Likert Scale Questionnaire
Likert Scale Questionnaire
Likert Scale Questionnaire
Attitude questions adapted for third sector (UK) organisations from Likert’s research,
indicating important determinants of organisational effectiveness.
Administering the Scale. You're now ready to use your Likert scale. Each respondent is
asked to rate each item on some response scale. For instance, they could rate each item on a
1-to-5 response scale where:
1. = strongly disagree
2. = disagree
3. = undecided
4. = agree
5. = strongly agree
There are a variety possible response scales (1-to-7, 1-to-9, 0-to-4). All of these odd-
numbered scales have a middle value is often labeled Neutral or Undecided. It is also
possible to use a forced-choice response scale with an even number of responses and no
middle neutral or undecided choice. In this situation, the respondent is forced to decide
whether they lean more towards the agree or disagree end of the scale for each item.
The final score for the respondent on the scale is the sum of their ratings for all of the items
(this is why this is sometimes called a "summated" scale). On some scales, you will have
items that are reversed in meaning from the overall direction of the scale. These are called
reversal items. You will need to reverse the response value for each of these items before
summing for the total. That is, if the respondent gave a 1, you make it a 5; if they gave a 2
you make it a 4; 3 = 3; 4 = 2; and, 5 = 1.
Here's an example of a ten-item Likert Scale that attempts to estimate the level of self
esteem a person has on the job. Notice that this instrument has no center or neutral point --
the respondent has to declare whether he/she is in agreement or disagreement with the item.
INSTRUCTIONS: Please rate how strongly you agree or disagree with each of the
following statements by placing a check mark in the appropriate box.
Strongly Somewhat
Somewhat Agree Strongly Agree
1. I feel good about my work on the job.
Disagree Disagree
Name ……………………………………………………………………………………
Date ………………………………………………………………..
Did the doctor speak in a way that you could understand? _________
Did the doctor give you details about your condition? ______________
Did the doctor seem willing to spend time with you? ________________
Was the doctor patient during the consultation? _________________
Did the doctor provide you with any written material? __________________
How comfortable were you during your consultation with the doctor?
To the best of your knowledge, does this individual make sound managerial decisions?
Has this individual brought about any significant changes in the organizational structure?
Department _______________________
Position _________________________
Name ___________________________
3. List three of the top reasons why you like working for this organization
8. What aspect of the organization would you like to be changed? (Explain in detail)
Industry ………………………………………………….
*Average
*Good
*Excellent
Missed target dates are not addressed until the end of the company year
What progressive changes have you experienced since you joined this company?
Do you feel that you have any impact on work policies? ___
I am satisfied with the insurance coverage that the company provides ___
Have you experienced any kind of harassment from senior staff members? ___
How would you describe the working environment?
Relaxed
Tense
Normal
What changes do you feel are necessary for your department to achieve its goals and
objectives?
Name…………………………………
Telephone
Number…………………………………………………………………………………..
What are the reasons behind operating your business from the specified location?
Are you able to maintain low operational costs as you conduct your business?
History of Organizational Communication
(This entire page contains gender bias language, i.e. "he, him, his," etc. Please edit)
The field traces its lineage through business information, business communication, and
early mass communication studies published in the 1930s through the 1950s. Until then,
organizational communication as a discipline consisted of a few professors within speech
departments who had a particular interest in speaking and writing in business settings. The
current field is well established with its own theories and empirical concerns distinct from
other communication subfields and other approaches to organizations.
Several seminal publications stand out as works broadening the scope and recognizing the
importance of communication in the organizing process, and in using the term
"organizational communication". Nobel Laureate Herbert Simon wrote in 1947 about
"organization communications systems", saying communication is "absolutely essential to
organizations".[1]
Some of the main assumptions underlying much of the early organizational communication
research were:
Humans act rationally. Sane people do not behave in rational ways, they
generally have no access to all of the information needed to make rational
decisions they could articulate, and therefore will make unrational decisions,
unless there is some breakdown in the communication process-- which is
common. Unrational people rationalize how they will rationalize their
communication measures whether or not it is rational.
Formal logic and empirically verifiable data ought to be the foundation upon
which any theory should rest. All we really need to understand
communication in organizations is (a) observable and replicable behaviors
that can be transformed into variables by some form of measurement, and
(b) formally replicable syllogisms that can extend theory from observed data
to other groups and settings
Through the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s the field expanded greatly in parallel with several
other academic disciplines, looking at communication as more than an intentional act
designed to transfer an idea. Research expanded beyond the issue of "how to make people
understand what I am saying" to tackle questions such as "how does the act of
communicating change, or even define, who I am?", "why do organizations that seem to be
saying similar things achieve very different results?" and "to what extent are my
relationships with others affected by our various organizational contexts?"
In the early 1990s Peter Senge developed new theories on Organizational Communication.
These theories were learning organization and systems thinking. These have been well
received and are now a mainstay in current beliefs toward organizational communications.
Networks are another aspect of direction and flow of communication. Bavelas has shown
that communication patterns, or networks, influence groups in several important ways.
Communication networks may affect the group's completion of the assigned task on time,
the position of the de facto leader in the group, or they may affect the group members'
satisfaction from occupying certain positions in the network. Although these findings are
based on laboratory experiments, they have important implications for the dynamics of
communication in formal organizations.
"Chain",
"Wheel",
"Star",
"All-Channel" network,
"Circle".[2]
The Chain can readily be seen to represent the hierarchical pattern that characterizes strictly
formal information flow, "from the top down," in military and some types of business
organizations. The Wheel can be compared with a typical autocratic organization, meaning
one-man rule and limited employee participation. The Star is similar to the basic formal
structure of many organizations. The All-Channel network, which is an elaboration of
Bavelas's Circle used by Guetzkow, is analogous to the free-flow of communication in a
group that encourages all of its members to become involved in group decision processes.
The All-Channel network may also be compared to some of the informal communication
networks.
If it's assumed that messages may move in both directions between stations in the networks,
it is easy to see that some individuals occupy key positions with regard to the number of
messages they handle and the degree to which they exercise control over the flow of
information. For example, the person represented by the central dot in the "Star" handles all
messages in the group. In contrast, individuals who occupy stations at the edges of the
pattern handle fewer messages and have little or no control over the flow of
information.These "peripheral" individuals can communicate with only one or two other
persons and must depend entirely on others to relay their messages if they wish to extend
their range.
In reporting the results of experiments involving the Circle, Wheel, and Star configurations,
Bavelas came to the following tentative conclusions. In patterns with positions located
centrally, such as the Wheel and the Star, an organization quickly develops around the
people occupying these central positions. In such patterns, the organization is more stable
and errors in performance are lower than in patterns having a lower degree of centrality,
such as the Circle. However, he also found that the morale of members in high centrality
patterns is relatively low. Bavelas speculated that this lower morale could, in the long run,
lower the accuracy and speed of such networks.
In problem solving requiring the pooling of data and judgments, or "insight," Bavelas
suggested that the ability to evaluate partial results, to look at alternatives, and to
restructure problems fell off rapidly when one person was able to assume a more central
(that is, more controlling) position in the information flow. For example, insight into a
problem requiring change would be less in the Wheel and the Star than in the Circle or the
Chain because of the "bottlenecking" effect of data control by central members.
It may be concluded from these laboratory results that the structure of communications
within an organization will have a significant influence on the accuracy of decisions, the
speed with which they can be reached, and the satisfaction of the people involved.
Consequently, in networks in which the responsibility for initiating and passing along
messages is shared more evenly among the members, the better the group's morale in the
long run.
These are not merely procedural matters but include questions about the organizational
climate, or psychological atmosphere in which communication takes place. Harold Leavitt
has suggested a simple experiment that helps answer some of these questions.[3] А group is
assigned the task of re-creating on paper a set of rectangular figures, first as they are
described by the leader under one-way conditions, and second as they are described by the
leader under two-way conditions.(A different configuration of rectangles is used in the
second trial.) In the one-way trial, the leader's back is turned to the group. He describes the
rectangles as he sees them. No one in the group is allowed to ask questions and no one may
indicate by any audible or visible sign his understanding or his frustration as he attempts to
follow the leader's directions. In the two-way trial, the leader faces the group. In this case,
the group may ask for clarifications on his description of the rectangles and he can not only
see but also can feel and respond to the emotional reactions of group members as they try to
re-create his instructions on paper.
On the basis of a number of experimental trials similar to the one described above, Leavitt
formed these conclusions:
Managers do not need answers to operate a successful business; they need questions.
Answers can come from anyone, anytime, anywhere in the world thanks to the benefits of
all the electronic communication tools at our disposal. This has turned the real job of
management into determining what it is the business needs to know, along with the
who/what/where/when and how of learning it. To effectively solve problems, seize
opportunities, and achieve objectives, questions need to be asked by managers—these are
the people responsible for the operation of the enterprise as a whole.[5]
Ideally, the meanings sent are the meanings received. This is most often the case when the
messages concern something that can be verified objectively. For example, "This piece of
pipe fits the threads on the coupling." In this case, the receiver of the message can check the
sender's words by actual trial, if necessary. However, when the sender's words describe a
feeling or an opinion about something that cannot be checked objectively, meanings can be
very unclear. "This work is too hard" or "Watergate was politically justified" are examples
of opinions or feelings that cannot be verified. Thus they are subject to interpretation and
hence to distorted meanings. The receiver's background of experience and learning may
differ enough from that of the sender to cause significantly different perceptions and
evaluations of the topic under discussion. As we shall see later, such differences form a
basic barrier to communication.[4]
Nonverbal content always accompanies the verbal content of messages. This is reasonably
clear in the case of face-to-face communication. As Virginia Satir has pointed out, people
cannot help but communicate symbolically (for example, through their clothing or
possessions) or through some form of body language. In messages that are conveyed by the
telephone, a messenger, or a letter, the situation or context in which the message is sent
becomes part of its non-verbal content. For example, if the company has been losing
money, and in a letter to the production division, the front office orders a reorganization of
the shipping and receiving departments, this could be construed to mean that some people
were going to lose their jobs — unless it were made explicitly clear that this would not
occur.[6]
A number of variables influence the effectiveness of communication. Some are found in the
environment in which communication takes place, some in the personalities of the sender
and the receiver, and some in the relationship that exists between sender and receiver.
These different variables suggest some of the difficulties of communicating with
understanding between two people. The sender wants to formulate an idea and
communicate it to the receiver. This desire to communicate may arise from his thoughts or
feelings or it may have been triggered by something in the environment. The
communication may also be influenced or distorted by the relationship between the sender
and the receiver, such as status differences, a staff-line relationship, or a learner-teacher
relationship.[6]
Whatever its origin, information travels through a series of filters, both in the sender and in
the receiver, before the idea can be transmitted and re-created in the receiver's mind.
Physical capacities to see, hear, smell, taste, and touch vary between people, so that the
image of reality may be distorted even before the mind goes to work. In addition to physical
or sense filters, cognitive filters, or the way in which an individual's mind interprets the
world around him, will influence his assumptions and feelings. These filters will determine
what the sender of a message says, how he says it, and with what purpose. Filters are
present also in the receiver, creating a double complexity that once led Robert Louis
Stevenson to say that human communication is "doubly relative". It takes one person to say
something and another to decide what he said.[7]
Physical and cognitive, including semantic filters (which decide the meaning of words)
combine to form a part of our memory system that helps us respond to reality. In this sense,
March and Simon compare a person to a data processing system. Behavior results from an
interaction between a person's internal state and environmental stimuli. What we have
learned through past experience becomes an inventory, or data bank, consisting of values or
goals, sets of expectations and preconceptions about the consequences of acting one way or
another, and a variety of possible ways of responding to the situation. This memory system
determines what things we will notice and respond to in the environment. At the same time,
stimuli in the environment help to determine what parts of the memory system will be
activated. Hence, the memory and the environment form an interactive system that causes
our behavior. As this interactive system responds to new experiences, new learnings occur
which feed back into memory and gradually change its content. This process is how people
adapt to a changing world.[7]
During the 1980s and 1990s critical organizational scholarship began to gain prominence
with a focus on issues of gender, race, class, and power/knowledge. In its current state, the
study of organizational communication is open methodologically, with research from post-
positive, interpretive, critical, postmodern, and discursive paradigms being published
regularly.
At this point, it would be easy to think that concerns with postcolonial subjectivity,
organizing, voice, and rationality rest fully within the empirical domain of our disciplinary
partners of sociology, anthropology, literature,political science, economics, and history, to
name a few. Banerjee and Linstead (2004), in fact, note that explicit political agendas, such
as that of postcolonial thought, have never rested easily in organization studies. Few studies
using a postcolonial frame exist and many are included in an edited volume by Anshuman
Prasad (2003) entitled Postcolonial Theory and Organizational Analysis.
As Prasad (2003) makes clear, a postcolonial perspective can be productive in exposing
neocolonial assumptions underlying management disciplines, describing neocolonialism as
a continuationof Western colonialism through political, economic, and cultural
control(Banerjee & Linstead, 2004).
When we as scholars unthinkingly adopt the discourse and knowledge of mainstream Euro-
American organizational communication scholarship,we potentially absorb, without
reflection, a particular way of understanding the world. In conclusion, what we are trying to
imagine here and what can be seen in the exemplars above is a form of “writing back to the
center,”where scholars from the disciplinary and epistemic margins of organizational
communication write about their own cultured forms of organizing practices,using their
experiences and ways of knowing to talk back to, reframe, contextualize,and perhaps even
reinterpret commonly used theories and concepts within our field. For those scholars, living
and working in Asia, Africa,South America, or the Asia-Pacific region, for example, this
means learning from and supporting the multiple forms of cultural knowledge around
organizing and communicating that are native to their region.
Disseminating work by native scholars of their contexts using native forms of knowing
diversifies the field of organizational communication as well as the knowledge produced
and consumed there, providing all members of our scholarly community with a richer array
of concepts, methods, forms, and perspectives from which to understand our increasingly
complex and globalized reality. In engaging in such an enterprise, we begin to reimagine
the scholarly community of organizational communication as a transdisciplinary and
transgeographical entity capable of disrupting contemporary hierarchies of knowledge and
making sense of our flattening world. With this goal in mind, we request and look forward
to lively conversations with scholars from within the traditionally defined discipline of
organizational communication as well as those outside, as we work together to recognize,
support, and engage diverse voices and contexts as well as multiple ways of organizing and
communicating.
Constitution, e.g.,
Narrative, e.g.,
Identity, e.g.,
Power e.g.,