the petition
should be for the cleansing and purification of the soul, for freeing it
from the layers of ignorance and darkness that envelop it. He
therefore who hungers for the awakening of the divine in him must
fall back on prayer. But prayer is no mere exercise of words or of the
ears, it is no mere repetition of empty formula. Any amount of
repetition of Ramanama is futile if it fails to stir the soul. It is better in
prayer to have a heart without word than words without a heart. Itmust
be in clear response to the spirit which hungers for it. And even as a
hungry man relishes a hearty meal, a hungry soul will relish a heartfelt
prayer. And I am giving you a bit of my experience and that of my
companions when I say that he who has experienced the magic of
prayer may do without food for days together but not a single
moment without prayer. For without prayer there is no inward peace.
If that is the case, someone will say, we should be offering our
prayers every minute of our lives. There is no doubt about it, but we
erring mortals, who find it difficult to retire within ourselves for
inward communion even for a single moment, will find it impossible
to remain perpetually in communion with the divine. We therefore fix
some hours when we make a serious effort to throw off the
attachments of the world for a while, we make a serious endeavour to
remain, so to say, out of the flesh. You have heard Surdas’s hymn.1 It
is the passionate cry of a soul hungering for union with the divine.
According to our standards he was a saint, but according to his own he
was a proclaimed sinner. Spiritually he was miles ahead of us, but he
1
Where is there a wretch
So loathsome and wicked as I?
I have forsaken my Maker,
So faithless have I been.

felt the separation from the divine so keenly that he has uttered that
anguished cry in loathing and despair.
I have talked of the necessity for prayer, and therethrough I
have dealt with the essence of prayer. We are born to serve our
fellowmen, and we cannot properly do so unless we are wide awake.
There is an eternal struggle raging in man’s breast between the powers
of darkness and of light, and he who has not the sheet-anchor of
prayer to rely upon will be a victim to the powers of darkness. The
man of prayer will be at peace with himself and with the whole world,
the man who goes about the affairs of the world without a prayerful
heart will be miserable and will make the world also miserable. Apart
therefore from its bearing on man’s condition after death, prayer has
incalculable value for man in this world of the living. Prayer is the
only means of bringing about orderliness and peace and repose in our
daily acts. We inmates of the Ashram who came here in search of truth
and for insistence on truth professed to believe in the efficacy of
prayer, but had never up to now made it a matter of vital concern.
Wedid not bestow on it the care that we did on other matters. I awoke
from my slumbers one day and realized that I had been woefully
negligent of my duty in the matter. I have therefore suggested
measures of stern discipline and far from being any the worse, I hope
we are the better for it. For it is so obvious. Take care of the vital thing
and other things will take care of themselves. Rectify one angle of a
square, and the other angles will be automatically right.
Begin therefore your day with prayer, and make it so soulful
that it may remain with you until the evening. Close the day with
prayer so that you may have a peaceful night free from dreams and
nightmares. Do not worry about the form of prayer. Let it be any
form, it should be such as can put us into communion with the divine.
Only, whatever be the form, let not the spirit wander while the words
of prayer run on out of your mouth.
If what I have said has gone home to you, you will not be at
peace until you have compelled your hostel superintendents to interest
themselves in your prayer and to make it obligatory. Restraint
self-imposed is no compulsion. A man, who chooses the path of
freedom from restraint, i.e., of self-indulgence, will be a bondslave of
passions, whilst the man who binds himself to rules and restraints
releases himself. All things in the universe, including the sun and the
moon and the stars, obey certain laws. Without the restraining
influence of these laws the world would not go on for a single
moment. You, whose mission in life is service of your fellowmen, will
go to pieces if you do not impose on yourselves some sort of
discipline, and prayer is a necessary spiritual discipline. It is discipline

and restraint that separates us from the brute. If we will be men
walking with our heads erect and not walking on all fours, let us
understand and put ourselves under voluntary discipline and restraint.

January 18, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. I understand what you say. You may write
your diary in any manner you think proper. It is very strange that you
have not yet been able to overcome your constipation. Do you have to
take pills? I think your handwriting has improved a little, but there is
room for further improvement.
This place has become overcrowded.
Blessings from
BAPU

January 18, 1930
The description which you give of the site is beautiful indeed,
but the lack of facility of water is in my eyes a serious drawback. Even
if the supply of water was assured, I do not wish to start anything new
this year. The plan of the struggle that is taking shape in my mind is
of a fight of such magnitude that no one can say how it will end. It is
also possible that ultimately I do not succeed in thinking out an
effective plan and decide to do nothing. But 75 against 25 the chances
are that my inner voice will prompt me to fight and not to drop the
plan.
When you return to Bombay, where do you intend to stay? You
can maintain the improvement only if you take a small bungalow in a
suburb and live there. Would you not like to take a small house on the
outskirts of a fine village and go there to live? And serve the village in
every way you can ?. . .
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Prasadi, pp. 98-9

241. LETTER TO BARJORJI BHARUCHA
January 19, 1930
BHAISHRI BHARUCHA,
Here is the message for the Kaiser-e-Hind 1 : ‘No sincere
Englishman need be afraid of free India.’
From a copy of the Gujarati: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary . S.N. 32579/54

ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
January 18, 1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I got your letter. Now build up your body and make it quite
sturdy. I, on my part, had written to you advising you to go to Vijapur
at the earliest but you did not get the letter in time. It was good that
you came over. Ramdas wants Nimu to be sent over soon. You also
must have received a similar letter. We have here somebody who can
escort her. You may therefore write and suggest to me if Nimu can
come here by herself, you would let her do so, or you would arrange
for somebody to accompany her here or, whether Manilal should be
sent from here to bring her. Write whichever alternative suits you best.
Write to me regularly telling me how you are keeping. Kashi must be
quite fit.
Blessings from
BAPU
UDYOGALAYA
VIJAPUR, “V IA ” KALOL
1
Gujarati daily on Bombay

243. LETTER TO BENARSIDAS CHATURVEDI
January 19, 1930
BHAI BENARSIDAS,
At present I do see no need to make any changes in the
profession and the treatment of immigrant Indians. Moreover, a
discussion would serve no purpose.
I am fully informed about the anti-Andrews happenings in
America.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
S JT. B ENARSIDAS C HATURVEDI
C ALCUTTA
244. LETTER TO SATIS CHANDRA DAS GUPTA

January 20, 1930
DEAR SATIS BABU,
Either a p.c. or none. I have yours. It is well you are now going
thoroughly into the Utkal khadi business. When I was in Utkal, I had
spoken to the workers about their laziness and ignorance in the
presence of Niranjan Babu. I hope both of you are well. Have you not
sent Rs. 2,500 to Abhoy Ashram? Have you got the amount? I have a
reminder from the AA1 .
Yours,
BAPU
S JT. S ATIS CHANDRA DAS GUPTA
KHADI P RATISHTHAN
S ODEPUR
1
Abhoy Ashram

245. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
ASHRAM,
January 20, 1930
MY DEAR C. R.,
I had your letter. But I am so immersed in work that I have no
time to attend to correspondence to my satisfaction.
I cannot agree that any purpose can be served by my touring.
And what matters if those who believe in Councils enter them? We
shall not prevent them even if we entered upon a hurricane campaign.
It is for me and should be for you enough that the Congress is no
longer interested in the legislatures. Touring for that purpose can only
create bad blood. Vallabhbhai too agrees.
What I am doing is to think hard about civil disobedience. I
have some idea of what I want to do. This much seems to me to be
clear that civil disobedience must not be started under the Congress
aegis, it must be started by me. Further I have not yet been able to see.
I want you to come here a few days before 14th Feb. I am asking
Jawaharlal to do likewise.1
I hope you are keeping well in health.
[PS.]
Mahadev is taking 7 days’ fast for peace of mind and Durga for
health. They are both doing well.

S ABARMATI ,
January 20, 1930
DEAR MOTILALJI,
I have your letter. I did not realize you were so bad. In the
circumstances there is no occasion for touring. After all we have said
our say. Let those who wish seek election.
I do not think they will begin arrests so soon. But if they do, all
the better. They are not likely to take all of us at the same time. If
they do and if they put us all together, we shall have a rare time of it.
1
Vide “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 10-1-1930.

I am giving careful hints in Young India and Navajivan.1
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
[PS.]
I am not writing to Jawaharlal today. The messenger is being
detained for the time being.
247. LETTER TO ANANDANAND

S ABARMATI ,
January 20, 1930
BHAISHRI ANANDANAND,
Vallabhbhai shares with me your letters to him. About the
Chamber let it be what it will. Bomanji has wired to say that he is
coming on Friday.
I am writing this letter with regard to your suggestion for a tour.
I do not think it would do any good to undertake a tour to campaign
against the legislatures. If anything, I think it might do harm. It would
certainly lead to more bitterness. Those who are keen on entering the
legislatures will do so in any case. Let them. Such a campaign was
necessary in 1920-21 because the idea was new then. The aim then
was to get those who were in the legislatures to leave those bodies.
This time everybody has decided that they should leave legislatures.
Since the Congress is free from that bother it has rid itself of the
corruption.
My task is to organize civil disobedience. I am thinking how to
plan it. I cannot do that if I undertake a tour. I have got to be in the
Ashram for that purpose. I have already made some decisions. The
whole picture is not yet clear.
1
Vide “Independence Day”, 16-1-1930 and “Posers”, 16-1-1930.

248. LETTER TO HARIBHAU UPADHYAYA
January 20, 1930
BHAI HARIBHAU,
I got your letter. If meetings are prohibited, I think it would be
best not to hold them in Indian States or in localities in which they are
prohibited.
What can we do about the report in Arjun? What do you
suggest ?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati: C.W. 6071. Courtesy: Haribhau Upadhyaya
249. NOTE TO GANGABEHN VAIDYA

Silence Day [January 20, 1930] 1
CHI. GANGABEHN,
Tell me about the following things either at mealtime or during

the afternoon or in the evening whenever you get time.
To whom did you give the bangles on the Rentia Baras 2 day?
Why did you give them?
To whom are biscuits served in the afternoon? What is
the quantity served if the persons concerned do not eat ghee and
sugar?
Does anyone supervise the children’s spinning class? If no one
does so, somebody should be asked to do it from today. What is the
duration of the class and when does it commence?
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro–6: G.S. Gangabehnne, p. 34
1
As in the source
2
Bhadarva Vad 12, Gandhiji’s birthday according to the Gujarati calendar,
celebrated as Spinning Day

250. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN SHAH
January 21, 1930
CHI. SHARDA,
Your original name becomes you best. A Sharada1 would
understand through a mere hint why a well-wisher forbids a thing.
One reason for doing that is provided by you three sisters. You have
all said the same thing in your letters, but instead of signing the same
letter you wrote three separate letters and thereby wasted your time
and money, which really belong to the people. A satyagrahi’s time or
money is not his own. He has offered up everything to the Lord. The
second reason is that. 2 a woman of careful habits does not write
important letters with a pencil. I had to stop in this letter at the point
where my handwriting starts, and complete it today, the 21st.
The real reason is that I think it desirable that you should wait
for some time. It is not necessary for everyone to join a struggle. This
being my view, I do not send a wire.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 2840. Courtesy: Fulchand K. Shah
251. LETTER TO DEVCHAND U. PAREKH

January 21, 1930
BHAISHRI DEVCHANDBHAI,
I have your letter. I do believe that, if the Thakore Saheb of
Morvi offers to use his good offices to settle the dispute, they should
slacken the satyagraha. I don’t understand why Manilal is so
impatient. Moreover, Fulchand, too, is there to help them. Write to me
from time to time. If possible, you should even run down to Malia.
Vandemataram from
BAPU
1
Goddess of learning
2
From here the letter is in Gandhiji’s handwriting.

252. LETTER TO KUNVARJI PAREKH
Wednesday [January 22, 1930] 1
CHI. KUNVARJI,
Rami and the children arrived here quite safe. I got your letter
after the train for Viramgam had left. I have not, therefore, been able
to send anyone there. Write to me from time to time and keep me
informed about your condition.
Blessings from
BAPU
253. LETTER TO HARI-ICHCHHA DESAI

Wednesday [ January 22, 1930] 2
CHI. HARI-ICHCHHA,
I was happy to read the letter written by you three sisters.

Write to me like that from time to time. Instead of my going
there, why should not you all come here? How are your studies
progressing? You ought not to give up spinning. How could you ever
think of that?
Blessings from
BAPU
1
From the postmark
2
From the G.N. Register

254. LETTER TO BENARSILAL BAZAJ
January 22, 1930
CHI. BENARSILAL,
I have a letter from Jamnalalji and another from Rukmini’s
paternal grandfather. Phalguna Shukla 2 is an auspicious day. It falls
on Sunday, March 2. Regard this date as fixed for the weddingwhich
will be solemnized in the Ashram. I hope it suits you. If you wish to
write anything please do.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRIYUT BENARSILAL
NEW S WADESHI MILLS R AILWAYPURA
AHMEDABAD
From Hindi: C.W. 9301. courtesy: Benarsilal Bazaj
255. INTERVIEW TO “THE DAILY EXPRESS”

AHMEDABAD ,
January 22, 1930
The great trial of strength in this country is at hand. Events now
depend entirely on the British Government, for we shall not in any
circumstances, now or in the future, participate in any conference
unless it is called to consider our complete secession from Great
Britain. The day has passed when we could accept anything less than
that.
We are engaged, as the world must know, in a struggle for the
absolute severance of the present British connection and we shall not
rest until that aim has been achieved.
We have begun now. You shall find in every section of the land
millions of our men and women in their cottages spinning hour after
hour. This means a nationwide boycott of foreign-spun cloths, and in
time must mean the end of British predominance in an industry which
is the principal reason for the presence of your British troops in this
country.
Asked to outline the details of his plans for the execution of his crusade of
civil disobedience, Gandhiji replied:
I am not yet sure of the form it will take. I have come here and
in my seclusion I hope to evolve a plan of civil resistance which will

not cause destruction or involve bloodshed, but which will be large
enough to make the impression I desire. That is all I am doing here,
otherwise, as you can see, I am spinning.
He lapsed here into a long theoretical explanation of the necessity for careful
preparation. He was not certain that the precise moment had arrived which would
ensure the success of this first step in the coming revolution, but it would be a
guide—the measure of its success would be a guide to him. He went on to explain:
It is absolutely necessary for the person controlling such a
movement to keep himself in tune with the voice of his followers, and
therefore he must be as impervious to outside influences as he has to
be sensitive to every little thing that goes on within.
I asked Gandhi if it was not possible that he might yet be able to avoid the
extreme measures to which he was proceeding. When he replied promptly in the
affirmative and said that the slightest gesture from the British Government would
work the miracle, I inquired what that gesture in his view should involve. He replied:
Any real gesture from the British Government and the British
people, or any unexpected combination, spontaneous and healthy
among ourselves, which would in itself constitute sufficient pressure to
compel world attention, and not merely the attention of the British
people.
That meant, of course, combination with extremists, but what kind of gesture
from Britain?
Supposing the British Cabinet were to say tomorrow, ‘We are
prepared to consider and further a scheme of Indian independence’,
and produce an atmosphere, as it can certainly do, congenial to the
framing of such a scheme, that would automatically prevent any
further preparation for civil disobedience.
Does not the proposed Round Table Conference offer you an opportunity for
full discussion in this respect?
He answered with some emphasis:
No, not in any shape or form. Because the Round Table
Conference scheme so far as I have understood it from authentic
sources is designed to discuss anything between a form of government
infinitely less than the present and Dominion Status. There is, for
example, this proposition made by responsible ex-officials that powers
hitherto enjoyed by the people of India, such as they are now, should
be taken away, because these critics actually suggest that we have
proved ourselves unworthy of the powers. Therefore, such a Round
Table Conference, where even the capacity of India for full freedom is
in question, has no place for me whatever. It is entirely out of the
question that I should attend. I can only attend a conference which is
pledged not to consider how much power India should or should not

enjoy, but to consider ways and means of framing a scheme of
complete independence. This is the only conference I could consider
for a moment attending.
I asked Gandhi bluntly at this point whether he seriously
believed his methods would frighten the British Government into
subjection to his demands. It all depends on the response of the
people. I am confident, but I am not certain. I think the time is ripe
now to formulate my plans. It is my own limitations that make it
impossible for me to penetrate the surrounding darkness.
In other words, the atmosphere round me is depressing, and
there are undoubtedly forces of violence to be seen on the surface
which I may not be able to control.
But, as I have said, true non-violence which I advocate might yet
be able to circumvent and rise superior even to these forces, but being
myself an imperfect instrument I may not be able readily to lay my
hands on the proper form of non-violence which will meet these
circumstances. It is this menacing force of violence which threatens
the land which must first be sterilized.
Gandhi emphasized here that civil disobedience was the extreme limit
of action that he would countenance, declaring it to be the limit of non-violence,
anything more involving a programme of violence, to which he would never be a
party.
Replying to a further question, he said:
The strength of the extremists is not great today, but is growing.
But supposing the extremists got out of hand and the responsibility for
bloodshed becomes theirs, and therefore yours—what then? Supposing the British
Government are then forced to take the action which the British public will demand of
them, and they make arrests and arrest you—what then? He replied solemnly:
I am not afraid of arrest and it is quite open for the British
Government to precipitate the reign of violence as they have done in
the past. What the consequences then will be I cannot say but such a
step would, in my opinion, be the sheerest folly.
Then your view of the immediate future is what?
The immediate future is, for a man so optimistic as I am, quite
bright, but if I were to calculate the pros and cons and to enter into the
arithmetic of the situation, I must confess that the problem is
insoluble. I do not know what is going to happen. I am not in the
happy position of a general who knows beforehand the whole of his
plan, who works according to a time-table, and can profess to be able
to forecast results with certainty.
But I can assure you of this much. The trial of strength in India

is now at hand. The outcome depends entirely on the British
Government.
There are two courses which they may pursue. One way is
the old panicky way which will lead to Dyerism, to frightfulness and
mad repression, and then anarchy. The other course is the way of the
wise man who reflects on his past sins, repents, and retraces his steps.
Let us hope.
The Searchlight, 12-2-1930
256. TO THE INDIAN CRITICS

I know that you are angry with me for my having been the
supposed breaker of the negotiations with the Viceroy. You think I
have made a hash of it. If I have done so, I was driven to it. I was
disinclined to join the party. But I was wanted if only for my
supposed influence over the masses. I went and spoke in accordance
with the dictates of the inner voice. This ability to hear and obey that
voice gives me whatever power I may have and has enabled me to
render some little service to the country. You will not have me at this
time of my life to change my course and listen to any other voice but
the inner.
And what is the offence that I have committed in common with
Pandit Motilalji? Not to depart from the Congress instructions, not to
depart from the terms of the now famous Delhi manifesto? It is well
known that the terms mentioned therein, no matter by what name they
are called, were binding on all Congressmen. We broke on the very
central point of Dominion Status. I make bold to say that the country
has gained by the correct attitude Pandit Nehru and I adopted.
Surely nothing will be lost by the Congress abstaining from
participation in the Conference if the British Cabinet mean well. Let
those that have faith attend, and if they bring anything worth looking
at from the independence standpoint, the Congress will capitulate. The
days of being satisfied with costly toys are over. It is the substance that
India wants.
British domination must cease.
British administration, that is costing the country far beyond its
means, must end now, not in the remote future.
The vast majority of Congressmen believe that this cannot be
had through any round table conference unless a proper atmosphere
for it is created. Diplomatic language that may mean one thing
for the British voter and another for the Indian peasant will never
make India free. The British people must realize that the Empire

is to come to an end. This they will not realize unless we in India
have generated power within to enforce our will. The English
have paid dearly for their freedom such as it is. They therefore only
respect those who are prepared to pay an adequate price for their own
liberty. The real conference therefore has to be among ourselves.
Instead therefore of looking at the independence movement
with hostility, the critics should bless it even when they cannot identify
themselves with it.
But perhaps they do not mind the independence propaganda so
much as they mind the idea of civil disobedience. Will they have an
armed rebellion instead? The Congress cannot stay its hands after
having passed the independence resolution. It was no bluff, no showy
nothing. It was a deliberate definite change in the Congress mentality.
It is then as much up to the critics as to me to devise ways and means
of achieving independence.
There is undoubtedly a party of violence in the country. It is
growing in strength. It is as patriotic as the best among us. What is
more, it has much sacrifice to its credit. In daring it is not to be
surpassed by any of us. It is easy enough to fling unkind adjectives at
its members, but it will not carry conviction with them. I am not now
referring to the frothy eloquence that passes muster for patriotism I
have in mind that secret, silent persevering band of young men and
even women who want to see their country free at any cost. But whilst
I admire and adore their patriotism, I have no faith whatsoever in their
method. They and I are as poles asunder. India’s salvation does not lie
through violence. I am convinced that their methods have cost the
country much more than they know or will care to admit. Let them
study the reforms which they claim were a result of their activity.
Assuming that their claim is just, let them remember that the reforms
have cost more than the country could at all pay. But they will listen
to no argument however reasonable it may be, unless they are
convinced that there is a programme before the country which
requires at least as much sacrifice as the tallest among them is
prepared to make. They will not be allured by our speeches,
resolutions or even conferences. Action alone has any appeal for
them. This appeal can only come from non-violent action which is no
other than civil resistance. In my opinion it and it alone can save the
country from impending lawlessness and secret crime. That even civil
resistance may fail and may also hasten the lawlessness is no doubt a
possibility. But if it fails in its purpose, it will not be civil resistance
that will have failed. It will fail, if it does, for want of faith and
consequent incapacity in the civil resisters. This argument may not
appeal to the critic. I shall be sorry, if it does not. Even so, he will

perhaps admit the purity of my motive.
We must cease to dread violence, if we will have the country to
be free. Can we not see that we are tightly pressed in the coil of
violence? The peace we seem to prize is a mere makeshift, and it is
bought with the blood of the starving millions. If the critics could
only realize the torture of their slow and lingering death brought
about by forced starvation, they would risk anarchy and worse in
order to end that agony. The agony will not end till the existing rule
of spoliation has ended. I would have waited if I could have been
convinced that the condition of the masses has undergone progressive
amelioration under British rule. Alas, he who runs may see that it has
progressively deteriorated under that rule. It is a sin, with that
knowledge, to sit supine, and for fear of imaginary anarchy or worse,
to stop action that may prevent anarchy, and is bound, if successful, to
end the heartless spoliation of a people who have deserved a better
fate.
257. TO ENGLISH FRIENDS

To the many known and still more unknown English friends, I
owe perhaps a word on the eve of what may end in being a
life-and-death struggle. In spite of myself I tried to believe in the
possibility of self-respecting Congressmen attending the proposed
Round Table Conference. I had my doubts because I knew that the
Congress, though it is admittedly the most representative organization
in the country, had no adequate power behind it for vindicating its
position. It could therefore be represented at the Conference, only if it
knew that the British Government and people had, either through a
generous impulse or through the pressure of world opinion, decided
to grant immediate Dominion Status, and that the Conference was to
meet in order to discuss not anything the different groups liked but to
discover the contents of a Dominion Status constitution. The Viceroy
made it clear in no uncertain terms that he could give no such
assurance. Such being the case, consistently with its past declaration
and with the national interest of which the Congress claims to be the
principal trustee, clearly it could not allow itself to be represented at
the Conference. But it may be asked: Granting that the Congress
could not in the circumstances be expected to send its representatives,
where was the necessity for going from Dominion Status to
independence? The answer is plain. Organizations like men, if they
are to command respect and grow, must have a sense of honour

andmust fulfil their promises. Well, the Congress promised at Calcutta
to change the creed to independence if Dominion Status was not
forthcoming by the 31st of December 1929. It did not come nor was
there any prospect of its coming for certain in the immediate future.
The Congress therefore had no other course left open, if it was not ‘to
commit suicide’, but to declare its immediate objective to be complete
independence instead of Dominion Status.
But what is there intrinsically wrong in wanting independence?
It is not possible for me to understand this opposition from sober
Englishmen to the enunciation of an inalienable right of every nation
to be independent except on the supposition that even they, the sober
Englishmen, do not want India to be free.
‘But you are not fit for independence’, say some. Surely it is
for us to judge whether we are fit or not. And granting that we are not,
there is nothing wrong or immoral in our aspiring after independence
and in the attempt rendering ourselves fitter day by day. We shall
never be fit by being taught to feel helpless and to rely upon the
British bayonet to keep us from fighting among ourselves or from
being devoured by our neighbours. If we have to go through the
agonies of a civil war or a foreign invasion, it won’t be a new thing in
the history of nations that have struggled for freedom. England has
gone through both the experiences. After all freedom is not a
hot-house growth.
It is open to those English friends who are sincerely anxious for
India’s welfare to assist India in her fight for freedom and on her
terms. She knows best what she needs. Complete independence does
not mean arrogant isolation or a superior disdain for all help. But it
does mean complete severance of the British bondage, be it ever so
slight or well concealed. The opposition therefore to the demand for
immediate independence raises the strongest suspicions about the
good intentions of those who have conceived the idea of the
Conference. It must be clearly understood that the largest nationalist
party in India will no longer submit to the position of a dependent
nation or to the process of helpless exploitation. It will run any risk to
be free from the double curse.
Is it not now intelligible why, notwithstanding its undoubted
risks, I am planning some sort of civil disobedience so as to get
together all the non-violent forces and see if it stems the tide of
onrushing violence? Hatred and ill will there undoubtedly are in the
air. They are bound sooner or later to burst into acts of fury if they
are not anticipated in time. The conviction has deepened in me that
civil disobedience alone can stop the bursting of that fury. The

nationwants to feel its power more even than to have independence.
Possession of such power is independence.
That civil disobedience may resolve itself into violent
disobedience is, I am sorry to have to confess, not an unlikely event.
But I know that it will not be the cause of it. Violence is there already
corroding the whole body politic. Civil disobedience will be but a
purifying process and may bring to the surface what is burrowing
under and into the whole body. And British officials, if they choose,
may regulate civil disobedience so as to sterilize the forces of
violence. But whether they do so, or whether, as many of us fear, they
will, directly or indirectly, consciously or unconsciously, provoke
violence, my course is clear. With the evidence I have of the condition
of the country and with the unquenchable faith I have in the method
of civil resistance, I must not be deterred from the course the inward
voice seems to be leading me to.
But whatever I do and whatever happens, my English friends will
accept my word, that whilst I am impatient to break the British
bondage, I am no enemy of Britain.
258. THINGS TO REMEMBER FOR 26TH

1. Remember that 26th is the day not to declare
independence but to declare that we will be satisfied with nothing less
than complete independence as opposed to Dominion Status
so-called. Hence the word swaraj in the Congress constitution now
means complete independence or purna swaraj.
2. Remember that on 26th we do not start civil disobedience,
but merely hold meetings to declare our determination to attain purna
swaraj and to that end to carry out Congress instructions that may be
issued from time to time.
3. Remember that since we desire to attain our end by non-
violent and truthful means only, we can do so only through
self-purification. We should therefore devote the day to doing such
constructive work as lies in our power to do.
4. Remember that at the meetings there are to be no
speeches. There is to be mere recitation and approval by show of
hands of the declaration distributed among all the Congress
committees. The recitation should be in the provincial language.
For ready reference here is the text of the declaration 1 to be
1
For Gandhiji’s draft, vide “Draft Declaration for January 26”, 10-1-1930.

made on 26th:
We believe that it is the inalienable right of the Indian people, as of any other
people, to have freedom and to enjoy the fruits of their toil and have the necessities
of life so that they may have full opportunities of growth. We believe also that if any
government deprives a people of these rights and oppresses them, the people have a
further right to alter it or to abolish it. The British Government in India has not only
deprived the Indian people of their freedom, but has based itself on the exploitation
of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and
spiritually. We believe therefore that India must sever the British connection and
attain purna swaraj or complete independence.
India has been ruined economically. The revenue derived form our people is out
of all proportion to our income. Our average income is 7 pice (less than two pence)
per day, and of the heavy taxes we pay, 20 per cent are raised from the land revenue
derived form the peasntry and 3 per cent from the salt tax, which fals most heavily on
the poor.
Village industries, such as hand-spinning, have been destroyed, heaving the
peasantry idle for at least four months in the year, and dulling their intellect for want
of handicrafts, and nothing has been substituted, as in other countries, for the crafts
thus destroyed.
Customs and currency have been so manipulated as to heap further burdens on
the peasantry. The British manufactured goods constitute the bulk of our imports.
Customs duties betrary clear partiality for British manufactures, and arevenue from
them is used not to lessen the burden on the masses but for sustaining a highly
extravagant administration. Still more arbitrary has been the manipulation of the
exchange ratio which has resulted in millions being drained away form the country.1
Politically, India’s status has never been so reduced as under the British
regime. No reforms have given real political power to the people. The tallest of us
have to bend before foreign authority. The rights of free expression of opinion and
free association have been denied to us, and many of our countrymen are compllled to
live in exile abroad and cannot return to their homes. All administrative talent is
killed, and the masses have to be satisfied with petty village offices and clerkships.
Culturally, the system of education has torn us from our moorings and our
training has made us hug the very chains that bind us.
Spiritually, compulsory disarmament has made us unmanly, and the presence
of an alien army of occupation, employed with deadly effect to crush in us the spirit of
resistance, has made us think that we cannot look after ourselves or put up a defence
against foreign aggression, or even defend our homes and families form the attacks of
thieves, robbers and miscreants.
We hold it to be a crime against man and God to submit any longer to a rule
that has caused this fourfold disaster to our country. We recognize, however, that the
most effective way of gaining our freedom is not through violence. We will therefore
prepare ourselves, by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from
the British Government, and will prepare for civil disobedience, including
1
Vide “Telegram to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 17-1-1930.

non-payment of taxes. We are convinced that if we can but withdraw our voluntary
help and stop payment of taxes without doing violence, even under provocation, the
end of this inhuman rule is assured. We therefore hereby solemnly resolve to carry out
the Congress instructions issued from time to time for the purpose of establishing
purna swaraj.
259. HAS NON-VIOLENCE BEEN ABANDONED?

A friend writes: 1
It is very improper of any editor to publish incorrect reports
about someone in this manner, without proper investigation and
verification. I have never said what has been quoted above.
Non-violence is an integral part of my life; I can never forsake it. My
faith in non-violence is growing day by day. I have also been getting
visible proof of its success. Whatever I said regarding what people
should do after my arrest is the exact opposite of what is quoted
above. In other words, I said that if people should turn violent under
these circumstances the adherents of non-violence should endeavour
to restrain them. As for slavery, I said that if I were compelled to
choose to be a witness to slavery or violence, I shall certainly choose
to be a witness to violence. There is a vast difference between these
words and what is published in the papers. There is no word in favour
of violence in what I spoke. We are all witnesses to violent and other
undesirable actions, even though it be unwillingly; but we have always
been so and must remain so.
One lesson has to be learnt from the above letter, namely, when
one hears or reads anything unusual about a well-known public
servant or a public leader, it should never be believed without
corroboration from him.
[From Hindi]
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had reported that some
newspapers quoted Gandhiji as suggesting violent action in the event of his arrest.

260. NOTE TO ANAND T. HINGORANI
[January 23, 1930] 1
I value your frank criticism2 . But much of it is hasty. Its value
lies in its honesty. You can certainly be with me on my walks.
BAPU
From a microfilm. Courtesy: National Archives of India and Anand
T. Hingorani
261. LETTER TO DR. ROMER

S ABARMATI ,
January 23, 1930
DEAR DR. ROMER,
Could you please repair the accompanying set3 for
Mrs. Gandhi? It slipped from her hand and broke.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
262. LETTER TO RAMESHWARDAS PODDAR

January 23, 1930
BHAI RAMESHWARDAS,
I got your letter. You need not worry. I will now set the matter
right. You have not violated truth in any way. I can be blamed for an
oversight, though I do not know what mistake I made. I distinctly
remember that I told Pyarelal or Kusumbehn what should he done. If
either of them made a mistake, it should be regarded as mine. This is
not formal justice but real justice.4
1
From the addressee’s diary
2
Of the functioning and atmosphere of the Sabarmati Ashram
3
Of dentures
4
Vide also “My Notes”, 2-2-1930, sub-title, “Attention to Detail”.

ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
January 23, 1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I have your letter. Chhaganlal and Ramniklal are immediately
leaving the Ashram because of the new rules. I do not want to go deep
into the reasons for their leaving as I do not have the time. I have
received your letter regarding Chandradutt. He is not at all ready to
go to Vijapur. He started crying when I talked to him about it. What
was the use of sending him against his wishes? So I am keeping him
here. I will see what I can do. I am unable to look after him. From
what you write, it seems that the situation is difficult. I hope you do
know that Bhagirathji is here.
Keep making efforts to improve your health. Do not worry
about us. I will go through the Ramayana. Ba sends her blessings.
Blessings from
BAPU
264. TELEGRAM TO NALINI RANJAN SARKAR

[On or before January 24, 1930] 1
MY CONGRATULATIONS TO SUBHAS AND OTHER FRIENDS2 . SEND
ME FULL PARTICULARS. TELL ME ALSO WHAT STEPS BEING
TAKEN.
Amrita Bazar Patrika, 25-1-1930

January 24, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. You may come whenever you wish to. I shall
be here up to the 2nd of March, if I am not arrested before then. On
the 2nd is Rukhi’s wedding.
1
The report is datelined “Calcutta, January 24”.
2
On their conviction

How did Kamala develop constipation? Never forget that it
should not be tolerated even for a day.
Gangabehn must be giving you all the news about the ebb and
flow here.
Blessings from
BAPU

January 24, 1930
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I got your letter. Somehow or other your digestion must
improve. There are several remedies, but ultimately you have to find
one yourself.
As regards work, I would advise you to perform cheerfully
whatever task is assigned to you. You will derive true strength out of
that. Do discuss with Jamnalalji if you feel the need of doing anything
in particular. He will delegate that job to you if he approves. Even
otherwise have no worry. This is the duty of a true soldier. Our welfare
lies in the welfare of the organization and only the man at the helm
must judge the interests of the organization, even though the
judgment may not be the right one.
You can certainly pay Vinobaji the boarding expenses incurred
by the Ashram on you and you must not hesitate to inquire from
Jamnalalji what you owe him for the expenses incurred in his kitchen.
He will not only not mind it but will appreciate it.
Prabhudas has reached Vijapur. He shook off his fever only
after reaching there.
Blessings from
BAPU

267. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
January 25, 1930
CHI. JAMNALAL,
What advice should I give you regarding Shantikumar? Do
whatever you think is right. Do nothing beyond your capacity. I may
however say this, that the step I am contemplating this time will be the
final step. It will be either the greatest mistake of my life or its purest
act. I for one have no doubt at all about its purity. I am examining
myself as carefully as I can. My self-confidence has grown greatly.
268. LETTER TO ANANDANAND

January 25, 1930
BHAISHRI ANANDANAND,
I have your letter. I do not know what agitation Malaviyaji is
carrying on. But if it is against the Congress he can hold no position
in the Anti-Untouchability Committee.1 I have no doubt about this.
Let Jamnalalji trace Malaviyaji’s speech against the Congress and send
it to him, and, like a son to his father put to him his doubt about the
propriety of his remaining in the Anti-Untouchability Committee.
Malaviyaji is not hurt by such questions, and even if he is, he has a
great capacity for suppressing his feelings. I had thought that he
would never carry on an agitation against the Congress for whatever
reason. It is necessary to clear this matter at once.
I have still not understood Rajaji’s suggestion regarding
Vallabhbhai and myself touring. Boycott of the Assemblies is a
necessary but negative and not a very important part of our new
programme. The important and constructive part is civil disobedience.
And for that I do not think it necessary for anybody to tour the
country. On the contrary, those who regard non-violence as an
essential means for the attainment of independence should avoid
touring. If you do not follow this, ask me for further clarification, for
it is necessary that Jamnalalji, you and others should understand it
well.
The letter up to here was dictated at five o’clock in the morning.
1
Set up by a resolution passed by the Calcutta Congress in 1928. Jamnalal
Bajaj was appointed to look after the work of the committee.

Afterwards I got your letter regarding Shantikumar. I am writing to
Jamnalalji today leaving the matter to his decision.
I note what you say about Nataraj. Many will come round now.
This is no new experience for me in my life. We should go on doing
what seems right to us. You are however doing well in meeting all
these classes of people.
269. NAVAJIVAN KARYALAYA

A full report of the activities of the Navajivan Karyalaya
accompanies the present number of Navajivan. I invite to it the
attention of every lover of the journal. The reader will please consider
it pardonable if he notices anywhere in the Report a sense of pride
resulting from self-satisfaction. This Karyalaya came into being in
circumstances that no one had ever imagined. It got the services of
Swami Anand, who helped to give the Karyalaya the stability which it
now has. My purpose in drawing attention to the Report is to show
that a business, run with honesty and in a spirit of service but in a
businesslike manner, can succeed, and to dispel the illusion that one
cannot afford to be entirely honest in business.
[From Gujarati]
270. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI

ASHRAM,
January 27, 1930
MY DEAR C.R.,
I cannot give you the letter I would love to. Every ounce of
energy is taken up in attending to the details of life here.
I do not still see the necessity of touring. In view of the
impending C.D. I do not want to create occasions for other resi-
stances. Let the critics have a clear board as far as platform
propaganda is concerned. More of this when we meet. I want you to
be here at least on the 12th if not much earlier. I want you to
understand me of today as thoroughly as you can.
Yes, I wrote to Srinivasa, Satyamurti and Subhas. S.N. has sent
me a book of choice adjectives in reply. S.M. has sent an

argumentative apology. Subhas’s is a good reply. Anyway I am glad I
wrote to them.
I feel that I have now a scheme of effective C.D. The picture is
not yet complete. But I think I am nearing completion.1 I am thinking
of nothing else. You must keep your health in full working order.
What a strange letter from The Hindu? Yet it did not surprise me.
Yours,
271. LETTER TO A. SUBBIAH

ASHRAM,
January 27, 1930
MY DEAR SUBBIAH,
I grieve for you and your wife, for you must naturally have felt
it. Death causes no sorrow in me now. It has become to me averitable
friend. Comparing death with birth, death may almost be an event for
rejoicing and birth for sorrow. Death may be a deliverance, birth is
imprisonment. Even a living baby dies after and never before . . .2 If
there are still more debts to pay, there is another body to inhabit.
Yours,
272. LETTER TO M. R. JAYAKAR

January 28, 1930
DEAR MR. JAYAKAR,
I thank you for your note 3 . I said that if everything was in

order I should try to help the friends. I had heard however that
Sir Purshottamdas was unwilling to shoulder the burden. If my
recollection is correct4 , the friends were also to raise an equivalent
amount. I had entrusted the whole thing to Mr. Baban Gokhale
1
For the resolution adopted by the Working Committee on Civil Disobedience
and Gandhiji’s comments, vide “Never Faileth”, 20-2-1930.
2
The rest of the sentence is obscure in the source.
3
About Gandhiji’s promise to secure for N. D. Bhosle a fund of Rs.
15,000 for a hostel for the depressed class students in Bombay; vide “Letter to N. D.
Bhosle”, 17-3-1928.
4
The source has “correction”.

who was not well impressed. If you could spare the time,I would like
you to send for and see Mr. Gokhale. I would welcome your active
intervention in this matter.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Jayakar’s Private Papers, Correspondence File No. 422. Courtesy: National
Archives of India
273. PREFACE TO “KATHAKUSUMANJALI1 ”

UDYOGA MANDIR , S ABARMATI ,
January 29, 1930
This is a collection of articles by Sjt. Valji Desai. All readers of
Navajivan know by now the labour which preceded the writing of
each one of these articles. They were not written to serve a journalist’s
immediate aim, but were written to serve permanent public good.
Hence they deserve to be published in book form. The subjects dealt
with in these articles will be of great help to anyone seeking satsang2 .
From the point of view of language, too, their value is no less, for Valji
Desai commands a unique style.
MOHANDAS KARAMCHAND GANDHI
From a copy of the Gujarati: C.W. 9276. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
274. CLEARING THE ISSUE

I have never sought to delude Indian opinion into the belief that a
definition of purpose, however plainly stated, would of itself by the
enunciation of a phrase provide a solution for problems which have to be
solved before that purpose is fully realized. The assertion of a goal, however
precise its terms, is of necessity a different thing from the goal’s attainment.
No sensible traveller would feel that a clear definition of his destination was
the same thing as the completion of his journey.
* * *
But though the Conference cannot assume the duty that appertains to His
Majesty’s Government, it will be convened for the purpose, hardly less
important, of elucidating and harmonizing opinion, and so affording guidance
to His Majesty’s Government on whom the responsibilitymust subsequently
devolve of drafting proposals for the consideration ofParliament.
The foregoing titbits from His Excellency the Viceroy’s address
1
Literally, ‘a floral tribute in the form of stories’
2
Company of righteous or religious men

to the Assembly1 make it as clear as possible that Dominion Status was
never to be the immediate objective of the proposed Round Table
Conference. And why need any of us doubt that even Lord
Birkenhead will concede that Dominion Status may be India’s distant
goal? Where time is of essence, it makes a difference not in degree but
in kind. And when that difference in kind was discovered at the
interview at Delhi2 , there was no meeting ground left between the
Viceregal mentality and the Congress mentality. The Viceroy would
not mind waiting for the grant of Dominion Status till every
millionaire was reduced to the level of a wage-earner getting seven
pice per day. The Congress will today, if it had the power, raise every
starving peasant to a state in which he can at least get a living even
equal to a millionaire’s. And when the peasant is fully awakened to a
sense of his plight and knows that it is not kismet that has brought him
to the helpless state but the existing rule, unaided he will in his
impatience abolish all distinctions between constitutional and
unconstitutional, even violent and non-violent means.
The Congress expects to guide the peasant in the right direc-
tion.
The Viceroy’s speech has cleared another thing. We now know
why Sir John Simon has made the discovery that the question of
Indian princes should be made an integral part of his precious
inquiry. A pure creation of the British Government, unlike those in
British India, bereft even of speech, they are to be pawns in the game
of exploitation to be played at the Conference. The Conference room
will ring with the name of Dominion Status whilst further burdens will
be sought to be heaped upon the devoted heads of the starving
millions. Let those who wish join a game where one party plays with
loaded dice.
His Excellency is offended over the Congress resolution on
financial obligations! Why? Be it noted that the Congress has referred
the examination of the justness or otherwise of these obligations to an
impartial tribunal. Is it a crime to question the propriety of some of
these obligations? Lord Irwin’s impatience over that most innocent
resolution is typical of the British mentality. Thousands of
Englishmen honestly believe that all obligations have been
incurredvoluntarily and for India’s good, and that it is the height of
ungratefulness even to suspect unfairness about any of the
transactions of the Secretary of State for India.
Prominence has been exclusively given in that speech to the
1
On January 25
2
On December 23

unity which is impossible of full achievement so long as a foreign rule
divides the varied interests and unconsciously or consciously plays
one against another for the purpose of perpetuating itself. The
Congress is well out of the tangle. It can afford even to be in a
minority if need be. But the demonstrations of 26th are an
unmistakable proof that the Congress still remains the one body to
rule the hearts of the masses. Thank God, they have unity in their
starvation. This Government is wholly impartial in the discharge of its
duty of extracting the last pie from the peasantry whether Hindu or
Mussalman or any other.
I make the same ‘childish’ offer (almost) to Lord Irwin that I
had the honour of making to Lord Reading. 1 Let him and the British
Cabinet initiate the following reforms:
1. Total prohibition,
2. Reduction of the ratio to ls. 4d.,
3. Reduction of the land revenue to at least 50% and making
it subject to legislative control,
4. Abolition of the salt tax,
5. Reduction of the military expenditure to at least 50% to
begin with,
6. Reduction of the salaries of the higher grade service to
one half or less so as to suit the reduced revenue,
7. Protective tariff on foreign cloth,
8. The passage of the Coastal Traffic Reservation Bill,
9. Discharge of all political prisoners save those condemned
for murder or the attempt thereat by the ordinary judicial tribunal,
withdrawal of all political prosecutions, abrogation of Section 124 A,
the Regulation of 1818 and the like, and permission to all the Indian
exiles to return,
10. Abolition of C.I.D. or its popular control,
11. Issue of licences to use firearms for self-defence subject to
popular control.
This is by no means an exhaustive list of pressing needs.2 But let
the Viceroy satisfy these very simple but vital needs of India.He will
then hear no talk of civil disobedience, and the Congress will heartily
participate in any conference where there is perfect freedom of
expression and demand.
1
Vide “Letter to Viceroy”, 1-2-1922.
2
These were the terms which Gandhiji communicated to Bomanji who
undertook to negotiate with Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald. (The History of the
Indian National Congress, Vol. I, p. 366)

Our disunion is no bar to these reforms. The Congress is not
agitating for a shadow. Hundreds of thousands of people do not
gather to the annual session of the Congress in order to secure
independence in mere name, they gather in the hope that the glow of
freedom, when it comes, will be felt in the remotest village. The
greatest evil is undoubtedly the economic pressure and the corroding
feeling of inferiority which the people experience in every walk of
life. We are like Sir Narayan Chandavarkar’s goat whom, when
released from airy surroundings to which she was forcibly taken, the
deceased Knight saw frisking about on a Poona road being led by her
mistress to her dungeon home. We refuse to be satisfied with the airy
peace, we would rather risk the dark anarchy if perchance thereby we
can be released from the grinding pauperism.
The threat of dire vengeance uttered against civil and criminal
resisters is idle and therefore uncalled for. There is this in common
between both. Both have counted the cost. They are out for suffering.
Would that their means were also common. Unfortunately instead of
being complementary, they neutralize each other. I know that the
non-violent revolutionary like me impedes the progress of the violent
revolutionary. I wish the latter would realize that he impedes my
progress more than I do his, and that I, being a Mahatma, if left
unhampered by him, am likely to make greater progress than he can
ever hope to make. Let him realize too that he has never yet given me
a fair chance. Some of them no doubt have been most considerate. I
want full suspension of his activity. If it will please him, I am free to
admit that I dread him more than I dread Lord Irwin’s wrath.
His Excellency the Viceroy deserves the thanks of every
Congressman for having cleared the atmosphere and let us know
exactly where he and we stand.
275. DIFFICULTY OF PRACTICE

The reader should read Rev. B. de Ligt’s letter printed elsewhere
in this issue1 . I welcome the letter as of a fellow-seeker in the field of
ahimsa. It is entitled to respectful consideration. And such friendly
discussion leads to a clearer conception of the possibilities and
limitations of non-violence.
In spite of the greatest effort to be detached, no man can
altogether undo the effect of his environment or of his up bringing.
Non-violence of two persons occupying different positions will not
1
Under the title “Cat and Mouse”

outwardly take the same shape. Thus the non-violence of a child
towards his father would take the shape of conscious and voluntary
submission to his violence when he loses his temper. But if the child
has lost his temper, the father’s submission to the child’s violence
would be meaningless. The father would take the child to his bosom
and instantaneously sterilize the child’s violence. In each case it is of
course assumed that the outward act is an expression of the inward
intention. One who having retaliation in his breast submits to violence
out of policy is not truly non violent and may even be a hypocrite if
he hides his intention. It should also be remembered that non-violence
comes into play only when it comes in contact with violence. One who
refrains from violence when there is no occasion for its exercise is
simply unviolent and has no credit for his inaction.
Dominion Status ceasing to be a factor, the points raised from
that imaginary event now need not be discussed except to say, that the
enjoyment by India of Dominion Status would have meant India, then
become an equal partner, instead of being ruled by it, dominating the
foreign policy of Great Britain.
My general and hearty approval of the Nehru Report must not
be taken to mean endorsement of every word of it. My approval need
not carry endorsement of the constructive programme for the future
governance of free India. My non-violence would prevent me from
fighting my countrymen on the many questions that must arise when
India has become free. A mere academic discussion can only hamper
the present progress of non-violence. I know however that if I survive
the struggle for freedom, I might have to give non-violent battle to
myown countrymen which may be as stubborn as that in which I am
now engaged. But the military schemes now being considered by the
great Indian leaders are highly likely to appear even to them to be
wholly unnecessary, assuming that we have come to our own
demonstrably through non-violent means deliberately chosen and
used.
My collaboration with my countrymen today is confined to the
breaking of our shackles. How we would feel and what we shall do
after breaking them is more than they or I know.
It is profitless to speculate whether Tolstoy in my place would
have acted differently from me. It is enough for me to give the
assurance to my friends in Europe, that in no single act of mine have I
been consciously guilty of endorsing violence or compromising my
creed. Even the seeming endorsement of violent action by my
participation on the side of Britain in the Boer War and the Zulu revolt
was a recognition in the interest of non-violence of an inevitable

situation. That the participation may nevertheless have been due to my
weakness or ignorance of the working of the universal law of
non-violence is quite possible. Only I had no conviction then, nor
have any now, of such weakness or ignorance.
A non-violent man will instinctively prefer direct participation to
indirect, in a system which is based on violence and to which he has to
belong without any choice being left to him. I belong to a world
which is partly based on violence. If I have only a choice between
paying for the army of soldiers to kill my neighbours or to be a
soldier myself, I would, as I must, consistently with my creed, enlist as
a soldier in the hope of controlling the forces of violence and even of
converting my comrades.
National independence is not fiction. It is as necessary as
individual independence. But neither, if it is based on non-violence,
may ever be a menace to the equal independence of the nation or the
individual as the case may be. As with individual and national
independence, so with the international. The legal maxim is equally
moral: Sic utere tuo ut alienum non laedas. It has been well said that
the universe is compressed in the atom. There is not one law for the
atom and another for the universe.
276. NOTES
BENGAL P ATRIOTS
My congratulations to Sjt. Subhas Bose and his companions on
one year’s rigorous imprisonment for having dared to serve the
country. Bengal may be rent into many divisions and parties. But
Bengal’s bravery and self-sacrifice can never wane. The only way the
country can react to these imprisonments is to fill the prisons to
overflowing till the Government has a surfeit of political prisoners. A
few discharges occasionally obtained take the attention off the real
thing which is to make such prosecutions impossible. That will only
happen when either the British people have changed their viewpoint,
or when we have, by filling the prisons honourably, made it profitless
to imprison any more people. No government puts people in prison, if
the punishment does not deter a single soul from so-called offence.
F ORTY-FOUR DEATHS
Sjt. Benarsidas Chaturvedi and Pandit Bhavani Dayal send me
the following wire:

Forty-four emigrants died on Sutlej returned West Indies. Bad diet, worse
accommodation. Letter follows.
I await the letter. But the brief telegram is enough to show that
there is hardly any improvement upon the old system after the
happening of the tragedy that took place not long ago regarding such
emigrants. The whole thing calls for a thorough investigation, and
complete stoppage of all facilities to the countries that care not for the
lives of those who labour for them.
LOCAL BOARDS
Sjt. Sasadhar Ganguly, a member of the Manbhum District
Board and Purulia Municipality, writes:1
I heartily endorse the suggestion made in this letter. No
municipality represented by nationalists can accept dictation as to the
holidays to be observed. And it would be an insult to thememory of
departed patriots if members stole in the observance of their memory
under cover of another holiday. It is the right of every nationalist
municipality and local or district board to maintain its own holidays.
277. MONSTROUS MARRIAGES

Shri Benarsidas Chaturvedi writes:
I draw your attention with great shame to the article “Surfeit of
child-marriages in Mathura” which was published in the 30th December issue
of Mathuri Hitaishi. These weddings took place in our Mathur Chaturvedi
caste. It is the misfortune of our caste that girls of 2, 2_ and 3 years are given
in marriage. There has been considerable agitation over this. The well-known
leader Shri Radheylal Chaturvedi, who belongs to our caste, tried very hard but
these child-marriages could not be prevented. Last year an eight-month-old
girl and a 15-month-old girl were given in marriage. One does not know how
to reform these people. It must be pointed out that we, the Chaturvedi
community, consider ourselves the highest Brahmins. We consider it a sin to
eat food cooked even by other Brahmins.
What else can the marriages described by Benarsidasji be called
than monstrous? It is sad that those who perpetrate such marriages
continue to be respectable. This creates many difficulties in thwarting
them; and when scriptures are quoted in their favour, the
difficulties multiply. However, satyagraha can become a sure means
of overcoming all kinds of tyranny. Always and under every
1
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had asked whether
members of local bodies should resist dictation from bureaucracy and suffer the
consequences.

circumstance we may not have the strength to resort to satyagraha or
we may not know how to employ it. This is a different matter. It
points to the limitations of the satyagrahi, not of satyagraha.
In the above circumstances every person can resort to one
method. The family in which such marriages are recognized should
be boycotted and no help of any kind should be expected of it. For
example, if a father wishes to get his little daughter married, or if he
wishes to sell her, then, in that case, the boys and girls of that house, or
at least any one of them who has the courage, must leave the father’s
house and should accept no help whatever from him. If this is done it
will surely have some effect on the father’s heart. Even if there is
none, those who have left the father’s house will escape from the sin.
And let them remember that the ultimate result of such a sacrifice can
only be good. I have cited one method of satyagraha in this case only
as an example. According to the circumstances every satyagrahi can
find other ways and means for himself.
[From Hindi]
278. LETTER TO RAJA MAHENDRA PRATAP

January 30, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
Just a line to thank you for your letter. I am too preoccupied to
say more just now. I know that you are doing all you can for the
country.1
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
R AJA MAHENDRA P RATAP
KABUL
AFGHANISTAN
From a photostat: Raja Mahendra Pratap Papers. Courtesy: National Archives
of India
1
Vide also “The U. P. Tour-IX”, 14-11-1929.

January 30, 1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
Your criticism of the poet’s praise of the wicked has not

appealed to me. It is an expression not of Tulsidas’s charity but his
satire. It is a condemnation of the wicked. It commends the company
of the good and non-co-operation with the wicked. This is shown by
every quatrain and every couplet of this group of verses.
The one on meeting causes great pain.
The other on parting takes away one’s life.
What does this suggest? Hence, though your effort is commend-
able and your imagination good, the writing needs improvement in
certain places. You must be going ahead with the other cantos.

S ABARMATI ,
January 30, 1930
CHI. JAYAPRAKASH,
I have your letter. I was glad to know that you were able to find
work in the Congress office. Now we shall only be able to meet when
your work brings us together. If I stay out of jail for any length of
time, you must keep writing to me.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Jayaprakash Narayan Papers. Courtesy: Nehru

281. NOTE TO ANAND T. HINGORANI
[January, 1930] 1
Well written2 but this expensive note-book is of foreign make, I
fear. You must learn to be thrifty . One pice ill spent is so much gone
out of the pockets of the poor where it should belong.
BAPU
T. Hingorani
282. LETTER TO RAIHANA TYABJI

February 1, 1930
MY DEAR RAIHANA,
I have your sweet letter. It was a great day the 26th. You always
have my blessings. Sing away.
BAPU

February 1, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Since you are coming shortly, I do not write
anything in this letter. This time I am thinking of providing you a
room near the place where I sit. The houses occupied by Jaisukhlal
and Kashi have become vacant. They can accommodate a large
number. “Hridaykunj” 3 is overcrowded just now. Perhaps you can
sleep in it, but we shall think more about this after you come.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
From the addressee’s diary
2
The addressee had noted down in his diary what had motivated him to come to
the Ashram.
3
Gandhiji’s cottage in the Ashram

February 1, 1930
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
Your letter. Don’t you lose heart like this If the climate of
Vijapur suits you, most certainly go there; or go to Bardoli if that suits
you. And during summer you can stay at Tadikhet. Your health must
improve. If you are drawn towards Vijapur, come here and we shall
discuss about Morvi too.
Blessings from
BAPU
285. MY NOTES
THE KHAKHRECHI S ATYAGRAHA
The Khakhrechi satyagraha was a simple one and on a modest
scale. The demand put forward by the farmers was actually small, but
the satyagraha owed itself to the cultivators’ courage, which was
remarkable for Kathiawar and indeed surprising for a principality that
lies in a remote corner of the region. What deserved the notice of all
the States was how the farmers had initiated the satyagraha on their
own. Their demand was so just that no one could have opposed it. The
injustice against which the satyagraha was aimed was obvious. It was a
painful surprise that the Durbar made the cultivators suffer for about
six weeks. When a batch of satyagrahis arrived there to assist these
farmers, it was only doing its duty. The satyagrahis deserve
compliments for going through their sufferings patiently with no
violation of limits of propriety. One cannot say that at the end of this
satyagraha the prince on his part had showed any grace. It is true that
the farmers have been pacified by doing them some justice and a
promise to do some more. If the prince desires congratulations on the
point, he might have them. But according to my information, the
prince’s behaviour towards the volunteer corps lacked grace,
decencyand courtesy. It does no honour to him that the members of
the corps should have been banished from the territory in spite of
their modest conduct, and insolently dealt with by the State police. It
is an unpleasant fact that the victorious end of the satyagraha is not

followed by the sweetness which we should have expected. The people
of Kathiawar have a right to expect from all the States there courteous
conduct towards such public men as Sjt. Manilal Kothari and Sjt.
Fulchand, so well known for their love of peace. The princes and the
people both have a lesson to learn from this small-scale satyagraha.
C HILD -MARRIAGES
A Patidar youth writes:1
Many others must be in such a plight. I would advise all such
persons to refuse firmly to get into the bonds of such a marriage and
to suffer whatever consequences follow from the refusal. Such
marriages are a sign of our weak minds. This weakness retards our
growth socially, economically, politically and spiritually. If we should
assert our mental strength in one field, its effect cannot but be felt in
the others. Hence I particularly advise youths in such a plight not to
submit themselves, whatever the cost, to evil customs like
child-marriage which are a bane to the society. Let them however
show the utmost courtesy in their conduct towards the elders and
equally scrupulous regard for truth. Courtesy without full regard for
truth is no courtesy. It is only flattery, it is hypocrisy, and, therefore,
truly speaking, it is discourtesy.
F EASTS AFTER DEATH
The Secretary, Visnagara Nagar youth Association, writes:2
My note on the subject of child-marriage above applies in this
case too. I hope that the deceased’s father himself will understand his
dharma and refrain from following the savage custom of giving a
caste dinner on his son’s death. If the father does not so refrain, let
the Youth Association stick to its resolution, and let all the youths of
the town of Visnagar support it. For the sake of their principle, youths
ought to be, and remain, prepared to forgo the advantages of living in
the family home and other monetary help received from their elders,
or be ready to be boycotted by them.
ATTENTION TO DETAIL
Last December when I was in Wardha, the inmates of the
Satyagraha Ashram gave me a piece of cloth of very fine count spun
and woven by them. It was big enough for a khadi dhoti to be made
1
The letter is not translated here. Marriages of the correspondent, aged 15, and
his sister, aged 10, were being planned by their father.
2
The letter is not translated here. The young men had decided to boycott the
customary dinner after the death of a sixteen-year-old boy leaving behind a
thirteen-year-old widow.

out of it. I could not bear the thought of taking it into personal use.
Hence I thought of making money out of it. The cloth attracted the
attention of Rameshwardas who offered Rs. 500 for it. He suggested
that he would like me to give the five hundred rupees to the funds
being collected for the Vidyapith rather than get it credited to any
other account. Moreover, he put in the condition that in the Vidyapith
account the money should not be shown and acknowledged in his
name as was done;1 if at all it should be shown as proceeds of the sale
of the khadi cloth. I had accepted this suggestion, and promised to
write, when sending the money to the Vidyapith, that the
acknowledgement was to be as I have described here. My impression
is that I had given instructions to write to the Vidyapith accordingly,
but the sum has not been acknowledged in the manner desired and
was shown as a donation by Sjt. Rameshwardas in the note published.
He was uneasy at this. For one thing, he thinks that the credit of
having made a donation to the Vidyapith is too much for him to
accept. Moreover, he does not have the means to make such
donations. He fears that some persons, happening to read the mistaken
acknowledgement published in his name, might seek such other
donations, and it would not be nice to have to disappoint them. Hence
Rameshwardas desires the true facts to be published, which I do here.
In this case, directly or indirectly, even if the donation was for
propagation of khadi, the religious merit earned belongs to
Rameshwardas alone. However, a person who is particular about the
uprightness of his worldly transactions would of course ask for the
correction desired by Rameshwardas. That has been made here and I
hope it will satisfy him. And let me take this opportunity to tell the
well-wishers of the Vidyapith that the purse of the Vidyapith has not
yet been filled and that they should fill it.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 2-2-1930
286. LETTER TO C. F. ANDREWS

February 2, 1930
MY DEAR CHARLIE,
You have written to me more or less regularly, but owing to your
wanderings2 , I have not known where to write. Your latest has given me
a deliberate address. I hope therefore this will reach you safely
1
For Gandhiji’s reply, vide “Letter to Rameshwardas Poddar”, 23-1-1930.
2
In Canada and U.S.A.

wherever you may be.
I have read your article in the New Republic. I am not taking
it in Young India. It is therefore being sent to Brelvi 1 as you have
desired.
The events have moved fairly fast. I see as clearly as never
before that the spirit of violence must be dealt with by non-violent
action if the situation is to be at all saved. There is the growing
violence of the Government expressing itself in a variety of ways —
the subtle exploitation and the necessary prosecutions as a
consequence of that exploitation, for instance. You will note the
extended meaning I have given to violence. Greed, pilfering, untruth,
crooked diplomacy—all these are phases or signs or results of violent
thought and action. The reaction of this violence upon the thinking
educated people is remarkable and daily growing. I have therefore to
deal with this double violence. To sit still at this juncture is stupid if
not cowardly. I have made up my mind to run the boldest risks. I have
arrived at this definite conclusion as a result of deep and prayerful
thinking. Lahore revealed it all to me. The nature of the action is not
yet clear to me. It has to be civil disobedience. How it is to be
undertaken and by whom besides me, I have not yet seen quite
clearly. But the shining cover that overlays the truth is thinning day
by day and will presently break.
I hardly wanted to write this when I began this letter. But there
you are.
Gurudev2 passed a delightful two hours with me. He has aged
considerably. We came nearer each other this time and I was so
thankful. We had fully intended to meet again, but Bomanjee
suddenly took him away to Baroda.
Manilal and his wife and baby are here. Ramdas has a baby.
He is in Bardoli assisting Vallabhbhai’s work. Mahadev is just now
here.
We did not get your first volume3 from the publishers. I asked
the Young India people to purchase a copy. It is on my desk at
present. I have read the first chapter. It is a fair presentation of my
religious attitude.
Love.
MOHAN
1
Syed Abdullah Brelvi, Editor of The Bombay Chronicle
2
Rabindranath Tagore
3
Mahatma Gandhi’s Ideas (1929)

[PS.]
I do hope you have had your copies of Young India.
287. LETTER TO V. S. SRINIVASA SASTRI

S ABARMATI ,
February 2, 1930
DEAR BROTHER,
I have your two letters. Of course, if you could send someone
to take charge of Indian Opinion, he will shape its policy not
according to my instructions but most decidedly yours. I should not
interfere at all.
I wish you had written the letter you intended to. You know how
I prize your opinion. It would give me immense relief to be able to
adopt your mode of thought. But it has been my misfortune often to
differ from most valued friends. My consolation lies in the fact that
the mutual affection has never suffered.
Yours sincerely,
M. K GANDHI
288. LETTER TO DR. M. A. ANSARI1

February 2, 1930
DEAR DR. ANSARI,
Will you please accompany Motilalji? 2 It will serve a double
purpose. You will treat him and help the treatment of the greater
patient—our country. Please do not say ‘no’.3
Tell Motilalji I shall reply to the conundrum of 11 points4 when
we meet. I have a complete answer.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Ansari Papers. Courtesy: Jamia Millia Library
1
This should be read after “Letter to V. S. Srinivasa Sastri”, p. 445.
2
He was going to Ahmedabad to attend the meeting of the Congress Working
Committee.
3
In his reply dated February 10, 1930, Dr. Ansari expressed his inability to go
to Ahmedabad “owing to an unforeseen professional responsibility”.
4
Vide “Clearing the Issue”, 30-1-1930 & “Some Implications”, 6-2-1930.

289. LETTER TO PURSHOTTAMDAS THAKURDAS
S ABARMATI ,
February 2, 1930
DEAR SIR PURSHOTTAMDAS,
There was no need for an apology for writing to me in English.

My own impression is that the depreciation is largely manipulated and
the letter from the India Office is intended to frighten us.1 At the same
time when the effect of the Congress resolution comes to be really felt,
I know that all the gilt-edged securities are bound to suffer heavy
depreciation unless the British Government underwrites all losses and
is in a position to do so. I know that during the South African War
even all the Republican notes, which 24 hours before the declaration
of war were fully worth their face value, became scraps of paper and I
understand that such was the case in :France and Germany during the
late War. It would not surprise me, if we have to go through the same
purgatory. The meaning to me of the resolution is that the poor
people who have invested their little savings in these securities should
not suffer and that the British Government should be made to take
over such liabilities as are held by the tribunal referred to in the
resolution to be unjust or unjustifiable.
Lastly, you will agree with me that the interpretation of
the resolution as also the momentary depreciation are not of so
much importance as what action India is going to take in the near
future. We are so many and our case is so overwhelmingly justthat, if
the other parties instead of belittling the Congress resolution and the
Congress efforts were to endorse them, even if by reason of their
weakness, they cannot make common cause with the Congress, we
1
The addressee had written: “The repudiation of debts as approved of by the
Indian National Congress at their Lahore session by their Resolution No. 10 has had
considerable effect on the securities market both in England and in India as you are
perhaps already aware. In the course of this week there has been published a letter
addressed by the India Office to an investor in London, and I mention this to show
what anxiety this Resolution of the Congress has created in the minds of investors in
London.... My principal motive in addressing this letter to you is to draw your
attention to the serious depreciation of Indian sterling securities in London since
December last. . . . There is no doubt that an enormous amount of loss is being
encountered by the present holders of Indian Government paper, either rupee or
sterling, and it cannot be to the advantage of any school of politicians to make the
innocent ones suffer. . . .” Vide also “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-II”,
1-1-1930 & “Some Implications”, 6-2-1930.

should come to our own without much disturbance of the present life
in the cities. A radical reshaping of the life in the cities which is today
related to the false and artificial standard that is set up by the British
administrators and that is out of all keeping with the life of the
millions is in any case necessary, if the terrible burden of taxation
upon the poor is to be removed. I hope you are not among those who
believe that by a mere change of the constitution the starving ryots
will find themselves in a position to pay a larger revenue than they are
paying today or even to pay comfortably what they are paying now.
In my opinion the only meaning of swaraj to these people will be an
appreciable reduction in the taxes that they are paying directly and
indirectly and fixity of tenure. This cannot happen until we, who are
partners with the British administrators in the game of the exploitation
of the masses, are prepared to change the angle of our vision even as
we expect the former to do.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Purshottamdas Thakurdas Papers, File No. 96, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru
290. LETTER TO WILFRED WELLOCK

February 2, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
You will forgive me for not being able to write to you earlier. It
is impossible for me to deal with every friendly letter separately. I
only hope that you are following carefully the pages of Young India
in which I pour out my heart weekly.1 It seems to me the problem is
beyond Mr. Benn’s2 capacity even if he has the will. Justice will not be
done to India till Britain realizes that India has been terribly wronged
and that, therefore, she has to part with millions that are being yearly
drained from India.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
WILFRED WELLOCK , E SQ.
1
Vide “Clearing the Issue”, 30-1-1930 and “Some Implications”, 6-2-1930.
2
Wedgwood Benn, Secretary of State for India, who had made a statement that
India already had Dominion Status in action

291. LETTER TO SONJA SCHLESIN
February 2, 1930
1
DEAR MISS SCHLESIN ,
I have your letter. I do wish you will come in time to correct the
many inaccuracies you have discovered in the volumes. It is highly
likely that when your long leave is on I may be in one of the king’s
hotels. Even so, you will see my spirit incarnate in the Ashram. It
certainly brings into prominence all my shortcomings and some of
my good points.
Manilal, Sushila and Sita are here. Ramdas has also a baby 2 . I
think I told you of the event. He is in Bardoli. Manilal is anxious to
bewith me during these times. He is waiting for a word from Sorabji.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
292. LETTER TO H.S.L. POLAK

February 2, 1930
MY DEAR HENRY,
What shall I do? I fear I have again disappointed you by my
action in Lahore. If you had lived here as I have during the past 15
years, you would have done what I have. No tinkering will cope with
the daily loot that is going on here. You should treat my writings in
Young India as my weekly letter to you and other friends. Anyway
our love will stand the strain of any difference in views and action
based thereon.
Yours,
BHAI
1
A Jewish woman who was Gandhiji’s secretary for many years in South Africa
2
Sumitra Gandhi

293. LETTER TO REVASHANKAR JHAVERI
February 2, 1930
RESPECTED REVASHANKARBHAI,
I have your letter. I have read the matter enclosed with it. I
would advise you to issue a brief notice and hold a meeting here of
the original donors. It will not matter if you cannot attend the
meeting. The statement of accounts should be published and a copy
of it should be sent to each donor along with the notice. I shall be
present at the meeting and try to guide the proceedings. I shall try to
get a resolution passed to hand over the amounts to the Vidyapith in
accordance with certain rules and cautions which will be framed. If
anyone suggests a better arrangement, we shall consider it at that time.
Please let me know if you approve of this idea. I will then make a
draft of the notice and send it to you. Get the rest done by Jamnadas.
I do not wish to involve you in any worries or responsibilities in this
matter. The proper thing would be to do what we can without too
great an effortand then let things take their own course.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S. N. 32579/67
294. LETTER TO MANILAL KOTHARI

February 2, 1930
BHAI MANILAL,
If it is likely that the Maharaja of Jodhpur will see you, it would
be better for you to go to Delhi. Even if you think of going to
Jodhpur, a visit to Delhi would be worth while. I would not advise you
to go to Jodhpur by defying the State’s prohibitory order. I have
often said that if we accept the policy of utmost peace, we have got to
endure some consequences that follow from that policy. By all means
let the subjects of Jodhpur do all they can. They can never do
enough. But I believe that you can do nothing more than carry on
correspondence with the Jodhpur state. Having said this, I may tell
you that my advice to you would always be finally to do as your
conscience bids you.
I did not follow the point about the car. Vallabhbhai will explain
when he comes. Take care of your health. You seem to have done well
in Bhavnagar. Return to Vallabhbhai the balance of Khakhrechi
money.

295. A LETTER
February 2, 1930
1 have your letter. I am sure what the people should do if I am
arrested will be clear when that time comes. Shri Aurobindo Ghosh is
not likely to come out at present.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S. N. 32579/68
296. A LETTER
February 2, 1930
RESPECTED THAKORE SAHEB,
Only today I saw in the papers that your father had passed away.
I remembered my happy relationship with him and felt sad. Man’s
body perishes but his good actions do not. You are heir to your
father’s good actions. May you add to them. Be happy and make
your people happy. This is my wish and also my blessing.
From a copy of the Gajarati: Kusumbehn Desai’s Diary. S.N. 32579/73
297. LETTER TO AMBALAL

February 2, 1930
BHAISHRI AMBALAL,
I have your letter. If you are regretting not having given the
customary funeral dinner under pressure from people, you should
give one. But the truth is that the dead neither eat nor drink. If you
feed others, is that food going to reach the dead person’s stomach?
But do what you think right.
298. NOTE TO MAHADEV DESAI

Silence Day, February 3, 1930
CHI. MAHADEV,
I did not find a single word in “If We Let Go” 1 which required
to be changed.
1
A note by Mahadev Desai published in Young India, 6-2-1930

Vallabhbhai himself had suggested four or five days. Whatever
happens, you must be present on the morning of the 12th. You know
it is your job to persuade others to come forward. Has Durga stopped
crying?
I understand about the Gujarati translation. We shall decide
about it after I break my silence. If you have left today, we shall
decide about it after you return. Counting the days, I think it is
necessary that you should return on the 8th. If Durga wishes to go
with you, you may take her.
I will send a letter to Reginald.
BAPU
299. LETTER TO REGINALD REYNOLDS

S ATYAGRAHA ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
February 4, 1930
MY DEAR REYNOLDS,
Here are two letters for you.1

I hope you received my previous letter. I want you to tell me all
your experiences after you separated at Lahore. I have called Young
India my weekly letter to friends. I hope, therefore, that you are
carefully taking in that mouthful.
No time to dictate more.
Yours sincerely,
BAPU
1
Vide the following item.

300. LETTER TO C. Y. CHINTAMANI
S ABARMATI ,
February 4, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
This is to introduce a young English friend, Mr. Reynolds, who

has come to India in a spirit of purest service. He has no axe of his
own to grind and he holds views that may startle even the most
advanced nationalist.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S JT. C. Y. C HINTAMANI
ALLAHABAD
301. LETTER TO S. P. PATWARDHAN

February 5, 1930
BHAISHRI APPA,
I have your letter. We may certainly participate in all Congress

activities to which the authorities of the states do not object. There
should be no need to seek permission, but it would be good to know
their attitude indirectly if it can be done. I am not in favour of
carrying on the Congress activities in the states by defying prohibitory
orders wherever such orders exist. This is because states are helpless in
such matters. In all such matters we have to use our discretion. In
some places it may be easy to carry on such activities and in some
others it may be wisdom not to do so. There is, of course, no room for
cowardice on any occasion. Nor would it be proper to think that
because some people have been carrying on such activities in some
particular states, we also may do so in others. Whether or not the
Congress activities should be carried on in a particular state should
depend on conditions in that state and the skill of the worker.

302. LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI
February 5, 1930
CHI. DEVDAS,
I have your letter. There was also a long letter which deserved to
be read by all. So I had it passed on to Mahadev, who may already
have sent you some reply. Your letter of today has not impressed me.
The earlier one did. In today’s letter I notice fatigue. The meanings
you read in the speeches of Benn and the Viceroy are forced. If you
read my recent articles carefully you will find in them the answers to
all your arguments. The eleven points I have put forward1 have
silenced even a bitter critic of mine like Natarajan. He believes that my
demand is perfectly just. Why don’t you understand that neither Benn
nor the Viceroy is willing to concede even a single one of those
demands or could do so even if he were willing? To make that
possible responsible Englishmen will have to educate the British
public opinion. Till that is done nothing is possible.
Vallabhbhai does not at all have the feeling you attribute to him.
I asked Vallabhbhai and he told me positively that he did not in the
least feel as you thought he did. He gave me his clear opinion that
after the Viceroy’s reply nothing else is possible. You must be
observing what Raja is doing at present. Or do you think that he is
striving so hard in Madras against his better judgment merely to
please me? From his letter I see that the effect of the 26th January
celebration has been unexpected. Even the papers which had
beenagainst us have now become silent. What more can I write to
console you?
303. LETTER TO RANI VIDYAVATI

February 5, 1930
DEAR SISTER,
I have received your letter. If somebody takes away our
spinning- wheel by force, we must spin on a takli. If even the takli is
taken away, we can prepare takli from a piece of bamboo and spin on
it. If even this is not possible let us not feel that the yajna has been
1
Vide “Clearing the Issue”, 30-1-1930.

violated.
It would be wonderful if you could work in a village. Where is
Lakshmi Devi? How is your health? Why have you written in pencil?
Are you cheerful?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Rani Vidyavati Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library
304. THE ISSUE

I gladly publish the foregoing circular letter 1 . I have the
privilege of knowing Mr. Horace Alexander personally, and I believe
him to be a true friend. Common courtesy demands utmost frankness
at this stage. I am as anxious as he and other English friends for
honest co-operation as between equals. But the element of equality is
wanting. The interview broke on the one single issue of Dominion
Status, but not as Mr. Alexander puts it. No promise was asked for,
‘that the outcome of the Conference would be the immediate
establishment of full Dominion Status’. In the words of the Viceroy
this is what was asked for:
On behalf of the congress Party the view was expressed that unless
previous assurances were given by His Majesty’s Government that the purpose
of the Conference was to draft a scheme for Dominion Status which His
Majesty’s Government would undertake to support, there would be grave
difficulty about Congress participation.
This is totally different from what Mr. Horace Alexander has
understood. Both Lord Irwin and the Cabinet must have their own
opinion apart from Simon Commission. That the latter has been a
misfit and misfire everybody knows, though it may not be diplomatic
to acknowledge it. If the farce of the Commission needs to be kept up
for hoodwinking the British electorate, it is bad game at which the
Indian reformer should not be invited to play. In the language of the
man in the street, unless the reformer knows that he has in the Cabinet
and the Viceroy his staunch supporters, he may not attend the
Conference except to court disaster. If all the parties that are likely to
1
Not reproduced here. In his letter, Horace G. Alexander had described how
most English people remained in complete ignorance of Indian conditions and
concluded: “Whatever may come, I believe you will not forget that you have friends in
England, and you will not forget, as I hope we shall not either, that we are all children
of one Father, even though some of us may be erring children. With sincere good
wishes for a year that may still belie our fears and more than justify our hopes, . . .”

be invited could agree upon what they want, they would not need to
go to London to demonstrate the fact. The Viceroy knows, the world
knows, that the parties that are supposed to represent Indian opinion
do not agree and are not likely to agree just yet. For them to beinvited
to London for any proposal they may wish to make is to accentuate
their differences. The fact is that there is really only one party in the
country that has weight with the masses. It is the congress. There is
perfect agreement among Congressmen as to the demand. But I am
free to confess that the Congress does not yet command such
recognition from the Government. It has not yet the sanction behind it
for enforcing its will. If therefore the Congress sends representatives
to a heterogeneous conference, it must know definitely what the
British Government intend doing. It must not have an open mind as to
what India should have. The Conference, therefore, to serve any useful
purpose, must necessarily have only one thing in view, i.e., to frame or
recommend a scheme of Dominion Status (now independence) to suit
India’s needs. This Lord Irwin could not do; hence the break. The
other points raised by Mr. Alexander were never reached at the
interview. But there never has been any indication of a real change in
the British policy. Political prosecutions, or to speak more correctly,
political persecution has never ceased. And it cannot cease unless the
British residents in India will be content to live only on the goodwill
of the people. And this they will not do, so long as they consider it to
be their right to exploit the starving masses of this land. Every
approach to the Indian problem is made by them on the basis that
British commerce must not suffer. Congressmen hold that British
commerce as it is carried on today must suffer a radical change if
India is at all to live.
305. SOME IMPLICATIONS

Well might the points suggested by me as for immediate
attention1 raise a storm of indignation in the British Press. They mean
more to the British investor, and in fact every Britisher, than Dominion
Status or even Independence. Dominion Status or independence
may conceivably be hedged in with stipulations that may make it
impossible for India to get rid of the burdens that have brought her to
the verge of utter starvation. Hitherto progress towards the so-called
constitutional freedom has meant more burdens upon the dumb
millions and more money into the pockets of the Britisher. And
1

British imagination pictures to itself an India under Dominion
Statusremaining a perpetual El Dorado for the British. If Dominion
Status is feared, it is because the reality of it would mean ability to
undo continuing wrongs and therefore unjust burdens whether in the
shape of Government of India loans or guarantees given to the
military and the civil services, or favours shown to British
manufactures at the expense of India, or concessions granted to the
British trader, capitalist or prospector.
Whether therefore a bona fide Round Table Conference comes
today or the day after, it is as well to know the truth lying behind the
remarkable demonstration of 26th ultimo. The masses feel that the
Congress will remove the burdens which they vaguely feel but cannot
describe. I venture to claim that in formulating the eleven points, I
have somewhat and to the extent of my ability given a concrete shape
to their feeling.
It is not difficult to understand the resentment felt in England
over the ‘demands’ nor the hysterics of Sir Malcom Hailey over the
idea of repudiating debts in any circumstance whatsoever. Yet that is
precisely what every ward, when he comes of age, has the right to do.
If he finds the trustee having buttered his own bread at the ward’s
expense, he makes the trustee pay for his malpractices or
misappropriation or breach of trust or whatever other name by which
his selfishness may be described. There will thus be no atmosphere for
a dispassionate examination of the case of the dumb masses either in
India or in England till the Englishmen realize that they must part
with some of the ill-gotten gains and cease in future to expect the
inflow to England of millions that are annually drained from India
under one pretext or another. If the stopping of the drain means a
revision of the tastes of the city people of this land who live upon the
commission they make from their British principals, it means also that
the British as a whole will have to revise their tastes by reason of the
sudden stoppage of the millions looted from India for their sakes.
It is clear, that the riches derived from the tillers of the soil are
not a voluntary contribution or a contribution compelled for their
benefit. The villages are not affected by the Pax Britannica so-called;
for they were untouched even by the invasions of Timur or
Nadirshah. They will remain untouched by anarchy if it comes. But in
order that this enormous contribution may be exacted without
resistance, violence has been organized by the British Government on
a scale unknown before and manipulated in so insidious a manner as
not to be easily seen or felt as such. British rule has appeared to me to
be a perfect personification of violence. There are snakes that by
theirvery appearance paralyse their victims. They do not need to make

any further demonstration of their power. Even so, I am sorry to have
to say, has the British power worked upon us in India. Frightfulness is
not a word of: Indian coinage. It was coined by a British judge 1 in
order to bring vividly to light the meaning of Jallianwala massacre.
And we are promised a multiple, if we dare lift up our heads and say:
‘We will have no more of this loot that has bled India dry.’
Let us, too, understand how organized violence works and is on
that account far more harmful than sporadic, thoughtless, sudden
outburst. Ordered violence hides itself often behind camouflage and
hypocrisy as we see them working through the declarations of good
intentions, commissions, conferences and the like, or even through
measures conceived as tending to the public benefit but in reality to
the benefit of the wrongdoer. Greed and deceit are often the offspring
as they are equally often the parents of violence. Naked violence
repels like the naked skeleton shorn of flesh, blood and the velvety
skin. It cannot last long. But it persists fairly long when it wears the
mask of peace and progress so-called.
Such awe-inspiring violence concealed under a ‘golden lid’
begets the violence of the weak which in its turn works secretly and
sometimes openly.
Non-violence has to work in the midst of this double violence.
But if it is the supreme law governing mankind, it must be able to
make its way in the face of the heaviest odds. Violence such as we
have to face may well make us cowards utterly unable to discover the
method of working non-violence. If therefore the forces of violence
arrayed against us cannot be checkmated during our time, it would be
no proof of the futility of non-violence, it would certainly be proof of
the pervading cowardice.
The greatest obstacle in the path of non-violence is the presence
in our midst of the indigenous interests that have sprung up from
British rule, the interests of monied men, speculators, scrip holders,
land-holders, factory owners and the like. All these do not always
realize that they are living on the blood of the masses, and when they
do, they become as callous as the British principals whose tools
and agents they are. If like the Japanese samurai they could but
realize that they must give up their blood-stained gains, the battle
is won for non-violence. It must not be difficult for them to see
that the holding of millions is a crime when millions of their ownkith
and kin are starving and that therefore they must give up their agency.
No principal has yet been found able to work without faithful agents.
1
Jastice Rankin; vide “Congress Report on the Punjab Disorders”, 25-3-1920.

But non-violence has to be patient with these as with the British
principals. The aim of the non-violent worker must ever be to convert.
He may not however wait endlessly. When therefore the limit is
reached, he takes risks and conceives plans of active satyagraha which
may mean civil disobedience and the like. His patience is never
exhausted to the point of giving up his creed. But working in a hostile
atmosphere, he runs the risk of forces of violence, which till then were
held under check from mutual fear, being let loose through the
restraint of such fear being removed. The Government will spread out
its red paws in what it will call self-defence, the party of violence may
commit the mistake of seeing its chance of coming out in the open.
The non-violent party must then prove its creed by being ground to
powder between the two millstones. If there is such a party, all is well
for India and the world. My hope and plans are built upon
an ever-increasing faith in the existence of that party of true
non-violence.
306. NOTES
THE F INISHING TOUCH
It will be remembered that the Broomfield Committee 1 , whilst
holding that the Bardoli peasants’ complaints were substantially
justified, and cancelling the enhanced assessment to the extent of
something over 89,379 rupees, still recommended a net increase of Rs.
30,806 over the old assessment. But there was a legal flaw about this
recommendation. Government seem to have rectified the error by
revising the assessment in something like 40 villages, and now they are
making arrangements for giving full effect to the Broomfield
Committee’s recommendations about the rectification of errors in the
classification of lands and kindred matters. The net result of all this
might amount to, in effect, a restoration of the old assessment of the
Taluk. That would put a finishing touch to the success of that historic
struggle. No wonder that an English friend, writing to Mahadev Desai
about his Story of Bardoli, says, “Lahore made me feel most
scepticalof the power of India to work unitedly and effectively for
swaraj, but the Story of Bardoli has more than answered my fears.”
Though both the Lahore demonstration and the Bardoli struggle
were offshoots of the Congress, the difference the English friend
noticed is easily explained. The Lahore demonstration was the whole
1
Comprising R. S. Broomfield and R. M. Maxwell

Congress at its best and its worst. It necessarily included every variety
of character. Moreover it was the yearly deliberative function. The
Bardoli struggle on the other hand was a Congress body in action. It
was Congressmen who conceived it. The Sardar1 himself was the
President of the Provincial Congress Committee, and he mobilized the
whole resources of the Committee for the struggle. The forces of
violence were hushed in the presence of non-violent action. It remains
to be seen how the all-India struggle for independence will shape. The
law that governed the Bardoli struggle which centred round a local
grievance will govern the greater struggle for independence. The
partakers will have to be strictly non-violent; they will have to visualize
the grievance of slavery as the Bardoli peasant visualized the grievance
of an unjust assessment; they will have to submit to the strictest
discipline even as the Bardoli peasants did.
THE P OET ON BARDOLI
The Bard of Shantiniketan 2 writing to Mahadev Desai on his
Story of Bardoli says:
I have finished your Story of Bardoli. It has the spirit of the Epic Age in
its narrative of the triumph of moral right over arbitrary powerthrough a fight
moral in character, unique in modern times. I thank you, and the leader of the
fight and the fighters, also your great guide. My blessings.
Let us all on whom the Poet showers his blessings accept them in
all humility and qualify ourselves for the task that awaits us. For if the
blessings pronounced by the great are given for something
accomplished, they also carry with them the expectation of something
greater still.
307. WHY ‘PURNA’ SWARAJ?

A fair friend writes:3
This letter raises two questions. I shall take the last first. To
qualify ‘swaraj’ is no doubt doing violence to art. The writer’s logic is
also irresistible. But very often in national and similar complex
matters logic and art have apparently to be sacrificed. In substance
that which carries out a good intention is both true logic and true art.
1
Vallabhbhai Patel
2
Rabindranath Tagore
3
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had doubted the nation’s
capacity to win independence by non-violent means and questioned the propriety of
prefixing the adjective ‘purna’ to ‘swaraj’.

‘Swaraj’ in the Congress constitution was given a double meaning; it
could be within the Empire if possible, without if necessary. A word or
an expression had therefore to be found in order to connote the last
meaning only. We could not do without the word ‘swaraj’. Hence the
expedience of ‘purna swaraj’. I admit that it does not sound well to
the ear. But if it carries out the nation’s meaning as it does, it will
presently sound well. We could not have managed with a dubious
word.
The second question is more difficult to dispose of. But
attainment of swaraj means conquest over all difficulties. Non-
violence or rather non-violent men are on their trial. They have to
find out the best method of offering battle in spite of the violent
atmosphere surrounding them. Non-violence is not of much
consequence if it can flourish only in a congenial atmosphere. It is
not then non-violence. It may easily be fear of being hurt. But my
reading of the national temper is somewhat different from the
friend’s. Dissensions and squabbles do not affect those who have
ultimately to take part in the struggle. The latter will instinctively react
to active non-violence. But whether they do or not, the party of
non-violence must now use up all its resources. There can be no more
waiting without its creed being laughed at or itself being thoroughly
and rightly discredited. If it cannot act, it must own its incapacity and
retire from the field of battle.
308. CONFUSION OF THOUGHT

A correspondent who is an honours graduate and an LL.B.
writes:1
This letter shows how even a trained lawyer can become
confused when he is obsessed with an idea. The group that would not
have liked the interview to succeed is the very group I had in mind.
They are not the avowed enemies of India, but they are ‘deluded
patriots’. The other group the writer refers to could never concoct a
plot to assassinate the Viceroy for whose protection they are paid. Of
course nothing is impossible, but we can only act on probabilities.
Moreover the outrage deserves condemnation even if the plotter was a
person belonging to a Government department. The Congress could
1
The letter is not reproduced here. Referring to Gandhiji’s article “Cult of the
Bomb”, 2-1-1930, the correspondent had written that the bomb outrage might have
been manoeuvred by the guardians of law and order to justify their existence or
magnify their importance.

not pass the incident by without laying itself open to the charge of
hypocrisy or criminal indifference about its own creed.
And why am I guilty of participating in violence when I
condemn the outrage? Condemnation or no condemnation, the
Government would go its own way in trying to find out the guilty
parties. I would be participator in violence if I approved of the penal
code and its sanctions. If I had my way I would fling open doors of
prisons and discharge even murderers. But I know that in holding this
opinion, I am in the proud position of being in the minority of one. I
must not however take up the valuable time of the reader by
discussing my pet theories about crimes and punishments.
The writer pays poor compliment to the party of violence or by
whatever name it may be called, when he imputes to them fear of
death. They forfeited their lives when they dedicated themselves to
their creed. That they keep themselves in hiding does not mean that
they fear death, but it means that they want to hang on to life as long
as possible so as to carry out their project. They stand in no need of
my protection, active or passive. They know that I hold their lives as
dear as my own, but they know too that I am a determined enemy
oftheir creed. But my enmity resolves itself into an attempt to convert
them to my own. Condemnation of the outrage was a method of
conversion. That it may fail in its purpose does not affect it. I must act
according to my lights and leave the result to the Higher Power.
Lastly, the writer’s complaint that I had not a word to say about
the policy that is responsible for the existence of the cult of the bomb
shows what a superficial reader of Young India he must be. He must
know that almost every issue of Young India contains some
condemnation of the Government policy. What perhaps he means is
that I should have said something about it in the very article. Well, it
would have been wholly irrelevant, and what is more, my analysis of
the doings of the cult would have lost much of its force. The point to
be made in the article was that violence was ineffective, no matter how
wicked was the policy of the Government.
309. “KHADI PRADARSHAK”

The book series called Navajivan Mala of the Shuddha Khadi
Bhandar of Calcutta has already been mentioned by me in a former
issue of Hindi Navajivan. I have, today, before me the booklet Khadi
Pradarshak published by this Bhandar. This is the fifteenth number
of the series. Besides the eight pages of appendix, it has eighty-six

pages and costs only four annas. This booklet is a Hindi translation of
the Khadi Guide published by the Charkha Sangh. A lot of
information has been given in this guide. It gives particulars of the
progress of khadi in every province, the output and the sales in each
one of them. Every person who loves khadi should have a copy of this
booklet. There are several addresses where the books of Navajivan
Mala are obtainable. The principal one is 132/1 Harrison Road,
Calcutta.
[From Hindi]
310. VARNADHARMA AND DUTY OF LABOUR1 I

Questions asked and my answers to them are given below:
Q : Do you accept the duty of [bread] labour expounded by Tolstoy ?
A: Yes, certainly.
Q: Do you expect that every person should do all his work himself ?
A: I do not expect it and I do not think it practicable; Tolstoy
too did not consider this essential. Man’s dependence is no less than
his independence. So long as he remains in society, and remain he
must, he has to curtail his independence to fit into that of others, that
is, society. Therefore it can only be said that each person, as far as it is
possible, must do his work himself; that is to say, I may fill a mug for
my use, but may not dig a well myself. Not to fill the mug is pride; to
plan or begin digging a well is stupidity. One must, therefore, exercise
discretion in deciding whether a task is to be done by oneself or with
the help of others.
Q: Do you wish that all should earn their livelihood by the sweat of the
brow ?
A: Certainly. Everyone does not do so and that is why dire
poverty has arisen in the world and especially so in India. This is also
the main cause of ill health and the immense greed for acquisition of
wealth. If all earned their livelihood by physical work, greed would
decrease and much of the power to acquire wealth would weaken
automatically. If physical labour is done, ill health will almost
disappear and the greatest gain will be the complete obliteration of the
distinction between high and low in society.
[From Hindi]
1
Published serially in four consecutive issues of Hindi Navajivan

February 6, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I never thought you would miss the importance of the 11
points.1 However I do not propose to waste your time by arguing
when a day or two after this reaches you will be on your way to
Sabarmati. I expect you here for certain on 12th. I hope to satisfy you
that our case has been strengthened not weakened by the 11 points.
Will Kamala accompany you?
Yours,
BAPU
P ANDIT JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ANAND BHAWAN, A LLAHABAD
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
312. LETTER TO LILAVATI KODIDAS

February 6, 1930
CHI. LILAVATI,
I have your letter. It will be a good thing if you form the habit
of writing with ink and in a good hand. See that you keep hysteria at
arm’s length now. You should reason with Uncle and explain to him
that, since the jewellery is lying unused, it would be better to [sell it
and] get interest on the money. Do not be in a hurry to return. You
are, however, free to return as soon as you can do so with complete
peace of mind. Live on milk and fruit.
Blessings from
BAPU
S MT. L ILAVATIBEHN KODIDAS
C/ O MR. D WARKADAS GORULDAS
KALBADEVI, B OMBAY NO. 2
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 9271
1

February 7, 1930
BHAI MANILAL,
It would be better if you slowed down a little even for the sake
of the service which you are yearning to take up. Humbly recognizing
that nobody’s service is indispensable to the world, we should serve
only within the limits of our physical capacity. If we imagine that
though ill, we should climb heights and earn the applause of the world
it will never do. Rather we should regard it as ignorance to do such a
thing. I am firmly of the view that no harm would have come to
Rajkot if you had not addressed a public meeting for one hour at
Wadhwan. Now take complete rest. If you cannot do so there, come
here or go to Chorvad. Observe self-control in eating. You can eat
allthe sweets you like after you have recovered. Know that moderation
in eating is a hundred times more beneficial than fasting.
Regarding the car, write a polite letter to the Thakore Saheb of
Morvi and ask him. No satyagraha is going on against him at present.
From the Gujarati original: Chhaganlal Gandhi Papers. Courtesy: Sabarmati
Sangrahalaya
314. A LETTER
February 8, 1930
I have your letter. I see some risk in holding the conference at
present. It is likely to produce unnecessary bitterness. It will not be
possible to prevent trouble-makers from getting in. They may harm
our work by making or inspiring all sorts of demands and forcing
unsatisfactory replies. Our duty is to go on doing what we can and be
content to satisfy as well as we can those who bear real hardships. This,
however, is only a personal opinion expressed without knowledge of
the actual circumstances. It need not therefore be given more
importance than it deserves.
Sangrahalaya

315. A LETTER
February 8, 1930
Condemning the wicked does not necessarily betray want of
moderation. The condemnation is not of the wicked but of their
wickedness. We often criticize the English in strong language, but we
never wish ill of them. From that we claim that we condemn not the
wicked but their wickedness. As a matter of fact the word condem-
nation is wrongly used here. There is no condemnation of the crow in
calling it black, but there is of the swan in calling it black. Saying that
Yudhishthira resorted to falsehood on one occasion in his life is not to
condemn him, but saying that he was a coward because he did not
protect Draupadi when she was being disrobed is condemning him
and shows one’s ignorance. If you understand this distinction, my
meaning, will become clear to you. Bowing in respect both to the
saintly and the unsaintly may be regarded as an explanatory comment
on Chapter XVI of the Gita. There the description of the demoniac
nature was necessary in order to explain the meaning of the divine
nature and show its excellence by contrast.
Sangrahalaya

S ABARMATI ASHRAM,
February 8, 1930
2
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I have your letter. There is no need to be humble in the criticism
of the wicked. In such criticism, you criticise wickedness, not the
wicked. We speak ill of the British many a time but we never wish
them ill. From that, we can claim that the criticism is of wickedness
and not that of the wicked. In fact, the word ‘criticism’ is wrongly
used here. Calling a crow black is not criticism of the crow but calling
a swan black, is criticism. It is not a criticism of Yudhisthir when we
say that he lied once in his life, but to call him a coward because he
did not rescue Draupadi when she was being derobed, is his criticism.
It is ignorance. What I want to say will be clear to you if you
understand the difference. Praise of saints and satan alike can be
considered criticism of the 16th chapter of the Gita. But in order to
bringout fully, the meaning of a divine temperament, and to lend it

importance, it was necessary to describe the qualities of the satan.
I understand about Chandradutt and Devidutt. It is certainly
necessary to know how the work ought to be done in the villages. I
hope you are gaining weight.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: S. N. 32941
317. MY NOTES
OUR C ARELESSNESS
A friend writes: 1
As has been stated above, there is no doubt that smokers

transgress limits, and non-smokers do not even attempt to prevent the
former from smoking, out of shame or fear. We no longer have such
respect for women that in their presence we would not smoke, would
not use obscene language or be guilty of any other discourteous
conduct!
I cannot blame the railway servants in this matter. What can they
do when passengers themselves are indifferent to their own comforts?
We should bear in mind that these persons do not take up
employment for the service of others. Moreover, even in accordance
with the law, they have no authority to prevent without reason any
passenger from smoking. This is because the regulations do not
prohibit smoking under all circumstances, but only when one
passenger objects to another doing so when the latter happens to be
smoking in a compartment which is not meant for smokers. How can
an officer know whether or not a particular passenger has been asked
not to smoke? Hence so long as any passenger does not complain,
the officer does not have the authority to prevent anyone from
smoking.
Volunteers can render much assistance in this. They can politely
reason with smokers and, if the latter are not amenable to reason, they
can complain to the officer and pull the alarm-chain and stop the
train. But I would not advise them to do this.
Difficulties are bound to arise in trying all at once to enforce a
regulation, enforcement of which has not been attempted since it was
made. Clashes too will arise. Hence, for the present, the task of the
volunteers consists in educating public opinion and in explaining to
1

the non-smokers their rights and to the smokers their limits. When the
passengers begin to understand this matter and the smokers realize
that many people are inconvenienced by their smoking, it is possible
that they will stop doing so. Moreover, a satyagrahi volunteer will not
as far as possible make anyone obey regulations by getting
himpunished. By trying to perform the duty of a policeman a
reformer often fails to perform his own duty. The dharma of a
reformer lies in trying to bring about a change of heart in those who
violate regulations. In the beginning, patience is required for doing
this but in the end the result endures and becomes widespread. Despite
this, where certain ill habits have taken root, the law where it prevails
can be helpful in eradicating them. This has happened in the past and
will also happen in the future; for instance, the task of prohibition can
be carried on very speedily if it is given the backing of law. Those
who are addicted to smoking have formed such an evil habit that they
would seldom listen to anyone however courteously they may be
approached. For the enthusiastic volunteer, therefore, this is a fine
occasion for testing his own forbearance and courtesy. In doing so,
the volunteers can also utilize this fine occasion for cultivating among
the people respect towards women. And, an attempt can be made to
prevent those who create public nuisance just as those addicted to
smoking keep doing so on all occasions without any consideration for
the feelings of others.
KHADI WHILE ABROAD
A gentleman asks:1
I do not think so. If after going abroad, it is desirable or
necessary to compete with the Britishers in all matters, why not do so
here also? With regard to virtues, we should always compete with an
enemy, with regard to vices, there can be no such competition.
Anyone who wishes to wear khadi can do so even when he is abroad.
When Pandit Motilal went abroad, he had his entire outfit—from head
to foot—made out of khadi. The definition of khadi here also
includes material which is made out of hand-spun and hand-woven
wool. It is true that I have expressed an opinion that there is no reason
to regard khadi as something compulsory when living abroad. It may
not be possible there to get the kind of khadi one requires or it may
not be possible to buy the quality one wants as it may be too
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had sought advice
whether Indians going abroad might give up khadi and compete with the British in all
matters.

expensive; in that case, it would not be regarded as adharma to buy
cloth which is mill-made but swadeshi or even that which is foreign.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-2-1930
318. “GANDHISHIKSHAN”1
Bhai Nagindas Amulakhrai writes:2
It is not surprising that I should be enamoured of my own
writings. Hence, readers will not set much store by my testimonial to
these volumes; nevertheless, those who are attracted towards Navajivan
would like to make a collection of these volumes which are available
almost at the price of its paper. My request to such persons is that they
take advantage of Bhai Nagindas’s suggestion. His address is as
follows: Sjt. Nagindas Amulakhrai, Sukhadwala Building, Ravelin
Street, Hornby Road, Bombay.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-2-1930
319. SPINNING-WHEEL WITH TWO SPINDLES3

I, too, believe that the speed of spinning can be much increased
if the sliver is of a good quality. I am a slow spinner. Hitherto I could
spin in an hour 160 rounds of 20 counts. As the slivers I am at present
using are good I am able to spin 200 rounds per hour without effort.
Good slivers are obtained when cotton pods are plucked by hand and
are free from impurities, the cotton-wool is ginned by hand so neatly
that no seeds get crushed and mixed with the cotton and, finally, such
cotton is carded carefully.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-2-1930
1
A set of thirteen volumes of Gandhiji’s teachings
2
take such note through Navajivan as he thought proper of the reduction in the price of
this set from Rs. 8-10-0 to Rs. 2-0-0.
3
These are Gandhiji’s remarks published along with an article by Prabhudas
Gandhi under this title.

320. VILLAGE ROADS1
We have seen how to remove dung-hills and prevent harm being
done to the village health and to produce from it manure worth its
weight in gold.2 We also saw how to increase village income without
much hardship by not using cow-dung for making dung-cakes for
fuel, but instead by producing manure from it. Moreover we discussed
how village health might be protected by cleaning wells and ponds
and maintaining them clean.3
Now let us consider village roads. One glance at them tells us
how tortuous they are. They look like heaps of dust just levelled.
Great hardship is caused to men walking along the roads, as also to
cattle drawing cart-loads over them. For use on such roads we have to
build heavy carts with heavy wheels, with the result that the bullock is
unnecessarily required to draw a double load. To the hardship of the
journey over roads full of dust heaps, we add the expense involved in
having to draw heavy carts. If the roads are metalled, the bullock
would draw double the load ordinarily carried, the carts would be less
expensive and the health of villagers would improve. The present state
of things illustrates the proverb, “Butter is given away with whey and,
moreover, the giver is branded a slattern.” On these roads so much
mud is formed in the rainy season that it gets highly difficult to drive
the cart through it, and men have either to swim or walk waist-deep in
water. And in addition, people get the gift of all kinds of diseases.
Where the village is an extended dung-hill, where no one takes
care of wells and ponds, where roads are what they were in
Grandfather Adam’s days, how can the state of children be any
better? The behaviour of children, their culture—everything is bound
to reflect the conditions of the village life. A look at the children will
show that they are cared for no better than the roads. To speak of this
now, however, would be to digress.
What, then, is to be done for these roads? If the spirit of
co-operation prevails among the inhabitants, with no cost or with a
little expense on account of gravel, etc., villagers can buildmetalled
roads and add to the wealth of the village. Moreover, both the young
and the old would get true education free of charge through such
co-operative activity. As far as possible, villagers should employ no
labourers for any work. The village inhabitants are mostly peasants
1
This appeared in the supplement Shikshan ane Sahitya.
2
Vide “Cowdung Cakes or Manure?”, 17-11-1929.
3
Vide “Wells and Ponds”, 12-1-1930.

and hence their own labourers.
When necessary they may ask their neighbours to help them. By
giving a little of their time to the roads daily, the village people would
soon set their roads right. To be able to do this, they should prepare a
map of the village streets and also of the approach roads leading to
neighbouring villages. Then they should arrange a programme of
work according to their capacity so that, men, women and children, all
might participate to some extent. The present state of our culture
embraces family life only. The improvement of villages depends upon
an extension of the family feeling to the whole village. The look of
our villages would be a measure of our culture. Just as every member
in a family joins in keeping the home clean, every family should be
prepared to do the same for the village. Not until this is done can the
village people live happily and become self-reliant. Today, however,
we look up for everything to the Government—for clearing
dung-hills, for making the roads and keeping them in repair, for
cleansing wells and ponds, for children’s education, for protection
against wild animals, for protection of our property, etc. This attitude
of the mind has crippled and disabled us. This helplessness goes on
ever increasing and adds to the burden of taxes. If all the villagers
regard themselves answerable for the cleanliness, the neatness and the
safety of the place they live in, most of the necessary improvement
would take place immediately and almost without cost. Moreover, with
increased facilities for travel and transport and with improved health,
the economic condition of the village would also improve.
Some application of intellect is certainly needed for cleaning the
roads. I have already spoken of the road map. All the villages do not
have the same kind of facilities for building good metalled roads.
Some villages may have stone, but in several regions of Bihar no
amount of search would find any stone. What ways should be adopted
to make strong roads is left to the volunteers contemplated in this
series of articles. Let him go and examine the neighbourhood. Let
him see if there is anything worth learning from Government methods
in the matter. One could certainly adopt such Government methods
for making strong roads as are suitable. At times we might come
across village elders who have much practical knowledge of
suchmatters. The village worker should have no hesitation in finding
and using such talent in the countryside. As in other matters, so in this
one of making strong roads, let the village worker make a beginning
by setting an example with his own personal labour.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-2-1930

321. LETTER TO PURSHOTTAMDAS THAKURDAS
February 9, 1930
MY DEAR SIR PURSHOTTAMDAS
I thank you for your letter1 .
I must not enter into argument with you, for argument is useless
when conviction on either side is deep-seated. I can only give you my
assurance that I shall take no hasty step. A risky step need not
necessarily be a hasty step.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S IR P URSHOTTAMDAS THAKURDAS
BIRLA HOUSE, A LBUQUERQUE R OAD
NEW DELHI
Purshottamdas Thakurdas Papers, File No. 96, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru
322. LETTER TO R. B. MOTWANI

February 9, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
I have your letter.
The problem you present should not cause any difficulty to a
real lover of his country. He will neither marry nor fall other wise.
Love of the country should be sufficient to keep him untouched by
base passions.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
R. B. MOTWANI
C/ O S IND C ENTRAL C O-OPERATIVE BANK , L TD .
KARACHI (SIND )
1
Wherein the addressee had written: “I do not believe India will benefit either
now or within a few decades by revolution as much as by a process of evolution. . . . If
the constitution is not sufficiently changed after the Conference in London as to
make us masters in our own house . . . I can understand your impatience. But to resort
to civil disobedience during the brief intervening period does strike me as being a
hasty step.”

February 9, 1930
BHAISHRI MANILAL,
. . .1 Shankerlal is not here at present. It is within his authority to
call for the figures you have asked for. I have sent your letter to the
Charkha Sangh office and asked for the figures. But I am afraid you
are unnecessarily prejudiced against Harjivan 2 . Harjivan is an
experienced man. He has won the confidence of all his superiors. He
is a capable and self-sacrificing worker. He cannot take more profit
and put it in a safe. He keeps accurate accounts. The Charkha Sangh
has not accepted the policy of taking limited profit on all varieties of
cloth, but has adopted the policy of limited profit on the total stock
and permitted more profit on some special varieties of cloth because
on some other varieties it takes even less than the permitted limited
profit. For instance, there should be no objection to taking 100 per
cent profit on khadi lace, while on dhoti no profit need be taken or
very little if at all. Some things may even be sold at loss. Business can
be carried on only in this way.
Kashmiri items are made for luxury-loving people like you and
me, while the khadi sold in the general market is for persons who do
not know patriotism but are forced to adopt simplicity. Hence some of
the things are sold even at a loss. If you have anything to say against
this policy adopted by the Charkha Sangh you may certainly do so.
You and I get from friends money for first-class fare when we ask
them for third class. Similarly we get the costliest variety of Kashmiri
shawl when we ask for an ordinary Kashmiri shawl. And when we ask
for dates from an orchard we get dates neatly packed inelegant boxes
more expensive than the dates. If we condemn the people taking
profit on such dates and shawls, don’t you think we would degrade
ourselves? How many crores do you think there would be in India
who consumed such dates and wore such shawls? As I am dictating
this letter I have in front of me a Kashmiri shawl which would cost not
less than twenty-five or thirty rupees. And though I know this, I am
shamelessly using it every day. I hope you will understand my
meaning.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Chhaganlal Gandhi Papers. Courtesy: Sabarmati
Sangrahalaya
1
Omission as in the source
2
Harjivan Kotak, A. I. S. A. representative in Srinagar

324. LETTER TO JYOTI PRAKASH
ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
February 9, 1930
BHAISHRI 5 JYOTI PRAKASH,
I have received your letter. Do include the Ramayana in the

curriculum. Keep sending me your diary every week. Give each
hour’s account of your activities in it.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI JYOTI P RAKASH
LALA GYAN P RAKASHJI MASTER
R AMJAS S CHOOL , N O. 2
ANAND P ARBAT
DELHI
From the Hindi original: S.N. 34066
325. LETTER TO CHHOTUBHAI PATEL

February 10, 1930
BHAI CHHOTUBHAI,
It saves me time to write out a reply instead of asking you to

come over. When one comes across a suitable girl one can hardly
resist the temptation to marry. You may, if you can, overcome the
temptation, if you are convinced of the greatness of brahmacharya. If
you insist more and more on qualifications in the bride, you would
find no one eligible. You would find them all [fit] to be your sisters;
but no one to be your wife.
Blessings from
BAPU

326. LETTER TO KUNVARJI PAREKH
ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
February 12, 1930
CHI. KUNVARJI,
I have your letter. Chi. Rami will leave for Rajkot by the 6th or
the 7th 1 . Will that be all right and serve the purpose? I hope you are
keeping good health.
Blessings from
BAPU
327. AN ADVOCATE’S DILEMMA

The following2 from an advocate has been passed on to me for
reply:
The dilemma is there. My sympathies and my opinion are with
the advocate. But the argument goes deeper than the advocate has
carried it. When I use a postage stamp or a coin bearing the King’s
portrait, I seem to belie my profession of independence. When I obey
a policeman’s instructions or pay taxes, I acknowledge the King’s
authority. And some of these things I should be doing even if we
declared an independent parallel government which we have not as
yet. How am I to solve the puzzle? Must I, because I do not or cannot
go the ‘whole hog’, continue to bear allegiance to the King? One
escape from the dilemma is to withdraw all such voluntary
co-operation as it is possible for me to withdraw and as is calculated to
diminish the prestige and the authority of that rule. The Congress
could not go further than it did without weaning from it a large
number of useful and able workers. Experience has shown that the
Congress organization breaks down where lawyers withdraw their
assistance. They have from the very commencement taken the most
active and effective part in the Congress. It is unfortunate, that the
other classes still feel powerless to run Congress Committees without
the assistance of lawyers. They are called officers of the Court. They
know what foreign rule means. By training they are the fittest to carry
1
According to the Gujarati calendar
2
Not reproduced here. The correspondent had asked how a practising lawyer
owing allegiance to the King could be a member of the Congress after the
independence resolution.

on political agitation when they are honestly and patriotically moved.
They have undoubtedly done much for the national movement, but
much more is expected from them. And I have no doubt, that when
the movement demands from them the last sacrifice, many if not all of
them will prove equal to it. Meanwhile since the Congress has not
declared boycott of law-courts, the matter rests with individual
conscience. Where, consistently with it, a lawyer cannot both practise
and remain in the Congress and cannot give up practice, he may give
up Congress, and still help it as effectively as if he was in it, provided
of course that he believes in independence being the right andthe duty
of every Indian to work for and achieve. I may mention incidentally
that many lawyers think that they have a lien on the Congress, and
they resent as intrusion the advent of laymen to office, whereas they
should deem it a privilege to prepare laymen to take office and make
them feel that, if they the laymen have bravery and sacrifice, they can
run Congress organizations just as well as lawyers. Indeed there are
today several Committees that are being efficiently and ably managed
by non-professional men. The movement in that direction however
needs to receive a much greater impetus. We want a Committee in
every one of the seven hundred thousand villages. Thank God we
have not got in all India even seventy thousand lawyers. Cobblers,
scavengers, tanners, tailors, bricklayers and the like should be found
willing and able to work Congress Committees. The educated few can
hasten the event, if they will.
328. ‘THE DUTY OF LAWYERS’

The first number of the English edition of the bulletin of the
Organizing Committee of the International Juridical Conference has
been on my file for the past three or four months. The bulletin is
edited by a Board of Directors drawn from Austria, Czekoslovakia,
Cuba, France, Germany, Holland, Indonesia, Mexico, Poland and
Venezuela. The Organizing Secretary is Dr. Alfred Apfel of Berlin
where the bulletin is issued. The editorial notice says that the bulletin
is only a temporary publication. The opening article is headed the
‘Duty of Lawyers’ from which I take the following two interesting
sections 1 as being not irrelevant in the present times in India.
1
Not reproduced here. The extracts described how the fundamental rights in a
democracy are abridged through the creation of extraordinary courts and emergency
laws and the attitude a jurist should adopt in the situation.

329. MY INCONSISTENCIES
Thus writes Sjt. Trivikramrav, a Bezwada barrister:1
Some others have also written much in the same fashion. I must
admit my many inconsistencies. But since I am called ‘Mahatma’, I
might well endorse Emerson’s saying that ‘foolish consistency is the
hobgoblin of little minds’. There is, I fancy, a method in my
inconsistencies. In my opinion there is a consistency running through
my seeming inconsistencies, as in nature there is a unity running
through seeming diversity.
Boycott of legislatures is wholly consistent with the demand for
the reforms suggested in the eleven points.2 I would myself sit if need
be in a legislature in which the passage of the reforms is assured. But
the existing legislatures are powerless to pass most of those measures
if any at all. I have not said that the struggle for independence is to
cease the moment [the] eleven points are gained. What I have said is
that, if they are gained, the Congress will lift the ban on the
Conference and that civil disobedience will be suspended. The points
were mentioned in order to prevent the misconception that the
Viceroy’s speech had given rise to. Even an Independence
Constitution is not an end in itself. Independence is wanted in order to
remove the grievous defects of the present rule. Independence means
at least those eleven points, if it means anything at all to the masses,
the man in the street. Mere withdrawal of the English is not
independence. It means the consciousness in the average villager that
he is the maker of his own destiny, he is his own legislator through his
chosen representatives. The eleven points are some of the vital tests of
the villager’s authority. The very letter of the Bezwada barrister shows
how necessary it was to clear the issue. By mentioning the eleven
points I have given a body in part to the elusive word independence. I
should be prepared to reconsider my attitude towards the legislatures
if the legislators can accomplish the things covered by the eleven
points. And if they are covered, I should have no hesitation in
advising Congress representation at the Conference where
independence could be made the basis.For I do conceive the
possibility of a conference even for discussingan Independence
Constitution.
1
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had pointed to the
inconsistency of advocating boycott of legislatures while voicing ‘minimum
demands’ and allowing Congressmen to associate with local bodies.
2

As to the local bodies, I am aware of my weakness. I have little
faith in their substantial usefulness. I admit that they have led to bad
blood and disgraceful wrangling. But one cannot take things by storm
in a vast body like the Congress. There is no question now of
capturing local bodies. A wise and selfless man, when he finds that he
can render no service through these bodies, will retire from them as
did Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai and Babu Rajendra
Prasad.
As for my leadership, if I have it, it has not come for any
seeking, it is a fruit of faithful service. A man can as little discard such
leadership as he can the colour of his skin. And since I have become
an integral part of the nation, it has to keep me with all my faults and
shortcomings, of some of which I am painfully conscious and of
many others of which candid critics, thanks be to them, never fail to
remind me. Of this however I am certain, that if they and those who
would never criticize me will have the patience to understand
my programme and have the steadfastness to follow it, purna swaraj is
near.
330. TREATMENT OF SMALLPOX

Friends have pressed me to publish the modes of the treatment
of smallpox patients. The Udyoga Mandir has not escaped the
infection. There have been in all seven cases in the Mandir. One has
proved fatal. It is possible to say that that case was not treated like the
rest. It was an early case, and I feel guilty of having shown want of
firmness. Contrary to my conviction, the girl remained without
hydropathic treatment and was permitted even to take solid food. The
treatment adopted in the cases that have recovered or that I hope will
recover was:
l. Complete rest;
2. Free ventilation;
3. Light received through a red medium;
4. No solid food, and milk diluted with equal quantity of
water when there was no fever; otherwise orange juice or dried grapes
juice;
5 Occasional opening medicine and regular enema;
6. Wet sheet pack. Rolling the patient in a sheet wrung out of
cold water and put between blankets till perspiration.
During the 1915 epidemic I had two very serious cases of

confluent smallpox. I knew nothing then of red light treatment. In the
1916 cases the boys were given a bath daily with hot water in which
neem leaves were boiled. This was regarded by me somewhat a
substitute for Condy’s fluid. After convalescence the boys were
stronger than before.
The treatment given in a book called Why Vaccinate by Harold
W. Whiston, price 6d., published in Macclesfield by Claye, Brown and
Claye is copied below.1 The book can be also had from the National
Anti-Vaccination League, 50 Parliament Street, London, S.W.
I have no doubt that more people die of fright than of disease
itself. I notice this fright even in my children who, poor things, have
been taught from childhood to dread the disease. There is no reason
whatsoever that smallpox is any more fatal than many other diseases.
Smallpox yields to nature’s treatment just as well as any other illness.
It is nature’s way of purging the body of latent poison. In order to
drive away the fright and to prevent simple people from rushing to the
vaccination depot, I give the most salient passages from the book to
show how unnecessary, even dangerous and filthy the practice of
vaccination is.
This is how a medical man describes the process of preparing
lymph :2
The following emphatic testimony 3 against vaccination of Dr.
Walter R. Hadwen will be read with interest.
There is ample other medical evidence against vaccination
collected in the booklet.
331. NOTES
AMAZING IGNORANCE
The Secretary, C. P. (Marathi) Congress Committee, writes:
In the C. P. Legislative Council, while opposing the motion of
Mr. G. R. Pradhan, recommending to the Local Government a grant of amnesty
to political prisoners, etc., Mr. Gordon on behalf of the Local Government is
reported to have stated that offenders like Avari, who incited murders and
preached open violence, would never be pardoned by the Government.
The ignorance of some of these officials is equalled only by
their arrogance. They do not even care to study the facts on which
1
Not reproduced here
2
ibid.
3
ibid.

they claim to speak with authority. If Mr. Gordon had taken the
trouble to inquire, he would have discovered that Sjt. Avari had never
incited to murder or violence. Whatever his faults, he was never guilty
of incitement to violence. And Mr. Gordon added injury to insult by
associating Sjt. Avari’s name with pardon. If I know him at all, I know
that he will never be guilty of asking for pardon. As a satyagrahi that
he has always professed to be, he could not ask for pardon. If he
commits an offence, he serves his deserved punishment; if he seeks
imprisonment as a civil resister, he could never seek pardon.
MORE TEMPLES OPENED
The Anti-Untouchability Committee appointed by the Working
Committee is making steady progress. It reports that eight more
temples owned by the Telugu Munurvar community residing in
cosmopolitan Bombay were declared open on 2nd instant to the
so-called ‘untouchables’. This opening was no hurried matter. The
proposal was discussed in various meetings of the community, and the
temples were thrown open to the ‘untouchables’ only when there was
almost complete unanimity. At the last meeting presided over by
Advocate Sayaji Lakshman Silam, member of the Corporation, there
was only one dissentient when the final vote was taken. The resolution
also appealed to the suppressed brethren to carry out internal reforms
The Committee further reports that Dr. Patwardhan of
Amraoti, President of the Hanuman Vyayam Prasarak Mandal, which
has 4 branches in the town besides the Central Gymnasium which
alone has a daily attendance of about 1,000 boys, and which has about
50 branches throughout Berar, has addressed a letter to the Secretary,
Anti-Untouchability Committee, in the course of which he says:1
Boys of the so-called untouchable classes are admitted to our gymnasiums
along with the boys of the so-called caste Hindus on terms of absolute
equality, and no distinction whatever is made as to their instruction or
treatment....
These are encouraging events. All the parties concerned deserve
congratulations. But for the ready atmosphere Advocate Silam could
never have carried the whole of the Munurvar community with him.
Dr. Patwardhan’s letter does not surprise me. He is an old worker in
the field, and it would have been surprising indeed if he had been
found behind the times. Let us hope that before long temples and
institutions shutting their doors against the suppressed classes will be
among the exceptions and not the rule as they still unfortunately are
today. The appeal made by the Munurvars to the suppressed class for
internal reform is quite relevant. The two movements, internal reform
1
Only an extract is reproduced here.

by the latter and repentance by the so-called ‘touchables’, should go
hand in hand.
OVERCROWDING IN TRAINS
Sjt. T. N. Sharma of Anandaniketan, Andhra Desha, writes:1 In
my opinion the idea of stopping the train by pulling the chain to
avoid overcrowding is quite sound. If the railway authorities enforce
the rule of numbers for 1st and 2nd class compartments, why will they
not for the 3rd class? The overcrowding is at times suffocating as was
described the other day by Shrimati Mirabehn in these pages. 2 It is
largely greed of profits that makes the authorities indifferent to the
comfort of the uncomplaining submissive 3rd class passengers who
provide the profits, not 1st and 2nd class passengers. It will be
interesting to know why Sjt. Shrihariray is being prosecuted if the
facts are as stated above.
F IVE C ONUNDRUMS
Sjt. P. K. Majumdar, Bar-at-Law of Jalapahar, asks the following
questions which are preceded by a long argument which I omit, as it is
contained in the questions themselves:
1. Is Man a special creation of God?
2. Does the ‘Inner Voice’ mean the ‘message of God’?
3. Defenceless as India is in the way of arms and ammunition, is it wise to
court ‘force’ from a war-equipped opponent on the off chance of being
successful by the use of ‘soul force’ with the consequent risk of civil war or
foreign invasion?
4. Does ‘soul force’ mean what a man cannot do physically but is latent in
his ‘soul’?
5. Is ‘soul’ something apart from ‘life’?
The answers are:
1. Man is a special creation of God precisely to the extent that
he is distinct from the rest of His creation.
2. The ‘Inner Voice’ may mean a message from God or from
the Devil, for both are wrestling in the human breast. Acts determine
the nature of the voice.
3. The most defenceless mouse struggles for liberty against his
born enemy the cat who is armed to the teeth. The mouse does not
court ‘force’. It is his nature to struggle though he knows that he will
be worsted in the unequal contest. It is only reserved for man to act
less than the mouse, if it is also reserved for him to act infinitely better
than the mouse by recognizing the inner power within him which has
1
The letter is not reproduced here. It described how a young man campaigned
against overcrowding in trains and how he was arrested.
2
Vide “The Third-Class Carriage”, 12-12-1929.

been known repeatedly to defy all the physical forces arrayed against
it. The risk of civil war is nothing against the fact of the existing
condition in which an enslaved India feels powerless to struggle for
freedom even to the extent that the poor mouse does.
4. Soul force begins when man recognizes that body force, be it
ever so great, is nothing compared to the force of the soul within,
which pervades not only him but all creation.
5. Soul is apart from life. The latter is conditioned by the body,
the former is not.
Since my legal correspondent has asked for my opinion as
‘senior counsel’, the fee for it is that he should give up his gown, and
wear the Congress uniform and join the battle for freedom in spite of
the odds against us. If he pays the fee, he will discover that the
opinion was worth it.
332. VARNADHARMA AND DUTY OF LABOUR–II

QUESTION: Is not the division of labour under varnashrama dharma
sufficient for the development and welfare of humanity? Which do you value
more—varnadharma or duty of labour?
ANSWER: The purport of this question is that varnadharma and
duty of labour are incompatible obligations. In fact they are not. Both
are concurrent and imperative. Varnadharma pertains to the society
and duty of labour pertains to the individual. The sages divided
society into four sections for its welfare and thereby attempted to root
out rivalry which is fatal to society. Therefore they made one varna
responsible for the growth of knowledge in society, the second
responsible for the protection of life and property in society, the third
for trade in society, and the fourth for service to society. All the four
functions were and are equally essential; therefore there was no reason
to consider one high and the other low. Adverting to the equilibrium
of scales Maharshi Vyas has indeed said that each individual by
performing the duties of his own varna acquires fitness for salvation;
whereas mutual rivalry and distinctions of high and low bring about
ruin. Varnadharma does not in the least imply that any Varian is
exempt from manual labour. The duty of labour is incumbent on
every person belonging to every varna. The Brahmin also had to
approach his guru with firewood in his hands, that is to say, he also
had to go into the forest and glean firewood and tend cattle. This
work he did for himself and his family, not for society. Only children
and cripples were exempt from such manual work.

The doctrine of manual labour for a living which Tolstoy has
expounded is a corollary of the duty of labour. Tolstoy felt that if
everyone had to do manual work then it means that man must earn his
bread by manual labour, never by mental work. In varnadharma the
work of each varna was for the welfare of society. Livelihood was not
the motive. Gain or no gain, the Kshatriya had to defend the people.
The Brahmin had to impart knowledge whether he received alms or
not. The Vaishya had to farm and tend cattle whether he earned
money or not. But Tolstoy’s doctrine that every person must do
manual work for a living is perfectly true. We come across distressing
disparities in the world today because this universal duty has
beenneglected or forgotten.Disparitics will always be there, but like
the several leaves of a tree they will look beautiful and pleasant. In the
pure varnadharma disparity is no doubt there, and when it was in its
pure form, it was pleasing, peaceful and pretty. But when several
people use their talents for amassing wealth, distrassing disparities are
created. Just as, if a teacher (Brahmin), a soldier (Kshatriya), a
businessman (Vaishya) and a carpenter (Shudra) follow their
professions for amassing wealth, not for the welfare of society, then
varnadharma is destroyed. Because in matters of duty there can be no
room for amassing In society there is need for lawyers doctors,
soldiers and others. But when they work for selfish ends they no
longer are protectors of society but become parasites on sockt.
The Gita III, 10 has expounded a great principle where it
says:
Together with sacrifice did the Lord of beings create, of old,
mankind, declaring: “By this shall ye increase; may this be to you the
giver of all your desires.:’
Now we can clearly comprehend the etymology of the word
yajna. The meaning of yajna is manual work and this is the first and
foremost act of worship of God. He has given us bodies. Without food
the body cannot exit and without labour food cannot be produced.
That is why manual labour has become a universal duty. This duty of
labour is not Tolstoy’s alone but of the whole world. Ignorance of this
great yajna has led to the worship of mammon in the world and
intelligent people have used their talents to exploit others. It is clear
that God is not covetous. Being all powerful, He creates every day
only as much food as is sufficient for every human being or living
creature. Not knowing this great truth, several people indulge in all
kinds of luxuries and thereby starve many others. If they could give
up this greed and work for their living, and eat enough to meet their
needs, the poverty that we find today will vanish. I hope the

interrogator would now see that varnadharma and duty of labour are
concurrent, complementary and essential.
[From Hindi]

[Before February, 14, 1930] 1
MY DEAR REGINALD,
If you need my apology for my silence so long, you have it. But
my correspondence is lying neglected. I simply cannot cope with it. I
have been thinking of your letter for these last three days.
The real thing is likely to begin not before March.
I know you are doing your work in a thorough manner. Come
when you can. I wish you will be here on 14th February. But I don’t
want you to interrupt your experiments. The Ashram is your home to
come to whenever you like.
No more today.
Yours,
334. LETTER TO KASTURBEHN BHATT

February 14, 1930
2
CHI. KASTURBEHN BHATT,
Where are you [now]? You may write to me. Have you now
mastered all the things? Do you meet Harihar? Where are Taranath,
Tansukh?
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Inferred from the contents
2
Wife of Harihar P. Bhatt, an inmate of the Ashram

February 15, 1930
BHAI NAUTAMLAL BHAGWANJI,
I have your letter. I understand your feelings. Doctor will
not desire to do anything which may make you unhappy. I will write
to him.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
S JT. N AUTAMLAL BHAGWANJI
JETPUR, K ATHIAWAR

February 15, 1930
BHAISHRI MANILAL,
I have your letter. I am writing this at 3-30 in the morning, so please

do not expect me to write more.
There is no need to pass any resolution about satyagraha just
now. All the things that I expect from people will be clearly
explainedin Young India1 and Navajivan. I will write to you if I have
to add anything. What I expect from you is that you should make
your body strong.
Sangrahalaya

February 15, 1930
CHI. DEVDAS,
I have your long letter. The session of the W. C. is going on. It
has been decided that I should start civil disobedience. That of course
does not mean that I alone should start it; it means that all those to
whom ahimsa is a creed in the striving for swaraj should resort to it. I
1
Vide “Some Rules of Satyagraha”, 23-2-1930 and “When I am Arrested”,
27-2-1930.

am inclined to start with you. Are you ready? Are you willing? If you
are, obtain Zakir Saheb’s permission and reach here soon. Whatever I
decide to do I wish to do at once.
There is no time to reply to the rest of your letter, nor is it
necessary to do so.
I am writing this before the 4 o’clock morning prayer. Keshu
arrived yesterday. Mathuradas is here. A nice group has gathered
here. Manilal and Ramdas also have come.
Sangrahalaya

ASHRAM
February 15, 1930
Gandhiji addressing the inmates referred to the names he had received and said
that it was not necessary that one and all should give their names. If they felt the
slightest doubt about their ability to join the campaign they might withdraw their
names even then.
He continued:
People expect you to join in the fight with great prepared-
ness on your part. The whole world is looking at the Ashramwith great
expectancy. It may be that you might not be ready when you joined
the Ashram, but the discipline and atmosphere must have brought that
much confidence in you and must have helped you in preparing
yourselves for the ensuing fight.
Gandhiji apprised them of the sufferings and hardships they would have to
undergo during the fight. They might be sent to jail, and they might be beaten, but
that was not all. They might have to go without food or might be driven out of the
Ashram or a worse fate might befall them. But under all circumstances they must be
prepared to remain non-violent in thought and in action and must never lose their
temper or get angry. They must try to have a thorough change of heart. The time
might come when even God might be angry with them, but they must not lose
patience.
He continued:
Suffering is writ large on the face of every devotee. Even Rama
and Sita had to suffer. God tests you on the touchstone and if it is
found that you have withstood that test, then nothing remains to be
desired. In the Ashram itself, you have enjoyed yourselves to a certain
extent, but enjoyment is worth while only when you show your mettle
and sacrifice yourself when the time comes. You must now convert the

Ashram into a lamp of sacrifice. Those who feel themselves weak or
unable to join the fight must quit the Ashram. Once you have plunged
yourselves in battle, if you retreat, it will be a blemish on you and blot
on the whole fair name of India.
339. LETTER TO DR. M. A. ANSARI.1

S ABARMATI ,
February 16, 1930
DEAR DR. ANSARI,
It is now 3.30 a.m. I have been struggling to find time to give
you a few lines. Your letter I appreciate. It was first seen by Motilalji
and Jawaharlal and then read to the Working Committee. There were
various comments. No one, however, thought that there was anything
in it to warrant a departure from the Lahore programme. I agree that
the Hindu-Muslim problem is the problem of problems. But I feel that
it has to be approached in a different manner from the one we have
hitherto adopted—not [as] at present by adjustment of the political
power but by one or the other acting on the square under all
circumstances. Give and take is possible only when there is some trust
between the respective communities and their representatives. If the
Congress can command such trust the matter can proceed further, not
before. The Congress can do so only by becoming fearless and
strictly just. But meanwhile the third party—the evil British power—
has got to be sterilized. There will be no charter of independence
before the Hindus and the Muslims have met but there can be virtual
independence before the charter is received. Hence must civil
disobedience be forged from day to day by those who believe that
there is no escape from non-violence and that violence will never
bring freedom to India.
I do not know if I have made myself clear. Anyway my own
personal line is cast. I fancy that I see my way clear now. There will be
no turning back. I can live if God wills and if He finds work for me. I
have no interest in living if there is no work for me in the direction for
which. He appears to me to have called me. If all this be hallucination
I must perish in the flames of my own lighting. I want you then to
1
This should be read after “Speech at Prayer Meeting, Sabarmati Ashram”. For
the addressee’s letter dated February 13, 1930 to which this was a reply, vide
Appendix “Letter from Dr. M. A. Ansari”, 13-2-1930.

cheer up. It does not matter at all if we do not see eye to eye. It is well
with us if our hearts are pure, as I know they are.
Yours ever,
M. K. GANDHI
[PS.]
I had a heart to heart chat with Shuaib. He has promised to meet
you. I would love to see as he does. You may share this with him or
any friend you like.
M. K. G.

February 18, 1930
BHAI SATIS BABU,
I have your two letters. I miss you these days. But I have
deliberately refrained from sending for you. I feared that it might
arouse envy. What more can I talk to you about ahimsa? I have always
discussed only ahimsa. However, if you feel the necessity of talking
over anything, do not hesitate to come.
I believe they will arrest me in the middle of March. I expect my
letter to the Viceroy will be despatched on the 2nd.
I had some talk with Antarjami. It was not very satisfying. I am
awaiting the arrival of Shankerlal [Banker]. It will be good if the Utkal
work is organized well.
I am awaiting Hemprabha Devi’s letter. How is she keeping?
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Do tell me if you find any difficulty with my handwriting or
language.1
1
In the G. N. series this is the first letter in Hindi to the addressee.

341. LETTER TO AMBALAL SARABHAI
YERAVDA MANDIR ,
February 18, 1930
DEAR BROTHER,
I have received your gift of books. I understand your affection

and I am thinking of you all the time.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 11125. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation
342. LETTER TO UDIT MISHRA

February 19, 1930
BHAI UDIT MISHRAJI,
Only today have I been able to read your letter to the end.
Persons with views or faith contrary to ours should never be
employed to teach our children. And in no case should half the study
time be devoted only to English. Knowledge of Hindi is not essential
for an English teacher.
If the children [distrust]1 any teacher, he ought to be removed.
When a junior teacher gives wrong lessons to the children, it is
the duty of the Head Master to check him. It is also his duty to warn
the guardians of the children if he notices any impropriety in the
conduct of the junior.
The consideration of anyone’s pleasure or displeasure has no
place in following the right path.
The children should be taught to reject courteously gifts of
foreign articles by whomsoever made.
Sacrificial spinning on the takli should never be given up; I am
arranging to send taklis.
Yours,
MOHANDAS
1
The source is illegible.

[PS.]
It would be right to inform Ghanshyamdasji of all this. This
letter too may be shown to him.
M. K. GANDHI
343. ‘NEVER FAILETH’

:1
‘HATE DISSOLVES IN THE P RESENCE OF LOVE .’
In the opinion of the Working Committee civil disobedience should be
initiated and controlled by those who believe in non-violence for the purpose
of achieving purna swaraj as an article of faith, and as the Congress contains
in its organization not merely such men and women, but also those who accept
non-violence as a policy essential in the existing circumstances in the
country, the Working Committee welcomes the proposal of Mahatma Gandhi
and authorizes him and those working with him who believe in non-violence
as an article of faith to the extent above indicated to start civil disobedience as
and when they desire and in the manner and to the extent they decide. The
Working Committee trusts that when the campaign is actually in action all
Congressmen and others will extend to the civil resisters their full
co-operation in every way possible, and that they will observe and preserve
complete non-violence notwithstanding any provocation that may be offered.
The Working Committee further hopes that in the event of a mass movement
taking place, all those who are rendering voluntary co-operation to the
Government, such as lawyers, and those who are receiving so-called benefits
from it, such as students, will withdraw their co-operation or renounce benefits
as the case may be, and throw themselves into the final struggle for freedom.
The Working Committee trusts, that in the event of the leaders being arrested
and imprisoned, those who are left behind and have the spirit of sacrifice and
service in them, will carry on the Congress organization, and guide the
movement to the best of their ability.
This resolution2 of the Working Committee gives me my charter
of freedom if it also binds me in the tightest chains. It is the formula
of which I have been in search these long and weary months. For me
the resolution is not so much a political as a religious effort. My
difficulty was fundamental. I saw that I could not work out ahimsa
through an organization holding a variety of mentalities. It could not
be subject to the decision of majorities. To be consistent with itself, it
might have to be inconsistent with the whole world.
A person who has a choice before him is ever exposed to
temptation. The instinct of those therefore, with whom non-violence is
1
Patanjali’s Yogadarshanam, ii. 35
2
Adopted on February 15, 1930 at Ahmedabad

a policy, when tempted by violence, may fail them. That of those who
have no remedy but non-violence open to them can never fail them if
they have non-violence in them in reality. Hence the necessity for
freedom from Congress control. And I was thankful that the members
of the Working Committee saw the utter correctness of my position.
It is to be hoped, that no one will misunderstand the position.
Here there is no question of superiority. Those, who hold non-
violence for the attainment of freedom as an article of faith, are in no
way superior to those with whom it is a mere policy, even as there is
no such inequality between brown men and yellow men. Each acts
according to his lights.
The responsibility devolving on me is the greatest I have ever
undertaken. It was irresistible. But all will be well, if it is ahimsa that is
guiding me. For the seer who knew what he gave to the world has said,
‘Hate dissolves in the presence of ahimsa.’ The true rendering of the
word in English is love or charity. And does not the Bible say:
Love worketh no ill to his neighbour,
Believeth all things,
Hopeth all things,
Never faileth.1
Civil disobedience is sometimes a peremptory demand of love.
Dangerous it undoubtedly is, but no more than the encircling
violence. Civil disobedience is the only non-violent escape from its
soul-destroying heat. The danger lies only in one direction, in the
outbreak of violence side by the side with civil disobedience. If it does
I know now the way; not the retracing as at the time of Bardoli. The
struggle, in freedom’s battle, of non-violence against violence, no
matter from what quarter the latter comes, must continue till a single
representative is left alive. More no man can do, to do less would be
tantamount to want of faith.
344. SOME QUESTIONS

With reference to the imminent civil disobedience some
pertinent questions have been put by friends as well as critics. These
need answering.
Q. Surely you are not so impatient as to start your campaign without letting
the authorities know your plans and giving them an opportunity of meeting you and
arresting you?
A. Those who know my past should know that I hold it to be
1
I Corinthians, xiii

contrary to satyagraha to do anything secretly or impatiently. My
plans will be certainly sent to the Viceroy before I take any definite
step. A satyagrahi has no secrets to keep from his opponent or
so-called enemy.
Q. Did you not say even at Lahore that the country was not prepared for civil
disobedience, especially no-tax campaign on a mass scale?
A. I am not even now sure that it is. But it has become clear to
me as never before that the unpreparedness in the sense that a
non-violent atmosphere is wanting will, as time goes by, very likely
increase as it has been increasing all these years. Young men are
impatient. I know definitely many stayed their violent designs because
in 1921 the Congress had decided to offer civil disobedience. That
school has been more active than before because of my repeated
declarations that the country was not prepared for civil disobedience. I
feel then that if non-violence is an active force, as I know it is, it
should work even in the face of the most violent atmosphere. One
difficulty in the way was that the Congress claiming to represent the
whole nation could not very well offer civil disobedience and disown
responsibility for violence especially by Congressmen. I have
procured discharge from that limitation by taking over the
responsibility for launching on civil disobedience. I represent no one
but myself and at the most those whom I may enroll for the
campaign. And I propose at present to confine myself only to those
who are amenable to the Ashram discipline and have actually
undergone it for some time. It is true that I may not shirk
responsibility indirectly for any violence that may break out on the
part of the nation and in the course of the campaign. But such
responsibility will always be there and can be only a degree more
thanthe responsibility I share with the British rulers in their sins
against the nation in so far as I give my co-operation however
reluctantly and ever so slightly. For instance I give my co-operation
by paying taxes direct or indirect. The very salt I eat compels my
voluntary co-operation. Moreover it has dawned on me never so
plainly as now that if my non-violence has suffered the greatest
incarnation of violence which the British imperialistic rule is, it must
suffer the crude and ineffective violence of the impatient patriots who
know not that by their ineffectiveness they are but helping that
imperialistic rule and enabling it to consolidate the very thing they
seek to destroy. I see now as clearly as daylight that my non-violence
working as it has done against the British misrule has shaken it
somewhat. Even so will it shake the counter-violence of the patriot if
taking courage in both my hands I set my non-violence actively in
motion, i.e., civil disobedience. I reduce the risk of the outbreak of

counter-violence to a minimum by taking sole charge of the
campaign. After all is said and done, however, I feel the truth of the
description given to my proposal by The Times of India. It is indeed
‘the last throw of a gambler’. I have been a ‘gambler’ all my life. In
my passion for finding the truth and in relentlessly following out my
faith in non-violence, I have counted no stake too great. In doing so I
have erred, if at all, in the company of the most distinguished scientist
of any age and any clime.
Q. But what about your much vaunted faith in Hindu-Muslim unity? Of what
value will even independence be without that unity?
A. My faith in that unity is as bright as ever. I do not want
independence at the cost even of the weakest minority, let alone the
powerful Mussalman and the no less powerful Sikh. The Lahore
Congress resolution on unity1 finally sums up all its previous effort in
that behalf. The Congress rules out all solution proposed on a
communal basis. But if it is ever compelled to consider such a solution
it will consider only that which will give (not merely justice) but
satisfaction to all the parties concerned. To be true to its word
therefore, the Congress cannot accept any scheme of independence
that does not give satisfaction, so far as communal rights are
concerned, to the parties concerned. The compaign that is about to be
launched is calculated to generate power for the whole nation to be
independent. But it will not be in fact till all the parties have
combined. To postpone civil disobedience which has nothing to
dowith communalism till the latter is set at rest will be to move in a
vicious circle and defeat the very end that all must have in view. What
I am hoping is that the Congress being free from the communal
incubus will tend it, if it remains true to the nation as a whole, to
become the strongest centre party jealously guarding the rights of the
weakest members. Such. a Congress will have only servants of the
nation, not office-seekers. Till independence is achieved or till unity is
reached it will have nothing to do with any office or favours from the
Government of the day in competition with the minorities. Happily
the Congress has now nothing to do with the legislatures which have
perhaps more than anything else increased communal bitterness. It is
no doubt unfortunate that at the present moment the Congress
contains largely only the Hindu element. But if the Congresss Hindus
cease to think communally and we take no advantage that cannot be
shared to the full with all the other communities, it will presently
disarm all suspicion and will attract to itself the noblest among
1
Vide 1st footnote to “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.-III”,
1-1-1930.

Mussalmans, Sikhs, Parsis, Christians, Jews and all those who are of
India. But whether the Congress ever approaches this ideal or not, my
course is, as it always has been, perfectly clear. This unity among all is
no new love with me. I have treasured it, acted up to it from my youth
upward. When I went to London as a mere lad in 1889 I believed in it
as passionately as I do now. When I went to South Africa in 1893 I
worked it out in every detail of my life. Love so deep seated as it is in
me will not be sacrificed even for the realm of the whole world.
Indeed this campaign should take the attention of the nation off the
communal problem and to rivet it on the things that are common to
all Indians, no matter to what religion or sect they may belong.
Q. Then you will raise, if you can, a force ultimately hostile to the
British ?
A. Never. My love for non-violence is superior to every
other thing mundane or supramundane. It is equalled only by my
love for Truth which is to me synonymous with non-violence through
which and which alone I can see and reach Truth. My scheme of life,
if it draws no distinction between different religionists in India, it
also draws none between different races. For me “man is a man
for a’ that” 1 . I embark upon the campaign as much out of my love
for the Englishman as for the Indian. By self-suffering I seek to
convert him, never to destroy him. Q. But may not all this be your
hallucination that can never come to pass in this matter of fact world
of ours?
Q. But may not at all this be your hallucination that can never come to pass in
this matter of fact world of ours?
A. It may well be that. It is not a charge wholly unfamiliar to me.
My hallucinations in the past have served me well. This last is not
expected to fail me. If it does, it will but harm me and those who may
come or put themselves under its influence. If my hallucination is
potent to the authorities, my body is always at their disposal. If owing
to my threatened action any Englishman’s life is put in greater danger
than it is now, the arm of English authority is long enough and strong
enough to overtake any outbreak that may occur between Kashmir
and Cape Comorin or Karachi and Dibrugarh. Lastly no campaign
need take place, if all the politicians and editors instead of addressing
themselves to me will address themselves to the authorities and ask
them to undo the continuing wrongs some of which I have
inadequately described in these pages.
1
Robert Burns

345. ‘BUCCAANEERING COMMISSION’1
As the public have a short memory, I reproduce below the two
Congress resolutions which have been defended by Professor
Coomarappa and which have been so misrepresented here and
abroad:
GAYA C ONGRESS R ESOLUTION (1922)
Whereas by reason of unjustifiable military expenditure and other
extravagance, the Government has brought the national indebtedness to a
limit beyond recovery, and whereas the Government still pursues the same
policy of extravagance under cover of the authority of the so-called
representative assemblies constituted without the suffrage of a majority or any
substantial fraction of the voters and despite their declared repudiation of the
authority of such assemblies to represent the people:
And whereas if the Government is permitted to continue this policy, it
will become impossible for the people of India ever to carry on their own
affairs with due regard to the honour and happiness of the people, and it has
therefore become necessary to stop the career of irresponsibility:
This Congress hereby repudiates the authority of the legislatures that
have been or may be formed by the Government in spite of the national
boycott of the said institutions in future to raise loans or to incur any
liabilities on behalf of the nation, and notifies to the world that on the
attainment of swarajya the people of India, though holding themselves liable
for all debts and liabilities rightly or wrongly incurred hitherto by the
Government, will not hold themselves bound to repay any loans or discharge
any liabilities incurred on and after this date on the authority or sanction of
the so-called legislatures brought into existence in spite of the national
boycott.
LAHORE C ONGRESS R ESOLUTION2 (1929)
The Gaya resolution is surely innocuous and even charitable at
the expense of posterity, in that it makes the people liable for the then
existing debts whether ‘rightly or wrongly incurred’. The Lahore
resolution undoes the mistake, and adopts the honourable and usual
method of submitting all accounts, past, present and future when the
time comes, to the scrutiny of an impartial tribunal. What happens
when an institution or a business passes from one steward to another?
1
In this article to which Gandhiji appended his comments, J. C. Coomarappa
had explained how the people of India had been burdened with debts by the British
Government to the tune of over £200 million—all by unjust transactions—and had
invited the readers’ attention to the resolution on the subject passed at the Gaya and
Lahore Congresses.
2
Not reproduced here.

Does not the outgoing steward render accounts to the incoming one?
Are not those accounts subject to scrutiny? The future national
Government will betray its trust at the very threshold of its career, if it
fails to perform the obvious duty of submitting to the strictest scrutiny
all the obligations it may take over. If Great Britain and India are then
solvent, no investor need fear the loss of a penny or a pice. For
whatever India takes over, she will have to pay. Whatever cannot be
charged justly against her has to be taken over as a matter of course
by Great Britain. It is only the present helpless voiceless India that is
made to pay against her will what cannot be justly charged against
her. When the time comes for reckoning, it will be the sacred duty
owing to India’s millions to repudiate every transaction proved to be
unjust. But that would mean merely an inevitable and just transference
about which the investor, the scripholder and the like need not be
concerned.
346. NOTES
‘NO S URRENDER’
Here are the choicest bits from Northcliffe House just received:
. . . Politicians must for ever drop their gibberish about Dominion Home
Rule for the Eastern Empire. Those of them who persist in toying with so fatal
a policy must be remorselessly driven from public life.
The retention of India is more important to the welfare of Great Britain
than tariffs or any other political question. That country may fairly be
described as the very keystone of the Empire. Its trade is vital to our people.
The total loss of the Indian market would mean bankruptcy for Lancashire and
misery for her industrial workers. In the last year for which figures are
available British exports to India were £; 83,900,000 in value (one-ninth of
our total exports), and there is no other country or territory, British or
foreign, which takes anything like that amount of British goods. This trade it
is the deliberate purpose of the revolutionaries to destroy if they get the
chance.
British investments in India reach the enormous figure of
£1,000,000,000, according to evidence given before the Simon Commi-
ssion. Again, it is the declared intention of the revolutionaries to repudiate the
Indian debt and to confiscate the plantations and factories which British
capital has created on Indian soil. From the loss of such a sum Great Britain
could never recover.
The policy of surrender in India has got to slop. . . . There are two courses,
and only two. The first is to get out and hand over the country to the Princes,
who would pretty quickly settle the Hindu lawyers of the All-India Congress.
The second is to stay in India and govern. That second course is the one which
this country will take.

The title is the Daily Mail’s as also the italics and different types.
The writing is as outspoken as it is true notwithstanding
Mr. Benn’s belittling of it. But ‘no surrender’ is a game at which
either party may play. If the millions of India play ‘no surrender’
their non-violence will be more than a match for the British
‘no surrender’ in spite of the combined aid of the military, the naval
and the air forces which it can summon. It is the material benefits
which England derives from the connection that matter to the
British public. It is the extinction of those benefits that matters most to
the Indian masses who can no longer bear the crushing
burden. For India considers many of them ill-gotten. Let this
double no surrender stagger humanity. British bullying must stop at
all cost.
NO C ONVERSION P ERMISSIBLE
The English Press cuttings contain among many delightful items
the news that Miss Slade known in the Ashram as Mirabai has
embraced Hinduism.1 I may say that she has not. I hope that she is a
better Christian than when four years ago she came to the Ashram.
She is not a girl of tender age. She is past thirty and has travelled all
alone in Egypt, Persia and Europe befriending trees and animals. I
have had. the privilege of having under me Mussalman, Parsi and
Christian minors. Never was Hinduism put before them for their
acceptance. They were encouraged and induced to respect and read
their own scriptures. It is with pleasure that I can recall instances of
men and women, boys and girls having been induced to know and
love their faiths better than they did before if they were also
encouraged to study the other faiths with sympathy and respect. We
have in the Ashram today several faiths represented. NO proselytizing
is practised or permitted. We recognize that all these faiths are true
and divinely inspired, and all have suffered through the necessarily
imperfect handling of imperfect men. Miss Slade bears not a Hindu
name but an Indian name. And this was done at her instance and for
convenience. We have more such instances. Richard Gregg who is not
suspected of having given up Christianity is to us Govindji. An old
Christian sister, Miss Ada West now in Louth, became Devibehn to us
in Phoenix.
1
This was observed in the introductory remarks to the “Interview to The Daily
Express,” 22-1-1930.

347. VARNADHARMA AND DUTY OF LABOUR-III
Q. It is of course good to find the virtues of all the four varnas in any one
individual but can the majority of human beings acquire them all and is it proper to
place this ideal before society?
A. Many virtues and functions are common to all varnas and
ought to be so; but it is neither necessary nor possible for everyone to
have all the virtues of all the varnas.
Q. If Tolstoy’s duty of labour is universally accepted will it not be difficult for
poets like Kabir and Rabindra to live in this world? And would this not be a
misfortune for the world?
A. Acceptance of the duty of labour is not a denial of Kabir and
Rabindranath; on the other hand it is capable of making the poetry of
both more forceful and radiant. Manual labour does not weaken the
mental faculty; on the contrary it nourishes it. The difference merely
is that the votary of manual labour will never earn a living by only
writing poetry nor will he give up manual labour altogether. Kabir was
of course an advocate of manual labour. He never earned a penny by
composing religious songs and hymns. He earned his living as a
weaver of cloth. Propagation of religion and morality had become his
nature or hobby. Rabindranath is a great poet of this age because he
does not earn his living by writing poetry. Whatever he earns by
writing poetry is all donated to his institution. He lives by the income
from his estates. I do not know how far he believes in the duty of
labour; this I do know that he certainly does not despise it. We learn
from history that ancient poets or sages had accepted the duty of
labour even if it might have been implicitly. As a result their
benedictions are with us even today.
Q. According to the doctrine of the duty of labour, Jesus, Buddha and Tolstoy
himself are blameworthy. Tolstoy’s wife herself has said that beyond writing books
he could do nothing else. He might have learnt carpentry and some other manual work
only to become a laughing-stock; but this does not satisfy Tolstoy’s concept of the
duty of labour. Is it not therefore necessary to examine it very carefully?
A. This view takes no note of history. Jesus was a carpenter. He
never used his intellect to earn his livelihood. We do not know how
much manual work Buddha did before he attained wisdom. Yes, we
know this much, that he did not propagate religion for securing his
livelihood. He lived on charity. That could not militate against the
duty of labour. A roving ascetic has to do a lot of manual work. Now,
to come to Tostoy, what his wife has said is true but it is not the whole
truth. After the change in his outlook Tostoy never took for himself
the income from his books. Although he had property worth millions,
he lived like a guest in his own house. After the attainment of wisdom,

he worked eight hours a day and earned his wages. Sometimes
he worked in the field and sometimes he made shoes at home.
Although he did not earn much by doing such work, still he earned
enough to feed himself. Tolstoy strove hard to practise what
hepreached. This was characteristic of him. The sum and substance of
all this discussion is that the duty which the ancients observed
themselves and which the majority in the world discharges even today
has been presented to the world in an explicit manner by him. In fact
this doctrine was not Tolstoy’s original idea; it was thought of by a
great Russian writer by name Bondoref. Tolstoy endorsed it and
proclaimed it to the world.
[From Hindi]

[February 20, 1930] 1
BHAISHRI NAUTAMLAL,
I have your letter. I am glad that your worry is over. Observe as
much simplicity as possible.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
BHAISHRI NAUTAMLAL BHAGWANJI
JETPUR, K ATHIAWAR
349. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI

S ATYAGRAHA ASHRAM,
S ABARMATI ,
February 22, 1930
MY DEAR ANAND,
I was delighted to receive your letter. I hope that your firmness
will last and will increase day after day. Take no hasty step and do not
try to coax your wife 2 to come. If she comes she must do so of her
own absolutely free will. You know too that she will have to live
1
From the postmark
2
Vidya

separately from you. 1 Let her also know that the impending struggle
may upset all arrangements and may result in her having to go back
soon.
I hope you are keeping as well in body as you seem to be in
mind.
Yours sincerely,
BAPU
T. Hingorani

February 22, 1930
CHI. DEVDAS,
You will have received my reply to your wire. Now I am

awaiting your letter. A letter to the Viceroy will go from here on the
2nd. 2 You will see everything if you are here at the time. It will not be
surprising at all if they arrest me any day after the 4th. Let those who
wish to join you in the march, have patience for the present. My
desire, if I myself lead the march, is to keep you with me. Alter-
natively, I may send you in the first batch and try to follow after all of
you have been arrested. They are sure to arrest me to prevent all
this.In that case you should court arrest. And after that most of the
Ashram inmates should get themselves arrested. I should like you to
be here at least to enable me to give you a complete picture of this
plan. Manilal also will be here by about the 27th. Motilal and
Jawaharlal are coming.
You may now do what you think best.3
From a copy of the Gujarati: Chhaganlal Gandhi Papers, Courtesy: Sabarmati
Sangrahalaya
1
Vide also “Letter to Anand T. Hingorani”, 14-11-1929.
2
Vide “Letter to Lord Irwin”, 2-3-1930.
3
Someone adds in a post-script: “After the above was written Bapu received
your letter. He wants me to write that what he has written above is still the best plan.”

February 22, 1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I got your letter. Keep me informed about the effect of the
injections. I had told Narandas about your budget for the spinning-
wheel. I will note down your name. In the satyagraha movement,
physical illness is no impediment. Even though Kishorelal is bed-
ridden, he goes on sending his own and Gomatibehn’s names. And I
have also entered them. This of course does not mean that all are to be
sent to jail. But it does mean that they will take up whatever duties
relating to the struggle are assigned to them by me or by those who
remain behind after I am arrested. Devidutt should not be encouraged,
but he should not be discouraged either. His services too will be used
when the time comes. He should be told that for that he should daily
make progress in self-purification.
From a copy of the Gujarati: Chhaganlal Gandhi Papers. courtesy: Sabarmati
Sangrahalaya

February 22, 1930
CHI. KISHORELAL,
All the three types of people mentioned by you can join this
struggle. But discussing these distinctions in Navajivan at present is
likely to confuse people’s minds. I think everyone has understood the
broad meaning of the Working Committee’s resolution. Almost all
men and women here have sent in their names. All of them cannot
understand the distinctions suggested by you. But I think they all have
faith in non-violence and understand that no Englishman should be
harmed or permitted to be harmed in any way. They believe in
non-violence not as an expedient but as a creed. Who can say how far
their ahimsa will endure when the testing time comes? What can we
say even about you and me? Peter who was as hard as stone turned out
to be soft as wax at the moment of crisis. And those two women who
were only guided by their faith remained as firm as rock. If you have
any questions pertaining to the articles I am writing these days, do
place them before me. Read the rules about satyagraha carefully and

let me know if you notice any omission in them.
And now for the monthly periods. A couple of women who had
not during their periods joined others for meals for fear of criticism
followed Mirabehn’s example and joined. That gave rise to some
discussion. The matter had been settled earlier. It had been agreed that
any woman who, like Mirabehn, wished to join others for meals
during her periods could do so. She must observe three rules: she
should not enter the kitchen for the four days of menses; even from
outside the kitchen she should not look at the food being cooked or at
the water used for cooking; she should not touch the cooked food.
This decision was arrived at after correspondence with Nathji through
Panditji. But a couple of women were in panic after a woman in
menses had joined at the meals. Therefore, benefiting from Nathji’s
presence the conditions necessary for preserving the sacredness of
mantras have been ascertained and clarified. We have among
theinmates some persons who practise mantras and such persons also
constantly visit the Ashram. I believe that it is the duty of the Ashram
for the sake of such persons to observe as fully as possible the
conditions for preserving the sacredness of the mantras. If I can
understand the purpose of the conditions better, I shall help in their
still stricter observance. I had asked Ramniklal to get one or two
points clarified by Nathji. But he does not seem to have been able to
do so. Is milk polluted by the look or touch of a woman in menses?
From the papers I have with me it seems that it is polluted by touch. In
Nath’s opinion, even if a person practising mantras does not know
that a particular sample of milk has been touched by a woman in
menses, the fact of the touch itself has the power of nullifying the
effect of the mantra, to some extent at least. This means that a person
practising mantras should practically live without milk, because
whether in the Ashram or outside, particularly outside, women in
menses do happen to look at milk. We can think of hundreds of ways
of milk being polluted by look. Hence the question of milk needs to
be carefully considered. I understand that uncooked grain is not
polluted either by touch or look. Is it not the same with regard to ghee
and oil? At what stage can look or touch affect water? For I
understand that the water meant for cooking is affected both by look
and touch. Nath says from experience that cooked food is affected
both by the look and the touch of the woman in menses. But he is not
able to explain the reason. Have you thought about the reason? If you
have, send me your opinion on it and also on the other questions
above after discussing them with Nathji or independently if you can.
Sangrahalaya

353. LETTER TO TULSI MAHER
February 22, 1930
BHAI TULSI MAHER,
I received your letter.
You are carrying on your work quite well and I hope it will
continue so. Do not be perturbed by the news of the struggle here.
Your duty lies in sticking to your post.
These days smallpox is rampant here. We are being tested in this
way too.
Blessings from
BAPU
354. SOME RULES OF SATYAGRAHA1

Satyagraha literally means insistence on truth. This insistence
arms the votary with matchless power. This power or force is connoted
by the word satyagraha. Satyagraha, to be genuine, may be offered
against parents, against one’s wife or one’s children, against rulers,
against fellow-citizens, even against the whole world.
Such a universal force necessarily makes no distinction between
kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man and woman, friend and
foe. The force to be so applied can never be physical. There is in it no
room for violence. The only force of universal application can,
therefore, be that of ahimsa or love. In other words it is soul force.
Love does not burn others, it burns itself. Therefore, a
satyagrahi, i.e., a civil resister will joyfully suffer even unto death.
It follows, therefore, that a civil resister, whilst he will strain every
nerve to compass the end of the existing rule, will do no intentional
injury in thought, word or deed to the person of a single Englishman.
This necessarily brief explanation of satyagraha will perhaps enable
the reader to understand and appreciate the following rules:
AS AN INDIVIDUAL
1. A satyagrahi, i.e., a civil resister will harbour no anger.
2. He will suffer the anger of the opponent.
1
The Gujarati original of this appeared in Navajivan, 23-2-1930.

3. In so doing he will put up with assaults from the opponent,
never retaliate; but he will not submit, out of fear of punishment or the
like, to any order given in anger.
4. When any person in authority seeks to arrest a civil resister, he
will voluntarily submit to the arrest, and he will not resist the
attachment or removal of his own property, if any, when it is sought to
be confiscated by authorities.
5. If a civil resister has any property in his possession as a
trustee, he will refuse to surrender it, even though in defending it he
might lose his life. He will, however, never retaliate.
6. Non-retaliation excludes swearing and cursing.
7. Therefore a civil resister will never insult his opponent,
and therefore also not take part in many of the newly coined cries
which are contrary to the spirit of ahimsa.
8. A civil resister will not salute the Union Jack, nor will he insult
it or officials, English or Indian.
9. In the course of the struggle if anyone insults an official or
commits an assault upon him, a civil resister will protect such official
or officials from the insult or attack even at the risk of his life.
AS A P RISONER
10. As a prisoner, a civil resister will behave courteously towards
prison officials, and will observe all such discipline of the prison as is
not contrary to self-respect; as for instance, whilst he will salaam
officials in the usual manner, he will not perform any humiliating
gyrations and refuse to shout ‘Victory to Sarkar1 ’ or the like. He will
take cleanly cooked and cleanly served food, which is not contrary to
his religion, and will refuse to take food insultingly served or served in
unclean vessels.
11. A civil resister will make no distinction between an ordinary
prisoner and himself, will in no way regard himself as superior to the
rest, nor will he ask for any conveniences that may not be necessary
for keeping his body in good health and condition. He is entitled to
ask for such conveniences as may be required for his physical or
spiritual well-being.
12. A civil resister may not fast for want of conveniences whose
deprivation does not involve any injury to one’s self-respect.
AS A UNIT
13. A civil resister will joyfully obey all the orders issued by
the leader of the corps, whether they please him or not.
1
Government

14. He will carry out orders in the first instance even though
they appear to him insulting, inimical or foolish, and then appeal to
higher authority. He is free before joining to determine the fitness of
the corps to satisfy him, but after he has joined it, it becomes a duty to
submit to its discipline irksome or otherwise. If the sum total of the
energy of the corps appears to a member to be improper or immoral,
he has a right to sever his connection, but being within it, he has no
right to commit a breach of its discipline.
15. No civil resister is to expect maintenance for his dependents.
It would be an accident if any such provision is made. A civil resister
entrusts his dependents to the care of God. Even in ordinary warfare
wherein hundreds of thousands give themselves up to it, they are able
to make no previous provision. How much more,then, should such be
the case in satyagraha? It is the universal experience that in such times
hardly anybody is left to starve.
IN C OMMUNAL F IGHTS
16. No civil resister will intentionally become a cause of
communal quarrels.
17. In the event of any such outbreak, he will not take sides, but
he will assist only that party which is demonstrably in the right. Being
a Hindu he will be generous towards Mussalmans and others, and will
sacrifice himself in the attempt to save non-Hindus from a Hindu
attack. And if the attack is from the other side, he will not participate
in any retaliation but will give his life in protecting Hindus.
18. He will, to the best of his ability, avoid every occasion that
may give rise to communal quarrels.
19. If there is a procession of satyagrahis they will do nothing
that would wound the religious susceptibilities of any community, and
they will not take part in any other processions that are likely to
wound such susceptibilities.
355. TO CONTRIBUTORS AND CORRESPONDENTS

An article with the caption “Plight of Women” 1 was published
on p. 125 of Navajivan, dated December 15, 1929. I was taken in by
the correspondent having given names, addresses and other details. I
took the writer to be entirely truthful. Now, from the facts supplied to
me in this matter, I find that the letter was full of exaggeration and was
1
Vide “Plight of Women”, 15-12-1929.

libellous. The truth has been so twisted in the presentation that the
chief actor in the incident comes out as cruelty incarnate. The
information now reaching me puts the whole incident in a different
light. However, I do not desire to go into the details of the case. My
aim in writing this is to request correspondents to give facts only.
Exaggeration does not help improvement in any way or anywhere. I
advise the correspondent who wrote the original letter to apologize to
the person whom he has slandered for the exaggeration he has made.
If he still desires to adhere to his statement, he should write to me
permitting me to send his letter to the persons concerned.
[From Gujarati]

S ABARMATI ,
February 23, 1930
MY DEAR RAIHANA,
I am quite clear that those who believe in and would fight for
immediate independence cannot take part in conferences such as you
mention.
Yours,
BAPU
357. LETTER TO MURIEL LESTER

S ABARMATI ,
February 23, 1930
MY DEAR MURIEL,
Your letter is lying in front of me demanding an answer. On the
eve of what promises to be a life and death struggle I think of all
my English friends known and unknown. You are not the least among
them.
My love.
BAPU

Sunday [February 23, 1930] 1
CHI. KISHORELAL,
Although it did not occur to me when I spoke to Nath, the
thought suddenly came to me while talking to Surendra that it would
be better if you both did not come here right now. It seems so from
all points of view. Surendra thinks that in the interest of the health of
both of you, it might be better to come over. If that is so, I would wish
you to come post-haste. I have been hesitating to call you only from
considerations of your health, fearing that the water of this place may
suit you even less. If you think that since sooner or later you have to
face up to it, you might as well do so now? then you had better come
over. I would wish you to be around on the 2nd when the letter to the
Viceroy is to be despatched.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati: C. W. 10710. Courtesy: Gomatibehn Mashruwala

February 24, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I have your letter. I had not read the speech. I hardly get time to
read.
You will see the forthcoming issue. It will contain much. The
substance has already appeared in Gujarati Navajivan. Perhaps we
shall get a few moments to discuss things more fully when wemeet on
1st March. My letter to the Viceroy2 will also clarify the issue.
I am glad there is nothing serious with Kamala. But
why should she not now go to a hospital and have the necessary
treatment?
Yours,
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru papers, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
1
From the reference to the letter to the Viceroy to be sent on the 2nd. The
reference presumably is to the letter of March 2, 1930. The Sunday preceding was
February 23, 1930.
2

360. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI
February 25, 1930
CHI. JAISUKHLAL,
I have your letter. I am including your name in the list but how
can I ask you to give up the responsibility which you have undertaken
there and call you here?
Blessings from
BAPU
S JT. J AISUKHLAL GANDHI
KHADI KARYALAYA
C HALALA (KATHIAWAR)
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: MMU/III/75
361. LETTER TO MITHUBEHN PETIT

February 26, 1930
DEAR SISTER,
I was eagerly awaiting your letter. Come on the 1st. Jamnabehn,

Perinbehn, Khurshedbehnn Jawaharlal, etc., will also have arrived on
that day.
Blessings from
BAPU
S MT. M ITHUBEHN P ETIT
S WARAJ ASHRAM
S URAT

362. LETTER TO HARI-ICHCHHA DESAI
February 26, 1930
CHI. HARI-ICHCHHA,
I got your letter. May you live long and render much service. I
would have been happy if you could have come. Janakibehn will
come in a day or two.
I got Chandan’s letter too.
Blessings from
BAPU

[February 26, 1930] 1
CHI. PRABHUDAS,
I have your postcard. You ought to complete the course of
injections which you have commenced. If necessary, therefore,
you should stay either in the Vidyapeeth or the Ashram for that
purpose. I believe the Ashram air to be very bad these days.Small-pox
is widespread. I should therefore like it if Manu too, stayed on there.
It is good that Brijkishan is quite well. Let him improve his
health to the utmost.
Blessings from
BAPU
C HI . P RABHUDAS GANDHI
S TRI UDYOGALAYA
VIJAPUR “VIA ” KALOL
364. WHEN I AM ARRESTED

It must be taken for granted that, when civil disobedience is
started, my arrest is a certainty. It is, therefore, necessary to consider
what should be done when the event takes place.
On the eve of my arrest in 1922 2 I had warned co-workers
1
From the postmark
2
Vide “Message to the Public”, 9-3-1922 & “Message to the Country”,
18-3-1924.

against any demonstration of any kind save that of mute, complete
non-violence, and had insisted that constructive work which alone
could organize the country for civil disobedience should be
prosecuted with the utmost zeal. The first part of the instructions was,
thanks be to God, literally and completely carried out —so completely
that it has enabled an English noble contemptuously to say, ‘Not a
dog barked.’ For me when I learnt in the jail that the country had
remained absolutely non-violent, it was a demonstration that the
preaching of non-violence had had its effect and that the Bardoli
decision1 was the wisest thing to do. It would be foolish to speculate
what might have happened if ‘dogs’ had barked and violence had
been let loose on my arrest. One thing, however, I can say, that in that
event there would have been no independence resolution at Lahore,
and no Gandhi with his confidence in the power of non-violence left
to contemplate taking the boldest risks imaginable.
Let us, however, think of the immediate future. This time on my
arrest there is to be no mute, passive non-violence, but non-violence of
the activest type should be set in motion, so that not a single believer
in non-violence as an article of faith for the purpose of achieving
India’s goal should find himself free or alive at the end of the effort
to submit any longer to the existing slavery. It would be, therefore, the
duty of everyone to take up such civil disobedience or civil resistance
as may be advised and conducted by my successor, or as might be
taken up by the Congress. I must confess, that at the present moment,
I have no all-India successor in view. But I have sufficient faith in the
co-workers and in the mission itself to know that circumstances will
give the successor. This peremptory condition must be patent to all
that he must be an out and out believer in the efficacy of non-violence
for the purpose intended. For without that living faith in it he will not
be able at the crucial moment to discover a non-violent method.
It must be parenthetically understood that what is being said
here in no way fetters the discretion and full authority of the
Congress. The Congress will adopt only such things said here that
may commend themselves to Congressmen in general. If the nature of
these instructions is to be properly understood, the organic value of
the charter of full liberty given to me by the Working Committee
should be adequately appreciated. Non-violence, if it does not submit
to any restrictions upon its liberty, subjects no one and no institution
to any restriction whatsoever, save what may be self-imposed or
voluntarily adopted. So long as the vast body of Congressmen
continue to believe in non-violence as the only policy in the existing
1
Of February 1922 to suspend the civil disobedience movement; vide
“Working Committee’s Resolutions at Bardoli”, 12-2-1922.

circumstances and have confidence not only in the bona fides of my
successor and those who claim to believe in non-violence as an article
of faith to the extent indicated but also in the ability of the successor
wisely to guide the movement, the Congress will give him and them its
blessings and even give effect to these instructions and his.
So far as I am concerned, my intention is to start the movement
only through the inmates of the Ashram and those who have
submitted to its discipline and assimilated the spirit of its methods.
Those, therefore, who will offer battle at the very commencement will
be unknown to fame. Hitherto the Ashram has been deliberately kept
in reserve in order that by a fairly long course of discipline it might
acquire stability. I feel that if the Satyagraha Ashram is to deserve the
great confidence that has been reposed in it and the affection
lavished upon it by friends, the time has arrived for it todemonstrate
the qualities implied in the word satyagraha. I feel that our
self-imposed restraints have become subtle indulgences, and the
prestige acquired has provided us with privileges and conveniences of
which we may be utterly unworthy. These have been thankfully
accepted in the hope that some day we would be able to give a good
account of ourselves in terms of satyagraha. And if at the end of
nearly 15 years of its existence, the Ashram cannot give such a
demonstration, it and I should disappear, and it would be well for the
nation, the Ashram and me.
When the beginning is well and truly made I expect the response
from all over the country. It will be the duty then of everyone who
wants to make the movement a success to keep it non-violent and
under discipline. Everyone will be expected to stand at his post except
when called by his chief. If there is spontaneous mass response, as I
hope there will be, and if previous experience is any guide, it will
largely be self-regulated. But everyone who accepts non-violence
whether as an article of faith or policy would assist the mass
movement. Mass movements have, all over the world, thrown up
unexpected leaders. This should be no exception to the rule. Whilst,
therefore, every effort imaginable and possible should be made to
restrain the forces of violence, civil disobedience once begun this time
cannot be stopped and must not be stopped so long as there is a single
civil resister left free or alive. A votary of satyagraha should find
himself in one of the following states:
1. In prison or in an analogous state; or
2. Engaged in civil disobedience; or
3. Under orders at the spinning-wheel, or at some
constructive work advancing swaraj.

365. SALT AND CANCER
I gladly publish this letter1 . I have glanced at the literature. As
an ardent food reformer I have lived without any salt for over six
years. Even now I take very little salt internally. But even a food
reformer like me has many other uses of salt. To cure a cold, a hot salt
water nasal douche is effective. As a tooth powder, finely powderedsalt
is precious. The way to teach people moderation in salt is not to tax
that otherwise most valuable commodity. And above all what is true of
well-fed or overfed people, who can provide for themselves every
variety of condiment and salt-charged foods that the earth can
produce or the ingenuity of man can manufacture, may not be true of
millions who are semi-starved and live on rice or stale unleavened
cakes. Who can say with certainty that these do not need much more
salt than they get? At any rate there are doctors who do say that
India’s millions need more salt than they eat, and that her cattle too
need much more than the poor farmers can afford to give them.
366. SALT TAX

A paragraph appeared in the Press that I would advise
non-payment of the salt tax to begin with. The manufacturer of the
canard did not know, perhaps, that the salt tax was so ingeniously
devised that it would not yield to easy non-payment. Nevertheless
there was this truth in it, that I was contemplating some method of
attacking this nefarious monopoly. The garbled report has however
resulted in most valuable information having been supplied to me by
known and unknown writers. Among the publications thus received is
the monograph issued by the Federation of Indian Chambers of
Commerce on salt. It is a valuable publication giving an authentic
history of the process of killing by wicked methods salt manufacture
in Bengal and dumping down Liverpool salt on a soil which could
produce good salt for only a little labour. This history of the
evolution of the salt tax furnishes by itself complete condemnation of
the British Government.
Next to air and water, salt is perhaps the greatest necessity of
1
From Frederick T. Marwood, not reproduced here. The correspondent had
enclosed literature proving causal connection between salt and cancer and had asserted
that the salt tax was a blessing in disguise.

life. It is the only condiment of the poor. Cattle cannot live without
salt. Salt is a necessary article in many manufactures. It is also a rich
manure.
There is no article like salt outside water by taxing which the
State can reach even the starving millions, the sick, the maimed and
the utterly helpless. The tax constitutes therefore the most inhuman
poll tax that ingenuity of man can devise. The wholesale price per
maund of 82 lbs. is according to Government publications as low as
10 pies, and the tax, say, twenty annas, i.e., 240 pies. This means 2,400
per cent on sale price! What this means to the poor can hardly
beimagined by us. Salt production like cotton growing has been
centralized for the sake of sustaining the inhuman monopoly. The
necessary consequence of the wilful destruction of the spinning-wheel
was destruction of cottage cultivation of cotton. The necessary
consequence of salt monopoly was the destruction, i.e., closing down
of salt works in thousands of places where the poor people
manufactured their own salt. A correspondent writes to me from
Konkan, saying that if the people had freedom, they could pick up
salt from the deposits made by the receding tides on the bountiful
coast. But he sorrowfully adds that officers turn the salt over into the
sea as fast as nature deposits it. He adds however, that those who can
successfully evade the salt police do help themselves to this sea salt.
Gujarat workers report the existence of many places where, but for the
prohibition, people can get their salt as easily as they can dig out earth
for many household purposes. Bengal free can today manufacture all
the salt she can ever need. And yet she is forced to import all the salt
she eats.
Here is what a retired salt officer writes without disclosing his
name:
Under the law the manufacture of salt includes every process by which salt
is separated from brine or earth or any other liquid or solid substance and also
every process for the purification or refinement of salt.
Contraband salt means salt or salt earth which has not paid duty.
1. Manufacture, removal, or transport of salt without licence;
2. The excavation, collection, or removal of natural salt or salt earth;
3. And possession or sale of contraband salt are punishable with a fine up
to Rs. 500 or imprisonment up to six months or both.
The whole western littoral of the Bombay Presidency from Cambay to
Ratnagiri; the whole coast of Kathiawar and the southern coast of Sind is a
huge natural salt-work, and natural salt and salt earth from which salt can be
easily prepared is in every creek.
If a band of volunteers begin the work all along the coast, it would be
impossible for the whole strength of the police and customs staff to prevent
them from collecting natural salt and salt earth, turning them into salt in the

interior and retaining it. The people of the presidency or at least the men and
women of the older generation firmly believe, that locally manufactured sea
salt is healthier than Kharaghoda salt, and they would love to have it, while
everyone would like to have cheap salt. The poor people on the coast will join
to get salt from Government salt-works without paying duty would be stealing
or robbery, an act of First Class Hinsa that would justify even shooting down
of the offenders if they persisted in the act.
I have given the letter as it was received. When salt can be
manufactured much more easily than it can be taken from salt depots,
I am not likely to advise people to help themselves to the article from
salt pans or storehouses. But I do not share the salt officer’s
characterization of such helping as first-class himsa. Both the helping
from pans and manufacturing contraband salt are statutory crimes
heavily punishable. Why is the manufacturing without licence a virtue
and taking salt from a manufacturing pan a vice ? If the impost is
wrong, it is wrong whether in connection with manufactured salt or the
crude article. If a robber steals my grain and cooks some of it, I am
entitled to both the raw and the cooked grain. I may draw a distinction
for the sake of avoiding inconvenience between in the collection of
salt spontaneously in these days of unemployment. Trying
manufactured and crude salt, and adopt the easier method of
manufacturing salt. But that does not alter the legal position in the
slightest degree. When therefore the time comes, civil resisters will
have an ample opportunity of their ability to conduct their campaign
regarding the tax in a most effective manner. The illegality is in a
Government that steals the people’s salt and makes them pay heavily
for the stolen article. The people, when they become conscious of
their power, will have every right to take possession of what belongs to
them.
367. NOTES
THE NATIONAL F LAG
The more the National Flag is gaining in importance, the nicer
become the questions that are being raised about its colours, size, the
charkha symbol, etc. It should be remembered that the National Flag
has become national only by convention and not by any Congress
resolution. With the growing consciousness of oneness, Congressmen
have begun to dislike the communal meaning that as inventor of the

design I gave to the colours on the Flag.1 A correspondent some days
ago sent me a cutting describing a new meaning a lady gave to the
colours. So far as I recall her speech, red was suggestive of bravery,
green of calmness and white of purity. I have no hesitation
inaccepting this meaning in the place of mine. When we have achieved
heart unity, there is no doubt that we shall be ashamed of recalling
things which had no use but to placate warring elements in the nation.
When we are really united, we shall never need to remember our
differences, we shall want to forget them as soon as we can. But we
shall always need to cultivate and treasure the virtues of bravery,
calmness and purity. This new meaning therefore should set at rest all
differences about the colours. As for the spinning-wheel, I shall be
sorry to find anybody objecting to the wheel which means energy,
which binds the poor and the rich, and which ever reminds
Congressmen that in anything that they may do, they dare not forget
the masses.
S MOKING NUISANCE
A correspondent writes:2
In this case at any rate the authorities are not to blame. Unless
the passengers affected complain the railway authorities can take no
action. The passengers can do much to abate the nuisance which is
very real. The smoker all the world over is perhaps the most
inconsiderate of all the slaves of habit. He takes it for granted that
everybody else smokes or ought to. He will part with many things
before he will part with his pipe. He will spit anywhere and smoke in
your very face and expect you to enjoy the smoky curl that mounts
up in front of you. And it would be the height of insolence if you
were to protest against the enjoyment thus thrust on you. Our
proverbial docility enables the Indian smoker to outdo his foreign
companions in indifference. And so the smoker in India appears to
have acquired a prescriptive right to make of himself a nuisance. Who
can deny that he is in a majority? For of the travelling public almost
every other man one meets with is smoking tobacco in one form or
other. The only remedy is for volunteers to come into being, who will
courteously ask the offending smokers to desist from smoking, and
then if need be, to report to the authorities. Of course the best course
1
Vide “The National Flag”, 13-4-1921; also “Speech at Flag-Hoisting
Ceremony, Ahmedabad”, 28-2-1929 & “The National Flag”, 7-3-1929.
2
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had questioned why the
railway authorities and passengers did not enforce the legal provision to penalize
passengers smoking in trains.

is as elsewhere to set apart smoking compartments or perhaps to
reserve compartments for non-smokers.
368. HISTORY OF SALT MANUFACTURE

The following1 is abridged from the publication Moral and
Material Progress 1910-11. Many curses have been handed down to
us from time immemorial as salt monopoly is claimed by the
publication to have done. Only the whole people were never in the
grip of the salt tax curse in the pre-British days. It was reserved for the
British Government to reduce the curse to a perfect formula covering
every man, woman, child and beast.
369. RAISING FALSE HOPES

With the deeper penetration among the masses, there is danger
of Congressmen making thoughtless promises and raising false hopes
which may never be realized. As an illustration I have before me a
Hindi circular issued by a Youth League which among twenty-five
promises contains these:
Cow-slaughter will stop altogether.
Milk, ghee and curds being cheap, all will put on flesh and be strong.
Child mortality will decrease.
Grain will not be exported to foreign parts. Knavery will cease and all
will be honest
Boys and girls will receive free instruction up to the age of 14.
Life will be clean and healthy.
Everyone will have arms for self-defence.
There will be no child widows.
Postage and railage will be reduced.
The promises are admirable, but extravagant and hardly likely
to be fulfilled by the mere fact of India gaining independence. Many
of the reforms hoped for will require tremendous social effort.
Foreign domination is undoubtedly responsible for many evils, but we
need to remember that many pre-existing evils were also a potent
cause of that domination. Therefore the mere throwing off of the
foreign yoke, whilst it is as essential as life breath, will never be the
cure-all.
Take the cow-slaughter. This will not stop for the mere
1
Not reproduced here

independence. It will come by the good grace of our Mussalman
countrymen and still more by hard thinking and harder acting. It is
much more an economic than a religious problem. If we knew and
acted according to the science of cow keeping, cow breeding and
some other things mentioned in these pages, the cow can be saved
today. To mention her in an enumeration of the future hopes is to
retard the process of her preservation.
I will run through the other items.
Cheap milk, ghee, curds will come from applied knowledge,
never from independence.
Child mortality will not decrease except by banishing poverty
and instructing the adult population in the art of rearing children.
Grain, if we produce more than we need, will certainly be
exported as well for our benefit as that of mankind in general.
Knavery will cease only if we achieve our freedom by non-
violent and truthful means, not otherwise.
I doubt if we shall ever be able to give free instruction to boys
and girls up to anything like 14. But we might be able to take their
labour as fees. This will happen if the nation is weaned from false
notions of education.
Life will be as dirty as it is today unless we learn corporate
sanitation.
I am certain that everyone will not have arms for self-defence,
but there will be much freer issue than hitherto. Issue of arms will still
be regulated but from wholly different motives from now.
There will be child widows in abundance, unless by the time we
achieve freedom, blind orthodoxy and lust have given place to
reasoned faith and self-restraint.
I am not sure that postage can be further reduced. Railage
may be.
But I may be wrong and the Youth League in question may be
right in its estimate of the capacity of independence to do things for
us. The point is not who is right. The point to be made is that it is rash
and imprudent to make hasty promises. It is more than enough to be
able to say without fear of contradiction, that Independence means the
removal of the greatest obstacle in the path of our economic, political,
cultural and spiritual progress, that without the removal of that
obstacle there is no progress, and that delay means national
bankruptcy, suicide.

370. KHADDAR FRANCHISE
The clause in the Congress constitution requiring Congressmen
to wear hand-spun and hand-woven garments on pain of being
debarred from voting at meetings continues to cause trouble. A
correspondent writes:
These Congress members, though they are clad top to toe in foreign and
Indian mill-made garments, do not hesitate to say when questioned that to the
best of their ability and knowledge they are dressed in khaddar garments. In
the face of Pandit Motilalji’s decision at Calcutta the chairmen at Congress
Committee meetings feel obliged to accept such Statements though they are
manifestly false. Honest men who when challenged admit that they are not
dressed in khaddar are debarred. Can you not show a way out, or cannot the
Working Committee provide a remedy?
The remedy that comes to me on the spur of the moment is that
the chairmen at such meetings should firmly rule out of order those
who are manifestly clad in any but khaddar garments. Pandit
Motilalji’s decision was given, I imagine, to obviate a difficulty. It
establishes no precedent, and he will himself refuse to be bound by a
decision which was neither serious nor considered. On the eve of the
great struggle that we are about to enter upon, it behoves all
Congressmen to carry out the Congress constitution honestly. Those
who do not like the khaddar clause are free to agitate for its repeal but
they are in honour-bound to give effect to it while it forms part of the
constitution.
Another correspondent asks questions which present no
difficulty. The following answers obviate the necessity of copying the
questions:
1. No one at the time of becoming a four anna member is
obliged to wear khaddar. The idea behind the wording of the clause
was first to enlist everyone who would subscribe to the 1st article and
pay 4 annas or the required quantity of self-spun yarn and then to
induce him to wear khaddar.
2. Those who are entitled to vote at meetings must be habitual
wearers of khaddar. It is not enough therefore to wear khaddar only
for the purpose of attending Congress functions. But the practice has
grown up of not making any further inquiry when a person attending
any meeting is found to be wearing khaddar.
3. Those who are partly dressed in khaddar cannot be
considered khaddar clad.
4. Mill-made cloth is not khaddar.

371. THAT NOXIOUS PALM 1
This reminds me of what is now going on in Bengal. The water
hyacinth beautiful to look at is a deadly plant floating on the great
Bengal rivers. The local Government are trying to destroy it as
otherwise it bids fair to destroy the crops that are watered by the
rivers. I have known of straingent legislation requiring people on pain
of being imprisoned to destroy noxious plants. The central point of
the world crusade against opium is to destroy and prevent the
cultivation of the poppy. It was not therefore surprising to find
condemnation of this ‘wild date palm’ as it has been called in the
extracts unearthed by Mahadev. It has no value apart from the fiery
liquid it provides. The sooner the other owners destroy it to make
room for life-giving crops, the better it will be for them and society.
372. BORDERLAND OF INSOLVENCY

The address of Sjt. Ghanshyamdas Birla as President of the
Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, delivered
recently at Delhi in the presence of the Viceroy, has justly attracted
wide attention. I take the following seasonable paragraphs2 from it our
foreign liabilities.
Sjt. Birla as a financier can only deal with the arithmetic of the
transactions and find how those liabilities just or unjust may be met.
Reformers claim to go behind these liabilities and to know how and
why they were created. We need not be squeamish about repudiation
of liabilities only so called and imposed upon us involuntarily and
often without our knowledge. Constitution making is a good
pastimeunder healthy conditions. But it is deceptive and ruinous when
the patient for whom a new constitution is prescribed is about to die.
An impartial and unfettered examination of our financial position
should therefore be a condition precedent to any scheme of
constitution making.
1
Mahadev Desai’s article under this title giving extracts from settlement
reports and other documents, is not reproduced here. It showed that toddy trees were
injurious to cultivation and fit only to be destroyed.
2
Not reproduced here. They analysed the extent and impact of British
investments, home charges and charges for such services as transport, insurance, etc.

373. VARNADHARMA AND DUTY OF LABOUR-IV
Q. Tolstoy has written “Money and slavery are one and the same thing. Their
object is the same and their outcome is also alike. . . . Money is a new and frightful
image of slavery and like the ancient personal bondage, it degrades and depraves the
slave as well as the master. That is not all. It is worse; because it destroys the human
affection which subsisted between master and slave in the ancient form of personal
slavery.”
Do you support this view? Can money never become a harmless medium of
exchange? If so, how? and if not, why not?
A.I am not aware that Tolstoy wrote what the questioner quotes
as the former’s statement. Slavery and money do not belong to the
same class and therefore they cannot be compared. Slavery is a status
and always abhorrent. Money is only a medium for one’s dealings
with the world. However powerful a medium it may be, it is just as
likely to be beneficial as to be harmful. This same can be said of
many other material things. Under every circumstance and in some
form or other, the need for money will surely exist. Slavery never was
and never could be necessary. We must understand the meaning of
money here. When I barter grain for shoes, then, as the grain is the
medium of exchange for shoes, it becomes money. But because barter
by grain becomes difficult for a large number of people, a bit of
metal or paper is used to represent it. This metal or paper is money.
There can be no objection to this. But when a person hoards such
paper, metal or grain beyond his needs, it leads to evil. It is therefore
clear that money by itself is not harmful, but greed for it is harmful.
As opposed to this, slavery is a sign of greed. It is wrong and greedy
to make a man a slave, but possession of money becomes wrong only
when it is held in excess.
However, the man who believes in varanadharma is contented
and therefore will not be greedy of wealth. And the man who believes
in the duty of labour will never make another a slave,
[From Hindi]

ASHRAM S ABARMATI ,
February 27, 1930
BHAISHRI NAUTAMLAL,
I got your letter. I make the following suggestion. The bridge

should be dressed in as simple garments as possible. The ornaments,
too, should be as few as possible. Whatever you wish to give to her,
give it in the form of a hundi 1 . Do the same if you also wish to give a
dowry to the bridegroom. Apart from that, give him a very simple
dress of khadi. There should be no dinner party at all. There will be
some guests on the day of the wedding and it will of course be
necessary to feed them. The menu for them should include as few
delicacies as possible. The noisy singing by women should be
altogether forbidden. There should be no band. The wedding should
be made a purely religious ceremony. The guests should not be
pressed to stay on after the wedding is over. The custom of giving
presents to members of the caste should not be observed. If you wish
to spend something on the occasion of the marriage, spend it on some
good cause, and, if possible, on a cause which will benefit all people. It
would be better if you spend nothing specially for the benefit of the
caste. Sub-divisions of the caste deserve no help. I have dictated these
suggestions in some haste; you may carry out as many of them as you
can.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
1
Bill of exchange or indigenous cheque

S ABARMATI ,
Thursday [February 27, 1930] 1
CHI. RAMDAS,
I have your letter. I understand your desire not to leave the
Ashram this time, I do wish to frame some rules. How is the girl? And
Nimu?
Blessings from
BAPU

February 28, 1930
BHAI GHANSHYAMDASJI,
I have your letter. I have reproduced your speech at length. 2
Whatever was done is all to the good. I have practised my ‘gift’ well
by this time. I now see that they have no answer to it. They merely
exploit our ignorance and cowardice.
The sooner the Assembly dissolves the better. I have little hope
of remaining out of jail by the end of March.
I have a query. Keshu and his mother were there, so were
Radhabehn and Devdas. Tell me what you think of them? How did
Keshu behave during his illness?
Yours,
MOHANDAS
From Hindi: C.W. 6182. Courtesy: G.D. Birla
1
The date suggested in the source is February 26, 1930. Thursday, however,
corresponded to February 27.
2
Vide “Borderland of Insolvency”, 27-2-1930.

377. LETTER TO RUKMINI BAJAJ
[Before March 2, 1930] 1
CHI. RUKHI,
I have received your letter.
I am astonished to read what you write about Narandas. He has
never shown himself disinclined. And I am sure Jamnadas can never
oppose it, judging from his views on the subject. However, I am
pleased to know that you are not the least perturbed and that both of
you, mother and daughter, are steadfast. In this matter, your opinion
alone should count most. But when Santok also completely agrees
with you, then the likes and dislikes of other people do not matter
much. If you and Benarasi become an ideal couple, then all criticism
will be silenced and you will have shown the path to the Hindu
community. I say to Marwari friends in jest, “You have taken away a
daughter from me. Therefore, my tax on you will now be doubled.”
Only today I have collected Rs. 201/- for khadi from a Marwari
gentleman by using this joke on him. He gave the amount with great
pleasure.
Radha’s health creates anxiety. I am enclosing a letter for her.
Learn Hindi either from Totaramji or from Kashinathji.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9047
378. THAKKAR BAPA’S BEGGING-BOWL

What shall I add to the details2 below, which Thakkar Bapa has
sent? Even if there should be war trumpets blowing, even if conditions
should be hard, for such public good and at the instance of this aged
worker, the rich will certainly loosen their purse-strings. The next
donor should be a Jugal Kishore Birla not of Marwar but of Gujarat.
That will be to the glory of Gujarat.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 2-3-1930
1
From the contents, the letter appears to have been written some time before
the addressee’s marriage to Benarasidas; they were married on March 2, 1930; vide
“Speech at Wedding, Sabarmati Ashram”, 2-3-1930.
2
Concerning expenditure incurred on digging 49 wells for untouchables, out
of funds donated by Jugal Kishore Birla, and giving a list of 37 villages where work
had to be suspended for lack of funds.

379. TWO LETTERS
A young man writes:1
Not all parents are like this. Here is a letter2 that a mother wrote
to her son at the Gujarat Vidyapith, who was wanting to join the
satyagraha movement.
This mother deserves congratulations. If India has many such
mothers, our struggle will end successfully and quickly. Fortunately,
the number of such parents is well on the increase. There are two
well-to-do girls whose parents, too, have given them full
encouragement and put no restrictions on their self-disciplined
freedom. I have intentionally used here the adjective “self-
disciplined” before “freedom” to suggest that freedom can be either
self-disciplined or self-willed.
Where there is opposition to one’s good intentions, as in the
case of this young man, from one’s father or teacher, one should, if
one is an adult son or daughter over sixteen years of age, first humbly
try to persuade the elders concerned, and then respectfully disobey
their order or their will. That is the clear duty of the son or the
daughter in a situation like this. If the son’s description of his father
in the letter above is true and if the latter recognizes himself as the
father referred to, I would request him to honour the khadi he wears,
give his blessings to the son and encourage him in his idea of
self-sacrifice. The father should also discard both tea and the thermos.
Tea is never a necessity of life, and a thing like a thermos has no place
in his poor home. I have no prejudice against such foreign articles as
are needed for maintaining one’s health or for similar uses. However,
to decide what is essential is a matter to which considerable thought
should always be given. It is not enough to wear khadi. The wearer
should also realize that khadi symbolizes the spirit of patriotism and
modesty. Wearing khadi does not give one the licence to enjoy all
kinds of liberty, but is the first step in the direction of self-restraint
and a sign of our desire to curtail other unnecessary freedoms. I shall
show here a cheap, indigenous way of preserving the temperature of
hot water or any similar drink. If hot water or a similar drink is put in
a vessel that can be closed tight, and if the vessel is then wrapped up
on all sides in a woollen blanket or in cotton and kept inside a chest or
box, the drink will preserve its temperature for twenty-four hours.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 2-3-1930
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had complained that
guardians discouraged the patriotic urges of their wards. He had also referred to his
khadi-wearing father using a foreign thermos flask.
2
Not translated here. It complimented the son on his eagerness to court arrest.

380. LETTER TO LORD IRWIN
S ATYAGRHA ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
March 2, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
Before embarking on civil disobedience and taking the risk I
have dreaded to take all these years, I would fain approach you and
find a way out.
My personal faith is absolutely clear. I cannot intentionally hurt
anything that lives, much less fellow human beings, even though they
may do the greatest wrong to me and mine. Whilst, therefore, I hold
the British rule to be a curse, I do not intend harm to a single
Englishman or to any legitimate interest he may have in India.
I must not be misunderstood. Though I hold the British
rule in India to be a curse, I do not, therefore, consider Englishmenin
general to be worse than any other people on earth I have the
privilege of claiming many Englishmen as dearest friends. Indeed
much that I have learnt of the evil of British rule is due to the writings
of frank and courageous Englishmen who have not hesitated to tell
the unpalatable truth about that rule.
And why do I regard the British rule as a curse?
It has impoverished the dumb millions by a system of
progressive exploitation and by a ruinously expensive military and
civil administration which the country can never afford.
It has reduced us politically to serfdom. It has sapped the
foundations of our culture. And, by the policy of cruel disarmament,
it has degraded us spiritually. Lacking the inward strength, we have
been reduced, by all but universal disarmament, to a state bordering
on cowardly helplessness.
In common with many of my countrymen, I had hugged the
fond hope that the proposed Round Table Conference might furnish a
solution. But, when you said plainly that you could not give any
assurance that you or the British Cabinet would pledge yourselves to
support a scheme of full Dominion Status, the Round Table
Conference could not possibly furnish the solution for which vocal
India is consciously, and the dumb millions are unconsciously,
thirsting. Needless to say there never was any question of Parliament’s
verdict being anticipated. Instances are not wanting of the British
Cabinet, in anticipation of the Parliamentary verdict, having pledged
itself to a particular policy.

The Delhi interview1 having miscarried, there was no option for
Pandit Motilal Nehru and me but to take steps to carry out the solemn
resolution of the Congress arrived at in Calcutta at its Session in
1928. 2
But the Resolution of Independence3 should cause no alarm, if
the word Dominion Status mentioned in your announcement had
been used in its accepted sense. For, has it not been admitted by
responsible British statesmen that Dominion Status is virtual
Independence? What, however, I fear is that there never has been any
intention of granting such Dominion Status to India in the immediate
future.
But this is all past history. Since the announcement many events
have happened which show unmistakably the trend of British policy.
It seems as clear as daylight that responsible British statesmen do
not contemplate any alteration in British policy that might adversely
affect Britain’s commerce with India or require an impartial and close
scrutiny of Britain’s transactions with India. If nothing is done to end
the process of exploitation India must be bled with an ever increasing
speed. The Finance Member regards as a settled fact the 1/6 ratio
which by a stroke of the pen drains India of a few crores. And when a
serious attempt is being made through a civil form of direct action, to
unsettle this fact, among many others, even you cannot help appealing
to the wealthy landed classes to help you to crush that attempt in the
name of an order that grinds India to atoms.
Unless those who work in the name of the nation understand
and keep before all concerned the motive that lies behind the craving
for independence, there is every danger of independence coming to
us so changed as to be of no value to those toiling voiceless millions
for whom it is sought and for whom it is worth taking. It is for that
reason that I have been recently telling the public what independence
should really mean.
Let me put before you some of the salient points.
The terrific pressure of land revenue, which furnishes a large
part of the total, must undergo considerable modification in an
independent India. Even the much vaunted permanent settlement
benefits the few rich zamindars, not the ryots. The ryot has remained
as helpless as ever. He is a mere tenant at will. Not only, then, has the
1
Which took place on December 23, 1929.
2
Vide “Speech on Resolution on Nehru Report, Calcutta Congress-I”,
26-12-1928.
3
The resolution referred to is the Congress resolution passed at Lahore in
1929. Vide “Speech at Subjects Committee, A.I.C.C.”, 27-12-1929.

land revenue to be considerably reduced, but the whole revenue
system has to be so revised as to make the ryot’s good its primary
concern. But the British system seems to be designed to crush the very
life out of him. Even the salt he must use to live is so taxed as to make
the burden fall heaviest on him, if only because of the heartless
impartiality of it incidence. The tax shows itself still more burdensome
on the poor man when it is remembered that salt is the one thing he
must eat more than the rich man both individually and collectively.
The drink and drug revenue, too, is derived from the poor. It saps the
foundations both of their health and morals. It is defended under the
false plea of individual freedom, but, in reality, is maintained for its
own sake. The ingenuity of the authors of the reforms of 1919
transferred this revenue to the so-called responsible part of dyarchy,
so as to throw the burden of prohibition on it, thus, from the very
beginning, rendering it powerless for good. If the unhappy minister
wipes out this revenue he must starve education, since in the existing
circumstances he has no new source ofreplacing that revenue.If the
weight of taxation has crushed the poor from above, the destruction of
the central supplementary industry, i.e., hand-spinning, has
undermined their capacity for producing wealth. The tale of India’s
ruination is not complete without reference to the liabilities incurred
in her name. Sufficient has been recently said about these in the
public Press. It must be the duty of a free India to subject all the
liabilities to the strictest investigation, and repudiate those that may be
adjudged by an impartial tribunal to be unjust and unfair.
The iniquities sampled above are maintained in order to carry
on a foreign administration, demonstrably the most expensive in the
world. Take your own salary. It is over Rs. 21,000 per month, besides
many other indirect additions. The British Prime Minister gets £ 5,000
per year, i.e., over Rs. 5,400 per month at the present rate of
exchange. You are getting over Rs. 700 per day against India’s
average income of less than annas 2 per day. The Prime Minister gets
Rs. 180 per day against Great Britain’s average income of nearly Rs.
2 per day. Thus you are getting much over five thousand times
India’s average income. The British Prime Minister is getting only
ninety times Britain’s average income. On bended knees I ask you to
ponder over this phenomenon. I have taken a personal illustration to
drive home a painful truth. I have too great a regard for you as a man
to wish to hurt your feelings. I know that you do not need the salary
you get. Probably the whole of your salary goes for charity. But a
system that provides for such an arrangement deserves to be
summarily scrapped. What is true of the Viceregal salary is true
generally of the whole administration.

A radical cutting down of the revenue, therefore, depends upon
an equally radical reduction in the expenses of the administration.
This means a transformation of the scheme of government. This
transformation is impossible without independence. Hence, in my
opinion, the spontaneous demonstration of 26th January, in which
hundreds of thousands of villagers instinctively participated. To them
independence means deliverance from the killing weight.
Not one of the great British political parties, it seems to me, is
prepared to give up the Indian spoils to which Great Britain helps
herself from day to day, often, in spite of the unanimous opposition
of Indian opinion.
Nevertheless, if India is to live as a nation, if the slow death by
starvation of her people is to stop, some remedy must be found for
immediate relief. The proposed Conference is certainly not the
remedy. It is not a matter of carrying conviction by argument. The
matter resolves itself into one of matching forces. Conviction or no
conviction, Great Britain would defend her Indian commerce and
interests by all the forces at her command. India must consequently
evolve force enough to free herself from that embrace of death.
It is common cause that, however disorganized and, for the time
being, insignificant it may be, the party of violence is gaining ground
and making itself felt. Its end is the same as mine. But I am convinced
that it cannot bring the desired relief to the dumb millions. And the
conviction is growing deeper and deeper in me that nothing but
unadulterated non-violence can check the organized violence of the
British Government. Many think that non-violence is not an active
force. My experience, limited though it undoubtedly is, shows that
non-violence can be an intensely active force. It is my purpose to set
in motion that force as well against the organized violent force of the
British rule as [against] the unorganized violent force of the growing
party of violence. To sit still would be to give rein to both the forces
above mentioned. Having an unquestioning and immovable faith in
the efficacy of non-violence as I know it, it would be sinful on my
part to wait any longer.
This non-violence will be expressed through civil disobedience,
for the moment confined to the inmates of the Satyagraha Ashram,
but ultimately designed to cover all those who choose to join the
movement with its obvious limitations.
I know that in embarking on non-violence I shall be running
what might fairly be termed a mad risk. But the victories of truth have
never been won without risks, often of the gravest character.
Conversion of a nation that has consciously or unconsciously preyed

upon another, far more numerous, far more ancient and no less
cultured than itself, is worth any amount of risk.
I have deliberately used the word “conversion”. For my
ambition is no less than to convert the British people through non-
violence, and thus make them see the wrong they have done to India. I
do not seek to harm your people. I want to serve them even as I want
to serve my own. I believe that I have always served them. I served
them up to 1919 blindly. But when my eyes were opened and I
conceived non-co-operation, the object still was to serve them. I
employed the same weapon that I have in all humility successfully
used against the dearest members of my family. If I have equal love
for your people with mine it will not long remain hidden. It will be
acknowledged bythem even as the members of my family
acknowledged it after they had tried me for several years. If the
people join me as I expect they will, the sufferings they will undergo,
unless the British nation sooner retraces its steps, will be enough to
melt the stoniest hearts.
The plan through civil disobedience will be to combat such evils
as I have sampled out. If we want to sever the British connection it is
because of such evils. When they are removed the path becomes easy.
Then the way to friendly negotiation will be open. If the British
commerce with India is purified of greed, you will have no difficulty
in recognizing our independence. I respectfully invite you then to
pave the way for immediate removal of those evils, and thus open a
way for a real conference between equals, interested only in
promoting the common good of mankind through voluntary
fellowship and in arranging terms of mutual help and commerce
equally suited to both. You have unnecessarily laid stress upon the
communal problems that unhappily affect this land. Important though
they undoubtedly are for the consideration of any scheme of
government, they have little bearing on the greater problems which
are above communities and which affect them all equally. But if you
cannot see your way to deal with these evils and my letter makes no
appeal to your heart, on the 11th day of this month, 1 I shall proceed
with such co-workers of the Ashram as I can take, to disregard the
provisions of the salt laws. I regard this tax to be the most iniquitous
of all from the poor man’s standpoint. As the independence
movement is essentially for the poorest in the land the beginning will
be made with this evil. The wonder is that we have submitted to the
cruel monopoly for so long. It is, I know, open to you to frustrate my
design by arresting me. I hope that there will be tens of thousands
ready, in a disciplined manner, to take up the work after me, and, in
the act of disobeying the Salt Act to lay themselves open to the
1
The march, however, started on March 12.

penalties of a law that should never have disfigured the Statute-book.
I have no desire to cause you unnecessary embarrassment,
or any at all, so far as I can help. If you think that there is any
substance in my letter, and if you will care to discuss matters with
me, and if to that end you would like me to postpone publication
of this letter, I shall gladly refrain on receipt of a telegram to
that effect soon after this reaches you. 1 You will, however, dome the
favour not to deflect me from my course unless you can see your way
to conform to the substance of this letter.
This letter is not in any way intended as a threat but is a simple
and sacred duty peremptory on a civil resister. Therefore I am having
it specially delivered by a young English friend who believes in the
Indian cause and is a full believer in non-violence and whom
Providence seems to have sent to me, as it were, for the very purpose.2
I remain,
Your sincere friend,
M. K. GANDHI
H. E. LORD IRWIN
VICEROY’S HOUSE
NEW DELHI -3
Young India, 12-3-1930; also S.N. 16624
381. SPEECH AT WEDDING3 , SABARMATI ASHRAM

March 2, 1930
Whenever a wedding is arranged through the Ashram, I say a
few words while offering my blessings. On this occasion again I wish
to express the hope which I expressed on the occasion of the marriage
of Shri Shankarlal and Umiya.
Bhai Benarsi, I have a right to hope for much from you. I have
been very happy to observe your humility and your religious
devotion. I hope that you will devote yourself to national work to the
best of your ability and inspire Rukmini to do likewise. Try to
1
The Viceroy’s reply was simply an expression of regret that Gandhiji should
be “contemplating a course of action which is clearly bound to involve violation of
the law and danger to the public peace”.
2
Reginald Reynolds who took the letter to the Viceroy, referring to it in
To Live in Mankind, observes: “Before I went Gandhi insisted I should read the letter
carefully, as he did not wish me to associate myself with it unless I was in complete
agreement with its contents. My taking of this letter was, in fact, intended to be
symbolic of the fact that this was not merely a struggle between the Indians and the
British. . . .” Vide also “About That Letter”, 6-3-1930.
3
Of Benarsilal Bazaj and Rukmini, daughter of Maganlal Gandhi.

understand fully the meaning of the saptapadi vow and preserve it in
practice in your life. In this vow, the bride and the bridegroom
promise to be each other’s friends; but their friendship is real only if
they try to remedy each other’s defects and to strengthen their own
virtues. The cause of the attachment and aversion we see in the world
is people’s habit of observing one another’s defects. Those
whoseonly aim is enjoyment in life are bound to be filled with such
feelings. I should, therefore, like to see a bond of friendship between
husband and wife, instead of one of sensual enjoyment. I know that it
is difficult to cultivate such a relationship, but nothing is too difficult
for determined effort. The vow requires the bride to say that the
bridegroom is her guru and her god. I had wanted this time to alter
the vow in this regard, but refrained from doing so for fear that that
might confuse people’s minds. I intend to omit the words ‘guru’ and
‘god’ in future, because it is not right that a husband should regard
himself as a guru or god. Anyone who serves another does become a
guru or god without his claiming to be one. This, however, does not
mean that today’s vow is not binding. Rukmini has accepted you as
her guru and god, understanding quite well the meaning of the vow.
You should, therefore, be worthy of her trust. Take care of her as you
would of a flower. Tolerate the differences in outlook and manners
which may arise from the fact of you two belonging to different
provinces. May the bond between Marwar and Gujarat which has been
formed grow and bear happy fruit. May your relationship become an
ideal for others.
Rukhi, the choice of Benarsi was not mine; it was Maganlal’s. I
have only tried to be worthy of his legacy. You should fulfil the hope
which Maganlal had cherished about you. You know that his entire
life was dedicated to service. I have occupied the seat left vacant by
him in the hope that his virtues may grow in me. You know my views.
Follow them and so live your life that you will win praise for your
father and grandfather. My ambition for you is that your
mother-in-law and others should never detect a trace of selfishness in
you, and that you will do nothing of which I, Khushalbhai, Devbhabhi
or Santok need feel ashamed. I would be pained if you should be
guilty of a single act which would make us feel ashamed of you.
People will admire you if you exercise self-control even in your
enjoyments. Let self-control be your aim in all that you enjoy. We
obey the instincts of our nature and do certain things. For instance,
music at the time of prayers is a form of enjoyment, for the
experience of sweetness is a pleasure. But we wish to learn
renunciation through this enjoyment. Similarly, married life is a form
of enjoyment but we should know that the aim behind it is

self-control. Our enjoyment is for the purpose of overcoming the
desire for enjoyment. You have been learning this lesson from the
time that we were in South Africa. Always serve others. Let Benarsi
not repent having married a Gujarati girl, and one brought up in the
Ashram. Even if he does not have virtues which would make him
worthy of being regarded by you as a guru or god, you should be a
women of such ideal character that he may acquire those virtues. My
sincere blessings to you both for a long life.
From a copy of the Gujarati: C.W. 9296
382. NOTE TO ANAND T. HINGORANI1

March 3, 1930
You are a good young man of promise. If the surrounding
atmosphere responds, it will be well with you. I hope to go through
your other diary. Look at my remarks on your ‘who am I.’
BAPU
From a microfilm. Courtesy: National Archives Of India and Anand T.
Hingorani
383. LETTER TO DR. M. A. ANSARI

S ABARMATI ,
March 3, 1930
DEAR DR. ANSARI,
I have your message, It does not move me. I want you to read
my letter to the Viceroy with an unbiased mind. You seem to have
made up your mind that the Independence Resolution is wrong and
that Civil Disobedience—its corollary—is also wrong, i. e., at the
present moment. You will find neither to be wrong. We cannotachieve
unity through any Conference. But we can through fighting for
common causes. At the time of the flood in Gujarat four years ago, all
without exception in the flood area made common cause. There was
no difficulty about Mussalmans seeking the same shelter as the
Hindus. The blindly orthodox Hindu suspended his prejudice against
the untouchable. The snake discarded his venom for the time being.
True, they are again “as you were”, but a few more such lessons will
certainly set them right. I want you to realize the new orientation I
have given to the struggle. I seek independence through a redress of
the age-long grievances which touch the masses more than us. I want
you to throw yourself heart and soul into this battle. If your
1
The addressee in a note had asked Gandhiji what he thought of him.

preoccupations prevent you, you must at least give it your blessing. I
have smallpox raging in the Ashram. We are most of us anti-
vaccinationists from religious motives. No provable virtue of
vaccination will therefore move us. If you know of a remedy apart
from vaccination, please send me the prescription. The treatment we
are having is red colour, strong permanganate solution warm baths
followed by wet-sheet pack and liquid food, chiefly fruit juices, and
when the virulence abates a little milk and water, but of 12 cases three
have proved fatal. Two obstinate cases of confluent smallpox have
completely recovered. There is uncertainty about one bad case. We
are trying to keep children from the patients but it is so difficult to
isolate patients completely. It is an expensive process if you will not
make it heartless and leave the patient practically to his fate.
If you have leisure please dictate full instructions.
Id mubarak.
Yours ever,
M. K. GANDHI
From a copy: Ansari Papers . Courte sy: Jamia Millia Islamia Librar y

Monday, 3.45 a.m. [March 3, 1930] 1
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I was expecting your letter. I was relieved to learn from
Chhaganlal and Kashibehn that your fever had gone down.
If you can digest milk with ghee added to it, do take it. It would
be all right too if a little milk taken with chapati can sustain you. The
finding of vaidyas is that those who find milk constipating are bound
to find other things excepting fruit constipating, too. But there is no
need of other things. Take whatever relieves you.
Now, for Delhi. Send a telegram restraining your brother and
mother from coming over. Tell them there is no likelihood of your
going to jail now, and that they must not interfere in your activities. If,
in spite of this, they do come, remain firm and say courteously that
they must give up all hope of exerting pressure upon you. Bear with
their suffering. A time will come when they will be reconciled.
Mahadev has not gone to Delhi. Reynolds has taken the letter.
Blessings from
1
The date is inferred from the reference to the letter to Lord Irwin, which was
delivered by Reginald Reynolds.

385. LETTER TO MANMOHANDAS P. GANDHI
March 3, 1930
BHAISHRI MANMOHANDAS,
I got both the books sent by you. You already see that I have
been using the book on the subject of salt. If you have this further
information, send it to me; if you don’t have it, please get it for me.
What is the expenditure incurred on the collection of the salt tax?
Some say it is eight per cent and some that it is twenty per
cent.Compare the percentage of expenditure on this tax with the
percentage of expenditure on other taxes.
If you have a copy of the latest Administration Report on salt,
send it to me. If you have no spare copy, I will return it to you.
Send me any other information which you think will be useful
to me.
Now about your book on cotton. I have been reading it. But I
may point out two errors just now. You say that formerly weaving and
spinning were probably independent professions and not subsidiary
occupations. Weaving and spinning are two independent activities.
Weaving was (chiefly) an independent profession and is so even
today. That spinning, on the other hand, has always been (chiefly) a
subsidiary occupation we can prove with thousands of instances even
today. The individuals were alive when the movement for the revival
of spinning started in 1919. This is an important distinction, and so
you must have seen that your error is a serious one. This error will
continue to be made in the absence of personal knowledge of the
facts. Even writers who have gone deeper than you have committed it.
But that defence will not serve an humble student. The second error is
this. Writing about the Mogul period you say that there were then
such frequent and widespread massacres that no profession could
flourish. There are two errors in this view. Such massacres were never
widespread. Before Akbar, no Muslim ruler had entered villages. The
massacres always took place in cities and there, too, they had little
effect on the artisan classes. Even today we see these classes going on
with their occupations under this anarchical rule. Formerly, the
government touched the lives of only those who were connected with
the administrative machinery. It is only in the present age that
governments have become eager to extend their grip over entire
populations. And, among them all, the British Government has
acquired the utmost efficiency in this. It is this efficiency which is
ruining us, for British rule is inspired by no philanthropic motives.

I found some time in the morning to write this, for I expect you
to make a valuable contribution to the cause.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
386. LETTER TO MANGALDAS, KASTURBHAI AND

GORDHANBHAI
S ABARMATI ,
March 4, 1930
SHETH SHRI MANGALDAS, SHETH SHRI KASTURBHAI AND SHETH SHRI
GORDHANBHAI,
I remember it was a condition that in the administration of the
sums contributed by the mill-owners to the Tilak Swaraj Fund, my
advice also would be sought. For some time, the workers have not
been getting the benefits from that amount which they were getting
previously. It is likely that I may have to go to jail after the 11th. If,
therefore, you call a meeting to the mill-owners before that date, I
may place my views before them and we may discuss how the amount
might be utilized.
Yours,
MOHANDAS GANDHI

March 5, 1930
MY DEAR RAIHANA,
I must dictate this letter or not write to you at all.
Whilst you are at liberty to use or not to use anything you like, I
think the position taken up by Father and Mother is unassailable.
They are the rulers of the household. You may make gentle
suggestions but you may not resent their dispositions. Nobler parents
no one can desire. It is enough that you do not make use of Western
facilities and contrivances wherever it is possible for you to avoid
them. By being strict with yourself and charitable towards your
surroundings you can affect them as in no other way.
Yours,
BAPU

388. REMARKS AT PRAYER MEETING, SABARMATI
ASHRAM
March 5, 1930
The campaign will start on the morning of the twelfth, and,
therefore, all joining me have to get ready in five days. You should
not worry about food or water. Let us put our trust in God and we
shall have everything.
We shall march in the direction of Pethapur.1 A horse will
accompany us, and if I am not well I shall ride it. I shall be marching
with Shri Abbas Tyabji and a batch of fifty. Let everyone have a copy
of the Bhagavad Gita with him. In the jail too, if it should be
necessary, we shall offer civil disobedience. Only men will accompany
us. Women and others will stay in the Ashram.
Women will have enough opportunity to offer satyagraha.2 Just
as Hindus do not harm a cow, the British do not attack womenas far as
possible. For Hindus it would be cowardice to take a cow to the
battlefield. In the same way it would be cowardice for us to
have women accompany us. In the coming struggle, even children
might get killed. Knowing this, if we take children with us it would be
sheer folly.
I wish the struggle to come to an end in a month or so, but it
may continue longer.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 9-3-1930
389. LETTER TO VITHALDAS JERAJANI

March 5/6 3 , 1930
BHAISHRI JERAJANI,
I have your letter. You may go to any place which Shankerlal
may ask you to visit. Don’t think it necessary to obtain my permission
in such matters. When I need you, I will call you from wherever you
are.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Gandhiji said this in answer to a boy’s question about the place to which they
were to march.
2
It had been suggested that four or five women might be allowed to go along.
3
The letter was dictated on the 5th and signed by Gandhiji on the 6th.

390. PENAL SECTIONS OF THE SALT ACT
The following sections1 copied or abridged from the Bombay
Salt Act and the Indian Salt Act will show the design underlying their
operation. The Bombay Act is a refined reproduction of the India Act
of 1882. Most of the penal sections of the Bombay Act show a
stiffening of the original which evidently experience of administration
had shown to be necessary. Only one section has been taken from the
central Act. The reader will not fail to notice a strange section which
makes “cowardice” on the part of the salt-revenue officers a crime
punishable with imprisonment extending to three months. The word
“cowardice” is not defined. But the reader with an imagination will
have no difficulty in understanding what cowardice can possibly
meanin the administration of an Act which takes in its sweep millions
of human beings, men and women, young and old, cripples and
healthy.
391. PUBLIC DEBT ANALYSED

Sjt. Haridas Muzumdar has prepared a note on Public Debt. I
give below the following condensation2 which will assist the reader to
know what this debt is.
392. ABOUT THAT LETTER

My letter to the Viceroy went on the 2nd instant as anticipated
by the newspapers. Forecasts have been published of its contents
which are largely untrue. I wish these correspondents and the news
agencies will, instead of making the publication of news a matter
merely of making money, think of the public good. If there had been
anything to give to the public, surely Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru would
have given it. But it was thought advisable to wait for an
acknowledgement from Delhi before publishing the letter. I am not
intent on a fight. I am leaving no stone unturned to avoid it. But I am
ready for it the moment I find that there is no honourable way out of
it. Premature publication of news indirectly obtained by means not
always straight ought not to be the function of journalists. I know that
the newspaper said to be the greatest in the world makes it a boast to
obtain by secret methods news which no other agency can. It makes it
a boast to publish news which the keepers are most anxious often in
the public interest to withhold for the time being. But the English
1
Vide Appendix “Penal Sections of the Salt Act”, 6-3-1930.
2
Not reproduced here.

public submits tothe treatment, because moneyed and influential men
conduct The Times.We have blindly copied the rulers’ code of
manners without discrimination in the matter of publication of news as
in many others of still greater importance. I know that mine is a voice
in the wilderness, though I speak with the authority of an unbroken
experience of practical journalism for over twenty years, if successful
conducting of four weeklies 1 can be regarded as such.Be that as it
may, the imminent fight includes among the points of attack this
slavish habit of copying everything English. No one will accuse me of
any anti-English tendency. Indeed I pride myself on my
discrimination. I have thankfully copied many things from them.
Punctuality, reticence, public hygiene, independent thinking and
exercise of judgment and several other things I owe to my association
with them. But never having had the slightest touch of slave mentality
in me and never having even a thought of materially benefiting
myself through contact, official or otherwise, with them, I have had the
rare good fortune of studying them with complete detachment. On the
eve of battle therefore I would warn fellow journalists against copying
the English method of obtaining and publishing news. Let them study
my original method which was introduced long before I became a
Mahatma and before I had acquired any status of importance in the
public life of India. It was a hard struggle, but I found in the field of
journalism as in many others that the strictest honesty and fair dealing
was undoubtedly the best policy. Any shorter cut is longer at least by
double the length sought to be saved. For there must be a retracing. I
say all this not for the sake of reading a lesson to fellow-journalists
but for the sake of the struggle in which I would value the
co-operation of journalists whether they approve of or oppose my
methods of political warfare. Let them not add to the risks I am
already taking. The rule I would like them to observe is never to
publish any news without having it checked by someone connected
with me and having authority.
With this long preface I may inform the reader that the letter was
sent through a special messenger to be personally delivered to the
Private Secretary to His Excellency the Viceroy. The messenger
selected was a young English friend Reginald Reynolds who came to
India some months ago and who has identified himself completely
with the Indian cause. For me the sending of the letter was a religious
act as the whole struggle is. And I selected an English friend as my
messenger, because I wanted to forge a further check upon myself
against any intentional act that would hurt a single Englishman. If I
have any sense of honour in me, this choice should prove an
automatic restraint even upon unconscious error. It pleases me also to
have the unselfish and unsolicited association of a cultured, well-read,
1
Indian Opinion, Young India, Navajivan and Hindi Navajivan.

devout Englishman in an act which may, in spite of all my effort to
the contrary, involve loss of English life.
As for the letter itself, when the reader has the text before him
he will see that it is not an ultimatum, but it is a friendly, if also a
frank, communication from one who considers himself to be a friend
of Englishmen. But the reader must hold himself in patience for a
while.
393. STUDENTS AND CHARACTER

A retired Inspector of Schools (Punjab) writes:1
I have already written about the cries in a previous but recent
issue of Young India.2 I fully agree that “Down with the Union Jack”
smells of violence. There are several other objectionable cries that
have come into vogue. One who believes in non-violence even as a
policy may not utter those cries. They do no good and may do harm.
A disciplined young man will not utter those cries. It is certainly
opposed to satyagraha. As for the second point raised by the writer, he
has evidently failed to see that the authorities are reaping as they have
sown. The system of education is responsible for the lack of character
wherever it shows itself. The remedy now is not to seek my opinion or
assistance, but for the teachers to make common cause with the
students and lead them to victory. The latter know the tragic history of
their own nation, they know how the other nations have gained their
liberty. It is impossible to restrain them from working for the freedom
of their own country. If they are not properly guided in their
approach to their goal, they will take the means that their unripe and
unaided reason will suggest. In any event, in so far as I am concerned,
I have shown them the way. If I am responsible for their enthusiasm, I
am glad. I am trying too to guide it in the right direction. If they go
wrong in spite of my effort, I cannot be held responsible.
No one can be more grieved than I over the bomb outrage
at Amritsar through which an innocent young man, Sardar Pratap
Singh, who was undoubtedly not the target of the bomb-thrower,
met his death. These outrages are surely due to the lack of character
to which the retired inspector of schools has drawn attention.
The word “character” is perhaps not the happiest expression.Ballast
is the right word. If it was the Principal of the Khalsa College who was
aimed at, the incident is proof of a deep-seated disease. There is no
bond between the teachers and the taught. The teachers of educational
1
The letter is not reproduced here. The correspondent had sought Gandhiji’s
opinion on the growing violence, hatred and indiscipline among students.
2
Vide “Some Rules of Satyagraha”, 23-2-1930.

institutions, whether entirely owned or aided by the Government,
naturally feel it incumbent upon them, whether they have it in them or
not, themselves to profess and inculcate in others loyalty to the
existing Government. The students have no sense of loyalty in them.
They have become impatient. Impatience has led to loss of
self-control, and so their energy finds its vent through dubious
channels. For me these incidents are no warning to stay my hand, but
to go on with my programme and gain control over, or break myself
in the attempt to stem the surging tide of violence on either side.
394. THE PUBLIC DEBT

Thanks to the Congress resolution on public debts, important
literature on the subject is springing into being. The Bombay
Chronicle is rendering a service by publishing the informing series of
articles by ‘Politicus’ on this subject. Financial problems are always a
dry subject requiring concentration and some previous study. It is for
our learned economists to put these problems in an interesting manner
capable of being understood by the public. The series by ‘Politicus’
is an attempt in that direction. I am not however sure that the
presentation of his subject cannot be made simpler even if that should
require a fuller treatment. I pick up from the series two things for the
reader’s consideration. After examining all available figures,
‘Politicus’ concludes that:
the aggregate burden of all kinds of Public Debt, owed by all sorts of
authorities and incurred for no matter what purpose or in what form, will be not
much short of Rs. 1,200 crores at the present moment. This is about half of
India’s total annual wealth in material goods of all kinds. And that wealth
barely suffices to give only one meal a day of the coarsest kind to every human
being in the land and that too if we exclude all other needs of human life.
If this statement is true, it constitutes a black record of crime
against India. It shows that the debts are largely unproductive. If these
obligations were healthy, our wealth should have so increased as to
give more than enough to every one of us to eat. Having summed up
the total debt, ‘Politicus’ examines the ethics of the obligations and
sums up thus:
The fact, however, must be repeated that, hitherto, the debt has been
contracted by the Government without consulting the people of India; that the
latter have no power to vote the borrowing programme or the debt charges,
even under the reforms of 1919-20; and that any condition precedent to the
recognition of our political majority, even in the form of a full Dominion
Status, which will serve as an encumbrance for all time to come on the people
of India, without their explicit consent or confirmation, must, in law as well
as conscience, be held to be void. The trustee liquidating or dissolving the

trust is entitled, of course, to a full statement of accounts regarding his
management of the trust, so that no unexpected claims or counter-claims be
urged against him subsequently by the beneficiaries coming into their own.
But that is no reason why the trustee should be permitted to insist, on the
occasion of dissolving the trust, that all his claims against the trust estate
shall be passed and adopted, without examination, by the erstwhile
beneficiaries under his trust.
The Congress resolution means no more than this, save that it
suggests also an unexceptionable machinery for a due examination of
these transactions.
But they have the power to impose their will, we have not yet
generated strength to resist that will. Or Sir Malcolm Hailey would not
be able to say as he is reported to have said. He was speaking to the
U. P. Legislative Council. In the course of his address he said:
First and foremost, every legal means would be adopted to defeat the
campaign of civil disobedience, and in the event of legal resources proving
insufficient, we shall attempt to secure such legal provision as is required to
effect our purpose.
This was not enough, and so His Excellency warmed up and
said:
He might even feel that it would not be wholly amiss if the Government
were, on this occasion, to furnish some proof of the demoniac character of
which he has been told so much.
I trust that civil resisters have counted the cost. For the rulers to
give an exhibition of that admirable character would be no new
experience for India. I hope that the campaign will so shape itself as
to allow the fury exhaustively to expend itself. That is the inevitable
result of the law of non-retaliation.
395. NO RULE V. MISRULE

This letter is obviously meant for publication. Mr. Pennington
1
must always command respect for his great industry at his age and for
his sincere advocacy of a cause he believes in. Professor Kumarappa is
well able to take care of himself. He, being in village, is not easily
accessible. But whether he has any answer or not to Mr. Pennington’s
facts, I can say this from my own experience. Most of the “facts”
1
Not reproduced here. J. B. Pennington had criticized J. C. Kumarappa’s
chapters on “Public Finance and Our Poverty” which were serialized in Young India
from November 28, 1929 to January 23, 1930. Pennington had pointed out some
benefits derived by India from Pax Britannica and expressed misgivings about the
proclamation of independence.

such friends as Mr. Pennington can produce may be true, and yet do
not affect the conclusion arrived at by nationalists, nor do those facts
warrant the deductions their authors base upon them. “One swallow
does not make a summer.” Nor can high prices paid for a few acres
in a rich tract prove the general prosperity of a continent. As against
isolated facts of isolated prosperity stands the grim fact of the general
pauperism of India as a whole. This pauperism can be seen with
physical eyes by anyone who would care to wander through India’s
villages. Pax Britannica is not a beneficial operation. It has as much
value to India as the slave dwellers have in an estate whose owner
keeps the slaves from fighting with one another, protects the estate
from foreign inroads and makes the slaves work with a regularity that
is just enough to keep the estate going in his, the owner’s, interest.
The slaves of this imaginary estate will, when they grow to
consciousness of their position, prefer anarchy to slavery if there is no
other choice. Even so should I prefer anarchy to the existing rule and
its much-vaunted peace if I can have no other choice. Surely no-rule
is better than bad rule. As for the friends who “are most anxious to
hold me in respect”, I can only say that while I would always esteem
their affection, I must be content to go without it if I cannot retain it
consistently with obedience to the Inner Voice. What shall it profit me
even though I may win the esteem of a whole world, if I have to lose
my soul?
396. OBSCENE LITERATURE

No country and no language is free from obscene literature. As
long as there are self-indulging and immoral people in the world,
obscene literature will continue to be produced and read. But when
such literature is disseminated through newspapers of good standing,
and under the guise of art or service, it is truly horrible. I have
received this kind of obscene literature from the Marwari community.
I have also received a copy of the statement published on behalf of
respectable Marwaris. The statement seeks to rouse the Marwari
community and calls upon it to boycott literature which goes under
the name of art but in reality has money as its end. What provoked the
statement was the Marwari number of a monthly called Chand. I
could not read all of it, nor do I wish to do so, but whatever I could
read was so obscene and loathsome that no man who has any sense or
who has the good of society at heart would ever publish such things.
To publish such things in the name of reform is unnecessary and
harmful. People who sing filthy songs such as are published in Chand
do not read newspapers. Its readership can only be of two types: the

educated debauchees who wish to satisfy their lust by any means, and
innocent men who, though so far free from the ways of vice, are so
impressionable that they may be corrupted. For such people obscene
literature is fatal. This is also the experience of all. I hope that the
effect of the statement issued by these distinguished Marwari
gentlemen will be felt by the editor of Chand and his associates, and
that they will withdraw this number of Chand and will refrain in future
from publishing such obscene literature. A greater duty as regards this
is that of the Marwari community and of society in general. It should
never buy nor even read such obscene literature. Editors of Hindi
papers have a twofold responsibility. Since we want to make Hindi the
national language, it becomes their duty to protect this language. One
like myself who worships the national language would expect only
books with lofty ideas. Therefore, if it is possible, the Hindi Sahitya
Sammelan should appoint a language committee whose function it
would be to scrutinize every new book for its language, thought,
etc. The committee should then prepare lists of books adjudged
best and those adjudged obscene, and it should popularize the
goodbooks and boycott the obscene ones. Such a committee can only
be successful if its members are well versed in literature and are will-
ing to devote themselves whole-heartedly to the service of literature.
[From Hindi]

AHMEDABAD ,
March 6, 1930
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ALLAHABAD
LETTER1 HANDED PRESS FOR PUBLICATION. MARCHING EARLY
MORNING 12TH WITH SIXTY COMPANIONS.
GANDHI
A.I.C.C. File No. 178, 1930. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library
398. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI

THE ASHRAM, S ABARMATI ,
March 6, 1930
CHI. JAISUKHLAL,
I have your letter. I do not think it advisable to ask you to leave
that place just now. I will start on the march on the 12th, accompanied
1

by most of the men in the Ashram.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U. III
399. LETTER TO TEHMINA KHAMBHATTA

March 6, 1930
DEAR SISTER,
I can understand that you will feel hurt if Bhai Khambhatta joins
the struggle at present. Just now I agree with you. I hope you do not
wish that he should not join the struggle at any time? It is one’s duty
to do everything possible to preserve one’s body. When, however, a
situation arises in which one can be faithful to dharma only by laying
down one’s life, it becomes one’s duty to do so. I am sure, therefore,
that if and when such a time comes both of you will be ready to
sacrifice yourselves. Rest assured that, to those who fight in the name
of God, He gives the strength to endure all hardships.
Blessings from
BAPU
400. LETTER TO BEHRAMJI KHAMBHATTA

March 6, 1930
BHAISHRI KHAMBHATTA,
I have your letter. Though you have not joined the Ashram, to
me you are more than an inmate of the Ashram. Your regular study
of Young India and Navajivan and your manner of life are not
unknown to me. You are quite fit to join the struggle. But you should
not be in a hurry just now. You should respect the feelings of
Tehminabehn. There is some substance, too, in what she says. The way
you are neglecting your body, who can guarantee how long it will be
able to stand the life in jail? Hence it would be better to be humble.
My advice, therefore, is this: Hold yourself back for the present and
join the struggle when it takes a crucial turn. If you get an
opportunity in Bombay itself, you may certainly take the plunge. At
that time, I think Tehminabehn also will not restrain you but, on the
contrary, will encourage you. If it becomes necessary, she herself will
plunge into the struggle. I think women, too, will have to join in this
final struggle.If, moreover, violence breaks out in Bombay, it will
become your duty to try to preserve peace and even lay down your

life in doing so. It would, therefore, be better if you hold yourself in
reserve for the time being. It is indeed necessary that some persons
should do so.
I was glad, all the same, that you sent a letter to me.
Blessings from
BAPU
401. LETTER TO PUNJABHAI

March 6, 1930
BHAISHRI PUNJABHAI,
I have your letter.
The march will start on the 12th. If you wish to join, you should
come and see me before that.
Blessings from
BAPU
402. DRAFT OF RESOLUTION FOR THE WORKING

COMMITTEE
The W. C. notes with sorrow that Dr. Syed Mahmud has recently
had three deaths in his family including the loss of his elder brother2
who was the manager of his large joint household and its mainstay.
The difficulty is intensified by the fact that Dr. Mahmud’s wife is
suffering from a serious illness. In the circumstances the W. C. is of
opinion that Dr. Mahmud should not be allowed to run the imminent
risk of being arrested and therefore relieves him of the office of
Secretary of the Congress and membership of the Committee till such
time as may be necessary for making satisfactory arrangements for
the management of his domestic affairs.
DR. S YED MAHMUD
BAR-AT -LAW
C HHAPRA
BIHAR
From the original: Dr. Syed Mahmud Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library. Also G. N. 5085
1
From the postmark, which bears the date March 7, 1930
2
Mazhar-ul-Haq, who died on January 4, 1930; vide also “Notes”, 9-1-1930

March 7, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
After a talk with Sitla Sahai, I have decided to send him there.
Let him see what he can do there and you will watch developments. If
he and you decide that he should come back, he may do so. His wife
and children will remain here and he can draw upon the Ashram for
his bare upkeep. The rest you will hear from him.
Yours,
BAPU
404. LETTER TO MRIDULA SARABHAI

March 7, 1930
CHI MRIDULA,
You can come tomorrow (Saturday) at 9.30 a.m. if it is
convenient. If this time does not suit you, come any time and we
shallmeet. If you can make it at lunch time, it will be good. We shall
lunch together.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 11108. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation
405. STATEMENT ON ARREST OF VALLABHBHAI

PATEL
March 7, 1930
It is a good omen for us that Sardar Vallabhbhai has been
arrested and sentenced. It remains to be seen what use we make of this
happy beginning. The fight has now commenced and we have to
carry it to its conclusion. People should celebrate the Sardar’s arrest
and the sentence passed on him by observing a general hartal. I
request the mill-owners to close the mills, the students to absent
themselves from their institutions and all shopkeepers to close their
shops. There should be no need to tell Gujarat to preserve peace. Our
struggle must remain non-violent from beginning to end.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 9-3-1930

406. CABLE TO JOHN HAYNES HOLMES
[On or after March 7, 1930] 1
NOBODY HAS AUTHORITY REPRESENT ME AMERICA. MOVEMENT
ABSOLUTELY PEACEFUL. CONGRESS POLICY OF NON-VIOLENCE
REMAINS UNCHANGED. IN EVENT MASS RESPONSE DIFFICULT SAY
HOW THINGS WILL SHAPE BUT THOUSANDS BENT ON KEEPING.
PEACE UNDER GRAVEST PROVOCATION. NO ONE EVEN WHISPERS
ABOUT MILITARY RESISTANCE. NO ONE ARMING NATIONALISTS.
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE UNDER STRICTEST RESTRICTIONS BEING
STARTED ON 12TH.
GANDHI
407. FOREWORD TO COW-PROTECTION2

S ABARMATI ,
March 8, 1930
Those who are interested [in] the preservation of the priceless
wealth of India in the shape of the cow through constructive means
will find much food for thought in the following well-written pages.
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C.W. 9327
1
This was sent in reply to the following cable of March 6, 1930, received at
the Ashram the following day: “Friends Indian independence universal peace most
anxiously watching nationalist movement under your leadership redoubling efforts
rallying American sympathies. Subsidized imperialist agencies permanent obstacle
but most serious damage being done Indian cause by Sailendranath Ghose styled
representative Indian Congress, your agent, etc. His persistent wildly violent
misrepresentations like announcing Indian resolve military resistance arming
million nationalists would [sic] your sponsorship increasingly alienating
sympathies millions who pinning faith your non-violence victory. Respectfully urge
Congress immediately disavow Ghose’s representative character prevent further
injury. Rezmie founder India Independence League ceaselessly influencing all shades
American Press public through accurate temperate sympathetic interpretation
nationalist position your creed acts. Rezmie zealous trustworthy could splendidly
represent you and Congress. First time we venturing advise you but condition very
serious danger permanently losing American support imminent. Kindly act before
disobedience starts. . . .”
2
A book by Valji Desai

408. FOREWORD TO “DRAUPADINAN CHIR”
March 8, 1930
Those who wish to study the subject of khadi from a historical
point of view or understand why spinning is a moral duty will find the
following chapters by Shri Valji Desai immensely interesting.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 9273. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
409. FOREWORD TO “RAJKATHA”

March 8, 1930
A study of the mutual obligations of rulers and subjects has a
special relevance at the present time. Shri Valji Desai’s collection of
essays helps us to understand clearly the duties of a king, the
distinction between a good king and a bad king, how kings were
elected and dethroned in ancient times, and so on.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 9272. Courtesy: V. G. Desai
410. LETTER TO TOTARAM HINGORANI

March 8, 1930
DEAR FRIEND,
I am glad you have written to me about Anand. The more I see
him the more I like him. All he needs is a little firmness. I wish you
will not press him to go to you just now. Leave him to develop along
his own lines and you will be proud of him. He has decided to join the
column I am to lead.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
T. Hingorani

Saturday [March 8, 1930] 1
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
If you have the strength this is your duty.
Assure mother that you will not court imprisonment, but that
you will have to go if arrested. She must return to Delhi in peace.
Even if she does not go you will have to leave for Vijapur.
And having said your say, go away to Vijapur. Whatever your
mother may do, even if she should die, you cannot deviate from your
dharma. And it would be adharma to shirk on this occasion. Your
duty is to strengthen your body and devote yourself to your work. If
mother will stay on here, she will be looked after and served. Your
brother told me that he quite understood; I think mother too will
come round. Anyway, your path is quite clear.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
See me for a minute before leaving.
412. SPEECH AT AHMEDABAD

March 8, 1930
I know that my voice will not reach you all. In the first place it
does not have the power it once had. And then no man’s voice can be
heard by such a large crowd. I must be content if a few of these men
and women can hear me. More people will be able to hear if those that
cannot hear will be quiet and wait till their neighbours can give them a
report of the speech.
I have nothing new to tell you. I have already given to the
people of Ahmedabad and the whole of India the message which I
had to give. Now the time has come when you and I will be finally
tested, and in that matter the Government has made our path easy—
yours as well as mine. I had never dreamt that Sardar Vallabhbhai
would be imprisoned so soon. I think his services to Gujarat, and more
particularly to this city, exceed mine a hundred times. Hence it is no
wonder that he has been honoured by imprisonment before me. That
certainly is his good fortune and yours also. But I find myself in a
difficult situation because he has been imprisoned before me. I am
1
The date is from At the Feet of Bapu, p. 57

eager to get arrested at any cost. I want to deprive the Government of
its illegitimate monopoly of salt. My aim is to get the Salt Tax
abolished. That is for me one step, the first step, towards full freedom.
Sardar Vallabhbhai is no longer with us in this task. The people of
India are now impatient and will not rest until they have won complete
freedom. My voice is bound to reach the Government somehow, but
Gujarat should preserve complete peace. The imprisonment of
Vallabhbhai is the Government’s way of rewarding his services in
preserving complete peace during the satyagraha at Bardoli.
We have known it for years that this is the only way in
which the Government can reward an independent-minded and
freedom-loving person like Sardar Vallabhbhai. Let us all get so
completely absorbed in our task that we win at once what we have
been yearning for all these years. To fulfil the pledge we took on the
26th we should offer civil disobedience. Though Vallabhbhai had
broken no salt law, the Government has arrested him and broken my
right hand, so to say. If it has imprisoned and removed one
Vallabhbhai, you, the men and women of Ahmedabad, should take his
place and work as his representatives. Get ready at once, if you have
love for him and have come here to sacrifice yourselves. If you are
ready to follow him in his self-sacrifice, we shall show to the
Government and to the world how our aspirations are bound to be
realized. May God grant us the strength necessary for the sacrifice we
have to make.
My determination to march on Wednesday morning with the
first batch, comprising the Ashram inmates, stands unchanged. Let
everyone present here do his duty. Vallabhbhai has said in his
message that his speech at Broach clearly indicates what people should
do if and when Gandhi is arrested. By going to jail himself, he has
beenas good as his word. Let the Government reward us all in that
way. I have no intention of asking you to pass any resolution here.
But I expect you to put into practice the pledge which I have drafted
for you to take now.
We the citizens of Ahmedabad, men and women, hereby
resolve to follow Sardar Vallabhbhai to jail, or win complete
independence. We shall have no peace, nor will we let the Government
have any, till we have won complete independence. We believe that
India’s freedom is to be won through peaceful and truthful means.
I hope that the thousands of men and women present here will
raise their hands and take the pledge for which I have been training
the country in general, and the citizens of Ahmedabad in particular,
for the last fifteen years, and which was taken at the time of the labour

strike here. Raise your hands only if you have the strength to act upon
it.1
I congratulate you on the peaceful strike you have observed. I
expect the men, women and students of Ahmedabad to do their duty
by Sardar Vallabhbhai and the country.
[From Gujarati]
Prajabandhu, 10-3-1930
413. TALK TO MILL-OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION

MEMBERS
March 8, 1930
The Majoor Mahajan used to be paid the interest on the
National School funds. That pleased me and I believe you too were
pleased. But now that money has stopped coming in. I had asked M.
Sheth not to stop it. Nevertheless it was stopped. The objection was
that the mill-owners should have a say in its management—this was of
course a difference of principle. It is for the Mahajan to decide how
the Majoor school should be run. Moreover, it is they themselves who
run it. Even the inspectors have been satisfied. I too have inspected it.
I have noticed progress every time. Be that as it may, we cannot have a
hand in managing the affairs of an institution to which we make a
donation. For then it ceases to be a donation. I had explained this
even at the time I asked for donations from you. You had remarked
that my work was of a political and social nature. After this was made
clear, you gave me this money for social work. Likewise you accepted
my views generously. It is not proper that you should now demand a
hand in the management. I ask you to have a committee of inspection.
If you feel that the work is not being carried on properly, you may
stop your donations. Even the Government does not participate in the
management though it does supervise. You too can do what you like
as inspectors. Even then if you do not like to donate funds, I shall
make another suggestion. The people are filled with admiration for
the school that is being run there, the Montessori school. Donate
money to him—to Prof. Miller. . . .2 The labourers need that money.
You talk of the increase in the wages of labourers. I must tell you that
even sons of big men study there and do not pay full fees. You seem
to desire that this school should be run on the small sum that the
labourers save. Do the labourers collect money for the purpose of
fighting? You should be thankful to me because they do not collect
funds to launch a fight.
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: S.N. 16657
1
Thousands of hands were raised.
2
One sentence here is obscure.

ASHRAM
How can I go back on the principles I have held dear all my life,
when I find that it is these principles that are being put to the test? I
have no doubt in my mind that vaccination is a filthy process, that it is
harmful in the end and that it is little short of taking beef. I may be
entirely mistaken. But holding the views that I do, how can I recant
them? Because I see child after child passing away?2 No, not even if
the whole of the Ashram were to be swept away, may I insist on
vaccination and pocket my principle. What would my love of truth
and my adherence to principle mean if they were to vanish at the
slightest touch of reality?
. . .3 But God is putting me through a greater test. On the eve of
what is to be the final test of our strength, God is warning me through
the messenger of death. I have tried hydropathy and earth treatment
with success in numerous cases. Never has the treatment failed as it
seems to have done during the month. But does that mean that I must
therefore lose faith in the treatment and faith in God? Even so my
faith in the efficacy of non-violence may be put to the severest test. I
may have to see not three but hundreds and thousands being done to
death during the campaign I am about to launch. Shall my heart quail
before that catastrophe, or will I persevere in my faith? No, I want you,
everyone, to understand that this epidemic is not a scourge, but a trial
and preparation, a tribulation sent to steel our hearts and to chain us
more strongly and firmly to faith in God. And would not my faith in
the Gita be a mockery if three deaths were to unhinge me? It is as
clear to me as daylight that life and death are but phases of the same
thing, the reverse and obverse of the same coin. In fact tribulations
and death seem to me to present a phase far richer than happiness of
life. What is life worth without trials and tribulations which are the salt
of life? The history of mankind would have been a blank sheet
without these individuals. What is Ramayana but a record of the trials,
privations and penances of Rama and Sita? The life of Rama, after the
recovery of Sita, full ofhappiness as it was, does not occupy even a
hundredth part of the epic. I want you all to treasure death and suffe-
ring more than life, and to appreciate their cleansing and purifying
character.
1
A brief report of this speech was published in Navajivan, 9-3-1930.
2
Three children had died of smallpox in the Ashram.
3
As in the source.

415. THE FINAL TEST
The letter to the Viceroy was despatched from here on Sunday.
1
It reached him on Tuesday. As proposed therein, it was given to the

Press on Thursday for publication after awaiting the Viceroy’s
telegram. The reader will find in this issue a translation of the letter.
God willing, I hope to start the march at daybreak on
Wednesday. Workers from Surat side tell me that there are many
facilities there for easy manufacture of salt. Moreover, as they say,
complete peace is likely to be preserved there and, along with it, help
from the general public is also very probable. In the district of Surat,
again, the choice has fallen on Jalalpur taluka for the marching corps
to enter. In 1921, when the struggle for swaraj was launched at
Bardoli, the Jalalpur taluka had applied for being chosen for the
honour and I still have several sweet memories of my experience of
the place. Even today the constructive programme there is in a
flourishing state. The taluka has many facilities for the manufacture
of salt. The people of the place are full of enthusiasm and in every
way ready to participate in the struggle. This is Sardar Vallabhbhai’s
view, and he has, therefore, selected Jalalpur taluka for offering civil
disobedience against the salt law. Whether my co-workers or I shall be
able to proceed so far in our march, that is, whether Government will
let us reach there, is a question. I believe we shall not be so allowed.
Even then, I expect, Jalalpur taluka will take full part in the struggle.
The Sardar is quite sure that it will. But I shall not be satisfied with
that. I hope the whole of Gujarat will join this time. If Gujarat takes
the initiative, I have no doubt that the whole of India will rise up.
When a great awakening takes place among a people, there is always
the fear of violence breaking out. This non-violent war is not free
from that fear. No one is pained at the outbreak of violence where no
question of violence or non-violence arises. Many even welcome it.
But in this struggle we have a large number whose duty it would beto
prevent, and not welcome, the outbreak of violence. Deterred by the
fear of violence, I had been holding back civil disobedience and
trying till now to dissuade the people from launching it. But I am now
ready to take the ultimate step even at the risk of a violent outbreak,
because I find that there is no other way in which I might prepare the
people for the struggle. Looking at the other side, I find that the
Government’s organized violence goes on increasing day by day and
the group wanting to meet violence with violence is becoming
correspondingly stronger. Hence, if non-violence has the power to
1

check violence or if I am truly non-violent, I must be able to find a
non-violent way to restrain the double violence which I have
mentioned. That way, I believe, is the way I am now adopting. And if I
am mistaken, I have no doubt that I ought to cease obstructing the
progress of the people any more. I do clearly see that I would put my
non-violence to shame if I remained content with working only for
khadi. There is no doubt in my mind that the power of non violence is
a million times greater than that of khadi. Nor do I in any way doubt
that khadi is an essential element of the non-violent way to win swaraj
and that without khadi, there can be no swaraj. I have no doubt also
that unless khadi had made the progress it has I should not have had
the self-confidence to adopt the way I am now preparing to take. But
it is clear that there should now be some other action besides the
manufacture of khadi. There is need of greater awakening among the
people even for giving more impetus to the khadi movement. If we
are able to rouse the people and also maintain non-violence, there is
no doubt that swaraj will be ours here and now. Having thus
considered the matter I am taking the plunge. The reader will observe
that this reasoning occurred to me after I had first seen the way. It is
my belief that great things are achieved by man in obedience to the
prompting of the inner voice. It is another matter whether the inner
voice is from God or Satan. It has been my experience, with regard to
myself and many others, that after one has heard the inner voice, one
finds arguments in support of it.
It is clear as daylight that I ought to get out of the way if this
inner voice is wrong or devilish. I believe the inner voice to be divine
and hence the only way open to me is to follow the way shown by the
light within and demonstrate its success or die in the attempt.
I, therefore, look upon this struggle as the final test. Those who
join it may join on this understanding only.
If countless multitudes join the struggle and if peace is
preserved, we shall win swaraj sooner than we imagine.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-3-1930
416. SATYAGRAHIS’ MARCH

Our party is likely to consist of about a hundred men. I have not
been able to finalize the list yet, as, besides the present inmates of the
Ashram, I am selecting for inclusion some others who observe the
rules of Ashram life and are eager to join, and who have to be
included.
The march will begin at 6.30 on the 12th morning. I give below

the programme as tentatively fixed:
Wednesday, the 12th Aslali

Thursday, the 13th Morning Bareja
Evening Navagam
Friday, the 14th Morning Vasana
Evening Matar
Saturday, the 15th Morning Dabhan
Evening Nadiad
Sunday, the 16th Morning Boriavi
Evening Anand
Monday, the 17th Morning Napa
Evening Borsad
Tuesday, the 18th Morning Raas
Evening Badalpur
I request the mahajans and the workers of the respective places
to bear in mind the following. The satyagrahi party is expected to
reach each place by 8 o’clock in the morning and to sit down for
lunch between 10.00 and 10.30 a.m. It may be half past nine by the
time the party reaches Aslali on the first day. No rooms will be needed
for rest at noon or night, but a clean, shaded place will be enough. In
the absence of such a shaded place, it will be enough to have a
bamboo-and-grass covering. Both bamboo and grass can be put to
use again.
It is assumed that the village people will provide us food.
If provisions are supplied the party will cook its own meal. The
food supplied, whether cooked or uncooked, should be the simplest
possible. Nothing more than rotli or rotla or kedgeree with vegetables
and milk or curds, will be required. Sweets, even if prepared, will be
declined. Vegetables should be merely boiled, and no oil, spices and
chillies, whether green or dry, whole or crushed, should be added or
used in the cooking. This is my advice for preparing a meal:
Morning, before
departure: Rab and dhebra; the rab should be left
to the party itself to prepare.
Midday: Bhakhri, vegetable and milk or butter-milk.
Evening, before the
march is resumed: Roasted gram, rice. Night:Kedgeree with
vegetable and butter-milk or milk.

The ghee for all the meals together should not exceed three
tolas per head: One tola in the rab, one served separately to be
smeared on the bhakhri, and one to be put into the kedgeree. For me
goat’s milk, if available, in the morning, at noon and at night, and
raisins or dates and three lemons will do. I hope that the village people
will incur no expenses whatever, except for the simple food items
named above.
I look forward to meeting the people of each village and its
neighbourhood.
Everyone in the party will be carrying his own bedding, so that
the village people will have to provide nothing except a clean place
for resting in.
The people should incur no expense on account of betel leaves,
betel-nuts or tea for the party.
I shall be happy if every village maintains complete cleanliness
and fixes beforehand an enclosed place for the satyagrahis to answer
calls of nature. If the villagers do not already use khadi, it is clear that
they should now start using it.
It is desirable that information under the following heads should
be kept ready for each village:
1. Population: Number of women, men, Hindus, Muslims,
Christians, Parsis, etc.
2. Number of untouchables.
3. If there is a school in the village, the number of boys and
girls attending it.
4. Number of spinning-wheels.
5. The monthly sale of khadi.
6. Number of people wearing khadi exclusively.
7. Salt consumed per head; salt used for cattle, etc.
8. Number of cows and buffaloes in the village.
9. The amount of land revenue paid; at what rate per acre.
10. The area of the common grazing-ground if any.
11. Do the people drink? How far is the liquor shop from the
village?
12. Educational and other special facilities, if any, for the
untouchables.
It will be good if this information is written out on a sheet of
paper neatly and handed to me immediately on our arrival.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 9-3-1930

417. LETTER TO MANIBEHN PATEL
March 9, 1930
CHI. MANI,
I was waiting every day to hear from you. Not a day passed on
which I did not remember you, but I quite understand your feeling
that I neglect you. My pitiable condition is responsible for it. I have
no time even to raise my head to look at anybody. I was content with
knowing where you were and what you were about.
Father did not leave any instructions for you. He had no idea
[he would be arrested]. You should live in any place where you will be
happy and at peace.1 You can certainly go to jail when the time
comes. Mahadev has written about it. I understand why you like to
live in the Ashram. But I think your attitude is not proper.
Compulsion in such matters however is out of the question. So I will
say nothing more about it. I only wish that you should be at ease, no
matter where you live.
I expect to be arrested before Tuesday.
Be brave and improve your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
S MT. M ANIBEHN
C/ O DAHYABHAI VALLABHBHAI P ATEL
S HRIRAM NIWAS , P AREKH S TREET, B OMBAY-4
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro-4: Ku. Manibehn Patelne, p. 69
418. LETTER TO SATIN D. GUPTA

[Before March 10, 1930]
I know my absence will bring a fresh leader to the forefront. Let
every man constitute himself into a leader and conduct the movement
whose success must depend on the deep faith of the mass in
non-violence.
1
The addressee had been ailing and was receiving treatment in Bombay.

ASHRAM 1
March 10, 1930
I am glad that you have been coming to our prayer in such
large numbers, and generally I would say, ‘May your tribe increase.’
But I must utter a few words of warning. If it is mere curiosity that
draws you here, you had better not come at all. If it is the prayer that
attracts you, you are quite welcome, but in that case this sudden
inroad cannot be accounted for. But I presume you come both for the
prayer and for understanding the significance of the campaign I am
about to launch.
As for the prayer, I assure you that mere utterance, parrot wise,
of the name of God is of no avail. All your trouble in coming this
long distance from the town would be wasted and the quiet of our
prayers would be disturbed. If therefore your desire to take part in the
prayer is genuine, you must be prepared to fulfil a condition which
alone can prove your bona fides, and that is that you come here
dressed in khadi. You may or may not admit the many claims made
on behalf of khadi, but one thing is now practically universally
admitted, that khadi unites the wearer to the poorest of the land. And I
may tell you that but for the progress that khadi has made in recent
years I should not have been able to launch this campaign. It is the
spread of khadi that infuses in me the hope that the message of
non-violence has spread to the masses, for I have always
associatednon-violence with khadi. A believer in violence may wear
khadi, but he would do so in order to exploit it.
As for the other desire that also prompts you to come here, you
know that the march begins on Wednesday morning. Everyone is on
the tiptoe of expectation, and before anything has happened the thing
has attracted world-wide attention. Now I should like to analyse the
thing for you and to implore you to appreciate its implications.
Though the battle is to begin in a couple of days, how is it that you
can come here quite fearlessly? I do not think anyone of you would
be here if you had to face rifleshots or bombs. But you have no fear
of rifleshots or bombs. Why? Supposing I had announced that I was
going to launch a violent campaign (not necessarily with men armed
with rifles, but even with sticks or stones), do you think the
Government would have left me free until now? Can you show me an
1
This is a condensed summary of Gandhiji’s speech made at the end of the
prayer meeting, which was attended by about 2,000 people.

example in history (be it England, America or Russia) where the State
has tolerated violent defiance of authority for a single day? But here
you know that the Government is puzzled and perplexed. And you
have come here because you have been familiarized by now with the
idea of seeking voluntary imprisonment.
Then I would ask you to proceed a step further. Supposing ten
men in each of the 700,000 villages in India come forward to
manufacture salt and to disobey the Salt Act, what do you think can
this Government do? Even the worst autocrat you can imagine would
not dare to blow regiments of peaceful civil resisters out of a cannon’s
mouth. If only you will bestir yourselves just a little, I assure you we
should be able to tire this Government out in a very short time. I want
you, therefore, to understand the meaning of this struggle and to do
your part in it. If it is only curiosity that moves you to walk this long
distance, you had better not waste your time and mine. If you come
here to bless us and our movement, the blessings must take some
concrete shape. I don’t want any money from you. I am hoping that
it may be possible to fight this battle with the least possible money.
At the time of Kheda Satyagraha in 1918 I had to refuse several offers
for raising contributions. In Bardoli an appeal was made and there was
a spontaneous response, but much of the money was saved and is
now being utilized for constructive work. So I do not want you to
contribute any money just now. That you will do unasked when our
suffering has reached that stage which cannot but compel
your sympathy. But I want you to take your courage in both hands
and contribute in men towards the struggle which promises to be
fierce and prolonged. I certainly expect the city of Ahmedabad, the
Ahmedabad of Vallabhbhai, who is already in jail, to furnish an
unlimited supply of volunteers to keep the stream unbroken, in case
batch after batch happens to be arrested and marched to jail. That is
the least I expect of you. May God give you the strength to rise to the
occasion.
420. MESSAGE TO ANDHRA1

This is a battle to the finish. The Divine Hand is guiding it. It
must be prolonged till the last man offers himself for satyagraha.
1
This was read out at a public meeting held on March 11 under the auspices of
the Rajahmundry City Congress Committee.

421. INTERVIEW TO H. D. RAJAH 1
[On or before March 11, 1930]

I had a prolonged interview with Gandhiji regarding the coming struggle and
the part youths are to play. Gandhi said:
I begin the struggle in right earnest on 12th morning. This
struggle must be continued to the successful end. Either we shall be
effaced out of the earth or we shall spring up as an independent
nation enjoying full freedom. We shall face the bullets with our backs
to the wall. In our fight, we shall be engaged in active civil
disobedience campaign and fill the prisons with men and women, but
there will be no retreat at any cost. I hope to return to Ashram
triumphant in our struggle for India achieving her independence.
Questioned by me as a to what the people should do when he is arrested,
Gandhiji said:
Yes, I expect arrest at any moment. But the fight should
continue. The Congress Committees, Provincial, District or Taluka,
should organize the campaign.
What part can the Youth Leagues play in this fight?
The Youth Leagues should organize volunteers and offer them
to the Congress Committees which decide on a course of action. If
any Congress Committee of a particular place fails to do the work, the
Youth League would take up the work and do it. . . .
422. INTERVIEW TO “THE MANCHESTER GUARDIAN”

S ABARMATI ASHRAM,
[On or before March 11, 1930] 2
I don’t believe that the slightest good for India can come of the
Round Table Conference in London. I would like to spare the world
the melancholy spectacle of Indians fighting against Indians in a
foreign country, but this is what the Conference would lead to, as it
seems to be composed at present. I shall waste no time. I expect my
movement to be successful. I hope that my movement will not lead to
deeds of violence, but even in this case there can be no going back for
me. Yet I supported the Nehru Report once; but many things have
1
This was published as a letter to the Editor.
2
Evidently the interview was given before Gandhiji started on his march on
March 12, 1930.

changed since then.
I admit that this may be my last chance, and if I do not seize it, it
may never come again. The revolutionary and, of course, violent
movement has gained ground heavily. The need for the speediest
action is absolutely clear. The question of religious antagonisms and
the problem of the native States are subordinate questions, and cannot
be solved until we have the power in our own hands. I do not believe
that there is any solution to the Indian problem except the one I have
now proposed.
423. ON RECORDING OF MESSAGE1

If there is truth in my message, then whether I am inside or
outside the jail, people are bound to pay heed to it. But if there is no
truth in it, then in spite of all your efforts, and even with the help of
gramophone, you would not be able to carry it to the people. If the
satyagraha we are going to start is really satyagraha, that is to say, if it
means an insistence on truth, and if we are prepared to go ahead on
the basis of truth and non-violence, it is bound to succeed, whether
people hear my words or not, and whether my voice reaches their ears
or not. Therefore, a record like this is neither necessary nor likely to
be of any help.
At the Feet of Mahatma Gandhi, pp. 181-2
424. ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS 2

Q. What sort of Government do you want?
A. I want a Government that would obey and carry out the
wishes of the people.
Q. You want a democracy?
A.
I am not interested in words, and I never worry myself about
the form of government.
Q. But don’t you mind methods?
A. I do mind them very much indeed, but I don’t mind the
form.
1
Rajendra Prasad had suggested that a message of Gandhiji might be recorded
so that it could be played after his arrest. This was Gandhiji’s reply.
2
These were reported by Mahadev Desai under the heading “Talks before the
Trek”.

Q. Then you would not mind a monarchy?
A. I said form and machinery do not much matter to me.
Q. Well, then, tell me what form your democracy will take.
A.I do not know; the method alone interests me, and by method
I mean the agency through which the wishes of the people are
reached. There are only two methods; one is that of fraud and force;
the other is that of non-violence and truth. Force always includes
fraud, non-violence always excludes it.
Q. Can’t you have fraud with non-violence?
A. No. Impossible. Fraud itself is a species of violence.
Q. Well, I have seen fraud associated with non-violence. China is reputed to be
one of the most peaceful countries in the world, and if I were to tell you about the
frauds there, you would be shocked.
A. I repeat, words do not capture my imagination. As a people,
the Chinese are one of the most peaceful in the world, but that peace
cannot be real and voluntary if there is fraud in it. If I harbour ill-will
in my breast but do not express it in acts, I am still violent. By
non-violence or peace I mean the peace which comes through inner
strength. If I have that peace, that non-violence, I won’t have any hate
in me. Violence does not necessarily mean bodily harm. What I want
to impress on everyone is that I do not want India to reach her goal
through questionable means. Whether that is possible or not is another
question. It is sufficient for my present purpose if the person who
thinks out the plan and leads the people is absolutely above board and
has non-violence and truth in him. Non-violence works organically,
not mechanically. It was for that reason that I asked for unrestricted
authority from the Working Committee of the Congress to work out
my plan of non-violence.
Q. Don’t you think, Gandhiji, boycott of foreign goods would be more potent
than civil disobedience?
A. Years ago I heard that futile cry and I replaced it by one for
the boycott of foreign cloth. It made some impression, but that of
boycott of foreign goods made none at all.
Q. My impression is that in Bengal boycott of British goods was tried with
success, but no other province took it up.
A. No. It fizzled out. The mills in Ahmedabad and Bombay
defrauded the nation by sending spurious cloth; and when genuine
mill-cloth was sent, exorbitant prices were charged.
Q. That is what I mean to say. The thing was not tried seriously.
A. If it was not, it means that the people did not want to. So far
as I am concerned, I never believed in it and so I could never back it.

Q. But would it not be easier to handle foreign-cloth boycott than civil
disobedience?
A. No. It is far more difficult. In one case you want the co-
operation of 300 million people. In the other, even if you have an
army of ten thousand defiant men and women, your work is done.
Q. Why? They can be all clapped in jail and nothing more will happen
thereafter.
A. Let them try the experiment. They would have to hang these
men before they could dismiss them from their minds. If these men
are trusty and true their very presence will worry the Government unto
death.
Q. Will they worry Government even in prison?
A. For one thing they can’t keep them there for any length of
time. The fact is that we never had even 5,000 full civil resisters in
1921. Every political prisoner is not necessarily a civil resister.
Q. Will not your movement lead to violence?
A.It may, though I am trying my best to prevent any outbreak
of violence. Today there is greater risk of violence, in the absence of
any safety-valve in the shape of a movement of non-violence like the
one I am contemplating.
Q. Yes, I have heard you say that you are launching this campaign for the very
purpose of stopping violence.
A. It is one argument, but that is not the most conclusive
argument. The other and most conclusive argument for me is that if
non-violence has to prove its worth, it must prove its worth today. It
must cease to be the passive or even impotent instrument that it has
come to be looked upon [as] in certain quarters. And when it is
exercised in the most effective way, it must act in spite of the most
fatal outward obstructions. In fact non-violence by its very nature
must neutralize all outward obstruction. On the contrary, inward
obstacles in the shape of fraud, hatred, and ill-will would be fatal to
the movement. Up to now I used to say: “Let me get control over the
forces of violence.” It is growing upon me now that it is only by
setting the force of non-violence in motion that I can get those
elements under control.
But I hear people say, “History will have to repeat itself in
India.” Let it repeat itself, if it must. I for one must not postponethe
movement unless I am to be guilty of the charge of cowardice. I must
fight unto death the system based on violence and thus bring under
control the force of political violence. When real organic non-violence
is set to work, the masses also will react manfully.

Q. But after you are removed the movement will no longer be in your control?
A. In South Africa the movement was not in my control during
the latter part of it, when it gained considerable momentum without
any action on my part. Thousands joined the movement instinctively.
I had not even seen the faces of them, much less known them. They
joined because they felt that they must. They had possibly only heard
my name, but they saw in the twinkling of an eye that it was a
movement for their liberation; they knew that there was a man
prepared to fight the £3 tax and they took the plunge. And against
what odds? Their mines were converted into jails; the men who
oppressed them day and night were appointed warders over them.
They knew that there would be hell let loose on them. And yet they
did not waver or falter. It was a perfect miracle.
Q. But would not the movement add to the already numerous divisions existing
in the country?
A. I have no such fear. The forces of disunion can be kept under
control, even as the forces of violence. You may say that there is fear
elsewhere. The party of violence may not respond to my advances and
the masses might behave unthinkingly. I am an optimist and have an
abiding faith in human nature. The party of violence will give me fair
play and the masses will act rightly by instinct. It is possible that I may
be living in a fool’s paradise. But no general can possibly provide for
all contingencies. For me it is the opportunity of a lifetime. The
movement is none of my seeking. Almost in spite of myself I was
irresistibly drawn to Calcutta. I entered into a compromise to which I
was driven. The period of two years I changed to one, simply because
it did not involve any moral principle. In Lahore I had to conceive
and frame practically every resolution. There I saw the forces of
violence and non-violence in full play, acting side by side; and I
found that non-violence ultimately triumphed over violence.
Q. You said some time ago that the time was not ripe for civil disobedience.
What has happened between that time and today that has helped you to alter your
view?
A. I am quite positive that it is fully ripe. The reason I will tell
you. Nothing has happened externally, but the internal conflict in me,
which was the only barrier, has ceased; and I am absolutely certain
now that the campaign had been long overdue. I might have started it
long before this.
Q. And what was that internal conflict?
A. You know I have always been guided solely by my attitude
towards non-violence, but I did not know then how to translate that
attitude into action in the face of growing violence. But now I see as

clearly as daylight that, pursuing the course that I have adopted, I
minimize the risk I am taking.
Q. Are you sure that the salt campaign will lead you to jail?
A. I have not a shadow of doubt that it will. How long exactly it
will take is more than I can say, but I feel that it will be much sooner
than most people would be inclined to think. I expect a crisis to be
soon reached which would lead to a proper Conference—not a Round
Table Conference, but a Square Table, one where everybody attending
it would know his bearings. The exact lineaments of that Conference I
cannot at present depict, but it will be a Conference between equals
met to lay their heads together to devise ways and means for the
establishment of an Independent Constitution in India.
Q. Were you not responsible for allowing the Viceregal negotiations to come
to an abrupt end?
A. I know that is the impression in certain quarters; the public
blamed me for a time, but now it has come to understand the true
position.
Q. Are you quite sure that in the position you took, the influence of the
younger generation did not weigh with you?
A. No. Not a bit. I had never been sanguine about the Round
Table Conference. I went of course as far as I could. But the central
thing I always insisted on was that the Conference should apply itself
to a scheme of Dominion Status suited to the needs of India. If the
Viceroy had said ‘Yes’, I should gladly have asked him to proceed to
the other points.
Q. Then you had no objection to the scheme coming into operation some years
hence?
A. If the scheme was such as to come into operation at a
future time, I should rule it out. But I may not talk about our
interview with the Viceroy. The public might know more about it
some day. I can assure you however that there was no question of a
real Dominion Status scheme being framed.
Q. Just a question about your now famous eleven points. If some of them are
conceded, would there be room for a compromise?
A. If they were to concede a few main points and couple the
concession with a promise that the rest would be conceded as soon as
possible, I would be prepared to consider a proposition for a
Conference. But the justice of all those demands must be admitted.
You will agree that there is nothing new about them. Most have been
handed down to us from Dadabhai Naoroji’s time.
Q. Supposing they conceded your demand about the reduction of civil and

military expenditure, would you not regard it as a sufficient proof of their bona fides?
A. I should seriously reconsider my position, but it would all
depend on the spirit in which the concession was made.

ASHRAM
Let me, moreover, make one thing clear. Either we shall win the
goal for which we are marching or die in the attempt to win it. There
can be no turning back for us hereafter. We will keep on our fight till
swaraj is established in India. This will be the last fight. The soldiers
who accompany me must note that there is to be no retreat. Those of
them that are married should take leave of their wives, and the wives
should congratulate their husbands on their being the first soldiers of
the country’s freedom battle. We are as good as parting from the
Ashram and from our homes. Only with complete victory can we
return to this place.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 16-3-1930

ASHRAM
March 11, 1930
In all probability this will be my last speech to you. Even if the
Government allow me to march tomorrow morning, this will be my
last speech on the sacred banks of the Sabarmati. Possibly these may
be the last words of my life here.
I have already told you yesterday what I had to say. Today I
shall confine myself to what you should do after I and my
companions are arrested. The programme of the march to Jalalpur
must be fulfilled as originally settled. The enlistment of volunteers for
this purpose should be confined to Gujarat. From what I have seen
and heard during the last fortnight I am inclined to believe that the
stream of civil resisters will flow unbroken.
But let there be not a semblance of breach of peace even after
all of us have been arrested. We have resolved to utilize all our
resources in the pursuit of an exclusively non-violent struggle. Let no
1
According to the source the speech was delivered to a large gathering either
on the 10th or 11th of March.

one commit a wrong in anger. This is my hope and prayer. I wish
these words of mine reached every nook and corner of the land. My
task shall be done if I perish and so do my comrades. It will then be
for the Working Committee of the Congress to show you the way and
it will be up to you to follow its lead. That is the only meaning of the
Working Committee’s resolution. The reins of the movement will still
remain in the hands of those of my associates who believe in
non-violence as an article of faith. Of course, the Congress will be free
to chalk out what course of action commends itself to it. So long as I
have not reached Jalalpur, let nothing be done in contravention to the
authority vested in me by the Congress. But once I am arrested, the
whole general responsibility shifts to the Congress. No one who
believes in non-violence, as a creed, need therefore sit still. My
compact with the Congress ends as soon as I am arrested. In that case
there should be no slackness in the enrolment of volunteers. Wherever
possible, civil disobedience of salt laws should be started. These laws
can be violated in three ways. It is an offence to manufacture salt
wherever there are facilities for doing so. The possession and sale of
contraband salt (which includes natural salt or salt earth) is also an
offence. The purchasers of such salt will be equally guilty. To carry
away the natural salt deposits on the seashore islikewise a violation of
law. So is the hawking of such salt. In short, you may choose anyone
or all of these devices to break the salt monopoly.
We are, however, not to be content with this alone. Wherever
there are Congress Committees, wherever there is no ban by the
Congress and wherever the local workers have self-confidence, other
suitable measures may be adopted. I prescribe only one condition,
viz., let our pledge of truth and non-violence as the only means for
the attainment of swaraj be faithfully kept. For the rest, everyone has a
free hand. But that does not give a licence to all and sundry to carry
on on their individual responsibility. Wherever there are local leaders,
their orders should be obeyed by the people. Where there are no
leaders and only a handful of men have faith in the programme, they
may do what they can, if they have enough self-confidence. They
have a right, nay, it is their duty, to do so. The history of the world is
full of instances of men who rose to leadership by sheer force of
self-confidence, bravery and tenacity. We too, if we sincerely aspire to
swaraj and are impatient to attain it, should have similar
self-confidence. Our ranks will swell and our hearts strengthen as the
number of our arrests by Government increases.
Let nobody assume that after I am arrested there will be no one
left to guide them. It is not I but Pandit Jawaharlal who is your guide.
He has the capacity to lead. Though the fact is that those who have

learnt the lesson of fearlessness and self-effacement need no leader,
but if we lack these virtues, not even Jawaharlal will be able to produce
them in us.
Much can be done in other ways besides these. Liquor and
foreign-cloth shops can be picketed. We can refuse to pay taxes
if we have the requisite strength. The lawyers can give up practice.
The public can boycott the courts by refraining from litigation.
Government servants can resign their posts. In the midst of the despair
reigning all round people quake with fear of losing employment.
Such men are unfit for swaraj. But why this despair? The number of
Government servants in the country does not exceed a few hundred
thousand. What about the rest? Where are they to go? Even free India
will not be able to accommodate a greater number of public servants.
A Collector then will not need the number of servants he has got
today. He will be his own servant. How can a poor country like India
afford to provide a Collector with separate servants for performing the
duties of carrying his papers, sweeping, cooking, latrine-cleaning and
letter-carrying? Our starving millions can by no means afford this
enormous expenditure. If, therefore, we are sensible enough, let us bid
good-bye to Government employment, no matter if it is the post of a
judge or a peon. It may be difficult for a judge to leave his job, but
where is the difficulty in the case of a peon? He can earn his bread
everywhere by honest manual labour. This is the easiest solution of
the problem of freedom. Let all who are co-operating with the
Government in one way or another, be it by paying taxes, keeping
titles, or sending children to official schools, etc., withdraw their
co-operation in all or as many ways as possible. One can devise
other methods, too, of non-co-operating with the Government. And
then there are women who can stand shoulder to shoulder with men in
this struggle.
You may take it as my will. It was the only message that I
desired to impart to you before starting on the march or for the jail. I
wish there to be no suspension or abandonment of the war that
commences tomorrow morning, or earlier if I am arrested before that
time. I shall eagerly await the news that ten batches are ready as soon
as my batch is arrested. I believe there are men in India to complete
the work begun by me today. I have faith in the righteousness of our
cause and the purity of our weapons. And where the means are clean,
there God is undoubtedly present with His blessings. And where these
three combine, there defeat is an impossibility. A satyagrahi, whether
free or incarcerated, is ever victorious. He is vanquished only when he
forsakes truth and non-violence and turns a deaf ear to the Inner
Voice. If, therefore, there is such a thing as defeat for even a

satyagrahi, he alone is the cause of it. God bless you all and keep off
all obstacles from the path in the struggle that begins tomorrow. Let
this be our prayer.

[March 11, 1930]
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
It is nearing 10 p.m. now. The air is thick with the rumour that
I shall be arrested during the night. I have not wired to you especially
because the correspondents submit their messages for approval
and everybody is working at top speed. There was nothing special to
wire about.
Things are developing extraordinarily well. Offers of volunteers
are pouring in. The column will proceed with the march even thoughI
may be arrested. If I am not, you may expect wires from me;
otherwise I am leaving instructions.
I do not know that I have anything in particular to say. I have
written enough. I gave a final message this evening to a vast crowd
that gathered for prayer on the sands.
May God keep you and give you strength to bear the burden.
With love to you all,
BAPU
A Bunch of Old Letters, pp. 83-4

March 11, 1930
BHAI SATIS BABU,
This may be my last letter—before my arrest at any rate.
Tomorrow I feel they are bound to arrest me. There are rumours also
to this effect. I have received your letters. What reply can I give? Do
whatever is possible. I am giving instructions that a copy of the Gita
be sent to you. It is ready.
I have no time to write separately to Hemprabha Devi. May God
grant you both the strength to give up all, the wisdom always to
discern your duty and a long life for service.
Blessings from
BAPU

429. TELEGRAM TO BHAWANIDAYAL SANNYASI 1
[On or after March 11, 1930]
WISH YOU SUCCESS.
GANDHI
From a microfilm: S.N. 16668
430. MESSAGE TO BOMBAY PROVINCIAL

CONGRESS COMMITTEE
I have the telegram of the Bombay Provincial Congress
Committee about Jamnalalji. I agree with the Committee that
Jamnalalji’s presence in Bombay at the present moment will be of
greater benefit to the country than elsewhere. I have conferred with
him and he has decided to give Bombay as much time as he can. I
only hope that Bombay will make the fullest use of his presence and
will take a leading part as has been its wont in the movement of
emancipation. I hope that Bombay has fittingly celebrated Sardar
Vallabhbhai’s arrest.
431. SARDAR VALLABHBHAI PATEL

Sardar Vallabhbhai is the one man who has been responsible for
keeping the peace in Gujarat during these troublous times. He is the
man whose unique administration of the Ahmedabad Municipal
Board drew unstinted praise from the Government. He is the man
whose tireless energy put heart into the flood-stricken people of
Gujarat in 1927 and when the Government machinery had broken
down, his workers were responsible for saving the lives of thousands
of people. It was Vallabhbhai Patel who waged a peaceful war in
Bardoli the other day resulting in a settlement honourable to both the
parties. This man of peace, this idol of the Gujaratis, their uncrowned
king, is now a prisoner for disregarding a notice prohibiting speech
when there was not even the remotest danger of breach of the peace.
He had not gone, the authorities knew, for disobeying the provisions
of the Salt Act. He had gone simply to prepare for my march. He had
to be removed somehow or other. The Viceroy is sorry for my
1
This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram received on March 11, 1930,
which read: “Accepted presidentship Shahabad District Congress, Starting satyagraha
after your arrest. Send blessings.”

contemplated breach of the law. What is to be said of this act of
corrupting and abusing the law, interfering with a man’s liberty in the
name of the law?
And where is Sardar living and how? He is in a common
cell, unable to sleep in the open and without any light. He is
given food which may induce dysentery to which he is prone.
He may not receive any but religious books. As a satyagrahi,
he wants no special treatment. But why should the commonest felon
be prevented, if he is no danger to safety, from sleeping under the sky
in this hot weather? Why should a felon not be given light to read or
write if he needs it? May not a murderer read and instruct himself ?
And why should Sardar Vallabhbhai not have food that his health
demands? But this is a matter of prison reform. Sardar Vallabhbhai is
not the man whose spirit will be broken, if he does not get the
necessary creature comforts. Did not the learned journalist and
dramatic author Sjt. Khadilkar have similar treatment only the other
day? The spirit of satyagraha will not be broken by shabby treatment
in the Indian prisons. Only let those who have faith in the proposed
conference know what Dominion Status in action really means.
Gujarat, nay, India, is perparing to vindicate the authority of the
supreme law which will supersede the utter lawlessness masquerading
under the name of law. The authorities have imprisoned Vallabhbhai
in the hope that his work will languish. Before long they will realize
that his work will continue as if he were bodily in the midst of his
people.
PS.
Information has just been received that Sardar is being
better treated. He is to be allowed literature and the food he may need.
432. BEGGING THE QUESTION

Dear Mr. Gandhi,
His Excellency the Viceroy desires me to acknowledge your letter of the
2nd March. He regrets to learn that you contemplate a course of action which
is clearly bound to involve violation of the law and danger to the public peace.
Yours very truly,
G. CUNNINGHAM
PRIVATE SECRETARY
The reader is familiar with this reply. He will note, too, that it
begs the question; and if further justification were needed, this
stereotyped reply affords it. On bended knees I asked for bread and I
have received stone instead.

It was open to the Viceroy to disarm me by freeing the poor
man’s salt, tax on which costs him five annas per year or nearly three
days’ income. I do not know outside India anyone who pays to the
State Rs. 3 per year, if he earns Rs. 360 during that period. It was
open to the Viceroy to do many other things except sending the usual
reply. But the time is not yet. He represents a nation that does not
easily give in, that does not easily repent. Entreaty never convinces it.
It readily listens to physical force. It can witness with bated breath a
boxing match for hours without fatigue. It can go mad over a football
match in which there may be broken bones. It goes into ecstasies over
blood-curdling accounts of war. It will listen also to mute resistless
suffering. It will not part with the millions it annually drains from
India in reply to any argument, however convincing. The Viceregal
reply does not surprise me.
But I know that the salt tax has to go and many other things with
it, if my letter means what it says. Time alone can show how much of
it was meant.
The reply says I contemplate a course of action which is clearly
bound to involve violation of the law and danger to the public peace.
In spite of the forest of books containing rules and regulations, the
only law that the nation knows is the will of the British administrators,
the only public peace the nation knows is the peace of a public prison.
India is one vast prison house. I repudiate this law and regard it as my
sacred duty to break the mournful monotony of the compulsory
peace that is choking the heart of the nation for want of free vent.
433. THE FOURFOLD CURSE

The moral influence of British rule on personal character, on the position
of women, in stimulation of public spirit, in the attitude to children and the
poor and infirm, far outweighs the great material burdens imposed by it.
Thus writes the Indian Daily Mail of 7th March. I was
unprepared for this defence of the British rule at this hour of the day.
It reminds me of a learned Indian saying fifteen years ago, at a
conference, that he was proud to own the British Tommy as his master
as he owed all his knowledge to his British professors. A Governor
and his wife were present at this conference. I hung my head in shame
when I heard the learned sentiment and the vigorous clapping of it by
the Governor’s wife. One sees in the two sentiments quoted by me an
exemplification of our cultural conquest which is worse than
the material.
But for the cultural conquest, it must be the plainest thing to see

that it is not the British rule but British contact that has exercised
whatever moral influence we may feel. Surely the two things are
different and may well be contradictory. British contact may be a
godsend, British rule may be a curse. And we may have the one
without the other. My description of the rule as a curse would be
accurate even though a knowledge of the good influence of British
contact might be present with me at the time of giving the description.
Personally I dispute much of the glorification whether of the British
contact or the British rule painted in the sentence quoted. Nor must it
be forgotten that the masses are wholly untouched by the influence
described by the writer. Is the doubtful character of the moral results
on the educated few an ample or any compensation for the
pauperization of millions? And what is this moral influence on the few
educated among us? Are we more truthful, are we cleaner, are we
more sober, are we more humane, are we braver than the masses? Are
the wives of the educated few better off than those of the masses who
fearlessly work in their fields without molestation from their
husbands? Is our record about venereal diseases—that infallible index
to the moral content of a human being—better than among the
masses? Are we less selfish than they? What do we do for the poor and
the infirm? How much do we set apart even from our superfluities for
their sake? I need not prolong the agony. I fear that the confinement
to the city life and the comparative ease that the city life has given us
have made us too lazy and too indifferent to study the condition of
rural India and to think for ourselves.
Nor do we fully realize the meaning of economic distress. It is
below par in the sense that the distress has reduced man in India below
his species. He is an underfed beast of burden in human form and is
daily sinking. The money taken from him is never used for his
betterment. He is untouched by any moral or other good influence.
But the article under consideration says that the Indian States are
much worse. If they are, our thanks are again due to the British rule.
The Princes have no incentive to be good, they are exposed to every
temptation to ‘go wrong’. They are more irresponsible than they were
before. The ryots were once able to rise against Princely tyranny; now
the Princes are protected by the awe-inspiring British power. It is true
that they are free to do what good they like. But the hot-house culture
which they are given from infancy has given them a taste for pleasures
and pomp they will not forgo, and the seclusion which isimposed
upon them in childhood so isolates them from their people as to make
them strangers in their own land. It speaks volumes for the ancient
culture that in spite of every influence to the contrary, there are bright
examples now and then to be seen. Remove the dead weight of the

British rule which ‘stunts’ them and us, and they and we as
independent parts of the same ancient land will grow as if by magic.
But if they hug the golden chains that bind them to the British
footstool, they are at liberty to hold on to the chains. India outside the
States zone is awake and will bear the yoke no longer, even if it has to
break in the attempt.
The exclusive stress in my letter to the Viceroy on the economic
exploitation was inevitable for my purpose. But the moral and
spiritual wrong which is a direct result of the foreign rule is probably
greater even than the economic wrong. Those who are engaged in the
war of independence are not, it is obvious, moved by the economic
wrong. They do not feel it. They are moved solely by the moral and
spiritual wrong which they feel in every fibre of their being. The
degradation they scent in the air, the very knowledge that a whole
continent of which they are children lies prostrate at the feet of a
handful of men coming from a distant island fills them with horror
and disgust with themselves. In their impatience to break through the
snaky coil they do not mind what they do so long as they do
something, even though it may destroy them. I claim to have
presented India with a sovereign remedy for dealing effectively with
the fourfold curse. The remedy is designed to free India and also
Britain. It will not be long before her people will acknowledge that I
am not their enemy. I claim to be their true and wise friend and an
equally true and wise servant of India.
434. MISREPRESENTATION
Having lost caste with some Mussalmans, there are numerous
misrepresentations about me to be seen in the Muslim Press. A friend
has brought the latest to my notice. It is to the effect that I
have prevented the Imam Saheb, an inmate of the Ashram and an
honoured life co-worker, from joining the Ashram group of civil
resisters, on the plea that he could not subscribe to non-violence as an
article of faith for achieving the national purpose. The fact is quite the
reverse. Imam Saheb’s name is on my list. He gave it after full
deliberation. I personally never had any difficulty about reading
the message of non-violence in the Koran. Imam Saheb is notjoining
the march as he is too weak to undertake the exertion. But it is quite
likely that he may offer himself for arrest when the actual
manufacture of contraband salt commences. Two Mussalmans are
actually enlisted for the march, as they have no difficulty about
subscribing to the creed of non-violence for the purpose of swaraj.

Thus the insinuation referred to is baseless in two ways. But the
moment there is suspicion about a person’s motives, everything he
does becomes tainted. The present plan of campaign is so designed as
ultimately to dispel all suspicion.
435. WHAT IT IS NOT

Maulana Shaukat Ali is reported to have said that the
independence movement is a movement not for swaraj but for Hindu
Raj and against Mussalmans, that therefore the latter should leave it
alone. On reading the report I wired to the Maulana inquiring whether
he was correctly reported. He has kindly replied confirming the
report. The Maulana has launched a grave charge against the
movement. It needs to be repudiated once for all. Whatever the
movement is, it certainly is not for Hindu Raj, nor is it against
Mussalmans. It bears within itself a complete answer to the charge.
The Congress has taken the first step in final non-co-operation. No
Congressman can enter the legislatures, much less accept employment
under the Government. No Congressman can seek or receive favours
from the Government. Does not the Hindu-Muslim question centre
round a division of political power—spoils of office? How can the
movement be anti-Mussalman or for Hindu Raj when no one
identified with it has the slightest notion, till independence is reached,
of possessing any political power? True, the Congress has still left
open the entrance to local boards. What is at present going on in
Calcutta almost makes me think that instead of being weak, I should
have pressed for the boycott even of these boards. The Congress is
better without these temptations. They are just now mere snares for the
unwary or the selfish rather than instruments of national service for
the patriot. But I am sure the Maulana did not have the local boards in
mind when he said that the movement was against Mussalmans. The
only ground for the belief, in so far as I can fathom it, can be that
those who are engaged in it must, by its very nature, become more
self-reliant, more defiant and more capable of resisting any
encroachment on their liberty than before, and that since the vast
majority of them are Hindus, they will in course of time become more
powerful than the Mussalmans. But such reasoning would be
unworthy of the brave Maulana I have known him to be. He must
therefore explain to the public what he means by his serious charge.
I grant that if till the end of the chapter only Hindus join the
movement in the right spirit, they will become an irresistible force of
the right, i.e., non-violent type. But the obvious deduction from this

fact is that all those who are keeping aloof should join the movement
at the earliest moment. And I prophesy that, if the movement keeps
the chalked path, the Maulana and the other Mussalmans, Sikhs,
Christians, Parsis, Jews, etc., will join it.
Surely all are equally interested in securing repeal of the salt
tax. Do not all need and use salt equally? That is the one tax which is
no respecter of persons.
Civil disobedience is a process of developing internal strength
and therefore an organic growth. Resistance to the salt tax can hurt no
single communal interest. On the contrary it must, if successful, help
the abstainers equally with the participants.
As against this absolutely national method of gaining our end,
put the unnatural, artificial and diplomatic method of a Round Table
Conference in which conflicting interests will be represented by
interested parties, and all the Indian groups together will be moved
and dominated by the paramount and all-powerful British group. This
conference without the power of the people behind it and composed
of the powerful and the weak will bring anything but swaraj. In the
existing circumstances therefore it can only result in further
consolidating the British power.
Civil resisters can have nothing to do with such a conference.
Their business is merely to generate and conserve national strength.
They have nothing to do with communalism. But if they are
compelled by force of circumstances to countenance a communal
solution, they are pledged only to consider such as may be
satisfactory to the parties concerned. How the Maulana can call such a
movement anti-Muslim or one for obtaining Hindu Raj, passes
comprehension.
The fact that those taking part in the movement are
preponderatingly Hindus is unfortunately true. By proclaiming a
boycott the Maulana is helping the process. Even so, there can be no
harm, if the Hindu civil resisters are fighting not for themselves but
for all—Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, and others who will make
the nation of the future free India.
Not much imagination is required to see that even when civil
resisters have acquired sufficient influence to make themselves felt, it
will still be open to anyone at the time of framing a constitution to
block the way. The only time when abstainers, be they Mussalmans or
Hindus or any other, will be helpless against the civil resisters is when
they drive out the English or when the latter retire in a huff or in
disgust. In the first place, however, they can never do this if their
means are uniformly peaceful. Secondly, Mussalmans above all can

help themselves and the nation by joining the struggle. Thirdly, if no
violence on the part of the people is offered, civil resistance must
result in complete conversion of the English. They will then
consider it their duty, it will be their penance, to help us, at their own
expense, to arrive at a solution of the many difficulties of which they
will own themselves to have been the authors. They will help us as
absolute equals and friends to inaugurate an independent organized
government.
As for the irritation felt by the Maulana against me personally, I
need not say much. Since I have no counter-irritation in me, I
prophesy that when his temper has cooled down and when he
discovers that I am not guilty of the many sins he imagines against
me, he will restore me to ‘his pocket’ in which I had the honour to be
only the other day as it were. For it is not I who have gone out of his
pocket. He has thrown me out of it. I am the same little man that I
used to be in 1921. I can never be an enemy of Mussalmans, no
matter what any one or more of them may do to me or mine, even as I
can never be an enemy of Englishmen, even though they may heap
further wrongs upon the Everest of wrongs their representatives have
already piled. I am too conscious of the imperfections of the species
to which I belong to be irritated against any single member thereof.
My remedy is to deal with the wrong wherever I see it, not to hurt the
wrongdoer, even as I would not like to be hurt for the wrongs I
continually do.
436. A NEW ORIENTATION

The discussion that has raged round the eleven points
mentioned in my article 1 on the Viceregal address to the Assembly
and my reference to some of them in my letter to the Viceroy shows
how necessary it was to bring them out. Critics have said that these
points fall far below even Dominon Status, not to speak of
Independence. They could not have carefully read my article ormy
letter. If they will re-read them, they will find it stated therein that the
conceding of those points was a preliminary to a conference about
Independence.
Whilst therefore there is no substance in the criticism levelled
against my presentation of the case, I am free to admit that I have
endeavoured to give a new orientation to the national demand. Just as
it was necessary in 1921 to keep the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs
separate from swaraj and I used to say then that for me to have their
1
Vide “Clearing the Issue” 30-1-1930.

redress purely through our effort was tantamount to swaraj, so has it
become necessary for me on the eve of battle to lay stress on the
eleven points and even to say that they are swaraj. For if they are not
included in swaraj, it can have no meaning for the nation; and if we
generate sufficient strength to gain those points, we have strength
enough to gain an Independence Constitution.
Let me illustrate my point. There is the proposal for protecting
the mill industry and at the same time of Imperial Preference. I call
this a dangerous trap, especially when the expression Dominion Status
is being bandied about in connection with the proposed Round Table
Conference. If against the grant of Dominion Status or even
Independence a stipulation is made that there should always be
preference for British cloth, Dominion Status or Independence will
have no meaning either for the millions or for the indigenous mills.
There can never be preference for things British when India is capable
of manufacturing them to the full extent of the demand thereof within
her own borders. She may share foreign trade with others; she dare
not share her inland trade with anybody so long as she is able to cope
with it herself. Indeed she is entitled and it is her duty to protect
growing industries against even a friendly England or any other
friendly power. It would be wrong and unpatriotic for the mill-owners
to fall into the trap laid for them. They should stoutly refuse to have
anything to do with Imperial Preference for British cloth, even if they
gain a prohibitive tariff against all other foreign cloth.
But to revert to my point. The new orientation consists in
familiarizing the nation with the contents of Independence. It must
know what it is to mean for the masses. There was much meaning in
the circular letter of a Youth League recently criticized in these
pages. The masses should know both what Independence will
and will not mean for them. If the main features are not constantly
kept in view and public opinion formulated, when the time
comes, they are likely to be overlooked or even deliberately
sacrificed. The controversy over public debt has now made
itimpossible, I hope, for any representative to bind the nation to its
payment without being satisfied that it was all incurred in the national
interest. It is, I hope, impossible similarly to bind the nation in any
future constitution to the high cost of civil and military expenditure.
And so it may be said regarding all the illustrative points and many
more that can be mentioned by me.
The plan therefore I have in mind is to concentrate the national
attention on all these points one after another or simultaneously and
demand relief preparatory to Independence.

This is the most expeditious plan, if Independence is to be
achieved through peaceful means. Satyagraha works only in this
manner. It arms people with power not to seize power but to convert
the usurper to their own view till at last the usurper retires or sheds the
vices of a usurper and becomes a mere instrument of service of those
whom he has wronged. The mission of satyagrahis ends when they
have shown the way to the nation to become conscious of the power
lying latent in it.

ASHRAM
[March 12, 1930] 1
God willing, we shall set out exactly at 6.30. Those joining the
march should all be on the spot at 6.20. If our first step is pure, all our
subsequent steps will be good and pure. As Manilal is joining us, I
would say something for his benefit. He should not join just because
he is my son though he cannot help being my son, nor can I forget
that I am his father.
We who are setting out with a great responsibility on our
heads—we the Ashram inmates—have but one capital. We can boast
of no learning. We who took certain vows and pledged ourselves to
the Ashram way of life ought to adhere to those vows scrupulously.
The seventy-two2 men joining the march should once again read the
Ashram rules and think whether or not they should join the march.
Those inmates of the Ashram who have any dependants will not be
able to draw money from the Ashram for them. None should join
thestruggle with that hope. This fight is no public show; it is the final
struggle—a life-and-death struggle. If there are disturbances, we may
even have to die at the hands of our own people. Even in that case, we
shall have made our full contribution to the satyagraha struggle. We
have constituted ourselves the custodians of Hindu-Muslim unity. We
hope to become the representatives of the poorest of the poor, the
lowest of the low and the weakest of the weak. If we do not have the
strength for this, we should not join the struggle. For my part I have
taken no pledge not to return here, but I do ask you to return here
only as dead men or as winners of swaraj. Chhaganlal Joshi will not be
able to run up here if Dhiru falls ill. Even if the Ashram is on fire, we
will not return. Only those may join, who have no special duty to their
1
The source does not mention the date. It is, however, apparent that this was
delivered on the morning of the 12th before the beginning of the march.
2
Actually seventy-eight; for a list of the names, vide Appendix “Letter from
Jawaharlal Nehru”, 4-11-1929.

relatives. The marchers have vowed to follow life-long poverty and to
observe brahmacharya for life. They leave here with the
determination to observe brahmacharya and will remain faithful to
that determination. The man who always follows truth and always
proclaims what he does is a brave man. Anyone who deceives others is
not brave. I cannot speak to anyone privately for I have not a minute
to spare. Though addressing myself to Manilal particularly, I say this
to all.
We are entering upon a life-and-death struggle, a holy war we
are performing an all-embracing sacrifice in which we wish to offer
ourselves as oblation. If you prove incapable, the shame will be mine,
not yours. You too have in you the strength that God has given me.
The Self in us all is one and the same. In me it has awakened; in
others, it has awakened partially.
[From Gujarati]
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary
438. PARTING MESSAGE AT CHANDOLA1

March 12, 1930
Your surpassing love for me has drawn you thus far. I
appreciate your affection for me which has been so vividly
demonstrated by you . . . There were rumours of my arrest last
night.God is great, mysterious indeed are His ways. I am here to say
good-bye to you. But even if I were in prison, with your strength I
could come back. Indeed, it is your strength that will bring us swaraj.
Go back and resolve to do your share. Propagate khaddar work, be
prepared to offer yourselves as civil resisters. Let there be no
flinching. Your way at present, however, lies homeward; mine straight
on to the sea-coast. You cannot accompany me at present, but you will
have an opportunity to accompany me in a different sense later. . . .
439. INTERVIEW TO HARIDAS T. MAJUMDAR

ASLALI ,
March 12, 1930
While he was having lunch, I asked our beloved captain if such an
uninterrupted walk of over eleven miles did not tire him out.
1
Gandhiji and party left Sabarmati Ashram at 6.30 a.m. followed by a huge
procession. They reached Chandola lake at 8.30 a.m. after covering seven miles.
Gandhiji addressed those who had come to see him off. The message has been
extracted from a letter to the Editor by Haridas T. Majumdar who was among the
volunteers marching with Gandhiji.

I should not say I am very tired; to be sure, I am tired, but it is
ordinary fatigue. I myself am amazed that I should have been able to
walk so far at a stretch. You know I have had no practice for some
time in long-distance walking....
I asked him what he would like to say in regard to the parallel between the
great march of 3,000 men, women and children he had organized in South Africa and
the present march to the sea-coast.
Well, the technique is the same even though the organization is
different. Soul-force is the weapon common to both. In South Africa,
however, there were 3,000 persons, here we are only 79. Again in
South Africa we were in the midst of a hostile environment, social as
well as political, and we had to carry our own foodstuffs with us; here
we are in the midst of a hospitable environment and do not have to
carry our food. The march in South Africa was attended by greater
hardships than the present one.
440. SPEECH AT ASLALI

[March 12, 1930]
Do not be content with merely wearing khadi and plying
the spinning-wheel, thinking that you have done all that you could
do.
Take the case of your own village: For a population of 1,700,
850 maunds of salt will be required. For 200 bullocks, 300 maunds of
salt will be required. That is, a total of 1,150 maunds of salt will be
required.
The Government levies a tax of Rs. 1-4 on one pukka maund of
salt. Hence, on 1,150 maunds, which is equal to 575 pukka maunds,
you pay a tax of Rs. 720.
A bullock must be given two maunds of salt. In addition, there
are 800 cows, buffaloes and calves in your village. If you give them
salt, or if the tanner uses salt for treating hides, or if you use salt
as manure, you would be paying that amount of tax in excess of
Rs. 720.
Can your village afford to pay this amount in taxes every year ?
In India, the average income of an individual is calculated at 7 pice or,
in other words, hundreds of thousands of persons do not earn even a
single pice and either die of starvation or live by begging. Even they
cannot do without salt. What will be the plight of such persons if they
can get no salt or get it at too high a price?
Salt, which sells at 9 pice a maund in the Punjab, salt of which

heaps and heaps are being made on the coast of Kathiawar and
Gujarat, cannot be had by the poor at less than Re. 1-8-0 a maund.
What curses the Government may not be inviting upon itself from the
poor for hiring men to throw this salt into mud!
The poor destitute villagers do not have the strength to get this
tax repealed. We want to develop this strength.
A democratic State is one which has authority to abolish a tax
which does not deserve to be paid. It is one in which the people can
determine when a certain thing should or should not be paid.
We, however, do not possess such authority. Likewise, even our
supposedly great representatives do not have it. In the Central
Legislative Assembly, Pandit Malaviya said that the manner inwhich
Sardar Vallabhbhai was arrested could not be called just ; that it was
unjust and high-handed. And this resolution was supported by Mr.
Jinnah. To this the Government official replied that their magistrate
had acted in a manner which befitted a loyal subject, if he had acted
otherwise, he would have been regarded as a traitor. If, however, that is
the case, this bearded person (Abbas Saheb) and I should also be
arrested, because I on my part openly make speeches about preparing
salt.
We want to establish a government which will be unable to arrest
a single individual against the wishes of the people, which cannot
extract ghee worth even a quarter pice from us, cannot take away our
carts, cannot extort money from us.
There are two ways of establishing such a government: that of
the big stick or violence and that of non-violence or civil
disobedience. We have chosen the second alternative, regarding it as
our dharma. And it is because of this that we have set out to prepare
salt after serving notice on the Government to that effect.
I can understand there being a tax on such things as the hookah,
bidis and liquor. And if I were an emperor, I would levy with your
permission a tax of one pie on every bidi. And if bidis are found too
expensive, those addicted to them may give them up. But should one
levy a tax on salt?
Such taxes should now be repealed. We should make a resolve
that we shall prepare salt, eat it, sell it to the people and, while doing
so, court imprisonment, if necessary. If, out of Gujarat’s population of
90 lakhs, we leave out women and children, and the remaining 30
lakhs get ready to violate the salt tax, the Government does not have
enough accommodation in jails to house so many people. Of course,
the Government can also beat up and shoot down those who violate
the law. But the governments of today are unable to go to this extent.

We, however, are determined to let the Government kill us if it wishes.
The salt tax must be repealed now. The fact that a sea of
humanity had gathered and showered blessings upon us—for a
distance of seven miles from the Ashram to the Chandola lake —a
sight for the gods to see—that is a good omen. And, if we climb even
one step, we shall readily be able to climb the other steps leading to
the palace of Independence.
[From Gujarati]

DURING DANDI MARCH,
[After March 12, 1930]
CHI. NARANDAS,
I have your letters. Find some work for Ranchhodbhai. It can be
manual labour. If you can find even some teaching work discuss the
matter with him and fix it up.
In this weather Punjabhai can sleep outside. If he does that,
mosquitoes at any rate will not bite him.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 8091. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
442. HINDI IN BENGAL AND ASSAM

Teachers know that in 1928 a society for the spread of Hindi
was formed in Calcutta. The treasurer of the society was Shri
Ghanshyamdas Birla. I have received a statement of the working of
this society and a statement of accounts. I give the following facts 1
from the statement of its working.
From this it is apparent that the work is progressing in some
measure. There is much room for expanding this work. An effort is
being made to meet the expenses of each school with local help, which
is praiseworthy. Only thus can success be achieved. The start may well
be made with the main centre but ultimately all local work should
become self-supporting. Only then will the publicity work widen and
take on a permanent shape. Bengal and Assam are two places where
thousands of people can be taught Hindi. This work is already divided
into two parts. The first is instruction and the second is expansion of
this work by lectures arranged by local branches. There is need for a
third part; and that is revision of the methods of making instruction
1
Not translated here

easy. Competent and resourceful teachers are daily in search of means
to make this work of instruction yield quick results. Many Bengali
and Assamese words resemble Hindi. Books tomake this fact known
should be written, pocket-size Hindi-Bengali and Bengali-Hindi
dictionaries should be prepared, Bengali books in Devnagari script
and Hindi books in Bengali script should be published. Such books
can pay their way as has been shown in Madras. When the books are
really useful and good they gain value and they become popular.
One word more. Bengal is a big centre of Marwari traders. The
task of spreading Hindi in Bengal is a special responsibility of these
traders. So, there should be no hitch in this work for want of funds.
[From Hindi]

March 13, 1930
CHI. MIRA,
Whilst there is time, you should write and that fully or as fully as
time permits. Yesterday’s demonstration was a triumph of
non-violence. I know it won’t be everywhere and always like that
during the struggle, but it was a great and good beginning.
You will be patient, anxious for nothing, charitable towards
those who do not do as you would have them do. Your central work is
women and children.
See that Reginald takes care of himself and is not rash.
Everything must be in an apple-pie order.
Your diary will be fully kept.
And you will not be anxious about me. He will keep me fit so
long as He needs me.
With love,
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 5426. Courtesy: Mirabehn; also G.N. 9660

March 13, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I hope you received what might have been my last letter 1 . The
news given to me of my impending arrest was said to be absolutely
1
Vide “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 11-3-1930.

authentic. But we have reached the second stage safely. We take the
third tonight. I am sending you the programme 1 . All the friends are
most particular that I should not go to Ahmedabad for the Working
Committee. There is considerable force in the suggestion. The
Working Committee may, therefore, come to the place where we may
be for the day or you alone may come. The sentiment that we won’t
voluntarily go back without finishing the struggle is being well
cultivated. My going back will mar it a bit. Jamnalalji told me he had
written to you about it. I hope Kamla is keeping well.
I asked yesterday that full wires should be sent to you.
Yours sincerely,
BAPU
A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 84

March 13, 1930
MY DEAR REYNOLDS,
Take care of yourself. Besides looking after Young India, do
please identify yourself with the activities of the Ashram. I am anxious
for it to become an abode of peace, purity and strength. You I hold to
be a gift from God for the advancement of that work.
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: C. W. 5431. Courtesy: Swarthmore College, Philadelphia
446. LETTER TO GANGABEHN ZAVERI

March 13, 1930
CHI. GANGABEHN ZAVERI,
I believe you have joined the common kitchen now. Will you
also stay in the Hostel? Nanibehn should live only on milk and fruit.
If she does that, she will be all right.
This is a rare opportunity for women. I think it will be a great
achievement on their part if they assume the entire burden of the
internal management of the Ashram.
I have no time to write more.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Not available; vide, however, “Satyagrahis’ March”, 9-3-1930.

March 13, 1930
CHI. PREMA,
You are certainly mad, but your madness endears you to me.
You have been working with greater devotion than I had expected
from you and God keeps you in good health. Never be impatient. Try
to speak less loudly. If you do so, you will not aggravate the condition
of the tonsils.
Tell Kusum that something still remains to be done about her
tongue, and that the doctor should attend to it at his leisure.
Write to me. I have no time to write more.
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—5: Ku. Premabehn Kantakne, pp. 8-9
448. LETTER TO KUSUM DESAI

March 13, 1930
CHI. KUSUM 1 ,
I have your letter. I should have got it yesterday, but Pyarelal
forgot to put it up to me and it came into my hand just as I was
finishing a letter to Ba.
You have done very well in deciding to move to the Hostel.
Now persuade Dudhibehn to do the same. If, instead of living in
a separate room, she went to live in the Hostel, it would be possible to
look after her. See that Sarojini works. Do not hesitate to talk to her
plainly about it. Get Shantu’s 2 teeth examined by Haribhai3 . Give me
reports about all who are ill. Do not neglect to maintain your diary.
Study the Gita carefully. Clear the Gujarati file. Give me your daily
programme of work. I cannot say when I shall be arrested. They may
arrest me whenever they wish. In any case, you should write to
me regularly. For one day more a car will come from there4 .
Try once again to write about Haribhai5 . Do not give up the effort in
despair.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
Kusum Desai used to act as Secretary of the Ashram in the absence of male
inmates.
2
A trainee of the Charkha Sangh
3
Dr. H. M. Desai of Ahmedabad
4
Ahmedabad
5
Haribhai Desai, the deceased husband of the addressee. The reference is to his
biography that she was intending to write.

449. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI
March 13, 1930
CHI. MAHADEV,
I did get your letter. God will grant you everything. We may
take it the Ashram has done well so far. But there is scope for much
further awakening still. Let us not feel elated too soon. If I remain
free, you should certainly take the plunge. I want an account of the
good or the harm which the fast may have done Durga.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
I had intended to write a separate letter to her, but have dropped
the idea.
450. SPEECH AT BAREJA

March 13, 1930
This is our second halt after the march began. As at our first
halt, here too I was given the required information about this village. I
was pained to read it. It is strange that a place so near Ahmedabad has
zeroes against the columns for consumption of khadi, the number of
habitual khadi rearers and spinning-wheels at work. During my tours
of North and South India, I used to follow a rule, namely, that the
barber cutting my hair should be a khadi-wearer. But here you keep
yourselves far away from such a thing as khadi. Khadi is the
foundation of our freedom struggle. All like khadi, but people are
nowadays deterred by the fear that those wearing khadi will have to go
to jail and die. Bareja has not a single khadi-wearer, which is indeed a
very painful fact. There is a khadi store here and you can certainly
remove this blot. We do not disown our mother because she is fat or
ugly to look at and adopt another woman, more beautiful, to fill her
place. Foreign cloth will never bring us freedom. I request you to
renounce luxuries and buy khadi from this heap before you.
At present Sardar is in jail, and I have come here to ask you to
join in our common struggle for freedom. Think over the matter and
get ready to join. The state of our villages is pitiable in various ways.
With the help of these soldiers of freedom, you will be able to make
your village clean. It does not take much time to do so. Diligence and
care are all that is necessary. The people of this place number
twenty-five hundred. If you so resolve, you can make the village

beautiful and have as many amenities as you choose. By doing so,
you will help agriculture here and also add to your strength. The
education imparted in present-day schools is, according to me,no
education at all. The village has a large number of Christians and
Muslims also. If you all come together, you will be able to achieve
much for the village. For winning complete freedom, all these
communities will have to unite.
As for the Bhangis, you believe that they are the scum of the
earth. We do nothing at all for their betterment. We only lower
ourselves by believing them to be of low birth.
Now, having said this, let me turn to other things. We have come
forward to win our freedom from this tyrannical and oppressive
Government. If we cannot put our own house in order in an organized
manner, how shall we run the country’s Government? I ask you,
therefore, to learn order and organization. Think of cow-protection
also. In this band marching with me, there are experts on animal
husbandry who will be able to help you. Introducing improvements
by slow degrees, you can solve the question of cow-protection. Do
think about these things. This struggle against the Government on
which we have embarked is not going to reach its conclusion with five,
or twenty-five, or even millions of men getting killed. We have to look
after these other things also simultaneously.
[From Gujarati]
451. SPEECH AT NAVAGAM

March 13, 1930
As I enter the Kheda District, memories—some sweet, some
bitter—fill the mind. It was while working in the Kheda District that I
became one with the lives of people. I have seen nearly all the villages
here. I covered many of them on foot. I have come to Navagam in the
middle of a battle. This is our third halt: Aslali was the first, Bareja was
the second and Navagam now is the third. Vallabhbhai had great
expectations of the Kheda District. Having been arrested in this
district, he has won glory for himself.
The Government found some pretext or other to arrest
Vallabhbhai. It knew well that his, and not the Government’s, writ
would prevail in Kheda if he was free. Pressure was brought to bear on
the Magistrate somehow to serve a notice on Sardar, and he was
arrested. What could a poor Magistrate do where the entire
atmosphere is vitiated? We do not yet have the necessary spirit of

self-sacrifice and the necessary self-confidence for anyone of us to
tell the Government that he could not issue such a notice. What does it
matter that a person receives salary from the Government? And,
moreover, who pays that salary? Who am I to explain to the Magistrate
that it is God who does that? How can I do it? To the Magistrate the
Government is God, the protector, and everything.
The Patidars and the Dharalas, the two principal communities of
the Kheda District, are both courageous. What will they do to fight this
Government? Before I ask the question, I have to congratulate you all.
All the Matadars here have shown great courage in my presence and
stated that they would not accept the Headman’s office, with the result
that the latter has now resigned. I congratulate you on your
resignations. If you have been offering resignations under pressure
from anyone, I must ask you to withdraw them. Not only will that
cause me no pain, but I will protect you against those who might try to
force you to resign. This fight is based on truth. I want no victory with
unworthy help.
It is after many days and nights of heart-searching that I have
decided to stake my life on this last struggle, and to take my co-
workers with me so that they, too, may sacrifice their lives. I depend
on truth alone for winning this war. I shall be happy if I have your
support in that. It will make no difference to me even if you do not
resign.
When we win swaraj, even a scavenger will be free to take
Vallabhbhai to task. When he was in jail Vallabhbhai used to ask
whom he could fight when all officials from the peon upward were
Indians. You should remember this. With the present Government
might is right. But, against me, its guns and gunpowder are no more
than dust or pebbles. Your present duty is to show the Government
your strength through your work.
Be true to your word, Headman and Matadars, if you are bent
on winning complete independence. You should remember and act
upon Tulsidas’s words:
“The way of the Raghus it has been ever,
Life may be lost but a pledge never.”
Before all these present here I remind you of this. Listen to me
and, if you so feel, admit truthfully that you do not have the strength
to resign. The people of the Kheda District have bathed me in their
love. No resident of this district should first give me a promise and
then stab me in the back.
I shall regard you as brave men if you truthfully withdraw your

resignations, and also if you truthfully adhere to them.1
In the present struggle, which we have started to establish
Ramarajya, both the poor and the rich are ready to give me monetary
help, but I look up to the people for strengthening me. You will have
redoubled my strength when, following me, you come forward to
manufacture salt. By leading you along my path, I wish to bring glory
to one and all among us. I may ask for your resignations or for
money from you; but for the present I am asking for soldiers for this
fight. Civil disobedience of the salt law is within the power of all—
men and women, young and old.
I have gone through the figures regarding Navagam. In the
population numbering a thousand, only one person is a habitual
khadi-wearer and there is just one spinning-wheel to swear by. I ask
you now to take a vow to produce and wear khadi. That way you will
save Rs. 5,000 a year. By working at the spinning-wheel, women too
will be adding to their power greatly.
Remember that in the resignations you have handed in I see
God’s hand. The Kheda District has made an auspicious beginning. I
have embarked on this last struggle of my life because God wishes to
make me His instrument for this work. The life of this skeleton which
is addressing you is God, and it does whatever good He desires. Let us
now part with Ramanama on our lips.
[From Gujarati]
452. TALK TO PRESS REPRESENTATIVES 2

NAVAGAM ,
March 14, 1930
I wish to offer some consolation to the Press representatives
present here. I am responsible for the hardships caused by the
application of Ashram rules. I have been asking for alms from the
people, though I have no right to demand any. Hence, I cannot permit
everybody to accompany me and live on the alms. We do need the
help of newspapers. But this struggle is a unique one. If theyhave
respect for the movement they may help it. No one need write
anything for my sake. They may criticize me. From the village people
I receive food in measured quantities and no one can accept more
1
At this stage the Headman and the Matadars explained how they had resigned
of their own free will, and the Headman presented Rs. 125 to Gandhiji on behalf of the
village.
2
Given at the end of the morning prayer meeting

than what the rule permits. I request the Ashram inmates and the Press
representatives that if they need any item in excess of what is
permitted by the rule, they may get it only with my permission. In the
last analysis, even the Press representatives have come for public
service, have they not?
Hundreds of thousands will follow this batch of seventy-eight in
whatever they do. People will criticize us if we do not cultivate
self-sacrifice. If the people feel the slightest distrust of us, they will
condemn the whole movement. We have, therefore, to treat them with
love, not force. The mountain is an assemblage of earth particles
sticking together. Similarly, all great accomplishments in the world are
the result of homogeneous effort. When the effort is heterogeneous
the result is quite different. Because the river Ganga has the power to
sanctify all waters, it absorbs all impurity within itself.
If the satyagrahis follow truth in carrying on this struggle, they
will show, not merely to India but to the whole world, that ours is a
holy war. My speech yesterday was also in the nature of a prayer to
all.
People fall ill through their own negligence. The rule for one
who falls ill is that he should be left where he falls ill. I am indeed
sorry that I cannot try to meet you all. I ask you, therefore, to come
and see me when you need to consult me. The burden of work on me
is too heavy to leave me time to see you.
It is my advice to you that no person should come here without
special permission. Only after obtaining previous permission may
anyone accompany this batch. Those who desire to come here and see
what is happening should rather stay where they are and do their duty
there. They should persuade every one to offer civil disobedience and
offer it themselves.
[From Gujarati]

March 14, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I want a full account of the arrangements made for you. Send
me your daily programme of work and also tell me about your health.
Let me know whether or not you can clearly understand the
translation of the Gita. Read it with great care. Do you enjoy complete
peace of mind?
Blessings from
BAPU

[PS.]
My blessings to Kamla. What work does she do?
454. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI

March 14, 1930
CHI. SUSHILA,
I don’t know how to compliment you as well as you deserve. I

had observed your strength of character even when I first saw you
before you were married. But the strength which you have actually
revealed has surpassed my expectation. If you cannot keep your
peace of mind there, you may go to Akola without any hesitation. But
I should certainly like you to remain there if you can be tranquil and
if you and Sita can keep good health, for the Ashram is at present the
best school for women. You will not get at any other time the
experience you are getting there just now. I am sure you will not
worry about Manilal. God has given him a strong physique. And he is
all simplicity of heart. Nothing makes him unhappy. There is no limit
to his courage. How can such a person suffer? He has been looking
after me.
Blessings from
BAPU

March 14, 1930
CHI. KUSUM,
If Krishnakumari’s eyes are sore, get them examined by
Haribhai. Tell Chandrakanta that I expect much from her. Get
Shantu’s teeth examined by Haribhai and ask him to remove the loose
ones. Send me a report about Dhiru and about anybody else who may
be ill.
Send me your daily programme of work. Do you have a
separate room to yourself? How do you feel there?
Blessings from
BAPU

456. SPEECH AT VASANA1
March 14, 1930
You have all given us an excellent reception. You have seen to it
that there is nothing wanting. You have raised this pandal and erected
a cottage for me, which I very much like. I am glad that you have
arranged things as I had wanted them. But a doubt lingers in my mind
about this village, and as a satyagrahi I should tell you the thought
that occurs to me. Of course it is not practical wisdom in a man to
speak out all that he thinks. Still, for my part, I regard myself a very
practical man. One should have nothing to do with the practical
wisdom which goes against the world’s welfare. My co-workers or I
have lost nothing through this attitude of mine. I wonder if you
thought that, since there were five Antyajas, and possibly some
Muslims, accompanying me on this campaign, it would be best to
lodge me and my party outside the village. I hope you have not been
clever and thus quietly avoided trouble. I first asked people to inquire
about this, but subsequently decided to put the question to the
meeting here. I am determined to reach Jalalpur, having given you all
that I have. Those accompanying me are only students. A true
studentalways hungers for knowledge, which he seeks to garner with
the world as his school and with nature and mankind as his books.
Many saints were illiterate, but they had trained themselves in the art
of thinking and so they were students. I even sent some students to
inspect the Antyaja locality here.
This fight is based on truth and non-violence and, therefore, we
are true satyagrahis. And I ask you to believe me when I prophesy
that a day will come when the British will apologize to us. Shri
Vallabhbhai turned nights into days and rendered help to the British.
He served the people, and the Government is repaying him now by
arresting and removing him away from us. I tell you, though the
Government has been able to imprison for the present a man like
Vallabhbhai it will have to apologize to him. Of course he does not
care that he has been arrested. To me, he was my hands and feet. Had
he not worked and prepared the ground here in this district, I could
not have mustered the courage to speak these few words before you.
What is going to be your reply to the salt law? All of you have
to reform yourselves and offer a fight to the Government. We can
prepare ourselves to win complete freedom by serving our Antyaja
brethren. I should be happy if my doubt about your village is
1
The meeting was held at 3 p.m.

ill-founded. May you serve one and all without exception. Abolition
of the salt tax or remission of some other taxes will not mean swaraj
for us. Winning swaraj is not going to be so easy as that. That is only a
way to it and by following it we shall reach the goal of freedom.
It is indeed a good thing that the Headmen of Navagam, Vavdi,
Agam, Mahelaj and other villages have tendered their resignations.
Why should they stick to Headmanship for the mere five rupees a
month that the Government pays them? If the Collector summons a
Headman, let him say, “Give us back our Sardar. Grant us a remission
in land revenue.” To give up Government service is to exorcise an
evil spirit haunting the home. In resigning his job, your Headman has
done a meritorious deed. When we have a people’s Government, we
shall see what to do. Satyagraha means disobedience to every law of
the Government. Disobedience of the salt law is one item of such
satyagraha. Such disobedience is our duty; it is our right. In the fight
for that right, I need your help, not in the form of money but of
volunteers to break the law.
The next item on my programme is khadi. How shameful
that your village shows a zero against the columns for the number
of spinning-wheels and khadi-wearers! If you have not been
wearingkhadi hitherto, wake up and begin now. I appeal to you to
help our poor country by using khadi. It is my wish that there should
be none among you who does not wear khadi, I earnestly ask you to
be dressed in khadi clothes. For women, spinning used to be a yajna.
There were five such yajnas. The first was the kitchen fire. Performing
that yajna, my mother set apart a go-grasa, a morsel for the cow. The
second was the quern, the third was the broom, the fourth the
spinning-wheel and the fifth was fetching water. Now all these yajnas
are on the wane, because selfishness has crept in among us. If you
wish to follow the path of dharma, start again the spinning-wheel
sacrifice and follow the good sense that God has bestowed on you.
[From Gujarati]

ON THE DANDI MARCH,
March 15, 1930
CHI. NARANDAS
Credit to the Navajivan account the money which you are
receiving.
I am writing to Mathew. That is how he always works. Unless he

is able to fix his attention, he is of no service even in the G.S.S.1
Ask Prabhudas to write to me. So far I have experienced no
difficulty in walking.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 8090. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi

[March 15, 1930] 2
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
It pained me to have to use harsh words with you, but it had to
be done, as I wished to remove your pusillanimity. Unless you are
determined and firm in your purpose, your energies cannot be fully
utilized. Tenderness of heart is essential, but for true tenderness
determination is even more essential. Thereby family ties are purified,
and delusion is overcome. You must also give up your desire to meet
me. Whatever I could give you I have already given. A time will come
when you too will have to go to jail like so many of us, but for the
present your work is your prison. Therefore do not leave Vijapur
unless it is on important business. Improve your health, and continue
to render whatever help you can.
Blessings from
BAPU
459. SPEECH AT DABHAN

[March 15, 1930]
I have come to know that a Headman, a Matadar and a
watchman of Kanakapura have submitted their resignations. I hope
that you have handed in those resignations willingly and that none of
you will yield if any of the officials intimidates you and that you
would not, seeking pardon, withdraw them. When we have once taken
a vow, we shall not withdraw them even if we die.3
Your Headman has submitted his resignation but his old uncle
has registered himself as a volunteer. It is not that only young people
can join this struggle. This is a religious as also a non-violent struggle
1
Gandhi Seva Sangh
2
The date is from At the Feet of Bapu, p. 58.
3
This and the following three paragraphs have been taken from Prajabandhu,
16-3-1930.

and even children can take part in it. The names of some women have
also been received by me. I have received names even of children
below the age of fifteen and I do not hesitate to mention them.
I have received names of many more old men also and they say
that it is better to die in jail than outside it, but only out of
thoughtfulness I do not take them along with me. On reaching Dandi,
we shall call them first and send them first to jail.
I hope that the Headmen and Matadars from the neighbouring
villages also will send in their resignations.
Although we claim to practise cow-protection, we should now
call it buffalo-protection or service to buffaloes. In this town of
Dabhan, there are three hundred buffaloes as against three cows. This
suggests that we are ignorant of animal husbandry. In this district, it is
difficult to obtain cow’s milk or ghee for sick persons or for those
who have taken the vow to serve only the cow. Goseva does not mean
saving the cows from Muslims or Englishmen— this amounts to
cow-slaughter. That is a misinterpretation of the term goseva.1
The number of cows sent to Australia to be slaughtered is a
hundred times the number that are slaughtered in India by the
Muslims. If you desire to see to it that cows are not exported abroad,
you should all train yourselves in animal husbandry and act in
accordance with that science.
I do not recall the taste of buffalo’s milk. Hence I cannot
distinguish it from cow’s milk. However, doctors have testified that
buffalo’s milk and ghee are not as nourishing as those of the cow and
Europeans do not even touch the milk of the buffalo.
Ours is a holy war. It is a non-violent struggle. Even women and
children can take part in it. The soldiers of satyagraha will never do
what the ordinary soldiers do. Your village consumes 800 maunds of
salt a year, and thus pays money to the Government without reason.
The Government appropriates to itself all the taxes you pay without
making any return to you. We wish to throw off that burden and
hence we demand complete freedom. If you feel strong enough, give
up Government jobs, enlist yourselves as soldiers in this salt
satyagraha, burn your foreign cloth and wear khadi. Give up liquor.
There are many things within your power through which you can
secure the keys which will open the gates of freedom.2
[From Gujarati]
Prajabandhu, 16-3-1930, Navajivan, 30-3-1930, and Gujarati; 23-3-1930
1
This and the following two paragraphs have been extracted from “Swaraj
Gita”, Navajivan, 30-3-1930.
2
This has been taken from Gujarati, 23-3-1930.

460. SPEECH AT NADIAD
March 15, 1930
I have visited Nadiad often and made many speeches here, but
never before did I see such a huge mass of men. Bound by the chains
of slavery, we are being crushed at present, and we want to shake them
off. I am sure you have come here today not for my sake or for the
sake of my troop of eighty, but because you hunger for complete
freedom. Since I left Ahmedabad, on my way here large numbers
have showered their blessings on me and my mission. The showers
have swelled into a flood, as it were. You, too, are witnessing the same
thing.
Vallabhbhai’s services to Kheda District have been many and
various. At the time of the floods he saved thousands of men. That
Vallabhbhai is now behind the prison bars. I too have done some
work in this district. You have, therefore, a threefold duty to
discharge. The imprisonment of Vallabhbhai is your imprisonment.
Arresting him in Kheda is arresting Kheda itself. Of course by
imprisoning Vallabhbhai the Government has honoured him, but you
it has insulted. What is to be your reply to this insult? Your reply can
only be winning complete freedom. How could you do that? Only by
following my path. That is as clear as the rule of three.
I wish all Government servants to give up their jobs. What is
Government service worth after all? A Government job gives you the
power to tyrannize over others. And what do you earn in the job? By
dint of independent labour a man can earn thousands if he chooses to
do so. The local Headman has resigned his post. But is that enough?
Nadiad produced Govardhanram and Manilal Nabhubhai. It has been
a city of men of letters. Are there any heirs of these learned men now?
What is the duty of the students in this city of learned men? And the
duty of their sisters and mothers? It is up to you all to give a reply to
these questions. You all have to enlist yourselves as volunteers. As
soon as I get behind the bars or as soon as the All-India Congress
Committee gives a call, you should come forward to offer yourselves
for being jailed. Then alone shall I believe that Nadiad has made its
contribution to our struggle.
Nadiad is thirty-one thousand strong. You spend three hundred
and ten thousand rupees on cloth year after year. Instead of letting
this wealth flow out of the city, what a gain it will be if you keep it in
your homes! You will then have obeyed the most beautiful law of
nature. That is the simple calculation I ask the heirs of Govardhanram
and Manilal to make. If they do not do so, they would be bringing

disgrace on the good name of Nadiad. Will not Nadiad, the pride of
Gujarat, do even this much? May God grant you the strength to do it.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 23-3-1930
461. LETTER TO DURGA GIRI 1

[On or after March 15, 1930] 2
CHI. DURGA,
I have your beautiful letter written in a beautiful hand. What you
write about Mahavir is correct. He who regards all as equals wins.
Kaka’s Shankar too has joined the caravan. Immerse yourself fully in
works of service. Do not be lazy about anything. We are all well here.
Tell Maitri not to be indolent in the least. Does she dip her hands in
potassium permanganate solution? She must observe restraint in her
diet.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Hindi]
Bapuki Virat Vatsalta, pp. 30-l
462. WE ARE ALL ONE

God is present in all of us. For my part, every moment I
experience the truth that though many we are all one. He does not
reveal Himself in the same form in all of us, or rather the hearts of all
of us not being alike we do not see Him in the same form— just as in
mirrors of different colours and shapes a thing is reflected in different
colours and shapes.
From this it follows that the sin of one is the sin of all. And
hence it is not up to us to destroy the evil-doer. We should, on the
contrary, suffer for him. From this thought was born the idea of
satyagraha and of civil disobedience of law. Criminal, violent or
uncivil disobedience is sin and ought to be abjured. Non-violent
disobedience can be a holy duty. It is with this thought that
Deenabandhu Andrews has often said that he is doing atonement on
behalf of the English, that Mirabai has come to live in the Ashram and
that Reginald Reynolds is staying in the Ashram.
Shri Khadgabahadur Giri is known to all. He killed a man for
committing adultery and then surrendered himself to the police. This
friend had lived in the Ashram for some time. In his statement to the
1
The text of the original, which is in Gujarati, is not available.
2
Shankar, D. B. Kalelkar’s son mentioned in the letter, joined the Dandi
March on this day.

court he described himself as a believer in the principles of the
Ashram. Though I could not understand his meaning, I was not
prepared to examine his action. This led many to write strong letters
to me, but I did not reply to them and I remained silent, as I did not
think it my duty to pronounce an opinion. Now this friend has come
to join in the present pilgrimage. Missing his train, he arrived a day
late. Now, since he cannot join unless he has my permission, he has
had to stay back at the Ashram. I believe that the struggle which is in
the offing should be started only by those who observe the principles
of the Ashram. I have, therefore, written to him: “You may come if
you accept the principles of the Ashram as binding on you.”
This account, however, is irrelevant to the present article. It has
been given merely to introduce Shri Khadgabahadur. The reason for
publishing his name is that he, too, has come to do atonement for the
sins of others. He has given his reason for insisting on being included
in the very first batch as under:1
The Mahavir mentioned in this letter is the son of the late
Dalbahadur Giri. Following the line of thinking in the extract above,
Dalbahadur Giri himself had joined the Non-co-operation movement
in 1921 and also suffered imprisonment. When he came out of jail he
had been suffering from severe dysentery, which proved fatal. He had
advised his wife to go and live in the Ashram. The widow
communicated her resolve to come and stay in the Ashram. I had
known Dalbahadur Giri. I could not disregard his death-bed wish, and
the wish of his wife. I thought it my duty to respect it. This widowed
mother encouraged her son to join the present struggle. The boy is
being brought up at the Ashram for the last nine years. As Mahavir’s
guardian, I also permitted him to join. Such boys as had completed
fifteen years of age had the permission to join if they so wished.
Mahavir has joined the struggle of his free will and with the blessings
of his elders. My experience of him has been a sweet one.
These facts will probably enable the reader to see the struggle in
a better light. He will also have a better understanding of what
satyagraha means. The whole conception rests on unbounded faith in
the unfailing power of non-violence. The satyagrahi always acts in the
spirit of atonement. He believes that he shares in the sins of the ruler
or the ruled. He regards himself also as a sinner. One is certainly a
sinner as long as the possibility of sin remains in one. One is guilty of
passion if one has potentiality for passion.
[From Gujarati]
1

463. THE DEPARTURE
Thousands of Ahmedabad citizens, both men and women, kept
vigil on the night of the 11th. Thousands flocked to the Ashram. One
heard rumours all through the night. “Here is some news,” someone
with a grave face twice whispered into my ear! “Reliable news has
been received that a special train is arriving this evening and will take
you away to be borne to Mandalay.” As it is the same to me whether I
am in jail or outside, the news had no effect on me and I went to bed
in perfect peace. But the sight of the mill-workers and mill-owners
around me could not but make me happy. Though eagerly expected,
“they” did not come, and at the appointed hour and minute God
gave us the send-off. We walked on between rows of people who had
come to see us set out, the rows extending to as far as the Chandola
lake. I cannever forget the scene. For me, this was the form in which
God’s blessing descended on me. In the face of such a spectacle, how
could I believe that there was no prospect of success in this struggle?
Both the rich and the poor were present in proportion to their
numbers in the population. If the spectacle has any meaning, it is this,
at any rate, that all people want freedom and they want it through
peaceful means. In the eyes of men lining the road from the Ashram
to Ellis Bridge I saw not poison but nectar. I saw in their eyes no
anger against British rule or rulers, but I saw there the joy born of the
confidence that complete freedom was now at hand.
The authorities on their part had acted wisely. Not one
policeman was to be seen. What business could the police have where
people had come together for a festive occasion? What would the
police do there?
May the self-confidence displayed by the citizens of
Ahmedabad last for ever! Let that confidence spread all over the
country, and complete freedom will be ours without much effort. If
such freedom is our birthright, how much time should we need to win
that right? To breathe is my birthright, and breathing therefore
proceeds with ease. It is the long history of slavery that has given us
the illusion that slavery is our natural state. The truth is that it is not
the natural state of any man whatever. If three hundred million men
and women are determined to win freedom, you may take it that it is
theirs. The scene on the 12th was a sign of that determination.
But I am not a man to be easily taken in by appearances. All
over the world, the common mass of men move like sheep following
one another. It was so on the 12th too. Many had come out just
because others had done so. For many others, this coming out for the

festival was the beginning and the end of their self-sacrifice. If that
was the truth, their coming out was no sign of the approach of
freedom. If a hundred thousand men oppress three hundred million
and the latter come together to struggle to get rid of the oppression,
they will win their freedom from slavery with very little effort and
sacrifice. But some sacrifice there has to be. Winning freedom is not
child’s play. It requires the labour of thoughtful men, so that if the
three hundred million would not become khadi-wearers, at any rate
three million must come forward to offer civil disobedience. If many
join in this sacrifice for swaraj they would share the labour. If the
number of such people is small, they will have to bear a greater
burden, for the labour needed for winning freedom will always be the
same. The only question therefore, is who should bear this burden and
how. The immediate burden of bringing success to the present march
falls on the Gujaratis. Bringing success to the march does not mean
only providing regular meals and rendering other services to the
party. The mahajans at the various places are doing that with love. To
bring success to the march means men and women coming out in
large numbers to join the struggle. People should get ready for civil
disobedience of the salt law as soon as the marching party reaches
Jalalpur. Every village should get ready its own quota of civil
law-breakers so that at the proper time they plunge into the fight.
[From Gujarati]
464. “BHAGAVAD GITA” OR “ANASAKTIYOGA”

It is more than forty years since I have been reading, pondering
and following the Gita. Friends expressed a desire that I should put
before the Gujaratis my understanding of that work. I embarked on
translating it. From the point of view of scholarship my qualifications
for attempting the translation would seem to be nil, but as one
following its teaching I may be considered to be fairly well qualified.
The translation has now been published. Many editions of the Gita
carry the Sanskrit text also. It has been intentionally left out in this
one. I would like it if all knew Sanskrit, but all will never learn
Sanskrit. Moreover, many cheap editions with Sanskrit are available. I,
therefore, decided to leave out the Sanskrit text and reduce both the
size and the price. This edition has 19 pages of introduction and 187
pages of translation so that it can be easily carried in one’s pocket.
Ten thousand copies have been printed. My aspiration is that every
Gujarati will read this Gita, ponder it and practise its teaching. An
easy way to ponder it is to try and understand the meaning without

referring to the Sanskrit text and then to conduct oneself accordingly.
For example, those who interpret the teaching of the Gita to mean that
one ought to kill the wicked without making a distinction between
one’s kinsmen and others, should kill their parents or other relatives
if they are wicked. In practice, they will not be able to do so.
Naturally, then, it would occur to the reader that where destruction is
prescribed the work contemplates some other form of
destruction.Almost every page of the Gita advises us not to make a
distinction between our own people and others. How is this to be
done? Reflection will lead us to the conclusion that we should perform
all our acts in a spirit of non-attachment. In the very first chapter we
find Arjuna facing the troublesome question of one’s own people and
others. In every chapter the Gita brings out how such a distinction is
false and harmful. I have called the Gita Anasaktiyoga. The interested
reader will be able to learn from the work what that is, how
non-attachment is to be cultivated, what its characteristics are, etc.
Trying as I do to live according to the teaching of the Gita, I could
not avoid the present struggle. As a friend says in his telegram to me,
this is a holy war for me. It is a happy augury for me that this book is
being published just as the holy war is entering its last phase in the
form of the present struggle.
[From Gujarati]
465. LETTER TO ABBAS TYABJI

March 16, 1930
DEAR BHRR,1
What a joy to have received your letter ! Of course, you must
take rest. Sardar has filled me with many anecdotes about you and
now Mahadev has come in to give us the latest. I am glad this time
you have not brought any illness with you. Can’t afford to think of
you as an old man in spite of the whiteness of your ample beard.
Mahadev tells me you can dance. I feel like asking for a short
leave to come and see you dance. But that cannot be. I am,
therefore, imagining all sorts of movements. You should be put with
the Poet!!!
Love from us all.
Yours ever,
M. K. G.
1
This was a form of greeting used between Gandhiji and the addressee.

March 16, 1930
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Restrain your desire to come and see me. If,
despite your best efforts, you cannot do that there is no harm in
coming. Keep in mind the condition that you should take proper care
of your health while working. You will not get such an opportunity
again. You should, therefore, preserve your health.
Blessings from
BAPU

ON THE DANDI MARCH,
Sunday [March 16, 1930] 1
CHI. NARANDAS,
I get your letters. I send with this a letter on the Bank. If it does
not serve your purpose, please let me know.
I have asked those three gentlemen from Madras and the two
from Bengal to return. They do feel sorry. If you see them repenting
when they arrive there and if they are keen on joining the Ashram
again, take them back. There is no harm in doing so if they are real
workers. But I do not wish to interfere with your management, and
that is why I refused to give them any letter.
How is Purushottam keeping? Cannot Keshu lead the recitation
of the Gita? He can sing the bhajans too. If he does not agree, in any
case Premabehn is there.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Enclosed with this is a letter written by Jamna, which seems to
have been sent to me by mistake.
BAPU
From Gujarati: C.W. 8092. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi
1
From the enquiries about Purushottam’s health and arrangements regarding
recitation of the Gita and bhajans, this appears to have been written on the first of the
three Sundays during the Dandi March.

468. LETTER TO CHANDRAKANTA
Sunday [March 16, 1930] 1
CHI. CHANDRAKANTA,
I hope your work is proceeding well. I have pinned great hopes
on you. May God grant you the strength to fulfil these hopes.
Sumangal2 had a slight touch of fever. There is no cause for anxiety.
He is being nursed well.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Keep writing to your parents.
From a photos tat of the Gujara ti: Chandr akanta Papers . Courte sy: Gandhi
Nation al Museum and Librar y
469. LETTER TO VIDYA HINGORANI

March 16, 1930
CHI. VIDYA,
I have heard much about you from Anand, and I was glad to
hear about your devotion to God. You should not be anxious on
account of Anand. God will protect him.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India and
Anand T. Hingorani
470. SPEECH AT BORIAVI

March 16, 1930
In this peaceful struggle there is no room for coercion of any
kind. We will coerce no Englishmen nor any of our countrymen. I do
not want anyone to resign under compulsion. Resignations tendered
under duress or in awe of somebody ought to be withdrawn. They
have jailed your Sardar, that is, they have taken from you swaraj itself.
We must get him released from prison and, you will have proved your
strength if you can see to it that he is out in one month instead of after
three. After Vallabhbhai is released, take care that you do not
1
From the contents the letter appears to have been written on the first of the
three Sundays during the Dandi March; vide also “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”,
17-3-1930.
2
Sumangal Prakash, addressee’s cousin

apologize and withdraw your resignations. You can withdraw the
resignations and become Headmen again only when we get control of
the Government.
If you drink liquor, tea, etc., and still think that Gandhi who has
gone to battle with his band will bring you swaraj, you are making a
mistake. Gandhi will leave for ever and his troop will be lost in the sea.
Swaraj can be won only if you all take up constructive work. Those of
you who do not enlist as soldiers of swaraj should at least wear khadi.
[From Gujarati]

March 17, 1930
CHI. MIRA,
I have your letter and the flowers that were struggling to find me
out. My fatigue so far seems to be health-giving. For it enables me to
take milk twice instead of once and plenty of fruit. Today the fatigue
of the past five days made me sleep five times during the day. I hope
to find myself thoroughly fit to undertake the ensuing week’s march
or whatever else may be in store for me. So you will not worry about
me.
I see you are now finding yourself there. The struggle has been
a veritable godsend for all of us. It is, as it should be, a process of
cleansing. Let us never be slack.
Love.
BAPU

ANAND ,
March 17, 1930
BHAI SATIS BABU,
I saw in the newspapers that Bengal has appointed you dictator.
Is it true? If true, have you been appointed by both the factions or
only one? Whatever it may be, I know that your love will put
everything right. Only yesterday Panditji1 gave us a song in the prayer
meeting which can be translated thus: “The way of love is like the
purifying flame.” When true love is born it destroys all impurities.
1
Narayan Moreshwar Khare

Your job is the hardest of all, I realize. Your penance of eight years
will give you wisdom and strength. May God give you and
Hemprabha Devi a long life.
Blessings from
BAPU

ANAND ,
Silence Day [March 17, 1930] 1
O PARSI LADY,
There is no limit to your cunning. You seem to be preparing an
alibi in advance. If parents lift you up, haven’t they the right to throw
you down? And why do you believe that I have lifted you up in order
that I may afterwards throw you down? Why did I have Chapter XII
[of the Gita] read out on the day of your marriage? If you believe
that you do not possess the virtues I attribute to you, you should pray
to God to grant them to you. But your uncle calls you Dhairyamata2 .
What do you say to that?
Blessings from
BAPU

ANAND ,
CHI. KUSUM,
I have your letter. What you say about a house is quite correct.
But your duty was to move into the Hostel, and it was good that you
did so. We should love what is good for us. Work as much as you like,
but preserve your health. And be sure that you write to me from time
to time.
The secretaryship still clings to you. When you get time,
clear up everything. Don’t worry about me. I know that I have made
1
From the contents the letter seems to have been written in 1930. In that year,
Gandhiji was at Anand on this date.
2
Literally, “Mother of Courage”; the addressee’s daughter was named
Dhairyabala.
3
The reference to the addressee moving into the Ashram Hostel suggests that
this was written in 1930.

you unhappy, but I don’t feel sorry that 1 have done so. Who else
could have that privilege?
Blessings from
BAPU

Silence Day, March 17, 1930
CHI. PRABHAVATI,
I have had no letter from you for some time. It was expected
that I would be arrested on the 12th itself. Now six days have passed,
and since it is Monday today I have sat down to write this letter.
Though I have been walking a great deal, I have kept fine till now.
You must be reading the accounts in the papers. Hence I do not write
anything about it here, nor have I the time to do so. If you like, you
may show the accompanying letter to Jayaprakash, and if he permits,
inform Father and go to the Ashram.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Mahadev came a moment ago and read out your letter. I felt
happy. If you can come, please do.

CHI. NARANDAS,
I have your letter.
The fact that people still come presents a very difficult problem.
Keep those who work. Those who do not work should immediately
leave.
I certainly like your going to the common kitchen for your
meals. But give your body the food which it requires and preserveits
health. You seem to me to be a follower of the Gita and I believe,
therefore, that the burden of your happiness and welfare will be borne
by God.
Kevalram’s wife may certainly come. Illness dogs us here too.
1
Sumangalprakash was left behind at Anand where Gandhiji was on March 17,
1930.

Three persons are ill. Sumangalprakash has a mild attack of measles. I
will leave him here.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Has Purushottam left? If so, who conducts the prayers? I
suppose you know how to do that? Do not forget that Keshu also is an
expert. No burden should be put on Prabhudas.

CHI. GANGABEHN (SENIOR),
I have your letter. You will always be doing good, doing service.
Lakshmibehn came and told me something. As you know, I could not
spare time to ask her for more details. Take care of your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 8743. Courtesy: Gangabehn Vaidya

ANAND ,
March 17, 1930
CHI. JAYAPRAKASH,
Nowhere else have I observed such zeal for sacrifice as

has been displayed by the Ashram women. At present the women
are to a great extent managing the internal affairs of the Ashram.
The chance of acquiring such experience will never be repeated.
I would therefore advise you to send Prabhavati there. After my
arrest the Ashram women too will court imprisonment. I think
Prabhavati should join them. She is worthy in every respect. I hope
your work is proceeding well.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
The source bears the date March 20, 1930 in the addressee’s hand which could
be the date of receipt. The preceding Monday was March 17.

479. LETTER TO RANI VIDYAVATI
March 17, 1930
DEAR SISTER,
I have your letter. When the women at the Ashram are ready to
go to jail, you ladies may also go. In the meantime you should do
organizational work in villages.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI R ANI VIDYAVATI
BARUA
Via HARDOI
U. P.
From the Hindi original: Rani Vidyavati Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library

CHI. CHANDRAKANTA,
It was discovered today that Sumangal has smallpox. You
should not feel unhappy about Bhaiya’s illness. Nor should you
worry. Anand is like a big city. All kinds of facilities are available
there. The house is also good. I shall make all arrangements and look
into everything. I shall be getting news every day. Do not cause worry
to your parents by informing them. There are not many pustules
noticeable. You do know that the satyagrahis are under a vow and
cannot return on any account. Still, I have ascertained what Bhaiya
wants. I have not been able to speak today. I shall do it tomorrow and
then go.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: Chandrakanta Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi
National Museum and Library
481. SPEECH AT ANAND

March 17, 1930
You have just heard Panditji sing that the path of love is like a
flame. A satygrahi’s path is the path of love, not one of enmity. It
1
From the reference to the illness of Sumangal Prakash, who was left behind
at Anand where Gandhiji was present on March 17, 1930; vide also “Letter to Kapilrai
Mehta”, 3-4-1930.

should be the ambition of a satyagrahi to win over even the most
hard-hearted of enemies through love.
How can one demonstrate that there is nothing but love
underlying civil disobedience? Pritam must have had a direct
experience of this, as a result of which this bhajan poured forth from
his heart.
Ill feeling perhaps could be compared to fire. How could that be
said of love? Whereas ill feeling burns others, love burns oneself and
purifies the other person. When love assumes this intense form, it may
well appear to some as fire, but you may be sure that in the end it will
make its cooling effect known. This band of satyagrahis which has set
out is not staging a play; its effect will not be merely temporary; even
through death, it will prove true to its pledge—if death becomes
necessary. The Government will, in the end, have to admit that these
persons practising satyagraha were devotees of truth and
non-violence. Nothing will be better than if this band of satyagrahis
perishes. If the satyagrahis meet with death, it will put a seal upon their
claim. None of us can assert today whether we have the strength to die
a satyagrahi’s death. To stab someone in the abdomen in a fit of rage
or to die harbouring anger in heart, but keeping up an appearance of
non-violence through shame is not to die a satyagrahi’s death.
Not only should there be no anger within one’s heart at the time
of death, but on the contrary, one should feel and pray:
‘May good befall him who kills me !’ When anyone meets death in
such a manner, I would call it a satyagrahi’s death and only in
such a death would the dying person be considered to have been true
to his pledge. Even with regard to myself I cannot give anyassurance
today. It is only others who can judge a person by this test after his
death.
Here in Anand, you have Narsinhbhai’s hut. Anand is the
educational centre of the Patidars. Kheda district is the home town of
the Patidars of Vallabhbhai, of Motibhai Amin, and of the volunteers
of the Charotar Education Society. Where can I give expression to the
feelings within me if not before such an audience? I have come to you
filled with great expectations.
I have asserted at many places that this time I have not set out to
beg for funds. I know how to do that. This struggle is not one based
on money. It is going to be carried on without it. In a trice this
morning, the yarn merchants of Bombay presented me with Rs. 2,501.
The Diamond Association has sent me Rs. 2,000. Moreover, if I make
even a feeble appeal for funds, Gujarat and India would shower
money upon me; I would be buried under its weight and would be

unable even to reach Jalalpur.
I have come to ask for a big contribution. In your hands lies the
honour of the Patidars of Charotar. You are like salt in the sea of
Patidars. If the salt loses its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? Salt is
more sapid than either sugar or jaggery. The latter may even cause
jaundice, whereas a pinch of salt adds flavour to the meal. If Anand
gives up its savour, if courage and such other virtues which have been
attributed to the Patidars are not displayed in Anand at this juncture,
where else can one see them?
You must have understood the reason for this introduction. Are
the students of Anand and Kheda district going to sit down with their
books, or will they follow the lead that has been given by the
Vidyapith? We have already received a return with interest for the 2_
lakhs of rupees spent by Dr. Mehta for the Vidyapith and
contributions made by other well-wishers. Today the Vidyapith has
wound up its book-learning and has proved its motto: That is learning
which liberates.
All the students who have entered their sixteenth year have
united in giving up their studies, and the teachers too have joined
them. What more can be expected of a place where all the students as
well as the teachers obtain cent per cent marks? Why do you also not
adopt this path?
It is my hope that Gujarat will set an object-lesson to the rest of
the country. One cannot say yet whether the fight will be a prolonged
one or will end quickly. If, however, we have sacrificed our all in the
movement, we should not worry about whether it will be long or short.
I have a right to entertain such hopes of the Patidars of Kheda
district. They have been giving me hopes ever since my South Africa
days. Kheda district has a population of seven lakhs which includes
our Thakore brethren. If the Patidars show the way, the Garasias are
bound to follow them. Has not Tulsidas said that base metal shines at
the touch of the parasmani1 .
You students must suspend your studies for as long as this
struggle continues. At this time, I recall the words of the late
Deshbandhu. He was unhappy about non-co-operation in schools. He
used to say that we should certainly call out students when the time
came for the final struggle but that we should leave them alone at the
moment. I did not agree, and he joined in the boycott of schools. But
these words were uttered in 1920. Not five, but ten years have elapsed
since then. The final battle has to be waged. Hence there is no reason
why students should now remain in schools.
1
Philosophers’ stone

Today I am not asking for preparing one battlefield only.
Today, everyone from Kanyakumari to Kashmir and from Karachi to
Dibrugarh will be able to practise non-co-operation either individually
or collectively.
Until last December, I felt that the atmosphere was not
favourable for civil disobedience and I said what I felt. I now claim
that if ever the circumstances were opportune, they are today. This is
the auspicious moment. If at this auspicious time we do not develop
the strength for civil disobedience we shall never do so.
What student is he who will continue to study at such a time?
Formerly, I asked the students to leave schools and to set up national
schools. Today I ask them to leave schools and come out on the
battlefield and become mendicants for the sake of the country. If a
business man continues to carry on his business today, he will not
enhance his prestige. If India wishes to launch satyagraha on a wide
scale, this is the time when it should do so.
God will provide food and drink; countless people will provide
it. If there is a flare-up in the entire country, and if the whole of India
starts practising civil disobedience, how long will it take for 30 crores
of people to free themselves from the grip—the domination—of a
hundred thousand Britishers? School children will work this out by
the rule of three.
The army consists of 70 thousand Britishers and others
including Sikhs, Pathans, Gurkhas and Marathas. This army is sitting
astride both our shoulders; although it may be stationed in Meerut
and other cantonments, we see nothing else behind the laws that
suppress us. The British make us dance to their tune on the strength of
the backing of this army.
Please remember again I am not asking you to give up your
studies for good, but only to give up book-learning while the struggle
lasts. It is up to you whether it will be a protracted one or not. Youth
leagues—that is you students—proclaim many big things. This year
our Congress President is a young man who rides a horse. Hence a
large part of the burden of this struggle is to be borne by you
students.
May God give you inner strength. This is not a question of
utilizing your intellect. If something has to be made convincing
through the use of the intellect, it can be set out in the same manner as
a proposition of geometry with a Q.E.D. at the end of it. However,
here the intellect becomes helpless if there is no strength of heart. The
intellect is a handmaid of the heart.
I am helpless, however, if you feel at heart that this man has only

begun a stunt, that at the end of a month he will call the thing off
saying he has committed a Himalayan blunder and withdraw quietly
to the banks of Sabarmati. If, however, you do not believe this to be
the case, rest assured that so far as you and I are concerned this is
indeed the final struggle and the means to be adopted are peaceful,
involving civil disobedience and so on.
[From Gujarati]
482. TALK TO VOLUNTEERS1

March 17, 1930
Ours is a sacred pilgrimage and we should be able to
account for every minute of our time. Let those who cannot
finish their quota or do not find time to spin or to write up their
diaries see me. I shall discuss the thing with them. There must be
something wrong about their time-table and I should help them to
readjust it. We should be resourceful enough to do all our daily
duties without the march coming in our way. I dare say we are not
hardy enough for a strenuous trek, and I am, therefore, providing
for a weekly day of rest. But I should listen to no proposal
for the relaxation of the regular discipline of the Ashram. I repeat that
ours is a sacred pilgrimage, and self-examination and self-purification
are essentials which we cannot do without. The diary is a great help in
this matter. This regular spinning, counting the yards spun each day,
the daily diary—all these things were thought out by me in the
Yeravda Jail, and for us whose ambition it is to lay the foundation of
the edifice of swaraj, inasmuch as ours will be the first sacrificial
offering, it should be as unsullied as possible. Those who follow us
may dispense with the rigid discipline we are going through, but for
us there is no escape. That rigorous self-discipline will generate in us a
force which will enable us to retain what we have won. It is the natural
result of active non-violence and should stand us in good stead after
swaraj. It is hardly likely that when we are imprisoned, we shall all be
kept together. Therefore if our life is well-regulated from now, we
should not have the slightest difficulty in going regularly through our
daily task.
1
Extracted from an account by Mahadev Desai

483. SPEECH TO SATYAGRAHIS1
[After March 17, 1930] 2
It is possible that what you say is true. If you regard the rules
burdensome, they are so. However, in this matter, the condition was
laid down before we set out that only those who were prepared to
shoulder this burden should join the march. Hence, these rules cannot
now be relaxed. It is only through total adherence to these rules that
any massive strength can be generated. The inner, spiritual rules have
a greater effect than the external and material factors. Such is the idea
behind this march. In this struggle we are attempting to eradicate the
pervading violence by means of non-violence and in it we need
humility as much as determination and courage. So long as we are
arrogant, so long as we try to progress through our own efforts, we are
bound to fail. So long as the elephant relied on his own strength, it did
him no good. This demonstrates a fundamental principle.
Do we not find that those amongst us who appeared to be weak
are hale and hearty today, while those who appeared to be strong are
bed-ridden? When a man gives up his arrogance and becomes humble
like dust, only then is the power of non-violence awakened in him and
the divine strength becomes his. Hence we should all become fully
devoted to our duties. We should pray to God that He alone do
everything. In this manner, if the eighty persons who have set out
become like ciphers, our task will certainly be accomplished.
[From Gujarati]
484. A GREAT SEER

NAPA,
March 18, 1930
Kavi Rajchandra was born in a place called Vavania in
Kathiawar. I came in touch with him in 1891, the day of my return
from London, at Dr. P. J. Mehta’s residence in Bombay. Kavi, as I
used to call him, was nearly related to Dr. Mehta. He was introduced
to me as a shatavadhani, i.e., one who can remember a hundred
things at a time. Kavi was quite young at the time, not much older
1
This has been extracted from “Dharma Yatra”.
2
This speech was delivered after one of the satyagrahis had had an attack of
smallpox and had to be left behind at Anand, where Gandhiji was on March 16
and 17.

than I was then, i.e., 21 years. He had, however, given up all public
exhibition of his powers and was given to purely religious pursuits. I
was much struck by his simplicity and independence of judgment. He
was free from all touch of blind orthodoxy. What struck me perhaps
more was his combining business with religion in practice. A student
of the philosophy of religion, he tried to practise what he believed.
Himself a Jain, his toleration of the other creeds was remarkable. He
had a chance of going to England for studies, but he would not go.
He would not learn English. His schooling was quite elementary. But
he was a genius. He knew Sanskrit, Magadhi and, I believe, Pali. He
was a voracious reader of religious literature and had acquired
through Gujarati sources a knowledge, enough for his purpose, of
Islam, Christianity and Zoroastrianism. Such was the man who
captivated my heart in religious matters as no other man has till now. I
have said elsewhere that in moulding my inner life Tolstoy and
Ruskin vied with Kavi. But Kavi’s influence was undoubtedly deeper
if only because I had come in closest personal touch with him. His
judgment appealed to my moral sense in the vast majority of cases.
The bedrock of his faith was unquestionably ahimsa. His ahimsa was
not of the crude type we witness today among its so-called votaries
who confine their attention merely to the saving of aged cattle and
insect life. His ahimsa, if it included the tiniest insect, also covered the
whole of humanity.
Yet I never could regard Kavi as a perfect man. But of all the
men I knew he appeared to me to be nearer perfection than the rest.
Alas! he died all too young (thirty-three years) when he felt that he
was surely going to see truth face to face. He has had many
worshippers but not as many followers. His writings, largely consisting
or soulful letters to inquirers, have been collected and published. An
attempt is being made to have them translated in Hindi. I know that
they would bear an English translation. They are largely based on
inward experience.
Modern Review, June 1930
485. LETTER TO RAMANAND CHATTERJEE

BORSAD,
March 18, 1930
DEAR RAMANAND BABU,
Under great stress I was able today to scribble the
enclosed1 . You may do what you like with it. I hope you are giving
1

the movement your unreserved support and blessing.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: C.W. 9287. Courtesy: Sita Devi

March 18, 1930
CHI. CHANDRAKANTA,
I have your letter. Brother has been well today, I get news of
him twice in the day. If Gangabehn1 and Narandasbhai 2 permit do go
to look up brother for a day. Narandasbhai has written that you are
doing good work in the office.
Blessings from
BAPU
487. SPEECH AT BORSAD

March 18, 1930
At one time I was wholly loyal to the Empire and taught others
to be loyal. I sang “God Save the King” with zest and taught my
friends and relations to do so. Finally, however, the scales fell from
my eyes, and the spell broke. I realized that the Empire did not
deserve loyalty. I felt that it deserved sedition. Hence I have made
sedition my dharma. I try to explain it to others that while sedition is
our dharma, to be loyal is a sin. To be loyal to this Government, that is
to say to wish it well, is as good as wishing ill of the crores of people
of India. We get nothing in return for the crores of rupees that are
squeezed out of the country; if we get anything, it is the rags from
Lancashire. To approve the policy of this Government is to commit
treason against the poor. You should free yourselves from this latter
offence. I believe I have done so. Hence I have become ready to wage
a peaceful war against this Government. I am commencing it by
violating the salt law. It is for this purpose that I am undertaking this
march. At every place, thousands of men and women have conferred
their blessings upon it. These blessings are not showered on me but on
the struggle.
Our patience has been severely tried. We must free ourselves
1
Gangabehn Vaidya
2
Narandas Gandhi

from the yoke of this Government and we are prepared to undergo
any hardships that we may have to suffer in order to secure swaraj. It
is our duty as well as our right to secure swaraj.
I regard this as a religious movement since sedition is our
dharma. Every moment I desire the end of the policies of this
Government. I have no desire to touch even a single hair of our rulers.
But we certainly shall not bow down to them. Kindly, therefore,
become conscious of your responsibilities and wash away your sins
against India. Today we are defying the salt law. Tomorrow we shall
have to consign other laws to the waste-paper basket. Doing so we
shall practise such severe non-co-operation that finally it will not be
possible for the administration to be carried on at all. Let the
Government then, to carry on its rule, use guns against us, send us to
prison, hang us. But how many can be given such punishment? Try
and calculate how much time it will take a lakh of Britishers to hang
thirty crores of persons.
But they are not so cruel. They are human beings like us and
perhaps we would be doing the same things that they are doing if we
had been in their position. Man does not have the strength to fight
circumstances; the latter mould his actions. Hence I do not feel that
they are to be blamed for this. But I find their policy so bitter, that I
would destroy it today if I could. It will be destroyed regardless of
whether I am put behind the bars or allowed to remain free. I breathe
here before you and with every breath that I take, I desire this very
thing. I am fully convinced that there is nothing base in it. I act
exactly as I believe.
No one has been able to reply to the complaint I have registered
before God and mentioned in my letter to the Viceroy. No one says
that the salt tax is just. No one says that the expenditure on the army
and the administration is justified. No one holds that the policy of
collecting land revenue is justifiable, nor indeed that it is proper to
extort 20 to 25 crores of rupees from the people after making
drunkards and opium-addicts of them and breaking up their homes.
Both foreigners and British officers testify to the fact that all this is
true. However, what can be done about it? Money is required. For
what purpose is it required? In order to repress the people.
Recently the Government has appointed all police officers above
the rank of constables as officers dealing with salt. As a result of the
authority vested in him, even a policeman can arrest me and perpetrate
any indignity on me that he likes; if he fails to arrest me he would be
guilty of the offence of cowardice. Here we find this offence of
cowardice which does not exist in any other Act of the Government.

Any constable who sees us making salt, who sees us heating a pan of
salt water, can arrest us, snatch away the pan and throw away the water.
What can he feel in throwing away the salt? In Lansundra near
Kapadvanj there is a mound of salt, which has been covered with dust.
Why is this so? Why this injustice? It is our dharma to oppose such
outrageous conduct and such inhuman policy.
If you feel that I should be grateful to you for the purse you
have presented to me, I should say I am grateful. But my hunger will
not be satisfied with money. I desire that all of you men and women
should enrol yourselves in this sacrificial movement. It is my
cherished desire that all students studying in this high school who are
above the age of fifteen, and all teachers too, should enrol themselves.
Wherever revolutions have taken place, that is, in Japan, China, Egypt,
Italy, Ireland and in England, students and teachers have played a
prominent role. In Europe, war broke out on the 4th of August in
1914, and when I reached England on the 6th of that same month, I
found that students had left colleges and marched out with arms.
Here, in this righteous war, truth, non-violence and forgiveness
are the weapons. The consequence of using such weapons can only be
beneficial, and it is the duty of every student and teacher to take part
in such a struggle. At a time when the final struggle is being waged in
order to free India from slavery, any student or teacher who takes
shelter in his home or in the school will be regarded as having acted as
a traitor to his country. Will you be engaged in learning poems by
heart or in doing sums at a time when a person like Sardar is behind
the bars? Just as when a house is on fire everyone comes out to
extinguish it, similarly you should all come out to put an end to these
sufferings of our country.
Those who say that Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Jews and others
have not united speak an untruth. This salt tax applies equally to all. If
it is the case that whereas Hindus have to pay this tax, Muslims can get
themselves exempted from it, they may very well do so. If anyone can
save himself in this manner, I shall have to modify my dharma. I am
prepared to get this tax abolished even if I have to prostrate myself on
the ground in order to do so. Why should not everyone unite in order
to have that tax abolished from which even a buffalo and a cow
cannot escape?
My prostrating myself on the ground for the sake of removing
the hardships of crores of people was of no avail. I have spared no
efforts in drafting appeals. Everyone knows that I know how to use
polite language. However, I have become a revolutionary when
politeness and persuasion proved infructuous. I find peace in

describing myself as a revolutionary and I practise my dharma to
some extent. In a revolution which is calm, peaceful and truthful, you
should get yourselves enrolled regardless of the religion to which you
belong. If you enlist yourselves with sincerity and if you can keep up
your courage, the salt tax will have been abolished, this administration
will have come to an end and all the hardships enumerated in the letter
to the Viceroy as well as those which have not been so enumerated will
have to cease. Then when new administrative policies are to be
formulated, the time will be ripe for solving communal disputes and
satisfying everyone.
I invite you all in the name of God. Even the Britishers will join
in this movement. Will they perpetrate many injustices in order to
justify one? And will they put innocent men behind the bars, whip
them and hang them?
God can never be identified with that which is untruth, that
which is injustice. It is as plain as I am speaking to you here and now.
I see equally clearly that the days of this administration are numbered
and total swaraj is in sight. The Goddess of Independence is peeping
in and wishes to garland us. If at such a time we run away, who will be
as unworthy as we?
[From Gujarati]

R AS,
March 19, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
You are in for a whole night’s vigil but it is inevitable if you are
to return before tomorrow night. The messenger will bring you where
I may be. You are reaching me at the most trying stage in the march.
You will have to cross a channel at about 2 a.m. on the shoulders of
tried fishermen. I dare not interrupt the march even for the chief
servant of the nation.
Love.
BAPU
[PS.]
This is the place where Vallabhbhai was arrested. All the
hereditary officials of this village have just gone, leaving their
resignations in my hands.
P UNDIT JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

489. SPEECH AT RAS
March 19, 1930
Today we have entered the taluka in which Sardar Vallabhbhai
was arrested and sentenced to prison and in which he had carried on
such a vigorous struggle in 1924 that the Government had finally to
admit its error and mete out justice that should not have required a
struggle. It is as if Sardar was sentenced to prison as a reward for
having served you!
The question now is what you can do to serve the cause for
which he has been sent to jail and what I should do.
Some of the Headmen and Matadars have handed in their
resignations. I congratulate them. However, there are still many who
cannot abandon the line. I have not come across a single person who
has accepted the post of a Headman for the sake of the salary attached
to it. Headmen have the privilege of perpetrating indignities on the
people or it may be said that they have the right to participate in the
indignities perpetrated on the people. The improper reason for their
clinging to their posts is that this privilege satisfies their base
self-interest or assists them in their work. But how much longer will
you keep on doing your part in squeezing these villages?
Have not your eyes yet been opened to the robbery that is being
committed by the Government?
The Headman, the Talati and the Ravania are the representatives
of the Government in the villages, and it is through these persons that
the latter carries on its administration. A village which is afraid of a
handful of men and continues to act in a manner contrary to its own
wishes, neither enhances the prestige of the Headman, the Talati or the
Ravania nor that of the villagers themselves. Sardar was making great
efforts to end this indignity.
Sardar neither made speeches nor came here to foment trouble.
Neither the Magistrate nor you had expected any sort of trouble. The
task for which Sardar had approached you was not a secret to anyone.
A satyagrahi has no secrets. Even a child can see how a satyagrahi
stands, sits, eats and drinks. It can also examine the latter’s accounts.
What secret can a satyagrahi like Sardar have? He had come here to
clear the way for me. He had not come here to convey the message
regarding salt. We had both so planned that it would be through me
and those whom I took along with me that the salt law would be
violated. You do not know many of the persons who are
accompanying me. They are all public workers devoted to Sardar. I

have not been able to understand the nature of Sardar’s offence. Even
the Magistrate did not know it. That Sardar should be awarded a
sentence of three months’ jail is a matter of shame both to Sardar and
to the Government. A person like him should be sentenced to a term
of seven years’ imprisonment or be exiled. It would not befit the
Government to sentence me to three months’ imprisonment. Exile for
life or hanging would be a punishment fit for a person like me. I am
guilty of sedition. It is my dharma to commit sedition against the
Government. I am teaching this dharma to the people. A regime
under which tyranny is being perpetrated, under which the rich andthe
poor are made to pay the same amount of tax on an item like salt,
under which exorbitant sums are being spent on watchmen, the police
and the army, under which the highest executive receives a salary
which is five thousand times the income of the cultivator, under which
an annual revenue of 25 crores of rupees is derived from narcotics
and liquor, under which foreign cloth of the value of Rs. 60 crores is
imported every year, and under which crores of persons continue to
remain unemployed, it is one’s dharma to rise against and destroy
such a regime, to pray that fire may consume it policies.
For such a treasonable offence, I was once sentenced to six
years’ imprisonment but, unfortunately for the Government and
myself, I fell ill and I was released as it was felt that I should no longer
be held in prison. Now again a cloud, if you choose to call it so, or a
procession with a fanfare if you wish so to describe it, is approaching
me. It will be good if I am arrested. The magistrate will be put to
shame if he sentences me to three months’ imprisonment. One guilty
of sedition should be banished to the Andamans, sentenced to a
life-term of exile, or to hanging. What other punishment can be meted
out to anyone like me who regards sedition his duty?
The Government must have believed that by sentencing Sardar
to three months’ imprisonment, it will be able to scare the people and
suppress them. However, the fact that you have turned out here in
thousands appears to signify that you are looking forward to a
celebration. You must regard it as something to celebrate if my
colleagues and I are arrested. But will you sit quiet after regarding this
as an occasion for celebration? Will the Headmen and the Matadars
cling to their offices as flies cling to dirt? That would indeed be a
matter of shame and grief.
Durbar has come and settled in this taluka for many years. Who
is this Durbar? He has given up his kingdom—however tiny a village
it may be. He does not want any comforts; he only wants to serve. You
should learn courage and sacrifice from him. What an adverse
impression it will create if the Headmen of such a taluka do not give

up their office !
The money that you have given me today has no value for me.
When I collected a crore of rupees, it did have value for me. Those
crores of rupees have rendered service many times their value. Today,
however, I do not need money but your services. All the men and
women present here should get themselves enrolled. Say that you are
prepared, when your turn comes to violate the salt law. Even women
can participate in this righteous struggle and many have already
enrolled themselves.
This religious struggle does not involve hurting even a hair of
anyone. We shall teach the Government a lesson by suffering
hardships ourselves, and by doing so create world opinion in our
favour. And, finally, we shall achieve a change of heart in our rulers.
At present, however, the Government is inclined to indulge in
oppression instead of meting out justice.
A person like Shri Sen Gupta, Mayor of Calcutta, whose name is
familiar to everyone in Bengal, has been imprisoned in Burma. The
Government has adopted the policy of arresting those who are not
guilty of any offence. At a time when the nation cries out in despair
and thousands are coming forward to express their grievances, the
Government should abolish a thing like the salt tax and redress other
grievances as well. But this Government cannot afford to do so. It
cannot afford to see a crore of rupees remaining with the people. It is
behaving in such an outrageous manner in order that this sum is sent
out to England. The first step towards freeing ourselves from such
oppression is to seek the abolition of the salt tax. We shall violate the
salt tax law to such an extent that we shall be prepared to suffer
whatever the penalty we may have to face—be it imprisonment,
flogging or any other.
[From Gujarati]

DURING DANDI MARCH,
Wednesday, 10.30 p.m. [March 19, 1930] 1
CHI. NARANDAS,
I have your letter. If those young men are so keen, I believe that
we should admit them. They did repent before me at any rate. I
refused to give them a letter of recommendation, so that you may
1
Vide “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, 16-3-1930.

decide there as you think best. That is the position even now. Do only
what you think right.
Blessings from
BAPU
491. NOTES
S ALT TAX
Fifteen villagers of Bhangore and Matla in 24 Parganas District have
been fined eight annas each by the Sub-Divisional Officer of Alipore on a
charge of illicit manufacture of salt. The men pleaded guilty and throwing
themselves at the mercy of the Court, submitted they were too poor to buy salt
and were manufacturing it for their own consumption.
This seasonable item is from the public Press. Eight annas fine
for poor people is no joke. The magistrate might have discharged the
men with a caution or he might, as magistrates have done before now,
have paid the fine from his own pocket, if he felt that he was bound to
impose a penalty. It is likely of course that in that case, he might have
laid himself open to the charge of cowardice under the Salt Act. Be
that as it may, the fact that the men “threw themselves at the mercy of
the court,” and “submitted that they were too poor to buy salt,” and
that the magistrate rejected the plea of the villagers, is eloquent
testimony in favour of the civil disobedience campaign. No milder
agitation would have answered the purpose. Moreover, the salt tax is
but a sample from the mountain of such grievances, from which it is
the duty of every Indian who knows the wrongs being done to India
to strain every nerve to free her.
HOW TO BREAK IT
A correspondent writes to say that there is no salt tax in
Portuguese India, that Daman is quite near Pardi, that salt is sold at 2
annas per maund in Daman, and that any quantity may be imported
from Daman and payment of tax refused on passing the British
border. A similar suggestion has come too from Kathiawar. There also
there is no tax, though there is the State monopoly which makes the
salt dearer than the cost price. Nevertheless it is much cheaper than in
the British territory. Thus a maund (cutcha) costs, I understand, Rs.
1-4 in Ranpur whereas the same quantity outside Ranpur will cost
probably no more than 10 annas, if that. Anyway, when the
instructions for civil disobedience on a mass scale are issued, there is
no doubt that the salt law is the easiest to break.
The Government is naturally preparing to combat the civillaw

breakers after its usual fashion. Every police officer above the rank of
a constable in the Bombay Presidency except in Sind and Aden has
been appointed a salt officer. These men, armed with new powers, may
be fully expected to give a good account of themselves. And when
they have stained their hands with innocent blood, there will be no
doubt the usual inquiry followed by a repeal of the Salt Act. But this
time the object of civil disobedience is double—the repeal of the tax
and the repeal of the British bondage of which the salt tax is but an
offshoot. No inquiry merely into the Salt Act followed by its repeal
can stop the campaign of civil disobedience. It behoves all who want
the repeal of the salt tax to join the agitation at least to that extent,
unless they would have the tax rather than success of civil
disobedience even for a specific grievance.
S OMETHING ADDED , N OTHING DEDUCTED
It has been said that I have now abandoned my first love and
that I have given up Hindu-Muslim unity, removal of untouchability
and khaddar as conditions of swaraj. This is a mischievous suggestion.
The fact is that I have given up nothing. Many new things have been
added. Hence have I called the recent presentation a new orientation.
There will be no swaraj without the old conditions being fulfilled. But
there will be none if some more conditions are not also fulfilled. They
might have been neglected altogether at the time of formulating the
constitution. Now they form an integral part of any scheme of swaraj
if it is conceived in the interest of the masses. Again civil disobedience
is being offered irrespective of the full fruition of the various points;
for it, being in substitution for an armed rebellion, can go on side by
side with the prosecution of the amplified constructive programme—
even as an armed man will be fighting, whilst the civil population may
be engaged in various other national pursuits, suspending them to the
extent necessary for supporting the armed man. There is no danger of
any one of the conditions of swaraj being neglected or given up as
those who are engaged in civil disobedience are irrevocably
committed to them. The question therefore is, who are guiding the
civil disobedience movement? It is well if they are pure nationalists
not directly or indirectly fostering communalism. Civil disobedience
is the method whereby the nation is to generate the strength to reach
her formulated goal.
DEENABANDHU ANDREWS
The reader knows that C. F. Andrews had become a convert
to Independence before I came to it. I had hugged the belief
thatDominion Status was superior to Independence. But Deenabandhu

knew his England better than I did. In this latest letter written on his
birthday he says:
I cannot tell you how much I have been thinking of you! At such times as
these I have realized that thoughts are prayers. The greatest of all struggles has
begun, and India is right, as I have always believed, in claiming nothing short
of Independence. She cannot be part of an Empire. It is unthinkable.
The idea behind this letter evidently is that India with Dominion
Status can only be part of an Empire, not a member on an equal
footing of a commonwealth of nations. Of course when I talked of
Dominion Status, I had no thought of being anything but an equal
partner. Apart therefore from the Calcutta resolution, when the
experience of 1929 proved that partnership on a footing of absolute
equality was out of the question, I became a convinced Independence-
wallah.
492. THE CHOICE BEFORE STUDENTS

It has been often said that the money spent on national
education in general and the Gujarat Vidyapith in particular has been
so much waste. In my opinion the Gujarat Vidyapith by its supreme
sacrifice has more than justified its existence, the hopes entertained by
its authors and the grants made to it by donors. For the Vidyapith has
suspended its literary activities save for boys under 16 who are already
under training there. The teachers and students of over 15 years of
age have offered their services as volunteers and nearly forty students
with the teachers are already in the field. A class for giving fifteen
days’ emergency training in connection with satyagraha has been
opened for the sake of those who may need such training. I
congratulate the students and the teachers on the promptitude with
which they have acted. I may state that twenty of these are with me on
the march. They are divided into two parties, both preceding the 80
pilgrims to make preparations in advance and assisting the villagers.
They are under orders not to offer civil resistance till the 80 are
arrested and immediately to replace them as soon as they are arrested.
I am sure that every national educational institution will
copy the noble example of the Gujarat Vidyapith which was the
first to come into being in response to the call of non-co-operationin
1920. And I hope that the Government and aided institutions will also
copy the example. Every revolution of modern times has found
students in the forefront. This, because it is peaceful, ought not to
offer less attraction to the students.
The motto of the Gujarat Vidyapith is: . It means:

That is knowledge which is designed for salvation. On the principle
that the greater includes the less, national independence or material
freedom is included in the spiritual. The knowledge gained in
educational institutions must therefore at least teach the way and lead
to such freedom.
The most superficial observer will not fail to notice that the daily
routine of the satyagrahi pilgrims constitutes by itself a perfect
education. It is not a company of violent rebels who are moving about
creating ravages and letting loose every passion; it is a band of
self-restrained men who have declared non-violent rebellion against
organized tyranny and who seek to secure freedom from it by severe
self-suffering, spreading on their march the message of freedom
through non-violence and truth. No father need feel the slightest
anxiety about dedicating his son or daughter to what is after all the
truest education that can be conceived in the existing circumstances of
the country.
Let me distinguish between the call of 1920 and the present call.
The call of 1920 was for emptying Government institutions and
bringing into being national ones. It was a call for preparation. Today
the call is for engaging in the final conflict, i. e., for mass civil
disobedience. This may or may not come. It will not come if those
who have been hitherto the loudest in their cry for liberty have no
action in them. If the salt loses its savour, wherewith shall it be salted?
The students are expected to precipitate a crisis not by empty
meaningless cries but by mute, dignified, unchallengeable action
worthy of students. It may again be that the students have no faith in
self-sacrifice, and less in non-violence. Then naturally they will not
and need not come out. They may then, like the revolutionaries,
whose letter is reproduced in another column, wait and see what
non-violence in action can do. It will be sportsmanlike for them either
to give themselves whole-heartedly to this non-violent revolt or to
remain neutral, and (if they like) critical, observers of the developing
events. They will disturb and harm the movement, if they will act as
they choose and without fitting in with the plan of the authors or even
in defiance of them. This I know, that if civil disobedience is not
developed to the fullest extent possible now, it may not be for another
generation. The choice before the students is clear. Let them make
it.The awakening of the past ten years has not left them unmoved. Let
them take the final plunge.
493. OFFICIAL PETTINESS

The Government of Burma knew that Sjt. Sen Gupta was but a
bird of passage when he was in Rangoon the other day. Yet he, the
Mayor of the Calcutta Corporation, has been taken under warrant to

Rangoon for prosecution. A prosecution so vindictively brought is
bound, if past experience is any guide, to result in a conviction. The
inference is irresistible that there is an unwritten but well understood
conspiracy among the high officials to ‘lop off tall poppies’. It was
Sardar Vallabhbhai yesterday, it is Sjt. Sen Gupta today. It will be
other leaders tomorrow. There is no other way open to the
Government than either repression or relief. The latter the
Government does not propose to give; the former therefore is
inevitable. The swifter and stronger it is, the better it is for the
movement. For if it has inherent vitality in it, it will grow with every
wave of repression. I therefore tender my congratulations to Sjt. Sen
Gupta on his arrest.
I observe that a spontaneous movement has grown up in the
country to appoint convinced believers in non-violence as dictators in
the various provinces. Tamil Nad has taken the lead by appointing Sjt.
C. Rajagopalachari; Andhra Desha has followed by appointing
Deshabhakta Konda Venkatappayya. Now comes the news that Sjt.
Satis Chandra Das Gupta has been similarly appointed in Bengal. I am
a little nervous about Bengal. For the Press message is not clear
whether the appointment is on the part of both the groups or only
one. I hope it is by both. They may have their vital differences, if any.
But on the question of the goal and the method of civil disobedience,
there can be none. And since Sjt. Satis Chandra Das Gupta has no
designs either upon the Council or the Corporation, he should be able
to weld the two elements together. The two great leaders being taken
away, surely it is the duty of the rival groups to coalesce and assist
Satis Babu.
In any event the task of a dictator is no bed of roses. He may
himself be taken away any moment. He allows himself to be
appointed for that purpose. But he ought to receive the unanimous
and unquestioned support of the people. Once a person is called to
such an office, he should have absolute allegiance. All argument
should be hushed at the time of battle. The time for argument was
when the appointment was made.
The word “dictator” is, in my opinion, ill-chosen and has a bad
odour. I should name him First Servant. The definition of his duties
will give the precise meaning to the office. Use of some words from
current and apparently similar movements is inevitable. But we ought
to avoid the use, in a movement in which dictatorship is altogether out
of place and impossible, of a word bearing that meaning and having
that force.

494. GOOD IF TRUE
I publish the foregoing1 just as I have received it. I have not the
privilege of knowing “Colonel Bedy”. If he and the letter are not a
hoax and if the letter is genuine, I congratulate the revolutionary party
on its decision. Three years’ limit given to me is ample. If during
three years of active non-violence under the auspices promised by the
party are not enough to carry conviction, I should regard myself to be
an unworthy representative of non-violence. I hope therefore that the
revolutionary party will not only suspend its own activities but will
also prevent so far as is possible, sporadic violence from breaking out.
495. SWARAJ AND RAMARAJYA

No matter in how many ways swaraj may have been defined, no
matter how many interpretations I myself may have given it, to me its
only meaning which is eternally valid is Ramarajya. If the word
Ramarajya offends anyone, then I shall call it ‘Dharmarajya’. The
sense of the word Ramarajya is this that under such a rule the
poor will be fully protected, everything will be done with justice,
and the voice of the people will always be respected. But in order to
attain Ramarajya all must help. But in order to achieve this khadi
alone is the universal and constructive instrument. But in order
toincrease the power of the people something else with a wider appeal
was needed. That something is salt tax. Both the poor and the rich use
salt equally and because a tax is levied on this universally useful thing,
one that is necessary for everyone, one and all can offer civil
disobedience against the salt tax law and thus strengthen their power.
The power that we shall gain by this sort of civil disobedience will,
because of its civil and peaceable nature, help us in securing
Ramarajya. There are many other taxes like the salt tax which weigh
heavily on the people and in resisting which people can get a good
training, and their strength can increase. Ramarajya, by such means,
will become easy to establish. No one can predict when we shall attain
full Ramarajya. But it is the duty of every one of us to contemplate it
day and night. And true contemplation is that in which proper
methods also have been used for the establishment of Ramarajya. It
should be remembered that in order to establish Ramarajya no
1
The letter from “Members of the Executive Council of R.L.R. represented
through Secretary, Colonel Bedy” is not reproduced here. It said that the
revolutionaries had decided to give three years’ time for “Gandhism” to succeed after
which they would declare the “civil war of independence”.

learning is necessary. The necessary talent is found in all—men and
women, young and old, and in people of all religions. The only sad
thing is that not all perceive its presence now. Cannot every one of us,
if we want, today give proof of qualities such as truth, non-violence,
propriety of conduct, bravery, forbearance, courage, etc.? The fact is
we are under a delusion and for this reason we are not able to perceive
what is in us, and instead we strive, in vain, to understand things that
are beyond us. Undoubtedly this is a very sad thing. But even then I
shall request the readers of Hindi Navajivan that in this great yajna
which has been started in the country today they should be prepared
to do their full share.
[From Hindi]
496. SPEECH AT KARELI

March 20, 1930
It should not be difficult to get 5,000 volunteers out of a
population of 2,75,000. If all the officials of the four hundred
villages resign we would not be required to go to jails to achieve our
goal. But circumstances are not yet favourable for that. We can
manufacture salt on the banks of Mahi near its mouth. But Sardar
Vallabhbhai has asked me to go to Jalalpur for the purpose. If I and
my troop of volunteers get arrested, every volunteer should begin
manufacturing salt. The people of Baroda State may also comeinto
the British territory and make salt. Meanwhile, all should put their
hands to the production of khadi and work to stop consumption of
liquor.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 23-3-1930
497. LETTER TO GANGADEVI SANADHYA

KARELI ,
Thursday [March 20, 1930] 1
CHI. GANGADEVI,
I received your letter. Take good care of your health and render
what service you can. Whatever the doctors may say, you must not
even think of including in your diet anything except milk and fruit.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
The date has been inferred from Gandhiji’s presence at Kareli.

498. LETTER TO ABDUL KADIR BAWAZEER
GAJERA,
March 21, 1930
BHAI IMAM SAHEB,
I think about you every day. How shall I describe your love? I
feel extremely happy to see that you have risen very high. The
Ashram is yours and I need not entrust it to your care. Take care of
your health. Qureshi1 has been doing fine work. I observe that
everyone is pleased with him.
Blessings from
BAPU

March 21, 1930
CHI. KUSUM,
If you do not write letters, how can you call yourself a

secretary? I do not expect anything from Mahadev at this time. He
can get no time. Though he is a secretary, he is not doing a
secretary’s work but is doing some other work more important than a
secretary’s. You have not risen beyond being a secretary. I expect
reports about people who are ill. I also wish to hear about the activities
there. You may also write about anything else which you may think
about. How is Ba’s health? How is your health? Do you study hard?
Do you card? Do you spin? Do you write the diary? And the
life-sketch?
Blessings from
BAPU
500. SPEECH AT GAJERA2

[March 21, 1930] 3
You should be firmly convinced that you have performed a
meritorious deed by bringing the Antyajas in your midst and have
1
Gulam Rasul Qureshi, addressee’s son-in-law
2
Extracted from “Swaraj Gita”
3
Gandhiji was at Gajera on this date.

taken a step forward towards swaraj. You can see from the dress and
behaviour of the two Brahmins who sang “ Raghupati Raghava
Rajaram, Patitapavana Seetaram” , that they are not new-fashioned
Brahmins, that they are persons who would not gamble, eat meat or be
guilty of licentious conduct. They are Brahmin teachers who are
well-versed in the Gita, know Sanskrit and fully understand their
responsibilities. They do not regard it as a sin to live with the Antyajas
or with those who belong to other religions, but rather look upon it as
a sin not to do so. Hence, you should be convinced that you are not
guilty of irreligious conduct.
When Shri Ramachandra left Ayodhya and arrived on the banks
of the Ganga, King Nishad rowed him across to the other bank, and
offered him fruits and vegetables to eat. Who was Nishad? He was
regarded an Antyaja. When Bharata met him, he embraced him and
congratulated him on having served Shri Ramachandra in his hour of
need. There is an Antyaja family which has also joined our group.
Besides the 60 crores of rupees that go out of the country every
year by way of payment for the foreign cloth that we import, millions
more are sent out of the country. During the days of the Gazni, Ghori,
and the Mogul Empire, the wealth of the country stayed within it, but
under this Government, the pensions of all officers are sent out of the
country. How can one rest when the country is being robbed in this
manner?
There are three hundred districts in India and in all these
districts the Collector reigns supreme. It is truly a matter of shame to
them and to all of us, if we only stop to think, that these three hundred
men should rule over 30 crores of us.
[From Gujarati]
501. SPEECH AT ANKHI1

[March 21, 1930] 2
I have received a complaint that villagers do not supply
provisions or water to the police officers or other Government officers
who happen to come here. We are not guilty of any violence in doing
so; however, whether these officers happen to be Indians or Britishers,
if they are really dying of hunger or thirst, it is not our dharma to let
them perish in either manner. The dharma in obedience to which I act
and which has made an outlaw of me teaches me that if Dyer and
O’Dwyer, whose deeds, which were the very incarnations of cruelty, I
1
2
The date is from Prajabandnu, 23-3-1930.

had termed as “Dyerism”, shoot me and if I am still conscious and
come to know that one of them has been bitten by a snake, I would go
running to them to suck out the poison. I have done such things in the
past. In South Africa once I was beaten by a certain person1 and when
I regained consciousness, I beseeched the Government to releasehim.
However, if an officer approaches us with arrogance which derives
from the office he holds, he would get neither food nor drink, neither
a bed, nor matches nor even fodder for his horse.
A potter is not born in order to fetch water for others. Even if
we happen to lose our hands, we shall no longer salute the
Government. We shall ourselves settle all our disputes and, when a new
era begins, washermen, barbers and other workers will be ready to
serve those who serve the people. However, in a democracy, there will
be no distinctions of high and low. Even a Brahmin will become as
much of a public servant as a Bhangi.
[From Gujarati]
502. MESSAGE TO MAHARASHTRA

AMOD ,
March 22, 1930
I am extremely glad to hear that in Maharashtra both wings of
the Congress have come together and have decided to take part in the
fight for swaraj. I hope in this religious fight Maharashtra will take the
foremost place.
503. INTERVIEW TO YUSUF MEHERALLY

[AMOD ,
March 22, 1930] 2
Q. What part do you expect the youth movement to play in the present
struggle?
A. The Youth League can do a great deal. They can supply
recruits in large numbers in the civil disobedience campaign. They
can, moreover, help to carry the message of independence to every
nook and corner of the land. They can usefully picket foreign cloth
and liquor shops.
1
Mir Alam; vide “My Reward”, 22-2-1908.
2
According to the source this was published in the Vanguard, 22-3-1930.
Gandhiji, however, arrived in Amod on the evening of the 22nd.

Those of its members who are unable to participate actively in
the present campaign can render good service in the realm ofsocial
reforming, popularizing khaddar and swadeshi articles, in pushing
forward prohibition propaganda, etc.
Indeed at this juncture great things are expected from the youth
of the country and I have no doubt they will fully rise to the occasion.
Q. Will you advise students to leave schools and colleges immediately?
A. Yes. I wish to point out that the present appeal to the students
differs from that of 1921. In the latter case, the students were asked to
quit their Government-controlled educational institutions and join
national educational institutions. The present call is: Suspend your
studies and join in the fight for freedom. When victory is won and
you happen to be alive, you will resume your studies in schools of our
own Government. For to my mind it is a fight to the finish. The
greatest service that the youth can now render is to empty schools and
colleges and swell the ranks of satyagrahi volunteers.
Q. Would you advise Youth Leagues to call out even those students whose
examinations are a month or even a week ahead?
A. Yes. If the students themselves feel the call they should come
out at once. As I said, I consider it a fight to the finish. If they have
not the faith, they won’t do it.
Q. Would you approve of the suggestion mooted in Youth League circles that
the houses of “blackleg” M.L.C.’s who have not resigned their seats and those of
selected other officials be picketed, and they be harassed in other ways as much as
possible?
A. I should say no. During the N.C.O. 1 days three specific
instances of this type came to my notice. They did no good. I know
they did harm.
Q. Would you suggest any method by which the Muslims could be still more
attracted to the Congress fold and protected from the pernicious propaganda of
communalists? ‘
A. The best way to increase Muslim interest in the Congress is
for Congressmen to serve them. Convince them that the Congress is as
much theirs as anybody else’s. My present programme—the breaking
of the salt laws—should appeal to all the communities
in India, for it affects them all alike. I am an optimist. I have
no doubt that soon the Congress will stand higher in the affections
of the Muslims than it ever did before. The masses are sound
at heart. They only require a correct and courageous lead.I repeat that
the best way of winning over the Mussalmans is by seeking occasions
1
Non-co-operation

of service and assuring them that the resolution of the Congress on the
communal question means what it says.
Q. In case you are not arrested in the next few days, are the other Provinces
not to embark on satyagraha?
A. If I am not arrested till I reach Jalalpur, I expect that the
Provinces will be free to start civil disobedience soon after I have
committed the breach of Salt Act.

CHI. MIRA,
I have your two letters. No time to say anything. I notice that
everywhere they say you have taken charge of the Ashram. This needs
contradiction.2 I am trying to think out something.
I hope those [who] were stung have now recovered.
BAPU

AMOD ,
Before prayer, March 23, 1930
CHI. KUSUM,
I have your letter.
If Narandas and Gangabehn permit you, come and spend a day.
I hope you know that we reach Broach on Wednesday. You should get
this letter on Monday. You would have got it today, but I had no time
at all to write.
It is foolish of you to feel sorry that you could not get up at
three. How can you help if your body is not strong enough?
Besides,everything depends on God’s will. It is enough if you do not
remain complacent. I know that you are striving hard. I have no time
to write more.
I have of course written to Dudhibehn.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
On the back of the letter is noted “March 23, 1930”, which appears to be the
date on which it was received by the addressee.
2
Vide “Notes”, 27-3-1930, sub-title, “Mirabai Not Manager”.

BUVA ,
Sunday, March 23, 1930
CHI. PREMA,
You seem to have taken a vow not to write to me. I know that
you are submerged in work. That is precisely why I must have a letter
from you. You should not work so much that you may fall ill. Speak
less loudly and spare your throat.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—5: Ku. Premabehn Kantakne, p. 9
507. SPEECH AT BUVA

March 23, 1930
Although I make strong speeches and have set out to violate the
law, the Government dare not arrest me. Why are you afraid of such a
Government? The Government took Shri Sen Gupta to Rangoon and
sentenced him to about 10 days’ simple imprisonment. Should we not
conclude from this that as compared to 1857 and 1919, it has lost
some of its strength? I have only 80 volunteers with me. Even then the
Government cannot arrest me. What then could it do if there were
80,000 volunteers? Hence Hindus and Muslims, men and women,
should participate in this struggle.
[From Gujarati]
Gujarati, 30-3-1930
508. SPEECH AT SAMNI1

March 23, 1930
To date, at least 80 persons have handed in their resignations. It
will be regarded as cowardice to hand in one’s resignation and then to
withdraw it. There is no compulsion to resign. It is advisable to give
up the post of Headman, looking upon it as something base, dirty and
filthy. In the Ashram, classes have been started to train up women in
fifteen days. Dadabhai’s grand-daughter 2 is a teacher there. The
women of Samni should also come forward. If you cannot do so, will
you not at least produce khadi? Nowadays a large number of people
1
The meeting was held at 9 p.m.
2
Khorshedbehn Naoroji

wear khadi. But if those who make it go to jail, who will continue to
produce khadi? You should therefore produce khadi.
[From Gujarati]
509. LETTER TO MAHADEV DESAI

S AMNI ,
Monday [March 24, 1930] 1
CHI. MAHADEV,
I send seven articles in this packet. It is about 10 p.m. now. I
have revised the articles, but you should revise them further if
necessary. I do not think I have left out anything. I am sending with
this some letters for Ashram inmates. See that you do not forget to
pass them on to the persons concerned and do not lose them.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
I wished to write to the women there, but all the available time
was taken up by Young India and rest. There are three loose letters
and two envelopes.

TRALSA,
March 25, 1930
CHI. MIRA,
I have just sent a p.c. to Nonami.
You will see a paragraph2 I have devoted to you in Young India.
Give me your latest time-table. I have suggested to Narandas
that Keshu may be asked to lead the prayer. He sings well. He has an
excellent ear for music and his Sanskrit pronunciation is perfect. Is
the women’s prayer recited daily?
I am taking my journeyings very well indeed. But over 15 have
become disabled. They expect to be all right by tomorrow. They are
all in Broach which we reach tomorrow morning.
I am feeling sleepy now.
Love.
BAPU
1
Gandhiji was at Samni on this date.
2
Vide “Notes”, 27-3-1930, sub-title, “Mirabai Not Manager”.

[PS.]
If the 5 young men who came to me were repentant and
undertook to abide by the rules, I did contemplate their being taken.
BAPU

TRALSA
Tuesday, March 25,1930
CHI. PRABHUDAS,1
I have your letter. Your anger is meaningless. The Gita teaches
us restraint. At the same time, it says that it is not possible for a man to
change his nature. So far as possible, restrain your temper and be
satisfied with that. It is enough if you never try to deceive yourself. If
you can master your health you will be able to do so many other
things. You have done the right thing in holding the childrens’ prayer
in a separate courtyard. I had sent you that information while I was on
tour of U.P. 2 and therefore have nothing to say against it. There are
two advantages in having separate prayers for the children. The
prayers of the grown-ups can be conducted with more seriousness and
we will be able to pay more attention to the prayer for the children.
Keep on writing to me.
Blessings from
BAPU

Tuesday [March 25, 1930] 3
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I have your letter. You must give up all worry. Your achiev-
ement lies in your effort.
“Never, O loved one, does the doer of a good deed meet with a
sad end.” 4 Look up the meaning. Keep doing whatever you can.Go to
Morvi if your health is not satisfactory, there is no harm at all in
going. Keep on writing to me as long as I am free. Learn the
1
The letter is in a different hand but the subscription is by Gandhiji.
2
In September-October, 1929.
3
The letter was received by the addressee on March 26, 1930.
4
Bhagavad Gita, VI. 40

pronunciation of the Gita verses from Krishnadas.
Blessings from
BAPU
513. DRAFT RESOLUTION FOR A.I.C.C.

[March 25, 1930] 1
This meeting of A.I.C.C. endorses the resolution2 passed by the
Working Committee giving full authority to Gandhiji in the matter of
civil disobedience and congratulates him and his companions and the
country on the march begun by him on 12th instant,3 in pursuit of his
plan of civil disobedience. The Committee hopes that the whole
country will respond to the action taken by G. and his band in a
manner befitting the occasion .
The A.I.C.C. hereby authorizes the Provincial C.C.s to
undertake such civil disobedience as to them may seem proper and in
the manner that may appear to them to be most suitable. The
committee, however, hopes that so far as is possible the Provinces shall
concentrate on a civil breach of the Salt laws. The committee trusts
that whilst preparations may be fully made civil disobedience for
Poorna Swaraj shall not start till Gandhiji has reached his destination,
actually committed a breach of the Salt laws and given the word to the
other Provinces through this committee or he has been earlier
arrested.
In the purview of the A.I.C.C. time has arrived for all
educational institutions whether Government-owned, aided or national
to suspend their literary activities and devote their whole attention to
the compaign for liberty.
The A.I.C.C. congratulates Sardar Vallabhbhai, Sjt. Sen Gupta
on their arrest and notes with satisfaction that their arrestinstead of
weakening has strengthened the national resolve to reach the goal
without any delay.4
From a copy: Gandhi-Nehru Papers. Courtesy. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library
1
The meeting of the A.I.C.C. was held on March 25, 1930.
2
Vide “Never Faileth”, 20-2-1930.
3
Vide 1st footnote to “Parting Message at Chandola”, 12-3-1930.
4
Vide also “Official Pettiness”, 20-3-1930 and “Mountain in Labour”,
27-3-1930.

514. SPEECH AT PUBLIC MEETING, TRALSA
March 25, 1930
Mahatmaji said he heard that some Muslim friends had complained that he and
his party did not pass through their villages. If he was invited he would surely have
included such villages in his programme but his present tour was such that he could
not go to any village uninvited and he could not force the villagers to
receive him.
In Dandi, a Muslim has invited me and I will be putting up in his
bungalow. Satyagraha will commence from the Muslim friend’s
house. My Muslim friends should not, therefore, feel aggrieved. I
only want their blessings so that I may achieve success in my religious
fight. Muslims and Hindus both want that this tax should go as both
consume equal quantity of salt and both feel the pinch. Only when
they are able to get the tax abrogated, will they get enough strength to
get swaraj. They must know that crores are being sent away to
England by various means.
Making a passing reference to the Sarda Act, Gandhiji said they need not be
afraid of that Bill. He could not think of the Government interfering in such things
but the people also should understand that nothing is gained by marrying their
children of tender age.
This is not the time for marriages when this fight is going on. They must not
put any restraint on their sons but all this abysmal ignorance is due to our bondage
and dependence.

Wednesday, March 26, 1930
CHI. SUSHILA,
I have your letter. I also read your letter to Manilal. I will not,
therefore, rag you in this letter.
I can justify your point of view. And I believe that you wish to
keep Sita at Akola. You, too, must then stay there. She should live
where you do, and you should live where she does.
But I do not believe that you cannot bring up Sita in the Ashram
as you would wish to do. If you use your imagination, you will realize
that you will get nowhere else the atmosphere you have in the
Ashram. Old and young, all absorb imperceptibly a great deal from
the moral atmosphere surrounding them. There is only a half-truth in
your belief that the children there are ill-mannered. In the Ashram we
try to make the children independent-minded. They are not punished

physically and, therefore, they seem to have become ill-mannered. But
I am sure that the ultimate result will be good. However, if you decide
to stay in the Ashram and to keep Sita there, you must observe the
following rules:
1. You should not leave Sita unattended to do any work.
2. You must take a promise from anyone to whom you may
entrust Sita that he or she will give her nothing to eat.
3. Sita should be fed at fixed hours.
4. If possible, she should be kept on milk and fruit only.
5. [You] must take some exercise every day.
6. If you or Sita do not keep good health, you should run
away from the place.
You should follow these rules disregarding opposition from
anybody. If you do not have the strength of mind to do that, I think it
will be difficult for you to stay in the Ashram. Do come and see me at
Surat.
Blessings from
BAPU
516. SPEECH AT BROACH1

March 26, 1930
Chandubhai has asked for my blessings. But who am I to give
blessings? I have myself come to seek blessings. I hope that by the
time I reach Dandi the blessings I am receiving at every village on this
march will have added up to such a mountain that even this monster
of a Government will cower at the sight.2
A Muslim youth has sent me questions on the Hindu-Muslim
problem. One of them is: “Do you expect to win swaraj through your
own single effort or assisted merely by the Hindus?”
I have never dreamt that I could win swaraj merely through my
effort or assisted only by the Hindus. I stand in need of the assistance
of Mussalmans, Parsis, Christians, Sikhs, Jews and all other Indians. I
need the assistance even of Englishmen. But I know too that all this
1
A summary of the speech was published in Young India, 3-4-1930, under the
heading “Hindu-Muslim Question”, with the following note from Gandhiji: “The
speech delivered at Broach on 26th ultimo deals with the communal question and is
rather important. A full summary is therefore given below.” In what follows, the
Young India version has been collated with the Gujarati report.
2
The following thirteen paragraphs are from Young India.

combined assistance is worthless if I have not one other assistance, that
is, from God. All is vain without His help. And if He is with this
struggle, no other help is necessary.
But to realize His help and guidance in this struggle, I need your
blessings, the blessings of all communities. The blessings of thousands
of men and women belonging to all communities that have attended
this march are to me a visible sign of the hand of God in this struggle.
I know that there are occasions when the hand of God
has to be traced in the curses of men. But this is not such an occasion.
Today I am doing what the nation has been yearning for during the
past ten years. Have I not been rebuked for delaying civil resistance?
Have not friends angrily said, “You are stopping the progress of the
nation towards its goal? You have only to say, ‘Let there be civil
resistance’, behold ! there is swaraj.” There is some truth in the
taunt. Full civil resistance does mean swaraj. But I was staying my
hand. I had no confidence in myself. I was straining my ear tolisten to
the still small voice within, but only up to yesterday there was no
response. It was in Lahore I had told a journalist that I saw nothing on
the horizon to warrant civil resistance. But studdenly, as in a flash, I
saw the light in the Ashram. Self-confidence returned. Englishmen
and some Indian critics have been warning me against the hazard. But
the voice within is clear I must put forth all my effort or retire
altogether and for all time from public life. I feel that now is the time
or it will be never.
And so I am out for battle and am seeking help on bended
knees from this white beard1 as also the little girls. For in this battle
even they can help; and thank God, they are eager to do so. I have
insistent letters from them demanding enlistment.
Thus the answer to the Muslim youth’s question is complete. I
need the help of all races and from all climes.
A satyagrahi has no power he can call his own. All the power he
may seem to possess is from and of God. He therefore moves towards
his goal carrying the world’s opinion with him. Without the help of
God he is lame, blind, groping.
Ever since 1921 I have been reiterating two words,
“self-purification” and “self-sacrifice”. God will not assist him
without these two. The world is touched by sacrifice. It does not then
discriminate about the merits of a cause. Not so God. He is all-seeing.
He insists on the purity of the cause and on adequate sacrifice
therefor.
1
Gandhiji here pointed towards Abbas Tyabji.

The question was put by a Mussalman representing a powerful
interest. But had a little Parsi girl representing but a hundred thousand
Parsis asked the question, I should have given the same answer and
said: “Without the help of Parsis there is no swaraj.” I am thankful to
be able to say that I have had during the march abundant proof of the
blessings of these communities. I have read friendliness in the eyes
and in the speech of the Mussalmans who along with the rest have
lined our route or attended the meetings. They have even given
material aid.
Yet I know that I have not the Ali Brothers with me. Maulana
Shaukat Ali will no longer have me in his pocket. Do not think, I do
not miss him. I hold no distinction between him and blood brother.
His resistance therefore can only be short-lived. If truth is in me, the
Brothers must capitulate. They cannot long keep out of the battle. I
crave too the assistance of Englishmen. It was neither empty
formulanor a touch of vanity that prompted me to send an English
friend with my letter to the Viceroy. But choosing Reginald Reynolds
as my messenger, I sealed the bond between them and me. For my
enmity is not against them, it is against their rule. I seem to be born to
be an instrument to compass the end of that rule. But if a hair of an
English head was touched I should feel the same grief as I should over
such a mishap to my brother. I say to them as a friend: “Why will you
not understand that your rule is ruining this country? It has got to be
destroyed even though you may pound us to powder or drown us. We
must declare what we feel.”
The second question is: “Under swaraj how many seats will
Mussalmans, have in the legislatures? ” What answer can I return to
such a question? If I were Viceroy of India I should say to the
Mussalmans, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, etc. “Take what you like, the
balance will go to the Hindus,” It is true that the Sanatani Hindu will
never let me become Viceroy. The fact is that I am unfit to do such
accounting. But it should be sufficient to know that the Congress has
pledged itself not to accept any communal solution that does not
satisfy the parties concerned. I am bound by that pledge. For the
Congress all are one. They are all Indians and therefore their freedom
is guaranteed. No more can be expected by any community.
Civil resistance will merely give the power to the nation to assert
her will. But when the time comes for its assertion, the document
embodying the will will have to be sealed by all the communities.
Thus without the co-operation of all communities, there is no
Independence.
But what should we do meanwhile? We must at least be true to

the salt we eat. Her starving millions are the salt of India’s earth. To
be true to them we must free the salt from a tax which they have to
pay equally with the rich and in the same proportion as the rich. In
our ignorance we have been paying this inhuman imposition. Having
realized our folly we will be traitors to the starving millions if we
submit to the exaction any longer.
Who can help liking this poor man’s battle? The cruel tax is no
respecter of persons. It is therefore as much the interest of the
Mussalman as of the Hindu to secure its abolition. This is a fight
undertaken in the name of God and for the sake of the millions of the
paupers of this country.1
Who does not approve of a struggle to do away with a salt tax
amounting to Rs. 6 crores? What a great hardship it is for a poor
Muslim if he cannot get salt. Is there any Indian who will not
participate in this struggle to get this tax repealed?
This struggle is being carried on in the name of God. It is being
carried on for the benefit of the poor and the needy and not for the
sake of the wealthy. And is there anyone who will keep away from a
struggle for the needy?
I have answered the questions. Shri Chandubhai has vehemently
asserted that the Broach District will contribute the largest share in this
struggle and, although the people of this district may lose their lives,
they will not fail to serve the people. I hope that the men and women
who have assembled here will fulfil Chandubhai’s hopes. If all of
them get themselves enrolled, Shri Chandubhai’s hunger will be
satisfied and I shall consider that I have received more than what I had
asked for.
I pray to God, in Whose name I began: may He grant you the
ability to understand what I have told you and the strength to act
accordingly.
[From Gujarati]
517. SPEECH AT ANKLESHWAR

March 26, 1930
By merely saying that a government is “foreign”, no idea is
conveyed as to its nature. It may be that though a government is
foreign, the plight of the people under it may not be so miserable.
Although Rajpipla is an Indian State, I would regard it as “foreign”
1
What follows has been taken from Navajivan.

since it has such a large number of liquor booths.
One can understand the Government levying a tax on ghee.
Liquor or cigarettes can also be taxed. This Government is, however,
so cunning, arrogant and inhuman that it levies a duty on an item
which is consumed by the poorest of the poor. We are lucky, at any
rate, that there is no tax on the air we breathe! There is a tax on water
and the tax on salt amounts to 1,400 per cent. When people develop
the strength to abolish the tax that is levied on salt, we shall not have to
hear the complaint that there are so many liquor booths. The wealthy
consume liquor, but they do not pay Rs. 25 crores for it; this amount
comes from the pockets of the poor.
Resignations have been received from Headmen. I do not,
however, trust these people as some of those who have resigned have
informed the Collector that they were compelled to do so. Moreover,
where one person has resigned, another has taken charge. If there is
such a scramble for this office, we should find out whether those who
have resigned have actually relinquished charge.
[From Gujarati]

[After March 26, 1930] 1
CHI. MIRA,
Your reference to Reynolds is instructive. You must come closer
to him and not let him feel lonely. There is something wrong in his
resistance to the wheel. He must see the truth lying behind it. The
wheel is not an Eastern institution. At one time it was common to
mankind. When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then the
gentleman? But you know how best to make him feel thoroughly at
home. He may be as Western as he can be and yet should be able to
feel at home in the Ashram. There must be something wrong with it, if
he cannot do so. All things are possible with love.
Totaramji is all you describe him to be.
You must cope with the noise. Confer with Narandas.
My health seems to be excellent. I have put on 2 lb. weight. All
have. We were weighed in Broach.
Love.
BAPU
1
Gandhiji was at Broach on March 26. The letter was evidently written some
time after.

519. MOUNTAIN IN LABOUR
The mountain was in labour in Rangoon and it brought forth a
ridiculous mouse. A powerful Government put a distinguished son of
India, who was suffering from a dangerous illness, under the strain of
an utterly unnecessary prosecution, and spent public money. The
ostensible reason was that Sjt. Sen Gupta had delivered, whilst he was
passing through Burma, two speeches the like of which are delivered
every day from a thousand platforms all over the country without
being noticed by the Government. The prosecution could find no
witness who was affected by the “seditious” performance. The
magistrate was apologetic for having to deliver the judgment he did.
Had he been in an environment of freedom he would have discharged
the distinguished prisoner and reprimanded the Government for
bringing a frivolous complaint before him.
Sjt. Sen Gupta is none the worse for the prosecution. It has
enhanced his popularity, and his resolute refusal to defend himself or
to answer any questions has furnished an additional proof of the
courage for which he has always been known.
But this judgment has a deeper meaning. If Sardar Vallabhbhai
was really guilty of the crime imputed to him, he deserved a severer
punishment; if Sjt. Sen Gupta was guilty of sedition he deserved
exemplary punishment, not mere ten days. If disaffection is a crime
and the section has any reality about it, I who have made of sedition a
religion should have been tried and heavily punished long ago.
Let no one think that lighter punishments are being awarded or
I am being left alone because the Government is afraid of anything.
The real reason is deeper and perhaps creditable to the Government.
They are ashamed of punishing people for holding opinions and
publicly expressing them. They are sensitive to the world opinion
rising against them for such conduct. The Rangoon magistrate felt
constrained to say that inasmuch as there was in Sjt. Sen Gupta’s
speech no incitement to violence, he saw no reason to award a
penalty befitting the crime of sedition. Section 124A is really
concerned with violence. The authors of the section probably never
conceived the possibility of anybody harbouring sedition and yet
having no trace of violence in him. This reluctance or evenincapacity
to punish heavily or even to prosecute in the absence of violence is an
eloquent tribute to non-violence. He who runs may see that if the
campaign that has hitherto remained wholly untainted by violence
retains its character, victory in the near future is a certainty. Not only
will the salt-tax go, but the other difficulties in our progress towards
swaraj will also vanish like smoke, in the pure air of non-violence.

520. ‘RENDER UNTO CAESAR’
An unknown English friend has thought it worth while cabling
to me that in launching upon civil disobedience I am going against
the teaching of Jesus: “Render unto Caesar that which is Caesar’s”.
Another, an Indian Christian, writes from the Punjab somewhat in the
same fashion and, forsaking charity, pours abuse upon my devoted
head for my action. He says further that whereas he considered me to
be a good man formerly, he is now utterly undeceived. I can reassure
this friend that civil disobedience is no new thing with me. I began to
preach and practise it in 1906. His regard for me therefore was
evidently from ignorance, if his present dislike of me is wise. But I
have learnt from the New Testament, as also from other sources, that if
one wishes to walk in the fear of God, one should be indifferent about
popular praise or blame.
Now for the question. As I hold my conduct to be in utter
agreement with universal religion and as I hold the New Testament
teaching in great esteem, I should not like it to be justly said of me
that I was going against the teaching of Jesus. “Render unto Caesar”
was quoted against me before too. I have not read into the celebrated
verse the meaning that my critics have sought to put into it. Jesus
evaded the direct question put to him because it was a trap. He was in
no way bound to answer it. He therefore asked to see the coin for
taxes. And then said with withering scorn, “How can you who traffic
in Caesar’s coins and thus receive what to you are benefits of Caesar’s
rule refuse to pay taxes?” Jesus’s whole preaching and practice point
unmistakably to non-co-operation, which necessarily includes
nonpayment of taxes. Jesus never recognized man’s authority as
against God’s. He who disregarded the whole host of priesthood,
which was in those days superior to kinghood, would not have
hesitated to defy the might of emperors had he found it necessary.
And did he not treat with supreme disdain the whole of the farcical
trial through which he was made to pass?
Lastly, let me warn honest friends against running into the trap
of literalism. The “letter” surely “killeth”, it is the “spirit” that
“giveth life”. In the present case I find no difficulty in reading into
the text a satisfactory meaning. But it would matter little to me that
some text should confound me, if there was no mistaking the spirit of
the whole teaching of a book respected as among the world’s
religious scriptures.

521. DUTY OF DISLOYALTY
There is no halfway house between active loyalty and active
disloyalty. There is much truth in the late Justice Stephen’s remark
that a man to prove himself not guilty of disaffection must prove
himself to be actively affectionate. In these days of democracy there is
no such thing as active loyalty to a, person. You are therefore loyal or
disloyal to institutions. When therefore you are disloyal you seek not
to destroy persons but institutions. The present State is an institution
which, if one knows it, can never evoke loyalty. It is corrupt. Many of
its laws governing the conduct of persons are positively inhuman.
Their administration is worse. Often the will of one person is the law.
It may safely be said that there are as many rulers as there are districts
in this country. These, called Collectors, combine in their own persons
the executive as well as the judicial functions. Though their acts are
supposed to be governed by laws in themselves highly defective, these
rulers are often capricious and regulated by nothing but their own
whims and fancies. They represent not the interests of the people but
those of their foreign masters or principals. These (nearly three
hundred) men form an almost secret corporation, the most powerful
in the world. They are required to find a fixed minimum of revenue,
they have therefore often been found to be most unscrupulous in their
dealings with the people. This system of government is confessedly
based upon a merciless exploitation of unnumbered millions of the
inhabitants of India. From the village Headmen to their personal
assistants these satraps have created a class of subordinates who, whilst
they cringe before their foreign masters, in their constant dealings
with the people act so irresponsibly and so harshly as to demoralize
them and by a system of terrorism render them incapable of resisting
corruption. It is then the duty of those who have realized the awful
evil of the system of Indian Government to be disloyal to it and
actively and openly to preach disloyalty. Indeed, loyalty to a State so
corrupt is a sin, disloyalty a virtue.
The spectacle of three hundred million people being cowed
down by living in the dread of three hundred men is demoralizing
alike for the despots as for the victims. It is the duty of those who have
realized the evil nature of the system however attractive some of its
features may, torn from their context, appear to be, to destroy it
without delay. It is their clear duty to run any risk to achieve the end.
But it must be equally clear that it would be cowardly for three
hundred million people to seek to destroy the three hundred authors
or administrators of the system. It is a sign of gross ignorance to

devise means of destroying these administrators or their hirelings.
Moreover they are but creatures of circumstances. The purest man
entering the system will be affected by it and will be instrumental in
propagating the evil. The remedy therefore naturally is not being
enraged against the administrators and therefore hurting them, but to
non-co-operate with the system by withdrawing all the voluntary
assistance possible and refusing all its so-called benefits. A little
reflection will show that civil disobedience is a necessary part of
non-co-operation. You assist an administration most effectively by
obeying its orders and decrees. An evil administration never deserves
such allegiance. Allegiance to it means partaking of the evil. A good
man will therefore resist an evil system or administration with his
whole soul. Disobedience of the law of an evil State is therefore a
duty. Violent disobedience deals with men who can be replaced. It
leaves the evil itself untouched and often accentuates it. Non-violent,
i.e., civil, disobedience is the only and the most successful remedy and
is obligatory upon him who would dissociate himself from evil.
There is danger in civil disobedience only because it is still only
a partially tried remedy and has always to be tried in an atmosphere
surcharged with violence. For when tyranny is rampant much rage is
generated among the victims. It remains latent because of their
weakness and bursts in all its fury on the slightest pretext. Civil
disobedience is a sovereign method of transmuting this undisciplined
life-destroying latent energy into disciplined life-saving energy whose
use ensures absolute success. The attendant risk is nothing compared
to the result promised. When the world has become familiar with its
use and when it has had a series of demonstrations of its successful
working, there will be less risk in civil disobedience than there is in
aviation, in spite of that science having reached a high stage of
development.
522. VOLUNTEERS’ PLEDGE

The A.I.C.C has framed a brief pledge for volunteers. It had
necessarily to be the simplest possible. We may not expect hundreds
of thousands to sign meticulous pledges. Beyond therefore signing
the Congress creed, which includes non-violence and truth as I
translate the expression ‘peaceful and legitimate’, and beyond the
undertaking to obey orders, the pledge contains nothing more. Later
on, when the whole mass of people join, there will be no pledges.
There will then be many silent nameless heroes; if there will also be
some bad or weak men. Let it be also understood that the pledge is an

application. It does not entitle the applicant to be admitted for the
mere signing of the form. Let it be remembered too that the old
stringent forms are in no case superseded. The present form is devised
for the emergency. The responsibility of recruiting officers is indeed
great. The form in no way means that we have now said goodbye to
communal unity, khaddar, or removal of the evil of untouchability
and drink and drugs. It means that these things are an integral part of
the Congress. Only in bringing into the Congress fold thousands of
men and women for the fight for swaraj we present to them a simple
formula in the certain belief that those who are controlling the
Congress will not, in any shape or form, water down the integral parts
of the Congress programme. The present plan is based upon implicit
trust in the Congress organization being run with absolute honesty.
Lastly it should not be forgotten that these volunteers do not become
Congress voters.
523. SOME SUGGESTIONS

The resolution passed by the A.I.C.C. at its Ahmedabad meeting
throws the burden on me of giving the signal for starting civil
disobedience all over the country, assuming that I am kept free till I
reach Dandi. The reason is obvious. The A.I.C.C. wishes to take every
reasonable precaution against mishaps. In the event of my arrest, it
would be dangerous to stop the movement. Before my arrest, the
A.I.C.C. will not anticipate me. So far as I can judge now, the workers
may assume that the date for making an all-India start will be the 6th
of April. It is the day of commencement of the national week. It is the
day of satyagraha that in 1919 witnessed a mass awakening unknown
before. The seven days that followed witnessed some dark deeds on
our part and culminated in the inhuman Jallianwala massacre. If all
goes well I should reach Dandi on April 5th. April 6th therefore
appears to me to be the most natural day for commencing satyagraha.
But the workers, while they may make preparations, must await the
final word.
The release of the embargo however does not mean that every
province or every district is bound at once to commence civil
disobedience although it may not be ready and although its First
Servant does not feel the inner urge. He will refuse to be hustled into
action if he has no confidence in himself or in his immediate
surroundings. No one will be blamed for inaction, but blame will most
decidedly descend upon the shoulders of him who instead of
controlling the surroundings is carried away by them.

What we all are after is mass civil disobedience. It cannot be
made. It must be spontaneous, if it is to deserve the name and if it is to
be successful. And there certainly will be no mass response where the
ground has not been previously tilled, manured and watered. The
greatest precaution has to be taken everywhere against an outbreak of
violence. Whilst it is true, as I have said, that civil resistance this time
will continue even though violence may break out, it is equally true
that violence on our part will harm the struggle and retard its progress.
Two opposite forces can never work concurrently so as to help each
other. The plan of civil disobedience has been conceived to neutralize
and ultimately entirely to displace violence and enthrone non-violence
in its stead, to replace hatred by love, to replace strife by concord.
The meaning then of not suspending the fight in spite of any
outbreak of violence simply is that votaries of non-violence will allow
themselves, will even seek, to be consumed in the flames if any should
rise. They will not care to remain helpless witnesses either of the
organized violence of the Government or of the sporadic violence of
an enraged group or nation. The workers will therefore take, in each
province, all precautions humanly possible and then plunge into the
fight even though in so doing they run the greatest risks imaginable.
It follows that everywhere there will be willing submission to the
judgment of those who may be in their own provinces known for their
belief in non-violence as an article of faith for the purpose of gaining
Purna Swaraj.
There has been talk of disobeying other laws. The proposal has
not attracted me. I believe in concentrating attention upon the salt
laws. Salt mines are to be found almost everywhere. The idea is not to
manufacture salt in salable quantities but through manufacture and
otherwise to commit a deliberate and open breach of salt laws.
The chaukidari tax laws have been suggested for possible
disobedience. This tax does not in my opinion comply with the
conditions that the salt tax fulfils. The idea is to disobey such laws as
are bad for all time as far as can be seen today. We do not want the
salt tax even under swaraj. Chaukidari tax is perhaps not such a tax.
We may need chaukidars even under swaraj. If such is the case, it may
be wise not to touch that tax so long as we have other taxes or other
laws to combat.
Then there are the forest laws. I have not studied them. I must
therefore write with reserve. There can be no doubt that we do not
want our forests to be destroyed altogether or wood to be cut
uneconomically. There is a need, I have little doubt, for mending
these laws. There is greater need perhaps for humaner administration

of these laws. The reform may well await the establishment of swaraj.
Nor so far as I am aware has there been any popular education about
the grievances arising out of these laws or their administration .
Closely allied to the forests are grazing areas. I do not know that
regulations governing their use are so irksome as to be a just
grievance.
Much better from my standpoint is the picketing of liquor
shops, opium dens and foreign-cloth shops. Though picketing is not
by itself illegal, past experience shows that the Government will want
to suppress all effective picketing. That does not much matter. We are
out to resist it wherever we can, consistently with our creed. But I fear
the unscrupulous behaviour of liquor dealers and the ignorant wrath
of foreign-cloth dealers. I should like public opinion to consolidate
itself more fully around these two evils and would like workers to
undertake more systematic education of the dealers as also of their
customers. We have to eradicate both the evils some day or other.
Wherever, therefore, workers have confidence in their ability to carry
on picketing without taking undue risks of the type I have mentioned,
they should start the campaign, but in no case because they must be
doing something when the word is given for action and because they
do not see their way to take up the salt laws. It seems to me to be the
safest thing to take up the latter for the time being; what I have said
above is merely by way of caution. Wherever workers feel that they
have the real inner call for action and are themselves free from
violence, they are at liberty, as soon as the word is given, to take up
such civil disobedience as they may consider necessary and desirable,
subject of course to the A.I.C.C. control.
Meanwhile between now and the 6th of April the provinces
should lose no time in making their preparation for mobilization.
524. NOTES
S CARCITY OF KHADDAR
There is naturally nowadays a run on khaddar and letters are
being received at the A.I.S.A. office that there is going to be shortage
of khaddar in the near future. This is as it should be. The remedy is
for full khaddarites to cut down their requirements, for converts to
buy only what they need and for all to help to manufacture more
khaddar. Just as there never can be scarcity of bread if there is an
ensured supply of wheat, so need there be no scarcity of khaddar if
there is an ensured supply of cotton. There is no danger of the supply
of the cotton running out. The tragedy consists in the people
needlessly believing that khaddar cannot be manufactured in our

villages and streets as food is prepared in every home. People need
not take up the spinning-wheel if they will take up the takli and begin
spinning at once. They have then to go to the ordinary weaver and
coax him to weave their yarn. If there is a proper awakening of
national consciousness, the weavers will not look askance at hand-spun
yarn as many of them undoubtedly do today. For such organization
of khaddar on a large scale, there must be a real yearning for it
among the people. Everyone will not take part in civil disobedience,
but everyone can take part in the manufacture of khaddar. Let the
reader know that the leaders in the civil disobedience campaign all
over the country are, in the vast majority of cases, derived from
confirmed khaddarites. Their withdrawal from khaddar manufacture
will tend seriously to tell upon the output of khaddar unless people
take to self-spinning and self-help generally.
MIRABAI NOT MANAGER
I observe that papers persistently report that Shrimati Mirabai
Slade is managing the Ashram as its head in my place. This is not
true. The Ashram has been now for a long time under the control of a
managing board of which Mahadev Desai is the Chairman, Imam
Saheb Bawazeer the Vice-Chairman and Narandas Gandhi the
Secretary. Mirabai became head of the sanitary department as other
women took up other departments in order to relieve the men joining
me in the march. She is also taking her due share in teaching the
infant class and rendering such other service as may be required. What
she will ultimately be, no one can tell, she least of all. Suffice it for the
reader to know that she has thrown in her lot with the Ashram and me
for all time to come. Her desire for serving India is an overmastering
passion. It was a privilege to receive her in the Ashram. Over four
years of closest contact have not diminished the affection she evoked
in me when I knew nothing about her parentage, and knew her only
through her two reticent letters which I had received when she first
applied for admission. No member of the Ashram has striven more
strenuously than Mirabai to observe the rules of the Ashram and to
realize its ideals. But she is not the head of the Ashram.
525. THE LAW OF THE SWORD

A teacher writes: 1
Reading this letter, one is reminded of the story of the wolf and
the lamb. The wolf wanted to eat up the lamb anyhow and was only
1
The letter is not translated here. The correspondent had criticized the system
of land revenue introduced by the British in India.

looking for an excuse. Unable to find a better it accused the lamb’s
forefathers of some guilt and ate it up. If one has land, what concern
is it of the Government to investigate who the rightful owner of the
land is? The Government is hungry for money and it collects the
money by the strength of the sword. In the Council the bureaucracy
allows lengthy debates. But there is always behind the debates the
assumption that ultimately there will be no decrease in land revenue
that will accrue to the Government whoever might be the rightful
owners of the land.
Therefore, the real question before us is how we are going to
meet this power of the sword. Shall we do it with the sword? If we have
to fight the sword only with the sword, we shall remain in slavery for
years and years to come; because, whatever kind of government there
may be, the strength of the sword of the crores of farmers who pay
land revenue cannot increase in a day. To establish the farmer’s
ownership of the land, there is only one way; and that is to teach him
the mantra of satyagraha. This is a power which is inherent in
everyone. The farmer has only to be aware of this power. If a farmer
could realize that by peacefully resisting injustice his land could be
prevented from being seized by anyone, he would never fall a victim
to injustice. Today, the whole of India is taking lessons in the school
of satyagraha. It would be good if peasants were to join this school.
Then the intricate question of the ownership of land would be solved
by itself.
[From Hindi]
526. MESSAGE TO HINDUSTANI SEVA DAL

S AJOD ,
March 27, 1930
I expect the volunteers of the Hindustani Seva Dal to stand by
their pledge of non-violence under every conceivable circumstance.
527. LETTER TO MRIDULA SARABHAI

ANKLESHWAR ,
March 27, 1930
CHI. MRIDU,
I have received your letter. I was of course intending to write to
you, but some work or other kept coming up and writing to you got
postponed.

The newspaper report was incorrect. Only Sumangal Prakash
was really ill. The members of the Anand Mandal gave him very good
treatment. Others stayed on merely to take rest. There is no such thing
as opening a camp for the sick. Had it been so, I would have sent for
you first. I feel that it will not be long before women too plunge into
the struggle. I have no doubt at all that God will fully nourish your
desire to serve. Khurshedbehn will be most probably coming to meet
me. If you wish, you may come here at that time.
Blessings from
MOHANDAS
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 11178, Courtesy . Sarabhai Foundation
528. SPEECH AT PRAYER MEETING, SAJOD1

[March 27, 1930] 2
It is deplorable that we do not listen to one another. If someone
listens to everyone’s advice, everyone will finally stop advising him.
Each one of us should become humble and carry on. No one should
find fault with others but each should seek out and rid himself of his
own shortcomings. None should arrogantly believe that because
everything has gone on well so far, we have as good as arrived at
Dandi. Who knows what will happen tomorrow or the very next
moment? On the night prior to the coronation, Shri Ramachandra and
the people were under the impression that it would take place the
following morning, but God’s ways are inscrutable. Hence we should
not fail to remember God every moment. When setting out from the
Ashram, the condition was laid down that those who wished to leave
should do so before the march began. Today I go further and say that
those who wish to leave before we reach Dandi may do so. It is all
right even if I alone stick on. I shall keep smiling. If the world
criticizes me, I shall join in that criticism and conclude that I merit the
charge of being stupid. However, despite this, I shall fight alone and
continue to prepare salt.
From today, the first batch will form the rear and the line will
begin with the batch which is at the tail end now. Those who are
unwell or weak or are bothered by dust may go ahead and rest at the
next halt or may follow later. If crowds of people try to rush in, we
should make up the rear of the line. We shall have no difficulties if we
1
Extracted from “Dharma Yatra”
2
The speech was delivered one day after Gandhiji and party left Ankleshwar,
which was on March 26.

do so. Perhaps they, too, will understand and make things easy for us.
[From Gujarati]
529. SPEECH AT SAJOD

March 27, 1930
Tomorrow morning the tour of the Broach District will be over,
and it will be proper to sum up my impressions at this place. If we are
to depend for swaraj on what has been done so far, it will take us very
long to win it, because it cannot be secured by mere attendance at
meetings or by large numbers joining the civil disobedience
movement against the salt tax. The achievement in the field of
constructive work is very meagre in other districts indeed, but here
also it is just as poor. We have not achieved complete boycott of
foreign cloth and have not succeeded in popularizing khadi. The
entry in the column for the quantity of khadi produced is nil. You
have a rich crop of cotton in this district, but you put it to no use
yourselves. Consumption of liquor has spread widely. Even in these
circumstances, however, I have the hope that this movement will bring
about a great awakening among us. The use of khadi is spreading
widely in the whole of India. If, in consequence of this, there is
shortage of khadi, you can even help in producing more of it. After I
leave this place they may or may not let me reach Dandi, but take it
from me that the salt tax is gone. If you start doing all that I have
suggested, I believe we shall have stormed and won not merely the fort
of the salt tax but many other forts as well. As I have the blessings of
you all, this monstrous salt tax—no adjectives can be strong enough to
describe it—is bound to be abolished. If you produce and spread the
required climate by boycotting foreign cloth, we will win the next fort.
That is, we shall win Rs. 60 crores. Through liquor and opium we have
been throwing away Rs. 25 crores for the privilege of becoming mad.
That third fort also we will certainly win, but only if you give up
drinking. Rs. 60 crores for foreign cloth, Rs. 25 crores for intoxicants
and Rs. 6 crores for the salt tax—if we save all this money our faces
will beam with lustre and swaraj will be won in no time. The salt tax is
as good as gone, and hence those ofyou who do not wish to join the
present movement should all co-operate and help in these two matters.
I request all brothers and sisters here to give up foreign cloth and wear
khadi. Understand what your true duty is.
[From Gujarati]

530. SPEECH AT MANGAROL
March 27, 1930
Let us be under no delusion. As long as we accept the presence
of God’s hand behind all things, we may keep up our courage and
self-confidence and believe the abolition of salt tax a certainty. So far
we had been untrue to our salt, but now we must be true to it. It was
only on the 12th that we started talking about breaking the salt law.
But we have been speaking of two or three other things since 1920. If
you remember, according to the Bezwada Congress programme, we
were to have two million spinning-wheels working and to boycott all
foreign cloth. How much of that have we accomplished? This is a
painful, shameful thing. The same can be said about the drink habit.
Liquor is being freely consumed. In regard to these two, we believe
that we shall be able to enforce them only when we have captured
power. But take it from me that the power to remove this Government
will drop into our hands when we do away with the evils of foreign
cloth and liquor. If we mean to work, here is work for us. All men in
this village eat salt; let them manufacture salt for their own use.
Even children should openly steal salt, as it were. Let us burn
foreign cloth and buy khadi to wear in its place, or manufacture it
with our own hands. At the same time, we should see the licence-
holders running liquor booths and persuade them to close the booths.
We shall then enjoy fighting for swaraj and become really interested
in swaraj. We shall win it only when we do all these things. The fight
may start even before the 6th of next month. It only awaits my arrest.
No sooner do they arrest me than you should start making salt. When
I am arrested, you may do with only a loin-cloth but wear no foreign
cloth at all. I repeat even today my old slogan: swaraj hangs by the
hand-spun yarn and the khadi woven from it.
[From Gujarati]
531. LETTER TO SHANTIKUMAR MORARJEE

R AYMA .
March 28, 1930
CHI. SHANTIKUMAR,
You are often in my thoughts. Father’s watch, which is always

hanging from my waist, constantly reminds me of him. The enclosed
is among the letters which Mahadev has sent to me to see. I pass it on
to you, as it contains a reference to Father. It need not be returned.

I hope you maintain your peace of mind even in the midst of
this calamity. Has the burden now lightened somewhat? Do write to
me. If you wish the letter to reach me during the march, it may be sent
to Surat. If sent to the Ashram, it will be forwarded to me.
Is grandmother at peace with herself? Do not fail to write to me.
God bless you.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 4717. Courtesy: Shantikumar Morarjee
532. SPEECH AT RAYMA1

March 28, 1930
I cannot live in a district where salt cannot be prepared. So
although I am conscious of the affection you have all shown me I
have to proceed to Dandi. Although I find it difficult to leave this
district, I must go to Dandi and break the law. If on the 12th we can
oppose this tax with the blessings of all, Hindus, Muslims, Christians
and Parsis, we may take the law as abolished. All of you, Hindus
and Muslims, should unite and start making large quantities of salt
on the 6th. If the Government chooses to do so, it can even levy a tax
on the mud that is dug out of the ground; so why should we pay this
tax that it levies on salt? Just as poor women go about selling babul
twigs which we use for cleaning our teeth, let us all set forthand sell
salt to everyone. Shall we not even do this much for the poor
millions? History has no instance of a tax as cruel as the salt tax.
However, we shall not secure swaraj as soon as the salt duty is
abolished. We have to become alert and do other things. We have to
get rid of foreign cloth. It is not enough that we wear khadi made in
the Punjab. Every one of us should spin for himself and have cloth
made out of that yarn. It is our stupidity that we do not all—from
children to old men —engage ourselves in this simple and beautiful
task. This bespeaks disloyalty towards our country. We can win swaraj
immediately by getting rid of foreign cloth and liquor. After having
won independence for India, we shall carry out our tasks from the seat
of office. Hence by participating in this salt satyagraha and by
accomplishing these two other objectives—the latter by those who
cannot participate in the struggle itself—you should demonstrate the
fact that the Broach district is wholly engaged in India’s freedom
struggle.
[From Gujarati]
1
Delivered at 3.30 p.m.

533. SPEECH TO VOLUNTEERS1
[March 28, 1930] 2
This is the last week of our pilgrimage. At its very beginning, let
us all wash away our sins. We have come across a river while crossing
the boundary of each district. We regard a river as sacred. A river is
after all an external sign of purification. We should become pure even
with its help, we should become humble. We have looked upon Dandi
as Hardwar. Let us become worthy of entering a place as holy as
Hardwar.
[From Gujarati]
534. SPEECH AT UMRACHHI3

March 28, 1930
If a man wishes to undertake a march at the age of sixty-one, he
should go to the Himalayas, so that he can at least attain moksha, at
least have darshan of God. But I have learnt an opposite dharma. I
want to have this darshan through this march only. After having had
darshan of you, I beg you also to participate in it. This is so because
so long as we do not succeed in overthrowing the Satanic Government
that exists in the country, we are all participants in it. Such participants
will not attain moksha even if they go to Dhaulagiri. The darshan of
God is fraught with difficulties. He dwells in the hearts of thirty crores
of people. If you wish to catch a glimpse of Him there, you should
establish total identification with their hearts. These thirty crores
include all the skeletons of Orissa, Muslims, Parsis, Christians, Sikhs,
men and women. We shall continue to be atheists and not believers so
long as we do not achieve this unity with every section of the
community. Hence I thought to myself that even at the age of
sixty-one, I must not rest in peace. How can there be any rest for me
so long as this Empire is not destroyed? Until today I held my peace;
I used to listen to and suffer hosts of friends. I was afraid lest people
take to the wrong path. What if people did not listen to me? I felt,
however, that I was a coward. This was a weakness of my spirit. What
right did I have to distrust people?
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 6-4-1930
1
2
Gandhiji made these remarks when he and the party crossed the river Keem
into Surat district, which was on March 28.
3

535. SPEECH AT BHATGAM1
March 29, 1930
I have been asked to deliver a sermon. I have little fitness for the
task. But tonight I propose to make a confession and turn the
searchlight inward. You may call this introspection a sermon if you
like.
India in general and you in particular are acquainted with one
part of my nature. Moreover, more than in any other part of Gujarat,
in this district are concentrated workers who have come in closest
touch with me. They know this habit of mine from personal
experience.
I am plain-spoken. I have not hesitated to describe the
mountain-high faults of the Government in appropriate language.
And I have not hesitated often to picture as mountain-high our faults
appearing to us as trifling. You know, the common rule is to see our
own big lapses as tiny nothings. And when we do realize our
blemishes somewhat, we at once pass them on to the broad shoulders
of God and say He will take care of them; and then with safety thus
assured we proceed from lapse to lapse. But as you know I have
disregarded this rule for years. So doing, I have hurt the feelings of
many friends and even lost some of them. Tonight I have to repeat the
painful operation.2
I have already told the group of people who are accompanying
me that this is the last week of our march. As we shall reach our
destination next Saturday, we shall not have to march any further. But
we shall be faced with another task. During this last week we shall have
to go through Surat district.
Only this morning at prayer time I was telling my companions
that as we had entered the district in which we were to offer civil
disobedience, we should insist on greater purification and
intenser dedication. I warned them that as the district was more
organized and contained many intimate co-workers, there wasevery
likelihood of our being pampered. I warned them against succumbing
to their pampering. We are not angels. We are very weak, easily
tempted. There are many lapses to our debit. God is great. Even today
1
This appeared in Young India under the title “Turning the Searchlight Inward”
with the following note from Gandhiji: “At Bhatgam (Dist. Surat) on 29th ultimo I
delivered an introspective speech which moved both the audience and me deeply. As it
turned out to be an important speech, I give a free and somewhat condensed
translation below.”
2
The paragraph that follows has been translated from Navajivan, 6 4-1930.

some were discovered. One defaulter confessed his lapse himself
whilst I was brooding over the lapses of the pilgrims. I discovered that
my warning was given none too soon. The local workers had ordered
milk from Surat to be brought in a motor lorry and they had incurred
other expenses which I could not justify. I therefore spoke strongly
about them. But that did not allay my grief. On the contrary it
increased with the contemplation of the wrongs done.
In the light of these discoveries, what right had I to write to the
Viceroy the letter in which I have severely criticized his salary which is
more than 5,000 times our average income? How could he possibly
do justice to that salary? And how can we tolerate his getting a salary
out of all proportion to our income? But he is individually not to be
blamed for it. He has no need for it. God has made him a wealthy
man. I have suggested in my letter that probably the whole of his
salary is spent in charity. I have since learnt that my guess is largely
likely to be true. Even so, of course, I should resist the giving of such
a large salary. I could not vote Rs. 21,000 per month, not perhaps
even Rs. 2,100 per month. But when could I offer such resistance?
Certainly not if I was myself taking from the people an
unconscionable toll. I could resist it only if my living bore some
correspondence with the average income of the people. We are
marching in the name of God. We profess to act on behalf of the
hungry, the naked and the unemployed. I have no right to criticize the
Viceregal salary if we are costing the country, say, fifty times seven
pice, the average daily income of our people. I have asked the workers
to furnish me with an account of the expenses. And the way things are
going, I should not be surprised if each of us is costing something
near fifty times seven pice. What else can be the result if they will
fetch for me from whatever source possible, the choicest oranges and
grapes, if they will bring 120 when I should want 12 oranges, if when
I need one pound of milk, they will produce three? What else can be
the result if we would take all the dainties you may place before us
under the excuse that we would hurt your feeling if we did not take
them? You give us guavas and grapes and we eat them because they
are a free gift from a princely farmer. And then imagine me with an
easy conscience writing the Viceregal letter on costly glazed paper
with a fountain pen, a free gift from some accommodating friend!Will
this behove you and me? Can letter so written produce the slightest
effect?
To live thus would be to illustrate the immortal verse of Akho
Bhagat, who says that “stolen food is like eating unprocessed
mercury”. And to live above the means befitting a poor country is to
live on stolen food. This battle can never be won by living on stolen

food. Nor did I bargain to set out on this march for living above our
means. We expect thousands of volunteers to respond to the call. It
will be impossible to keep them on extravagant terms. My life has
become so busy that I get little time to come in close touch even with
the eighty companions so as to be able to identify them individually.
There was therefore no course open to me but to unburden my soul in
public. I expect you to understand the central point of my message. If
you have not, there is no hope of swaraj through the present effort.
We must become real trustees of the dumb millions.
I have exposed our weaknesses to the public gaze. I have not yet
given you all the details, but I have told you enough to enable you to
realize our unworthiness to write the letter to the Viceroy.
Now the local co-workers will understand my agony. Weak, ever
exposed to temptations, ever failing, why will you tempt us and
pamper us? We may not introduce these incandescent burners in our
villages. It is enough that one hundred thousand men prey upon three
hundred millions. But how will it be when we begin to prey upon one
another? In that event dogs will lick our corpses.
These lights are merely a sample of the extravagance I have in
mind. My purpose is to wake you up from torpor. Let the volunteers
account for every pice spent. I am more capable of offering
satyagraha against ourselves than against the Government. I have
taken many years before embarking upon civil resistance against the
Government. But I should not take as many days for offering it
against ourselves. The risk to be incurred is nothing compared to what
has to be incurred in the present satyagraha.
Therefore in your hospitality towards servants like us, I would
have you to be miserly rather than lavish. I shall not complain of
unavoidable absence of things. In order to procure goat’s milk for me
you may not deprive poor women of milk for their children. It would
be like poison if you did. Nor may milk and vegetables be brought
from Surat. We can do without them if necessary. Do not resort to
motor-cars on the slightest pretext. The rule is, do not ride if
you can walk. This is not a battle to be conducted with money. It will
be impossible to sustain a mass movement with money. Anywayit is
beyond me to conduct the campaign with a lavish display of money.
Extravagance has no room in this campaign. If we cannot gather
crowds unless we carry on a hurricane expensive propaganda, I would
be satisfied to address half a dozen men and women.1
It will be said that in that case reports will not appear in
1
The paragraph that follows has been translated from Navajivan, 6-4-1930.

newspapers. I wish to tell you once and for all that this campaign will
not succeed through newspaper reports, but with the assistance of Shri
Rama. And, no light is necessary when we are near Him; neither are
pen and ink and such other accessories required, nor even speech. An
appeal can be made to Him even if one has lost one’s limbs.
We may not consider anybody low. I observed that you had
provided for the night journey a heavy kerosene burner mounted on a
stool which a poor labourer carried on his head. This was a
humiliating sight. This man was being goaded to walk fast. I could not
bear the sight. I therefore put on speed and outraced the whole
company. But it was no use. The man was made to run after me. The
humiliation was complete. If the weight had to be carried, I should
have loved to see someone among ourselves carrying it. We would
then soon dispense both with the stool and the burner. No labourer
would carry such a load on his head. We rightly object to begar
(forced labour). But what was this if it was not begar? Remember that
in swaraj we would expect one drawn from the so-called lower class to
preside over India’s destiny. If then we do not quickly mend our
ways, there is no swaraj such as you and I have put before the people.
From my outpouring you may not infer that I shall weaken in
my resolve to carry on the struggle. It will continue no matter how
co-workers or others act. For me there is no turning back whether I
am alone or joined by thousands. I would rather die a dog’s death
and have my bones licked by dogs than that I should return to the
Ashram a broken man.1
I admit that I have not well used the money you have given out
of the abundance of your love. You are entitled to regard me as one
of those wretches described in the verses sung in the beginning. Shun
me.
536. LIMITS OF BOYCOTT

In my speeches during this march I have said quite a lot about
boycott. I have no idea how the newspapers have reported those parts
of my speeches. It is necessary to consider and lay down the limits of
boycott here as the subject is an important one. As this struggle is a
sacred, truthful and non-violent one, that is to say, as it is a religious
struggle, it is absolutely essential that no mistake should be made
consciously or otherwise. Even the minutest error committed cannot
1
Gandhiji here says: “Turning to the women, I concluded and nearly broke
down as I finished the last sentences.”

but harm it.
Boycott has been working in two ways: one is directed against
the Government officials and the other against those who do not
respect public opinion—for instance, Headmen and such other
persons.
It is necessary, indeed it is our duty, not to bow to the official
when he visits our village and not to go and pay homage to him.
Non-co-operation implies that we should not attend to this official’s
needs and provide no facilities to him. A bullock-cart-owner should
not put his cart at his disposal. The potter should not fetch drinking
water for him, the grocer should not provide him with any provisions,
and the Headman should not give him a mattress belonging either to
the village or to himself. This is so because the official expects these
facilities by virtue of his office. The purpose behind not providing
these facilities is not to impose any hardship on him but to put an end
to his authority and it may also involve an element of civil
disobedience.
What if the official is dying of hunger or suffering pain
and no one is there to attend on him? At such a time, even at the cost
of personal inconvenience, we should serve him. For instance,
if his car breaks down, and he is in need of food, we should
provide him food and not expect any money in return if he does not
happen to have any. Supposing he is suddently taken ill and
there is no one to attend on him, we should nurse him with as
much care as we would show in nursing our own relatives. We bear
him no ill will as a human being. We hate his administration.
The Government has not so far become insane, as it has not had
to put up with much inconvenience in carrying on the administra-
tion. However, once it is really inconvenienced, there is every
possibility of its becoming so and transgressing all bounds.It is
possible that when this does take place, its officials will be ordered
forcibly to exact anything they need from the public. At such a time
full use could be made of boycott as explained above. At such a time
we realize that boycott is surely our dharma. The official assumes that
by virtue of his office the people are obliged to provide all facilities
for him. People would be said to have set themselves free only when
they can disprove this belief and in the process put up with any
hardships that they may have to face. They will be said to have
triumphed when they do not yield to such force. Today boycott can
be regarded as being extremely simple. However, even when
Government officials receive permission to commit robbery and the
people, despite the fact that they have been rendered penniless, do not
voluntarily give even a twig to be used as a toothbrush, they will be

regarded as having carried out their duty of boycott. However, it
should be borne in mind that even when this does occur, if the official
is placed in a difficult situation and the authorities do not come to his
rescue, we should attend to his needs. This should be considered an
occasion for practising the same towards a friend and an enemy. For a
satyagrahi there are no enemies in this world, he cannot have any, he
should not regard anyone as such. He would boycott even his own son
or father if either of these two happened to be an official. For a
satyagrahi, there should be no distinction between his own relatives
and those holding no such relationship. He would never do to others
what he would not do to his own relatives. Let us now take the case of
a Headman. Although the entire village wants him to resign, he does
not have the courage to do so, or he does not wish to do so out of
self-interest. He should not be boycotted on this ground. Such
boycott would amount to coercion. Compelling the Headman to
resign would amount to making him forcibly perform a meritorious
deed. But there can be no use of force, so far as our dharma is
concerned. A democratic form of government can never be
established by getting anyone to do something by force. To use such
force on this nation which is half-dead would be a great sin and,
considering the matter solely from the point of view of expediency,
we shall see that we shall never be able to serve our purpose by the use
of such force. Whether we succeed or not, such force is nothing but
violence. Whether the Headman resigns or not is for him to choose. It
would be a good thing if he did so yielding to public opinion, but
force cannot be used against him if he does not resign.But he cannot
exercise his authority; he cannot make the people do anything
whatsoever for him by virtue of his authority. He has a dual role to
play: he is an official and he is a villager. He will not get any services
as an official; as a villager he has a right to get provisions, etc., which
he wants. To refuse him these amounts to compelling him to resign. A
satyagrahi cannot do so.
The people have a right to carry on a limited social boycott of
those who defy public opinion and at times it becomes their duty to
do so. Society should not honour a Headman who clings to his office
for selfish reasons; in other words, although it would meet its daily
requirements, it would sever all other connections with him; people
would not attend marriages in his home, decline invitations to dinners
from him and although they would share his sorrows, they would
refuse to share in his enjoyments. There should be neither bitterness,
nor ill will nor violence in such boycott. What should we do if the
Headman happens to be our own brother? We should give him the
treatment that we would expect from society for ourselves.

We have now considered three types of boycott:
1. boycott of officials because of their office;
2. boycott through use of force of such persons as Headmen;
and
3. limited boycott of such persons as the Headmen who refuse
to respect public opinion.
The first type of boycott deserves to be practised; it is our
dharma to do so. Only those who have courage should practise it. It is
well to remember that such boycott may result in occasions when we
shall have to put up with extreme hardships. At present the Congress
does not ask for such boycott. This latter has already begun in certain
parts of Gujarat as the Gujaratis are used to it and have developed a
good ability to practise it. It is the special dharma of Gujarat to do so
in view of Sardar Vallabhbhai’s imprisonment. However, those who
cannot continue to carry it on at the critical hour should not do so as
there is no harm in their not practising it. It will be harmful, however,
if it is given up once it has begun.
The second type of boycott involving the use of force is always
to be eschewed, as it involves violence, and there is every possibility of
its doing great harm to the people.
The third, that is, limited boycott, is well worth practising.
In every task which the satyagrahi undertakes, he has himself to
bear suffering but he must never make the opponent suffer. The
former is helpless if in the course of his own suffering or hispractising
his dharma, the opponent has to suffer or put up with inconvenience.
At present what I ask of the people is civil disobedience of the
salt law. If nothing more can be done, let everyone sit quiet but it will
be both dangerous and harmful if they retreat after having taken a
step forward.
[From Gujarati]
537. ABOUT HEADMEN AND MATADARS

Since so many Headmen and Matadars have handed in their
resignations, the need has arisen to write something about them. I have
heard so many rumours concerning these resignations that I myself
have doubts about their veracity. If the resignations have been
tendered without pressure, they are indeed very valuable. However, as
compared to the services of Sardar, against whose imprisonment they
are a protest, they have little value. The Gujarat for which Sardar
Vallabhbhai has sacrificed his all—any sacrifice that Gujarat may
make will not be too great. Although Sardar has sacrificed his all for

Gujarat, his ultimate goal is swaraj. Hence Gujarat should make all
possible efforts for it.
Let us examine the office of Headman from this standpoint. I
did not understand its implications before as clearly as I do now. The
Headman is the policeman or the Headman. It is through him that the
Government collects the revenue and it is through him that it exercises
its authority. Mamlatdars and other officers would become ineffective
without him. It is not just anyone who is appointed a Headman, but
only one who carries weight in the village. A register of such persons
is maintained in Government offices and they are known as Matadars.
It is from among these persons that Headmen are appointed by
rotation for a period of five years. The Government pays a certain
sum annually to these Matadars, amounting to about four or five
rupees as allowance. A Headman gets a sum of thirty to fifty rupees
every year as nazarana1 . I use the word nazarana. No one regards it
as salary. The amount received by the Headman is not of any great
consequence to him, as ordinarily he is a well-to-do person.
While considering what term should be used for this amount given
tohim, I called it nazarana. The Amir of Afghanistan also receives a
nazarana. However, I am aware that there is a great deal of difference
between the nazarana received by the Amir and that given to the
Headman. While the former consists of a large sum, the latter is a
small one. There are other differences also. Nevertheless, the purpose
underlying both these payments is to gain a hold upon the recipients.
Why do Headmen and Matadars get committed in this manner?
It is certainly not for the purpose of enjoying an empty office, but
because the office will enhance their prestige and because they can
use their status in order to get money out of it. This cannot be done
with honesty. It necessarily involves dishonesty. Hence, the office of
Headman implies that by accepting this office the person concerned
ceases to be the village mahajan and protector, and preys upon the
villagers. It is not my intention to say that all Headmen are like this.
But this is a conclusion I have reached after talking to a large number
of Headmen.
Such Headmanship and Matadarship should be given up not for
the sake of Sardar or swaraj, but rather for the sake of one’s dharma
and morality. These two classes of persons can make a significant
contribution to the movement for self-purification that is on in the
country at the moment. Others may advance the excuse that they have
to earn their livelihood, but this does not apply in the case of these
Headmen and Matadars. For them, it is like giving up titles. It is for
1
Allowance or bounty

this reason that I have described this situation as a garbage heap and
the description is fitting. May the Headmen and the Matadars save
themselves from this.
[From Gujarati]
538. LETTER TO SUMANGAL PRAKASH

March 30, 1930
CHI. SUMANGAL,
I have your letter. You should both come to Surat on Tuesday.
Anyone at the station will direct you to the place of our stay. We shall
all be reaching Surat late at night.
Blessings from
BAPU
S JT. S UMANGAL P RAKASH
S EVASHRAM
BROACH, B.B. & C.I. RLY .
From a photostat of the Hindi: Sumangal Prakash Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
539. SPEECH IN OLPAD TALUK1

I feel that in this struggle for freedom, the contribution of
women will exceed that of men. Even today, women are making a far
greater contribution to the Charkha Sangh. It is the women
who operate the one lakh or one lakh and a half spinning-wheels that
are plying in fifteen hundred villages. It is on account of the skill of
women that we can get the fine khadi made in Andhra. I tell you that
it is absolutely true to say that swaraj is tied to a strand of yarn. These
are the words of Brahma. Hence, whether we wish to boycott foreign
cloth through the means of khadi or through mill-made cloth, it is
women who are the spinners. Therefore, it is women who will play a
larger part in the non-violent struggle for swaraj and children of the
future will say that it was their mothers and sisters who had played the
more significant role. You are capable of doing this. However, you
should not touch a spinning-wheel if you do not know what
compassion is.
1
2
Gandhiji entered Olpad Taluk on March 28 and left it on March 31, 1930, but
the 31st was Silence Day for him.

Even in the cause of prohibition, if young girls come forward in
the same manner as Mithubehn, you can make Olpad a dry area. If
men approach drunkards, the latter will resort to obscene language;
however, if young girls approach them and question them as to why
they drink, ask them what indeed they are up to, whether it befits them
under the influence of drink to fail to recognize a mother or a
daughter, than on hearing such words steeped in affection, even the
worst of drunkards will hang his head in shame and he will possibly
burst into tears, and will take a vow in the name of Rama to give up
liquor. But do Indian women have this moral fervour, this courage
and this benevolence? However, I can provide this courage. Who will
cast an evil eye on you if you walk straight on with the name of God
on your lips? Be convinced at heart that purity itself is a shield.
[From Gujarati]
Navajivan, 6-4-1930
540. SPEECH AT SANDHIYER

March 30, 1930
I would like to congratulate yet another Talati who has handed
in his resignation. Today, it is your special duty to cast away
Government offices, regarding them as filth or refuse. You should
practise your special dharma although you be imprisoned, hanged or
have to starve. The Headmen of this place are especially loyal and ask
others not to resign. They talk of unrealistic things. I humbly request
them to hand in their resignations. You must carefully go through the
article on this subject entitled “Limits of Boycott”1 in Navajivan, and
act on it afterunderstanding its implications. As we are practising
non-co-operation against the Government, to that extent we shall have
to boycott it.
Let me not talk of salt now. The tax is unjust and evil and has a
long history behind it. The Government will not be able to say
whether the imposition of this tax is moral or immoral. However, look
upon it as already abolished. I make this statement depending upon
your courage to fight. Swaraj will not be won as soon as this tax is
abolished. Other tasks will have to be accomplished after this is done.
Cloth merchants of Bombay have come here today. They have
realized the importance of the boycott of foreign cloth far more than
they did in 1921. My thoughts are directed only towards furthering
the growth of Indian villages and Indian merchants. The latter have
now realized that this struggle is as much for their benefit as for that
1
Vide “Limits of Boycott”, 30-3-1930.

of the poor. They alone are going to be the cloth merchants in
independent India. Today theirs is an inhuman occupation, whereas
under swaraj it will become a divine one. What then can merchants
contribute to this struggle? They say that they will import goods from
Japan and not from England. However, there are two great drawbacks
in doing so. In the first place, it is not because of our enmity towards
the British that we refuse to buy their cloth. We wish to eschew doing
so as the Britishers want to extract money from the poor masses of
India by means of trade. We should not even dream that by foreign
cloth we refer to British cloth. Although you have been engaged in
business so long, you have been unable to understand their cunning
methods of carrying on business. Perhaps you do not know how they
conquered Delhi. They are able to get all they want from even the
smallest hole. That is how they captured Kashmiri Gate and became
masters of Delhi. The Government of the East India Company won
only after this. All this is tragic history. We should not allow a single
loophole for foreign cloth through which they may make entry. No
one can surpass them in betrayal. If you permit Japanese goods to be
imported, Britishers will send their goods via Japan. They can do so
even by giving a commission to the Japanese. Hence if you allow even
a single yard of cloth to be imported from abroad, bale after bale will
soon be coming in. It is the business community of India that is
responsible for India losing her independence and it is through the
strength of this community alone that it has to be regained. Hence
those who have already put in orders should bear in mind that their
cloth will be lying about like unused goods. We shall get rid of
eventhese through our self-sacrifice.Now let us take the other subject
of prohibition. Shrimati Mithubehn has sacrificed so much for this.
Let us all join in this cause. If all this can be achieved, we can save Rs.
60 crores on foreign cloth, Rs. 25 crores on liquor and opium, and Rs.
6 crores on salt. However, in order to do so we should have the
capacity for self-sacrifice, the capacity to unite and act as a group,
intellectual capacity and the capacity to think. If all this is there, swaraj
is near at hand.
You are aware of the virtues of my colleagues as scavengers.
Now today I wish to talk of women volunteers. One of them is the
grand-daughter of Dadabhai. She arrived today. She went to the
village of Sayan and asked for brooms. She found the entire village
filthy. Dadabhai’s grand-daughter did not approve of the filth, so she
started to sweep it away. The people who had not recognized her at
first then recognized her and accorded her a very warm welcome. I do
not speak of this example in order to give it publicity, but because it is
worthy of imitation by all volunteers. Village sanitation is very

essential today. Hence we are going to clean filthy villages. We have
learnt from this lesson that she has brought swaraj near to us. I wish to
sacrifice our women too. I wish to remind you that we have to effect
self-purification. On the one hand we should practise civil
disobedience, while on the other we should become progressively
purer. May God give you the ability to understand all this.
[From Gujarati]
541. SPEECH AT DELAD1

March 30, 1930
As has been said in the Gita, that which tastes bitter at first but is
finally sweet is wholesome. Hence, although I was agitated yesterday
and still am, I have not lost my peace; the fiery words of love which I
had directed towards my friends, companions and the assembly were
not regarded by them as such. Instead of the dazzling lights of
yesterday I see small, dim lights of hurricane lanterns.
Yesterday I did not find the outer and inner peace which I find
in today’s assembly. There was an artificiality in yesterday’s lights.
Ifound no affinity between those lights and our rural life. Such lights
are a consequence of contact with cities, but vast numbers of villages
are hundreds of miles removed from cities or railway lines. Our idea is
to serve such villages. You do not even know those villages. Perhaps
there are no such villages in Gujarat. But then, is Gujarat the whole of
India? It is only a fraction of India. What is Gujarat as compared to
Bengal, Bihar and the United Provinces? While travelling through the
last-mentioned province, one does not come across even one light at
night; one only hears the barking of dogs. In comparison with the
houses of Gujarat, houses there seem like ruins; one feels like crying
and saying, ‘O God! are there such houses in India!’ And the people
there are like skeletons. They cannot even get a mattress in the
severely cold winters. They bolt the doors and just lie down covering
themselves with rags. I remember those villages. Could we afford to
have such lights in those villages? If a wealthy person were to give me
five lamps for such villages and I were to take them there I would be
committing adharma and be party to the sin to that extent. At places
where the houses are like rubbish heaps and people are suffering from
want of food and water, if anyone gives me the money I would first of
all have wells dug and get their houses repaired, I would give them
cows and spinning-wheels and, if it is convenient, also get gardens laid
1

out. But I would certainly not take money for lights. Despite this, I am
aware that because of the absence of light, about 20 lakh persons die
of snakebite in such villages according to Government’s figures. And
there must be many others who are not accounted for! There are
neither medicines nor lights to save their lives; however, I shall not
dare to take such a lamp even there. That would amount to adding to
their needs. That will be like giving churma1 to a person who is
fasting. Once anyone has added to his needs, he would go to any
lengths to satisfy them. While millions of persons do not get even half
a roti and enough of inferior salt, I ask myself while I eat what right I
have to eat even this much. However, owing to attachment as also in
the hope of doing service, I continue to take milk.
We have to consider our dharma. We want to face the might
of a rakshasi empire, and this cannot be done either by looking upon
it with contempt or by shouting loudly; it can only be done through
the path of non-violence. Ahimsa may appear to be blind and
crippled or clad in rags, but when God-given strength is addedto it, the
opponent loses his strength before it, he becomes paralyzed. We have
to work with such a power, and this cannot be done with lights. I have
hurt my companions by dispensing with these lights. They felt that
without these the people would become restless. However, in my
opinion, there was no need for such fears. The message that I am
conveying to you at the moment does not appear to you to be a harsh
one. Lights could not have brought about this result.
[From Gujarati]

Unrevised March 31, 1930
MY DEAR REYNOLDS,
I have been daily thinking of you and thinking of writing to
you too. But time would not permit my writing. Today I must begin
the day after the morning prayer with this.
I did not like your writing in the Chronicle.2 It is not ahimsa.
The Indian Daily Mail did not deserve the notice you took of it. If the
notice had to be taken, the way was bad. Why should you spoil a good
case by bad adjectives? And when you have a good cause never
descend to personalities. Yours is a case where the saying ‘Resist not
1
Kind of sweet
2
Replying to a “particularly vicious attack on Gandhiji”, the addressee had
written to The Indian Daily Mail “in a sudden explosion of anger”.

evil’ applies. It means: ‘Resist not evil with evil.’ You have neutralized
the evil writing of the I.D.M. by a writing of the same kind. That you
had a good case makes no difference. The I.D.M. writing was a piece
of violence. You have supported your good case with counter-
violence. So you see, what I want to emphasize is not merely bad
manners. It is the underlying violence that worries me. Is this not quite
clear to you? If it is, I would like you to promise to yourself never to
write any such thing without submitting it to someone in whose non-
violence you have faith. If you have realized the fundamental truth of
what I have said, you will even partially mend the evil by apologizing
to Wilson by writing a private note somewhat after this style:
“Although I hold your charges and innuendoes to be wrong, I feel
that I ought not to have adopted towards you the language I did. I
want to follow Christ. I own that my conduct was not Christian. I had
no right to judge you. I would feelsomewhat relieved if I could have a
line from you to say that you had accepted my apology.”1
You have undertaken at the call of duty a great task. I do not
want you to damage it on the threshold of your career.
Your writing in Young India 2 was unexceptionable.
If my argument does not convince of course you will go on as
you have begun. I know you are well able to take care of yourself.
My concern was merely to elucidate the principle we hold in
common.
How are you getting on? Are you keeping good health and
insisting on getting what your body may need?
What is this paragraph about your engagement, etc.! Is it all
true? Is your mother correctly reported?
Love.
BAPU

DELAD ,
March 31, 1930
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I have your letter. I have not wired, as I do not think there are
any Pathans at Dandi and, if there are, we shall cope with them. The
1
The addressee send an apology and informed Gandhiji accordingly. Vide also
“Letter to Reginald Reynolds”, 4-4-1930.
2
The article “Modern English Mythology” appeared in the issue of
March 27, 1930.

advent even of good and true friends from the Frontier will cause
complications. I want to present at Dandi, if I am allowed to reach it,
the one issue without any avoidable complications. Things seem to be
shaping very well indeed in Gujarat.
I am surprised that they have already arrested so many in Rae
Bareli. I feel you are right in confining your attention to the salt tax
for the time being. We shall know during the next fortnight what more
we can or should do.
Unless you hear from me to the contrary, please take 6th April
as the date for simultaneous beginning.
It is now nearing 10 p.m., so good night.
BAPU
A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 85

Silence Day [About March, 1930]
CHI. KANTA,
I do think of you often. I have built great hopes on you. Are
you getting letters from Brother? Where is he? What are you doing?
Has Krishna gone home? Write all details.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Chandrakanta Papers. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library

[About March, 1930]
CHI. NARANDAS,
I don’t worry at all, since you are not likely to feel any burden.
I know that guests will continue. Please look after them. Dissuade
anyone who may wish to follow me.
Shri Mullick is the Municipal Engineer. He will go there in a
day or two and advise you on how to increase the supply of water.
Show him the Chandrabhaga1 also. I have talked to Shri Mullick about
Parner-kar. Get acquainted with him and introduce Parnerkar to him
also.
What is Purushottam doing? Will he go for a change of air? If
he had keen will, I would certainly have taken him with me. If you
1
A rivulet near the Sabarmati Ashram, now dried up

think it is necessary to consult me about anything, please do so.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro—Narandas Gandhine, Part I, p. 273
546. LETTER TO KASTURBHAI LALBHAI

March 31, 1930
BHAI KASTURBHAI,
I thank you for your letter. All of you brothers may surely
come. We will talk about each other’s joys and sorrows.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
547. SPEECH AT CHHAPRABHATHA

April 1, 1930
Every day people tell me, “Today you will certainly be
arrested.” However, the tiger does not appear! The newspapers claim
that I have become impatient at the Government not arresting me.
This is partially true as it had been decided that while Sardar should
remain free, I should court arrest. However, now that Sardar is in
prison, I shall remain free. If we wish to secure the release of
Vallabhbhai, we can only do so by carrying on this struggle.
Choryasi took full advantage of the last fight of Sardar, so you
must make your full contribution to this movement. The Government
has acted on the principle that all places will get the rainfall of swaraj
in equal measure. We certainly have the strength to secure his release.
If we were determined, we might say, from a superficial glance at the
villages, that swaraj was round the corner. I am not however a person
who will thus deceive himself. For the present I am trying to gauge the
situation.
On inquiring about spinning-wheels I found a single one here.
If matters are in such a state, we cannot secure Sardar’s release. We
have to go forward in all directions. At present we have set out to get
the salt tax abolished. We shall tire out the Government by making salt
at any number of places. However, all this can be achieved only when
you put into practice the aphorism that ‘swaraj lies in a strand of
yarn’. The saying that it is easy to secure swaraj will only be proved
true when 30 crores of people start wearing khadi and develop all

aspects of swaraj, giving due consideration to rural problems. Swaraj is
within our grasp if we practise this simple and easy duty. Consider
how the bridge on the river Keem was built in a single night. If people
act voluntarily in accordance with their capacities in this manner,
swaraj is not difficult to secure. I thank all the wealthy capitalists of
Bombay and Ahmedabad who have come here and contributed large
amounts. I see the blessing of God in the fact that all sections of the
community are helping this movement.
[From Gujarati]
548. SPEECH AT SURAT

April 1, 1930
There is no alternative but for us to do something about our
troubles and sufferings and hence we have thought of this salt tax.
You may say it is a godsend. It is so beastly and inhuman that through
salt the Government taxes even little children and young girls. I have
read the texts in which it is claimed that those who would carry on
administration must find ways to collect taxes from all members of the
public. I have gone through the holy books of Islam, Hinduism,
Christianity and Zoroastrianism. All these state that women and the
poor should at no time be taxed. If we go through the rules of war, we
shall find that they lay down that old persons, children and women
should be left untouched in war. The same is applicable to this tax.
Muslims, Hindus, Parsis—all consume salt in like quantities. The
Government has, however, found a device whereby all have been taxed
at an equal rate. This is an inhuman law, a Satanic law.
I have not heard of such justice anywhere in the world; where it
prevails, I would call it inhuman, Satanic. To bow to an empire which
dispenses such justice is not dharma but adharma. A man who prays
to God every morning at dawn cannot, must not, pray for the good of
such an empire. On the contrary while praying or saying the namaaz
he should ask God to encompass the destruction of such a Satanic
empire, such an inhuman government. To do so is dharma. Although
I have been saying this openly for the last twenty days, the
Government has left me and my colleagues free. I admit that this is a
familiar trait in this Government. I have been calling this Government
inhuman till today. I admit however that I do not believe even for a
fraction of a second that it does not have power or authority. It has an
army, it has gun-powder and it can, by merely moving a finger,
destroy someone like me. But it cannot readily transgress the limits it
has set for itself. It is ashamed of itself before the world. I have never

in my dreams or waking moments desired and not a single one of my
colleagues or the thousands of persons who have come into contact
with me has ever desired, that either the King or any of the officers
of this Empire should be destroyed even though we call the Empire-
tyrannical. This is for it something new and it does not know how to
deal with it.
Today, on the banks of the Tapi, I wish to tell you the very same
thing that I said on the banks of the Sabarmati on the eve of my
departure. Would the Government have left even one of us free if we
had said that we wanted to throw so much as a pebble at officers?
Some people say that I want to be arrested. I do not regard it as my
dharma to get arrested; but I am not afraid of it and I am giving you
the mantra that none of you should be afraid. I want that you should
not be afraid of being arrested or hanged while you do your duty. I
wish to convert prison into a palace. If I wished to be imprisoned I
would commit theft, practise deceit, resort to assault and abuse. I
would then certainly be arrested, no one would spare me. The
Government would not then say ‘the Mahatma is dead; we shall not
arrest him’. If the Government does arrest me, while in prison I will
pray to God to bring about a change of heart in this Government and
eradicate the sentiment which it has developed and which does not
befit a human being. Sooner or later, it has no alternative but to arrest
me and if it does not do so the whole of India will flare up within a
short while. It is difficult for the Government either to imprison me or
to leave me at large. Hindus, Muslims, Parsis—all should do their
duty. When all of us start doing so, it will be beyond the power of the
most tyrannical Government to arrest us.
Then there will hardly be any talk about arrests. Laws will get
broken fast. One today, another tomorrow. And, when laws are
destroyed, how can the Empire continue to function? Headmen and
Talatis should resign. They should know that it is God alone who
provides us our daily bread. What difference does it make whether or
not you get Rs. 37 as a Talati? Mill workers—of whom I happen to be
one—earn fifty rupees. However, although they can threaten
mill-owners to go on strike, the latter do not dismiss them. They
cannot do without the workers. If a Talati seeks employment in a mill
and works faithfully, he can earn Rs. 50 or more if he shows good
work. It will be the easiest thing for him to earn Rs. 37. Even if he
happened to be a cripple, he could earn a living through spinning.
Earning a livelihood is no problem to one who is prepared to work.
What will the Government do when Talatis and Government servants
are no longer afraid? Will it send for troops from England and entrust
to them the work of Talatis and Headmen? What action will it take

when Hindus, Muslims and Parsis all refuse to co-operate with it? It
will be able to do nothing. All its limbs will become immobilized. In
this manner, swaraj will be in our pocket without any effort, without a
single person having to go to jail. But whom shall I teach all this?
You find khadi coarse and expensive. You wish to appear naked
while I wish to clothe you. It seems to have become a dharma today to
appear naked in spite of the clothing that is worn. It is a rakshasi
dharma, it is only under this Empire that going naked becomes a
dharma. We wear clothes to cover our bodies. If you wish to go about
naked, why clothe yourselves? Under this Empire, going naked is no
crime at all. You may therefore remain so. If you do wish to clothe
yourselves to cover your bodies, what better material than khadi can I
offer you? Why do you wish for anything else? You are ashamed to
wear clothes woven out of yarn spun by your mothers and sisters who
are starving at home.
Today you must understand the dharma of the boycott of
foreign cloth, because it is impossible to give up British cloth while
still using Japanese material. If we attempt to do so, we shall not be
able to achieve either of our objectives—we shall not be able to do
away with British goods and Japan will start ruling over us instead of
Britain. Then again, you may claim that cloth from both countries
could be boycotted by using mill-made cloth. Mills have existed now
for fifty years. Nevertheless there has been no boycott. Why? I have
been shouting repeatedly that boycott is impossible without khadi.
You could practise boycott with the help of khadi and the textile mills.
But it is impossible today to carry on boycott depending on mills
alone. Maybe it can be done in fifty or a hundred years. If you intend
to do so through fighting and bloodshed that is a matter about which I
know nothing, it is beyond my conception, it is something which I
have renounced. If the women of Surat come to Mithubehn’s
assistance, prohibition can be accomplished in Surat district in no
time. And what is so attractive about that trade? Those who run liquor
dens can earn a living from some other occupation.
Whatever may happen in India, I am resolved that either I shall
die offering civil disobedience or I shall win swaraj. I, therefore, called
these people together and set out on this march. If I am alive
tomorrow, I shall start out from here after receiving your blessings. I
invite those who care to accompany me.
It is a blessing that Hindus and Muslims here are, for
the present, united and are not quarrelling. I was afraid that since I am
tired of the fighting, I might not like to go to a place where these
two communities were fighting and if I did go there, that I would

die. So I wrote to the workers not to take me to the city in order to kill
me, but to let me reach Dandi. I was informed, however, that for the
present they were as good as united and that there were no quarrels
between them. I do not believe, however, that Hindus and Muslims
have become one yet. Why should there be any ill feeling, any
distrust, or any fear of one another even for a fraction of a second
between them? Can there be a worse government than the present
one? There would be about a lakh officers in this country. What will
you do with the remaining 299.9 million people? How will you
account for them? To what purpose will you fight against one
another? Give me a seat in the legislative assembly only if there is any
left after giving them to Muslims, Parsis, Christians and all others. You
may consider the salt tax as abolished if you are true to your salt.
Even poor, needy Muslims are its victims. We can fight amongst
ourselves after it is repealed. The religious books of both Hinduism
and Islam regard liquor as something sinful. The Zoroastrians do not
read their religious texts carefully. They should read what they say
about liquor.
Please give me your blessings and pray to God that He may
grant my wishes. Postpone the settlement of your disputes till after the
salt tax is repealed. What strength you will gain if you do so! If this
tax is repealed we shall save six crores of rupees. Then adding 25
crores to be saved by prohibition and 60 crores from boycott of
foreign cloth—it makes a total of Rs. 91 crores. Take it as a present. If
you refuse it, you will be answerable not to me but to God. May God
grant you the wisdom to understand all this and to act accordingly.
[From Gujarati]

Wednesday [April 2, 1930] 1
CHI. GANGABEHN,
I have your letter. You have been doing very good work.
If it is very necessary for you to go to Bombay for the sake of
your sister, you may. But you should remember that such occasions
will arise again and again. You and I can give no help in such
matters. We cannot attend to two things at a time. When you arefaced
with such problems, you may consult Nathji. I am here today;
tomorrow I may not be.
1
Bapuna Patro-6: G. S. Gangabehnne gives April 1 as the date, which was a
Tuesday.

I cannot say when they will arrest me. Here, too, there are
rumours every day. So great is the power of non-violence that they do
not have the courage to arrest me.
So long as you maintain good health, I am not particular about
your eating fruit.
I am writing this before the morning prayer.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 8744. Courtesy: Gangabehn Vaidya

April 2, 1930
CHI. PREMA,
I have your perfect letter. You do not mention in it your having
received my letters, but I presume that you have received them.
I have not received the pansy, 1 but I shall take it as received.
Your rearing the plant with love is as good as presenting the flower to
me. Giving it physically is mere ceremony.
Is it true that you beat children? Mirabehn has gently
complained to me that you do.
I hope you take care of your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 6667. Courtesy: Premabehn
Kantak

April 2, 1930
CHI. CHANDRAKANTA,
Received your letter. Brother came away to Surat yesterday. He
walked today. His health has improved. There is no cause for worry.
You have done well in restraining yourself from coming. Those who
come here to meet me are truly guilty of a lapse. But what can they
do? They cannot control themselves.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
The addressee had planted a few pansies near where Gandhiji slept at the
Ashram. They flowered after Gandhiji had set out for Dandi.

[PS.]
You are doing wonderful work.
552. LETTER TO TRILOKCHANDRAJI

Wednesday, [April 2, 1930] 1
MUNISHRI TRILOKCHANDRAJI,
I feel that you need not join the satyagraha but should propa-
gate its teaching to all in clear terms.
It will not be necessary to keep a watch as you suggest when
the satyagraha becomes widespread. The latent power of truth and
non-violence will act like electric current and keep the people under
control.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS
[From Gujarati]
Jainprakash, Margashirsha, 1987
553. SPEECH AT DINDOLI

April 2, 1930
We were told that it was doubtful whether Congress workers
would be allowed to halt here at all. I must say, however, that so far we
have received nothing but warm welcome everywhere. Both the
factions in this village have united in looking after us well and have
been equally warm in welcoming us.
There is the hand of God in this struggle. That is why one finds
today that people have ceased to be enemies and become friends of
each other. It is all the grace of God. In the Privy Council, disputes are
not settled for generations together. You must free yourselves from
that snare. We are carrying on this struggle against those who are
riding on the backs of others. We have to free our millions of the
1
According to the source Gandhiji replied to the addressee’s letter which was
given to him in the morning before he left Surat during the Dandi March. This was on
April 2, 1930, which was a Wednesday.

burden which the white man has placed on them. But first we
ourselves have to get off the backs of the poor. If anyone says that the
Government will cease to function if the salt tax is repealed, I will say
that such a person is not true to his salt. From the fact that a larger
quantity of salt is sold when the tax rate is lowered, we can conclude
that it is the poor who suffer the most from this tax. In the past the
poor used to get even clothes. And in the past the workers in villages
got everything in kind in exchange for their labour. However much
the Government may try, can it ever make these foreign rags cheaper
than khadi?
I congratulate the Headman for the other bit of news given me. I
also congratulate the village which has such a courageous Headman.
Those who have not yet resigned should do so and cease to be afraid
of the Government. I am surprised a person like me who cannot wield
even a tiny stick can make such a mighty Empire tremble. However, if
Rama dwells in your hearts, it is easy to shake the foundations of not
one but twenty empires more powerful than this one. Like the old
lady at the charkha you should earn honest money.
[From Gujarati]

APPENDIX I
VICEROY’S STATEMENT 1
I have have just returned from England where I have had the opportunity of
prolonged consultation with His Majesty’s Government. Before I left this country I
said publicly that as the King-Emperor’s representative in India I should hold myself
bound to tell my fellow-countrymen, as faithfully as I might, of India’s feelings,
anxieties and aspirations. In my endeavours to discharge that undertaking I was
assisted by finding, as I had expected a generous and sincere desire, not only on the
part of His Majesty’s Government but on that of all persons and parties in Great
Britain, to hear and to appreciate everything that it was my duty to represent.
These are critical days, when matters by which men are deeply touched are in
issue and when, therefore, it is inevitable that political feeling should run high, and
that misunderstandings, which would scarcely arise in conditions of political
tranquillity, should obtain firm foothold in men’s minds. I have, nevertheless, not
faltered in my belief that behind all the disquieting tendencies of the time, there lay
the great mass of Indian opinion, overflowing all divisions of race, religion, or
political thought, fundamentally loyal to the King-Emperor, and, whether
consciously or not only wanting to understand and to be understood. On the other side
I have never felt any doubt that opinion in Great Britain, puzzled as it might be by
events in India, or only perhaps partially informed as to their true significance, was
unshaken in its determination that Great Britain should redeem to the full the pledges
she has given for India’s future. On both countries the times have laid a heavy and in
some ways a unique responsibility, for the influence on the world of a perfect
understanding between Great Britain and India might surely be so great that no scales
can give us the measure either of the prize of success or, the price of failure in our
attempts to reach it.
In my discussions with the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State, it was
inevitable that the principal topic should have been the course of events in India. It is
not profitable on either side to discuss to what extent, or with what justification, the
appointment of a Parliamentary Commission two years ago has affected the general
trend of Indian thought and action. Practical men must take facts andsituations as they
are, and not as they would have them be.
Sir John Simon’s Commission, assisted as it has been by the Indian Central
Committee, is now at work on its Report, and until that Report is laid before
Parliament it is impossible, and even if it were possible, it would in the view of His
Majesty’s Government clearly be improper, to forecast the nature of any
constitutional changes that may subsequently be proposed. In this respect every
British party is bound to preserve t itself complete freedom of action. But what must
constantly engage our attention, and is a matter of deep concern to His Majesty’s
Government, is the discovery of means by which, when the Commission has
reported, the broad question of British Indian constitutional advance may be
approached in co-operation with all those who can speak authoritatively for opinion
in British India. I would venture to recall some words which I used in addressing the
1
Vide 1st footnote to “All-Parties Leaders’ Joint Statement”, 2-11-1929 &
“Draft Resolution for Congress Working Committee”, 18-11-1929.

Assembly eight months ago in reference to the then existing political situation. “On
the one side,” I said, “it is judgment on the problem as it would be short-sighted of
Parliament to underrate the importance of trying to reach a solution which might
carry the willing assent of political India.” We shall surely stray from the path, at the
end of which lies achievement, if we let go either one or other of these two main
guiding principles of political action.
But there has lately emerged, from a totally different angle, another set of
considerations which is very relevant to what I have just stated on this matter to be
the desire of His Majesty’s Government.
The Chairman of the Commission has pointed out in correspondence with the
Prime Minister, which, I understand, is being published in England, that as their
investigation has proceeded, he and his colleagues have been greatly impressed, in
considering the direction which the future constitutional development which may, at
some future time, develop between British India and the Indian States. In his judgment
it is essential that the methods, by which this future relationship between these two
constituent parts of Greater India may be adjusted, should be fully examined. he has
further expressed the opinion that if the Commission’s Report and the proposals
subsequently to be framed by the Government take this wider range, it would appear
necessary for the Government to revise the scheme of procedure as at present
proposed. He suggests that what might be required, after the Reports of the Statutory
Commission and the Indian Central Committee have been made, considered and
published but before the stage is reached of the Joint Parliamentary Committee, would
be the setting up of a Conference in which His Majesty’s Government should meet
representatives both of British India and of the States, for the purpose of seeking the
greatest possible measure of agreement for the final proposals which it would later be
the duty of His Majesty’sGovernment to submit to Parliament. The procedure by Joint
Parliamentary Committee conferring with delegations from the Indian Legislature and
other bodies, which was previously contemplated and is referred to in Sir John
Simon’s letter to myself of 6th February 1928, would still be appropriate for the
examination of the Bill when it is subsequently placed before Parliament, but would,
in the opinion of the Commission, obviously have to be preceded by some such
Conference as they have suggested.With these views I understand that His Majesty’s
Government are in complete accord. For, while they will greatly desire, when the time
comes, to be able to deal with the question of British Indian political development
under conditions the most favourable to its successful treatment, they are, with the
Commission, deeply sensible of the importance of bringing under comprehensive
review the whole problem of the relations of British India and the Indian States.
Indeed, an adjustment of these interests in their view is essential for the complete
fulfilment of what they consider to be the underlying purpose of British policy,
whatever may be the method for its furtherance which Parliament may decide to adopt.
The goal of British policy was stated in the declaration of August 1917 to be
that of providing for the gradual development of self-governing institutions, as an
integral part of the British Empire. As I recently pointed out my own Instrument of
Instruction from the King-Emperor expressly states that it is His Majesty’s will and
pleasure that the plans laid by Parliament in 1919 should be the means by which
British India may attain its due place among His Dominions. Ministers of the Crown,

moreover, have more than once publicly declared that it is the desire of the British
Government that India should, in the fullness of time, take her place in the Empire in
equal partnership with the Dominions. But in view of the doubts which have been
expressed both in Great Britain and India regarding the interpretation to be placed on
the intentions of the British Government in enacting the Statue of 1919, I am
authorized on behalf of His Majesty’s Government to state clearly that in their
judgment it is implicit in the declaration of 1917 that the natural issue of India’s
constitutional progress, as there contemplated, is the attainment of Dominion Status.
In the full realization of this policy, it is evidently important that the Indian
States should be afforded an opportunity of finding their place, and even if we cannot
at present exactly foresee on what lines this development may be shaped, it is from
every point of view desirable that whatever can be done should be done to ensure that
action taken now is not inconsistent with the attainment of the ultimate purpose
which those, whether in British India or the States, who look forward to some unity
of all India, have in view.
His Majesty’s Government consider that both these objects, namely, that of
finding the best approach to the British side of the problem, and secondly,
ofensuring that in this process the wider question of closer relations in the future
between the two parts of Greater India is not overlooked, can best be achieved by the
adoption of procedure such as the Commission has outlined. When, therefore, the
Commission and the Indian Central Committee have submitted their reports and these
have been published, and when His Majesty’s Government have been able, in
consultation with the Government of India, to consider these matters in the light of
all the material then available, they will propose to invite representatives of different
parties and interests in British India and representatives of the Indian States to meet
them, separately or together as circumstances may demand, for purpose of conference
and discussion in regard both to the British-Indian and the all-Indian problems. It will
be their earnest hope that by this means it may subsequently prove possible on these
grave issues to submit proposals to Parliament which may command a wide measure
of general assent.
It is not necessary for me to say how greatly I trust that the action of His
Majesty’s Government may evoke response from and enlist the concurrence of all
sections of opinion in India, and I believe that all who wish India well, wherever and
whoever they are, desire to break through the webs of mistrust firmly assured that the
course of action now proposed is at once the outcome of a real desire to bring to the
body politic of India the touch that carries with it healing and health, and is the
method by which we may best hope to handle these high matters in the way of
constructive statesmanship.
31st October, 1929
IRWIN
VICEROY AND GOVERNOR-GENERAL
India in 1929-30, pp. 466-8

APPENDIX II
LETTER FROM JAWAHARLAL NEHRU 1

ALL-INDIA CONGRESS COMMITTEE,
52 HEWETT ROAD, ALLAHABAD,
November 4, 1929
MY DEAR BAPUJI,
I have thought well for two days. I can take, I think, a calmer view of the
situation than I could two days ago but the fever in my brain has not left me.
Your appeal to me on the ground of discipline could not be ignored by me. I am
myself a believer in discipline. And yet I suppose there can be too much of discipline.
Something seems to have snapped inside me evening before last and I am unable to
piece it together. As General Secretary of the Congress I owe allegiance to it and must
subject myself to its discipline. I have other capacities and other allegiances. I am
President of the Indian am intimately connected with the youth movement. What
shall I do with the allegiance I owe to these and other movements I am connected
with? I realize now more than I have ever done before that it is not possible to ride a
number of horses at the same time. Indeed it is hard enough to ride one. In the conflict
of responsibilities and allegiances what is one to do except to rely on one’s own
instincts and reason?
I have therefore considered the position apart from all outside connections and
allegiances and the conviction has grown stronger that I acted wrongly the policy
underlying it. I am afraid we differ fundamentally on that issue and I am not likely to
convert you. I shall only say that I believe the statement to have been injurious and a
wholly inadequate reply to the Labour Government’s declaration. I believe that in our
attempts to soothe and retain a few estimable gentlemen we have ruffled and
practically turned out of our camp many others who were far more worth having. I
believe that we have fallen into a dangerous trap out of which it will be no easy matter
to escape. And I think that we have shown to the world that although we talk tall we
are only bargaining for some tit bits.
I do not know what the British Government will do now. Probably it will not
agree to your conditions. I hope they will not. But I have little doubt that most of the
signatories—excluding you of course—will be quite prepared to agree to any
modification of the conditions which the British Government might suggest. In any
event it is quite clear to me that my position in the Congress will become daily more
and more difficult. I accepted the presidentship of the Congress with great misgivings
but in the hope that we shall fight on a clear issue next year. That issue is already
clouded and the only reason for my acceptance has gone. What am I to do with these
“Leaders” Conference”? I feel an interloper and am ill at ease. I cannot have my say
because I am afraid of upsetting the conference. I repress myself and sometimes the
repression is too much for me and I break out and even say things which I do not
wholly mean.
I feel I must resign from the Secretaryship of the A.I.C.C. I have sent a formal
1
Vide “Telegram to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 6-11-1929 and “Letter to Jawaharlal
Nehru”, 8-11-1929.

letter to Father, a copy of which I enclose.
The question of the presidentship is a far more difficult one. At this late hour I
do know what I can do. But I am convinced that I was a wrong choice. You are the only
possible president for the occasion and the year. I cannot be president if thepolicy of
the Congress is what might be described as that of Malaviyaji. Even now if you agree
there is a possible course which does not necessitate a meeting of the A.I.C.C. A
circular might be sent round to A.I.C.C. members saying that you are agreeable to
accepting the presidentship. I would beg of them to excuse me. This would be a formal
matter as of course all the members, or nearly all, would welcome your decision with
joy.
An alternative course is that I should declare that in view of the circumstances,
and also in view of the difficulty of choosing another president now, I shall not retire
now but immediately after the Congress is over. I shall act as the chairman and the
Congress can decide what it likes regardless of me.
One of these two courses seems to me to be necessary if I am to retain my
physical and mental health.
As I wrote to you form Delhi I am not issuing any public statement. What
others say or do not say does not worry me very much. But I must be at peace with
myself.
Yours affectionately,
JAWAHARLAL
[PS.]
I am sending a copy of this letter to Father. I feel a little lighter after writing
this letter. I am afraid it will trouble you a little and I do not want to do so. I feel half
inclined not to send it to you just yet but to wait for your arrival here. Ten days more
will no doubt lessen my agitation and give me a better perspective. But it is better
that you should know how my mind has been working.
A Bunch of Old Letters, pp. 74-5
APPENDIX III
LETTER FROM VALLABHBHAI PATEL 1
Personal SARDARGRIHA ,
BOMBAY
November 11, 1929
PUJYA BAPUJI,
I have been here for the last two days. Vithalbhai is also here. I sent you a wire
after having had a long talk with Mr. Jinnah.
The Working Committee is meeting on the 16th. We wish its final resolution
does not result in a complete break. Ultimately, it is for us to do what we like. But
before it is finally decided to close the door upon all future negotiations or before the
original Delhi statement is amended, it would be fair to invite to a meeting all
thosewho have signed it. Before any resolution is passed, yourself, Jinnah,
Motilalji, Vithalbhai and Sapru should confer together or Jinnah and Vithalbhai
1
Vide “Telegram to Vithalbhai Patel”, on or after 13-11-1929.

should be given an opportunity to discuss the matter with you personally. There
would be no problem if the Working Committee is to adhere to the Delhi manifesto.
But in view of the subsequent debate in Parliament, if we choose to break off with the
Government, I see no harm in postponing such a decision for a few days. Besides, it
will be proper that another opportunity of looking at the manifesto is given to those
who have signed it. Mr. Jinnah and Vithalbhai wish to discuss a few things with you
some time.
According to Mr. Jinnah, the Conference can be summoned in July. If an
announcement is made about the personnel and general amnesty to our liking, can
this be regarded as evidence of a change of heart? Another important matter would
remain to be settled, namely, the Government should announce before we decide to
attend the Conference that it has to frame a scheme for Dominion Status. This needs
to be discussed with you since there could be no two opinions that under the present
circumstances no government would make any such announcement. Mr. Jinnah
wishes also to know in what other manner we can be reassured. He for one thinks that
if these three things are settled, we get practically everything that we seek; and in
that case, he is prepared to do whatever he can in respect of the fourth matter. He is
quite convinced of the good faith of the Labour Government as well as the Viceroy,
and thinks that this opportunity should on no account be missed. He is prepared to
play his part to the best of his ability.
We shall decide the venue when I have your reply to my wire.
Vandemataram from
VALLABHBHAI
APPENDIX IV
LETTER FROM DR. M. A. ANSARI 1
J AORA,
February 13, 1930
MY DEAR MAHATMAJI,
I wrote to you from Delhi last Monday. The letter was dictated in a hurry in a
few moments snatched during a very strenuous day. It naturally did not express all that
I wanted to tell you. Further, I was hoping I would be able to get away from here in
time to be with you on the 14th or the 15th. I find, however, to my disappointment,
that my patient here is suffering from peritonitis and is so very ill that I cannot even
mention my leaving her. Indeed, it does not seem possible to get away from here for
another week or ten days. I am, therefore, writing to you as the next best thing to my
being with you in person at such a critical moment. I feel I owe it to Pt. Jawaharlal,
Pt. Motilal, yourself, and your colleagues in the Working Committee, who have got
the reins of the Congress in their hands and are leading the country, to tell you
frankly what I feel abut your policy and programme in relation to the present
situation in the country. I would try to be as brief as possible, but you would excuse
me if this letter becomes somewhat long in spite of my efforts to curtail it.
Hindu-Muslim unity is not only one of the basic items in our programme, but
1
Vide “Letter to Dr. M. A. Ansari”, 16-2-1930.

according to my firm belief and conviction, the one and only basic thing. I would
have liked to trace the whole history of our efforts to achieve unity, but I would take
up the most recent history, viz., from autumn of the year 1927. You would remember
how the Unity Conference at Simla failed in spite of every effort made there. I felt
after its failure that it was not possible to have agreement between extreme communal
groups, but that it was feasible to have a workable agreement between Nationalist
Hindus and Nationalist Mussalmans. I, therefore, urged Srinivasa Iyengar, the then
President of the Congress, to convene another Peace Conference at Calcutta under the
aegis of the Congress, and in more suitable surroundings than the Simla Conference.
The Calcutta Conference brought about an understanding between the Congress and
the Mussalmans of all shades of opinion, as evidenced by the warm welcome given to
the Pact even by such Mussalman as Sir Mohd. Shafi, Sir Zulfiqar Ali, Dr. Muhammad
Iqbal and many others. This Pact, with certain modifications suggested by you, was
passed by the Madras Congress and was agreed to by Pt. Malaviya. I have not the
slightest doubt that if we had stuck to it we would have gradually overcome the
opposition of the Hindu Mahasabha, and Hindu-Muslim unity would have been an
accomplished fact by now. But, we wanted to be more just and fair and in our effort to
do justice and bring greater harmony and unity in the shape of the Nehru Report at
Lucknow, followed closely by the Sikhs. But, at the Calcutta Convention, it was the
Hindu Mahasabha which completely did the work of destruction. I cannot help
expressing that the speech made by Mr. Jayakar and subsequently the attitude in the
Committee taken by Pt. Malaviya, Dr. Moonje, and Hindu Mahasabha friends
destroyed all chances of understanding. Prof. Jatindra Lal Bannerji’s motion for the
reservation of seats for 45 per cent Hindu minority in the Bengal which was carried in
the Convention and only withdrawn at my special appeal and request was a painful
revelation. Pt. Motilal’s cold reception to Mr. Jinnah, whom I had succeeded after a
great deal of effort in persuading to come and see Panditji at his house, was also a
great disappointment. After that, the communalistMussalmans got the chance and the
Muslim attitude hardened [as] shown by the absurd resolution passed at the All-
Parties’ Muslim Conference at Delhi and subsequently the fourteen points of Mr.
Jinnah.
The year 1929, in spite of the great influence and efforts of Panditji, yourself
and Pt. Jawaharlal, did not see the constructive programme advance and the quota
fixed in May last year was not completed by most of the Congress Committee. The
Sikh situation was, in the mean time, going from bad to worse.
In such circumstances when I read the advance copy of the Viceroy’s statement
of November 1st,1 I considered it a godsend (as the telephonic message sent by me to
Panditji and received by Jawaharlal would bear out). I, at once, took Vallabhbhai with
me and met you at Meerut. We found you less enthusiastic, more cautious, but on the
whole, taking a very favourable view of the announcement. At the Conference held in
Delhi on November 1st, you would remember I pressed for certain parts of Dr. Sapru’s
statement to be embodied in yours. The reason was that I found myself in agreement
with him. I was representing not only my own personal views, but, those of a group
consisting of Messrs Khaliquzzaman, Tasadduq Ahmed Sherwani, Rafi [Ahmed]
1
Vide “Viceroy’s Statement”, 31-10-1929; the statement was issued on
October 31, 1929.

Kidwai, Dr. Mahmud, and a few others. At Lahore, I expressed the same views in the
Working Committee. When asked by Panditji, to give my opinion on the 22nd of last
December in Delhi, I told him that owing to our internal dessensions, unpreparedness
and weakness, I would advise him not to let the Conference with the Viceroy break up,
but to utilize it to the fullest advantage. Panditji characterized my observations as
based on weakness. I repudiated the charge, but our conversation ended. When I heard
that the Conference between you and the Viceroy had ended without any agreement, I
was disappointed. At the meeting of the Working Committee held in Lahore last
December and on one or two subsequent occasions, I expressed similar views but with
the exception of Mrs. Naidu, I did not find support. I have felt that the situation has
been mishandled both by the Viceroy and our own representatives. The Viceroy was
obviously very much shaken by the bomb outrage, and was not in his normal frame of
mind. For I do not see how even with the limited powers given to him he could have
failed to give you the necessary assurance for a scheme of Dominion Status to be the
basis of discussion at the Round Table Conference. I cannot, for the life of me,
imagine after reading and re-reading the statements of the Viceroy and the Secretary of
State, what else could be the basis of discussions at the Round Table Conference if not
a scheme of Dominion Status. It may be a very incomplete scheme which would form
the basis; even our own scheme presented in the Nehru Constitution was not a scheme
of complete Dominion Status. The final decision would be matters for adjustments,
understandings and bargains, as it is bound to be at any time. But, at any rate, it would
have given us the chance of placing the demand of India before the British on
communal matters, they would have been obliged to concede our demand of Dominion
Constitution to a very great extent. This has been my view all along and is my view
today.
I did not feel that it would be in the interest of the Congress [for me] to resign
from the Working Committee at Lahore and express my views in the All-India
Congress Committee or in the open Congress. I felt that there were already sufficient
divisions in the Congress and one more division would not have improved the
situation. Out of loyalty to the Congress and my personal devotion to you. Pt.
Motilal and Jawaharlal, I kept quiet. But I deliberately refused the General
Secretaryship and the membership of the Working Committee, and took the risk of
being misunderstood rather than say or do anything to injure the Congress. At the
same time, not being in sympathy with the policy and programme of the Congress, I
could not be one of its executive. The same reason led me to resign from the
Presidentship of the Preventive. Indeed, the only thing possible for me and those
who think like me was to drop out of the Congress Executive. And whilst not
opposing the policy and programme of the Congress or doing anything to injure it
by our actions or words, to remain as one of its camp followers. So far as I am aware,
Mrs. Naidu, Rangaswami Iyengar, Pt. Harkaran Nath Misra, Choudhary
Khaliquzzaman, R. A. Kidwai, T. A. K. Sherwani and a few other leading Congressmen
(whose names I may not mention) hold similar views.
You are taking a great responsibility on yourself by declaring war against the
Government today. The situation today is quite the reverse of what it was in 1920,
when you started the campaign of non-co-operation. I would briefly compare the

situation in a comparative table as under; of course, it is not complete, but I am
giving only the salient features:
1920 1930
(1) Great dissatisfaction against (1) Large number of people
the Government, owing to war-time believe in the goodwill of Labour
promises, owing to war-time promises Government and sincerity of Labour
not having been kept. Dissatisfaction Government and sincerity of the
against Rowlatt Act, Martial Law, and Viceroy, rightly or wrongly.
Khilafat wrongs.
(2) Highest water-mark reached in (2) Lowest water-mark reached in
Hindu-Muslim unity. Hindu-Muslim unity.
(3) Sikhs entirely with the Cong- (3) Sikhs almost entirely against
ress. the Congress.
(4) Complete unity inside the (4) Disunity in the Congress

Congress. Great enthusiasm amongst the (Revolt against its mandate), diversity of
workers and the rank and file. purpose, complete lack of enthusiasm
amongst the workers. Lukewarmness
among the rank and file.
(5) Complete non-violent (5) Obvious existence of
atmosphere and yet breaking of violence violence, even large number of leading
in Chauri Chaura. Congressmen believing in it and the
certainty of violence breaking out.
Like Harishchandra you seem to be bent on keeping the word given by you at
Calcutta, irrespective of consequences. I feel as if you are deliberately offering
yourself as a sacrifice. I earnestly submit to you for your consideration that to the
demand made at Calcutta there has been a response. It is not satisfactory from our
point of view. But, it is all that the Government can make, and certainly, it cannot be
said that there has been no response. I, therefore, urge that the question of keeping
your word in case of no response to the Calcutta offer does not arise and, therefore,
the idea of keeping your word at all costs is not morally justifiable and certainly it is
not politically expedient.
I hope I have made my position quite clear to you. Holding the views stated
above and feeling that the real test of our preparedness lies more in the results
achieved with regard to the enrolment of members and volunteers, collections of
funds, and above all, in the achievement of Hindu, Muslim and dependence Day, it is
my conviction that the country is not the least ready for starting a campaign of civil
disobedience in any shape or form, and it would do an incalculable damage should you
decide to embark on such a campaign now or in the near future. I would, therefore,
earnestly urge you and the members of the Working Committee to desist from doing

so. I believe, that if you could see the wisdom of passing a resolution asking the
Congress organization for intensive preparation including H.M.S. understanding,
but, in the mean time, postponing the campaign of civil disobedience for the present,
until you find yourself ready and obliged to start civil disobedience, it would meet the
present situation much better and give a chance to those countrymen of ours who are
thinking of participation in the London Round Table Conference.
I wish you to share this letter with Pt. Jawaharlal and Pt. Motilal Nehru. I hope
this would find you in the best of health.
With kindest regards,
Yours sincerely,
M. A. ANSARI
APPENDIX V
PENAL SECTIONS OF THE SALT ACT 1
S EIZURES, D ETENTION S EARCH AND ARREST
Section 39 of the Bombay Salt Act which is practically the same as Sections
16-17 of the Indian Salt Act (XII of 1882), empowers any Salt-revenue officer to do
the following among other things:
1. To enter any place where illicit manufacture is going on;
2. “In case of resistance, break open any door and remove any other obstacle
to his entry upon or into such land, building, enclosed place or premises”;
3. To take possession of or destroy salt illicitly manufactured;
4. “To seize in any open space, or in transit, any article which he has reason
to believe to be contraband salt and any package or covering in which such article is
found and the other contents, if any, of such package or covering in which the same is
found, and any animal, vessel or conveyance used or intended to be used in carrying
the same”;
5. “To detain and search and, if he thinks proper, arrest any person, whom he
has reason to believe to be guilty of any offence punishable under this or any other
law for the time being in force relating to salt revenue, or in whose possession
contraband salt is found”.
THINGS LIABLE TO CONFISCATION
Section 50 of the Bombay Salt Act (in which Sec. 12 of the Indian Salt Act is
incorporated) lays down that
“All contraband salt, and every vessel, animal, or conveyance used in carrying
contraband salt and
1
Vide “Penal Sections of the Salt Act”, 6-3-1930.

All goods, packages and coverings in or among which contraband salt is
found, and every apparatus, implement, utensil or material employed for the
manufacture, excavation, collection, or removal of salt without a licence or for the
purpose of utilizing natural salt or salt-earth contrary to any of the provisions of this
Act or any rule made thereunder shall be liable to confiscation.”
ADDITIONAL PUNISHMENT FOR REPETITION OF OFFENCE
Section 10 of the Indian Salt Act (Act XII of 1882) lays down that
‘‘Any person convicted of an offence under Section 9, after having
been previously convicted of an offence under that section, or Section II of the In-
land Customs Act, 1875, or under any enactment repealed by that Act, shall be
punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months, in addition
to the punishment which may be inflicted for a first offence under Section 9, and
every such person shall, upon every subsequent conviction of an offence under
Section 9, be liable to imprisonment for a term which may extend to six months in
addition to any term of imprisonment to which he was liable at his last previous
conviction.”
DUTIES OF OFFICERS
Section 41 of the Bombay Salt Act makes it “incumbent on every village

officer” to do the following among other things:
1. To communicate to some salt revenue officer of the rank of a Sarkarkun or
a Daroga any information concerning offences under the Act;
2. ‘‘To interpose for the purpose of preventing and to prevent, by the use of
all reasonable means within his power, the commission of any such offence”.
Section 48A lays down among other things that any salt-revenue officer,
‘‘who is guilty of cowardice shall on conviction before a magistrate be
punished with imprisonment which may extend to three months, or with fine which
may extend to three months’ pay, or with both.”

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1.

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 1

2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 3

3. IMPLICATIONS OF THE WHEEL

4 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 5

4. IN THE NAME OF RELIGION

6 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

5. ILLUSTRATED KHADI CATALOGUE

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 7

8 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 9

10 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 11

12 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 13

9. LETTER TO MOHANLAL K. MEHTA

10. LETTER TO RAMNIKLAL MODI

I am writing this in the train which is taking me to Jhansi. I have

14 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

11. LETTER TO FULCHAND K. SHAH

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 15

12. LETTER TO KISHORELAL MASHRUWALA

16 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

13. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 17

14. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI

18 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

16. BECOME A CHILD

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 19

20 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

18. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 21

20. DECLARATION OF TRUST1

22 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 23

24 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 25

21. TELEGRAM TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

26 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

I have your three letters. My weight was found to be 100 1 /2 lb.

23. LETTER TO VASUMATI PANDIT

I have your letter. Make your body strong as steel. The

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 27

I have sent you a telegram today1 . Of course you are grieved by

S HRI MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

25. LETTER TO PRABHUDAS GANDHI

Advise Chhotelal after reading the enclosed letter. Write to me. I

28 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 29

30 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 31

28. SOME THOUGHTS ON U.P. TOUR

32 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 33

29. PUBLIC FINANCE AND OUR POVERTY

34 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

VOL. 48 : 21 NOVEMBER, 1929 - 2 APRIL, 1930 35