From Geto Dacians To Vlachs
From Geto Dacians To Vlachs
From Geto Dacians To Vlachs
After the Romans conquered Dacia in 106, a process of romanization of the Dacians took
place. The Roman administration retreated from Dacia around 271, but the romanized
Dacians,later called Vlachs, stayed on, and have continuously lived in Dacia throughout
the Dark Ages. Romanians are their descendants.
Vlach (pronounced /ˈvlɑːk/ or /ˈvlæk/) is a Slavic-derived term from the Germanic word
Valah/Valach used to designate the Romance speaking peoples of South-Eastern Europe:
Romanians, Aromanians, Megleno-Romanians and Istro-Romanians.
While historically, it was used to refer to all Latin-speaking people of the Balkans,[1]
practically the remnants of romanized Illyrians, Thracians and Dacians, nowadays, this
term is only rarely used to refer to the Romanians, but is instead used to refer to the other
Eastern Romanic peoples, living outside Romania.
The Slavic term in turn derives from Germanic: it originates with *Walha by which the
early Germanic tribes called their Celtic neighbours, possibly derived from the name of
the tribe which was known to the Romans as Volcae (in the writings of Julius Caesar) and
to the Greeks as Ouólkai (Strabo and Ptolemy).[2]
As the Celts of Gaul were Romanized, the word changed its meaning to "Romanic
people", as it is still kept in the name of the Walloons of Belgium, and in the German
exonyms:
• Welsche, often used in the German speaking part of Switzerland to refer to the
people of the French-speaking Romandy,
• Walsche, often used in the German speaking part of Italy to refer to Italians,
• Walsche, used in Switzerland and Bolzano-Bozen for various Rhaeto-Romanic
speaking peoples, and
• in numerous placenames (but also Walnuss "Walnut"), for instance Walensee and
Walenstadt, as well as Welschbern and Walschtirol (now almost always Verona
and Trentino), and especially Walachen/Walachei "Wallachians/Wallachia".
In English a similar form is used for (originally Romano-Celtic) Wales and Welsh, and
for the ending -wall in Cornwall.
This word for Romanic people was borrowed from the Germanic Goths (as *walhs) into
Proto-Slavic some time before the 7th century. However, the first source using the word
was the writings of Byzantine historian Kedrenos, from the mid-11th century.
Later on, the meaning of this noun in Slavic languages got narrower or just different:
From the Slavs, it was passed on to other peoples, such as the Hungarians ("Oláh",
referring to Romanians; "Olasz", referring to Italians, "Vlachok" referring to Vlachs,
generally) and Byzantines/Greeks ("Βλάχοι", "Vláhi") and was used for all Latin people
of the Balkans. It also acquired a secondary meaning, "shepherd" – from the occupation
of many of the Vlachs of Greece and Serbia. In Albania, the opposite occurred: çoban
"shepherd" (from Persian chopan, through Turkish) came to mean "Vlach". In German
the word "vlach" was a pejorative name for an Orthodox Christian, a Serbian immigrant.
Used also by Bosnian Muslims to denote an Orthodox Serb, considerd highly offensive.
In Spanish valaco is used as ethnonym[3].
A name used for the Southern Vlachs of Greece is "Kutsovlach" (literally "limping
Vlach"; possibly a reference to the way they spoke Greek), however the Aromanians
consider it quite offensive. Another name which was previously used to refer to the
Aromanians (mainly in the Slavic countries: Serbia, Republic of Macedonia and
Bulgaria) is "tsintsar", which is derived from the way the Aromanians say the word 'five':
"tsintsi".
Another Balkanic ethnicity is the Morlachs or Mavrovalachi (Greek for "black Vlachs"),
living in the Dinaric Alps.
Usage as autonym
The term was originally an exonym, as the Vlachs used various words derived from
romanus to refer to themselves (români, rumâni, rumâri, aromâni, arumâni, armâni etc),
but there are some exceptions:
• the Aromanians of Greece, almost always use "Βλάχοι" (Vlachoi) rather than
"Αρμάνοι" (Armanoi) in Greek-language contexts; in at least some communities
(such as Livadhi-Olympou), "vlachi" has completely replaced any "romanus"-
based ethnonym (likewise for designation of the language), even when speaking
in Vlach.
• the Megleno-Romanians use exclusively the word Vlach (Vlashi) for auto-
designation. The loss of the name derived from Romanus most likely concluded in
the early 19th century.
• the Romanian minority of Serbia living in Timok Valley (but not those of the
Banat, see Romanians of Serbia), although speaking the standard Romanian
dialect, are still referred as "Vlachs" in Serbian language. In the Yugoslavian
census figures, the Aromanians of Macedonia and the Romanians of Serbia were
both classified as "Vlachs".
See also
Notes
1. ^ Kelley L. Ross (2003). "Decadence, Rome and Romania, the Emperors Who
Weren't, and Other Reflections on Roman History". The Proceedings of the
Friesian School. http://www.friesian.com/decdenc2.htm. Retrieved 2008-01-13.
"Note: The Vlach Connection".
2. ^ Ringe, Don. "Inheritance versus lexical borrowing: a case with decisive sound-
change evidence." Language Log, January 2009.
3. ^ http://buscon.rae.es/draeI/SrvltConsulta?TIPO_BUS=3&LEMA=valaco
References
According to the US Federal Research Division's country study, when the Magyars
arrived in the Carpathian Basin (9th century), they met local population and "there is little
doubt that these included some Romanians who remained faithful to the Eastern
Orthodox Church after the East-West Schism" [7] . According to the same source, no
written or architectural evidence bears witness to the presence of "proto-Romanians" in
the lands north of the Danube during the millennium after Rome's withdrawal from
Dacia. [7](sic)
The Library of Congress in its country study about Hungary simply points out that
"Romanian and Hungarian historians disagree about the ethnicity of Transylvania's
population before the Magyars' arrival". [8] These facts have fueled a centuries-long feud
between Romanian and Hungarian historians over Transylvania. [7] The Romanians assert
that they are the descendants of Latin-speaking Dacian peasants who remained in
Transylvania after the exodus of the Roman administration, and survived there during the
tumult of the Dark Ages. [7] Romanian historians explain the absence of hard evidence for
their claims by pointing out that the region lacked organized administration until the
twelfth century and by positing that the Mongols destroyed any existing records when
they plundered the area in 1241. [7] Hungarians assert, among other things, that the Roman
population quit Dacia completely in 271, that the Romans could not have made a lasting
impression on Transylvania's aboriginal population in only two centuries, [7] and that
Transylvania's Romanians descended from Balkan nomads who crossed northward over
the Danube in the thirteenth century and flowed into Transylvania in any significant
numbers only after Hungary opened its borders to foreigners. [7] The Hungarians maintain
that Transylvania was inhabited not by the ancestors of the Romanians but by Slavs and
point out that the first mention of the Romanians' ancestors in Hungarian records, which
appeared in the thirteenth century, described them as drifting herders. [8]
The origin of the Romanians has been a matter of scholarly disagreement for some time.
There are several theories regarding the issue: The theories listed here, along with a host
of other variations on these same schemes, are discussed in detail and with erudition by
Lucian Boia in his "History and Myth in Romanian conciousness". [9]
In this context, explanation of the term Vlach also plays a key role.
The above mentioned theories present various historical explanations about the origins of
the Romanian people and language. In the 19th and 20th centuries some historians (e.g.
Robert Rösler) launched the so-called migration theory, concluding that Roumanians
(Transylvanian Vlachs) should not be regarded as "Dacian autochthones". This fact gave
rise to various national mythologies and ethno-political ideologies starting in the late 19th
century when Hungarian historians largely supported the migration theory, which
maintained that Transylvania was not inhabited by Romanians at the time of the Magyar
conquests in central Europe during the 9th and 10th century. Most of the Romanian
historians have been supported the theory of Daco-Romanian continuity and maintained
that Transylvania, and the rest of the modern territory of Romania, was continuously
inhabited by the Romanized Dacians, the ancestors of Romanians. The debate was
politically charged during the 19th-20th centuries, first because of the demand of equal
rights by the Romanians of Transylvania, and thereafter due to territorial conflicts
concerning Transylvania between Romania and Hungary. (See also Transylvania.)
More recently, as former axioms of ethnogenesis have shifted, the historian Walter Pohl
noted that "centuries after the fall of the Balkan provinces, a pastoral Latin-Roman
tradition served as the point of departure for a Valachian-Roman ethnogenesis. This kind
of virtuality — ethnicity as hidden potential that comes to the fore under certain historical
circumstances — is indicative of our new understanding of ethnic processes. In this light,
the passionate discussion for or against Roman-Romanian continuity has been misled by
a conception of ethnicity that is far too inflexible."
http://wapedia.mobi/en/Origin_of_the_Romanians#5.
Historical background
On seeing that Illyricum was devastated and Moesia was in a ruinous state, he
abandoned the province of Trans-Danubian Dacia, which had been formed by Trajan,
and led away both soldiers and provincials, giving up hope that it could be retained. The
people whom he moved out from it he established in Moesia, and gave to this district,
which now divides the two provinces of Moesia, the name of Dacia.
• The Roman-Gothic author Jordanes, who was raised in Moesia and was familiar
with the ethnic character of the area, [12] wrote in the 6th century that the Romans
had only moved the legions from Dacia, and not the population.
the Emperor Aurelian, calling his legions from here (evocatis exinde legionibus), settled
them in Moesia and there, on the other side, he founded Dacia Mediterranea and Dacia
Ripensis —Jordanes [13]
Excavations continued at the bi-rithual cemetery in Berghin at the point "The Pear",
Judet Alba. http://www.cimec.ro/scripts/arh/cronica/detaliu.asp?k=59
• The Byzantine chronicler Priscus of Panium mentions in the year 448, the
presence of a Latin-speaking populace North of the Danube. The populace was
called by him "Ausoni". [15] It should be noted that this was at a time before Slavic
migration, so the exonym “Vlach” was not applied to this populace. [16]
For the subjects of the Huns, swept together from various lands, speak, besides their own
barbarous tongues, either Hunnic or Gothic, or - as many as have commercial dealings
with the western Romans - Ausoni [17]
• In 545, Procopius of Caesarea mentions[not in citation given] [19] "The trick played by an
Ant from present-day Moldavia who is supposed to have passed himself off as a
Byzantine General by speaking a form of Latin which he had learned in these
regions."
• At the Nicaean Synod in 787, the following person is signaled on the 73rd seat:
“Ursus Avaritianensium ecclesiae episcopus.” [20] The name of the episcope of the
Avaritians (i.e. people ruled by the Avars), being Ursus, is of Romanic origin. [21]
•
• An ancient letter from one Emmerich of Elwangen to Grimaldus, abbot of St.
Gall, written about 860 mention Vlachs, under the name of Dacians, living north
of Danube together with Germans, Sarmatians, and Alans.
• The chronicle Oguzname, the oldest Turkish chronicle in existence, mentioning a
warlike expedition of the Cumans, affirms the existence of a “Country of the
Vlachs” (Ulaqi) east of the Carpathians in 839[dubious - discuss], affirming that the
region was well organized and with a powerful army. [23]
• A ninth-century Armenian geography[clarification needed] mentions the country "Balak".
[24]
• In the 11th century, Abu Said Gardezi wrote about a Christian people from Rûm
situated between the Slavs and Hungarians: [25]
That is the Džaihūn which is on their /the Magyars’/ left side. Beside Saqlāb /Slavs/ are a
people az Rūm / from the Byzantine Empire (Rûm) [26] or of Rome [27] [28] / who are all
Christians and they are called N-n-d-r, and they are more numerous than the Magyars,
but they are weaker. [29]
• A rune stone from the Sjonhem cemetery in Gotland dating from the 11th century
commemorates a merchant Rodfos who was traveling to Constantinople and was
killed north of the Danube by the Blakumenn.
Rodvisl and Rodälv raised this stone for their three sons. This one after Rodfos. He
/Rodfos/ was betrayed by the Blokumenn on his journey. God help the soul of Rodfod.
God betray those who betrayed him /Rodfos/. [30].
• An early 13th century biography of St. Olaf of Norway, now preserved in the 14th
century manuscript Flateyjarbók also mentions Blokumenn as being Sviatopolk’s
allies (in the early 11th century). [31] [32]
These /Vlachs/ are, in fact, the so-called Dacians, also called Bessians. Earlier they lived
in the vicinity of the Danube and Saos, a river which we now call Sava, where the
Serbians live today, and /later/ withdrew to their inaccessible fortifications. (...) And
these left the region: some of them were dispersed to Epirus and Macedonia, and a large
number established themselves in Hellas.
• Kekaumenos writes in 1078 that the Vlachs were the instigators of a 1066-1067
rebelliong against the Byzantine Empire. He mentions that these Vlachs,
anticipating military turbulence, sent their wives and children “to the mountains
of Bulgaria”, suggesting the existence of permanent settlements in that region and
transhumant pastoralism, contradicting the Hungarian point of view that the
Vlachs were nomadic. [25] .
Men saw ride before King Etzel on the road many bold knights of many tongues
and many mighty troops of Christians and of paynims. When they met the lady,
they rode along in lordly wise. Of the Russians and the Greeks there rode there
many a man. The right good steeds of the Poles and Wallachians were seen to
gallop swiftly, as they rode with might and main. Each did show the customs of
his land. (...) [41]
o Before Etzel, there rode a retinue, merry and noble, courtly and lusty, full
four and twenty princes, mighty and of lofty birth. They would fain behold
their lady and craved nought more. Duke Ramung of Wallachia, with
seven hundred vassals, galloped up before her; like flying birds men saw
them ride.
o Thomas Tuscus wrote, on the expedition of the emperor Conrad III against
the Turks, in a Crusade during 1140 AD: “The troops from Provence, from
France, Lotaringia and Germany went towards Constantinople through
Hungary, Valahia and Pannonia” implying the existence of an organized
Vlah state during the 12th century. [25]
o The Byzantine writer Joannes Kinnamos writes of the Vlachs North of the
Danube in 1167, saying:
Leon, also known as Vatatzes, brought many soldiers from other areas,
even a large number of Vlachs, about whom it is said that they are the
descendants of colonists from Italy. [39]
the inhabitants of that land were the basest of the whole world, because
they were Vlachs [Blasii] and Slavs
4. History research
Research in this domain, particularly in the 19th and 20th century, has
provided a breadth of evidence but differring interpretations prevents it
from being conclusive..
5. 1. Arguments for
5. 1. 1. Historical
• Intensive Roman colonization of Dacia. Dacia was the only Roman province to
have a state-sponsored colonization program. [51]
• There is significant archeological evidence to show that the Dacians and Getae
were very receptive to foreign cultures. Inscriptions on pottery (Decebal per
Scorilo) suggests that the Dacians may have already had significant cultural
exchanges with the Romans before conquest and colonization. [22]
• Constantine the Great assumed the title Dacicus Maximus in 336 just like Trajan
did in 106, suggesting the presence of Dacians in Dacia even after the Aurelian
withdrawal of 270-275. [52] [53] [54]
• The similarities between the exonyms Vlach/Voloch and Olah/Olasz, one used for
Romanians and the other for Italians, implies the Hungarians and Slavs thought
both were one and the same populace [55]
• An early 13th century biography of St. Olaf of Norway, now preserved in the 14th
century manuscript Flatejarbok, mentions Vlachs(Romanians) (Blokumenn) as
being Sviatopolk’s allies (in the early XIth century). [22]
• Latin documents, although rare, are still present after the withdrawal of the
Roman administration. Their presence affirms the existence of a populace that
could understand Latin, while the rarity reflects the trend of ruralization of the
proto-Romanians, caused by the frequent Barbarian raids on the cities in the
former colony of Dacia. [22]
• At the time of the Aurelian withdrawal Dacia is assumed to have had a populace
of roughly 1 million inhabitants, most of them in rural communities. [57] In order
for the Romans to have evacuated all of the colonists from Dacia would have
required significant logistical planning and manpower. However, no single
logistical document referring to this withdrawal has ever been found, no census of
how many colonists were withdrawn. There are no catalogues of who was moved
and when. Furthermore, there is no archaeological evidence South of the Danube
for a drastically increased population. [22]
• Romanization could not have been possible South of the Jirecek Line, which runs
through Bulgaria, Serbia, and the upper part of Albania, as that region was
historically Hellenized, whereas only regions to the North of this line were
Romanized (this due to the strong standing of Hellenic culture South of this line).
Thus the traditional homeland of the Romanians according to Hungarian
historians (being Albania)[dubious - discuss] was not a conductive area for Romanization.
[22]
• While the Romanians north of the Danube were not mentioned earlier than the
Xth century, neither are the Romanche of Switzerland, nor the Albanians. It is
impossible to believe however that the Albanians or Romanche did not inhabit
their respective homelands until after this date. [60]
• The documentation of colonization of Vlachs is exceedingly sparse for such a
large populace.[dubious - discuss] Of the 217 documents pertaining to Transylvania
during the reign of Ladislaus IV, none of them mention this colonization.
Comparatively, we have 19 documents referring to the 25 year long colonization
in Transylvania of the Teutonic Knights, an event which happened 50 years
before the “Vlach colonization.” In the 13th century there is only one mention of
Vlachs being settled on the domains of nobles in Transylvania, but the source
does not mention whether the Vlachs came from outside of Transylvania or if
they were taken from the Transylvanian foothills.
• Many Romanian judicial terms are of Magyar origin, implying that the
Romanians were present when these terms were first applied and used by the
Hungarian state. If Romanians had not been present in Transylvania before the
XII century, then such an absorption would not have been possible, and the terms
would have been replaced by Slavic or Greek terms. [22]
5. 1. 2. Linguistic
• The Roman colonists came in Dacia from different provinces of the Roman
empire. They had no common language except for Vulgar Latin. In this multi-
ethnic environment, Latin, being the only common language of communication,
might have quickly become the dominant language. American history furnishes
similar examples, with the overwhelming dominance of Standard English,
Spanish, French, and Portuguese in different parts of the Americas, with
insignificant dialectal differences.
• over 3000 of the inscriptions discovered in Dacia are written in Latin, compared
to only about 40 in Greek and 7-8 in other languages, suggesting that Dacian
provincial society was monoglot, with all of the colonists speaking Latin. [61]
• Almost all Romanian religious terms are inherited directly from Latin which
means Romanians were Christianised in the Latin language [64]
• Ancient Dacian toponyms were kept; examples are the names of some rivers
(Samus - Someş, Marisia - Mureş, Porata - Prut), the names of some cities
(Petrodava - Piatra Neamţ, Abruttum - Abrud) and most important in the name of
Carpathian mountains, name which is directly derived from the Dacian tribe of
Carpians or Carpodacians [66] [67]
• If the Romanians had been living alongside Albanians before the Xth century,
they would have common language (as affirmed by the Bulgarian linguist Decev).
The phonological disunity between the shared words also evidences that these
words are inherited from a common sub-stratum (Thraco-Illyrian) and not the
result of having a shared geographical region of origin [68]
• The name Vlach is a name for Romanians used only by the Southern Slavs. The
Eastern Slavs call Romanians Voloch which fits Eastern Slavic phonology. If the
Eastern Slavs met the Romanians after the Southern Slavs (which would have
happened had the Romanians originated South of the Danube) they would have
called Romanians Vlach as well, borrowing the name from the Southern Slavs.
The use of the word Voloch shows that the Eastern Slavs encountered the
Romanians separately, before the Southern Slavs gave them the Vlach name, and
thus, must have been north of the Danube before the Slavic migrations. [22] [69] [70]
• The lack of Germanic elements in Romanian is due largely to the low level of
interaction between the Goths and Romanians, as well as the low population of
Goths living in the area. Similar absences are noted in the Basque language whom
the Goths ruled for centuries. The Goths were also present South of the Danube in
even greater numbers, and were even brought in by the Romans as refugees, so
placing the Romanians South of the Danube does not provide an argument against
a lack of Germanic words. It can be concluded from this that the adoption of
Gothic elements in Romanian would have had more to do with the type of
interaction between the Goths and proto-Romanians, and not with whether they
lived in the same geographic region. [22]
• The Slavic elements in Romanian are present only in particular words, and not in
the grammatical structure or the phonology and structure of words in Romanian.
This indicates linguistically that by the time the Slavs mingled with the
Romanians, the Latin element in the Romanian language was already solidified,
and only a super-stratum of Slavic words, many of which are synonyms for Latin
words, could be added. [22]
• The words “Erdő” and “Erdély” are not of Finno-Uguric family and therefore not
of Magyar origin, this means they are a corruption of another words. The
Romanian word “Ardeal” was corrupted into “Erdel” and “Erdol” meaning “land
of forested heights”.[citation needed] From the word Erdely, Erdo was then extracted to
describe a simple dense forest, this is confirmed by linguists who have studied
Magyar phonology[citation needed]. When a word from Romanian is corrupted into
Hungarian,“a” usually becomes “e”, Andreas becomes “Endre”, the Latin “ager’
becomes “eger”,“sant” meaning “saint” in old Romanian becomes “sent”,“agris”
becomes “egres” etc. This event also happens with the word Ardeal which at first
becomes “Erdel” until 1390, where it is converted to “Erdély”. “Ard” as an Indo-
European root-word means “hill, forested heights, mountain” and appears in
hundreds of geographic locations, all sharing these topographic characteristics.
Examples: Ardal (Iran), Arduba (Albania), Ardnin (Austria), Ardel (Italy), Ardelu
(France) etc. Fact confirmed in Julius Caesar’s work “De Bello Gallico”, there we
can find the phrase “Ardeunna Silva”[citation needed]
• The word Olah does not derive from the Slavic word “Vlah” as replacing the “v”
with an “o” has no etymological or phonological explanation. During the Middle
Ages, the word “Olah” was used both when referring to Romanians as well as
Italians, which shows that the Romanians were very similar to Italians in terms of
language, and that the Magyar tribes had encountered both ethnic groups at
roughly the same time, in the late 9th and early 10th century, when the Magyars
raided Northern Italy. The word “Olasz” now used for all Latinate people except
Romanians is a recent phenomenon. [22]
• The Romanian word "batran", meaning “old”, is significant as it does not derive
from the Latin equivalent “vetus” (in Italian, Vecchio, in French, Vieux etc.);
instead it derives from the Latin word "veteranus", referring to a Roman
Legionary after he is released from military duty. The reason for this is because of
the procedures of Roman colonization. When a village was Romanized, the
veterans of the Roman Legion had an important role; because military service was
long (twenty-five years), a large part of these Roman legionaries were married,
the wives and children having to live nearby the military camps, named canabae.
Since many of the legions and auxiliary troops of Rome were to maintain their
position permanently in Dacia, it is evident that many of the wives of the soldiers
would be indigenous, Dacian. At their release from military service, the legionary
was named veteranus, and he would obtain (if he did not have it before) the right
to citizenship for himself and his entire family, as well as a piece of land to
cultivate. The children of the veterans and the Dacian women were Roman
citizens and spoke Latin, but the majority would have known Dacian, their
maternal tongue. The children of these children, the grandchildren of the veterans,
would be totally Romanized. In two, maximum three generations, the followers of
these mixed marriages forgot their indigenous language. Thus the number of
veterans in Dacia would have been considerably large, which is why an elder is
referred to through exactly this word, batran, derived from veteranus, having been
modified through Romanian phonetics. In essence, the system of veteranus would
be critical in the Romanization of Dacia, as elderly veterans, who had now gained
rights to property, would have no reason to leave what they had worked for over
25 years to attain. The case here is not about a single wave of veterans under
Trajan, but for a continuous series of settlements of veterans which wanted to
remain in Dacia. [22]
• The river Tarnava is evidence of the co-existence between the Slavs and
Romanians in Translvania described by the chronicler Nestor. Tarnava derives
from Slavic trunu, or nail. Since the Hungarians used a different name for the
river, “Kukulo”, it would have been impossible for Romanians to use the Slavic
name for the river had they arrived after the Magyars (and according to Hungarian
history, with a Magyar majority in Transylvania). In such a situation the
Romanian name would have been derived from Hungarian, but the fact that it is
of Slavic origin attests to Slavs and Romanians living together around the river
before the Magyars.
o Another important river is Bistrita. Another Slavic word, however
influenced by Romanian. Bistrita in Slavic means “the fast one”, in
Romanian, this translates into “repedele”. Today, however, the river is
officially Bistrita, but known as Repedele by the locals. There are many
other instances were the Slavic name replaces the original Romanian
name, such as for Nucet, now known as Cozia (from Slavic koza, goat).
o Barsa. According to the linguist Sextil Puscariu, this name would derive
from the verb “labarta”, dissimilated into “rabartsa”. It is of Traco-Illyiric
origin, so it would be impossible for the Romanians to have preserved it
had they not originated from such a sub-stratum, and in the geographical
region around Barsa. We can conclude that it was taken from the very
ancestors of the Romanians. In Geto-Dacian names we also find the
radical “bars”.
o The river Cerna. Although “cerna” in Slavic means “black”, the river’s
waters are clear. The Romanian form is surely influenced from the Latin
name Tierna and influenced by Slavic phonetics.
o The river Barzava. Another word of Geto-Dacian origin, from the radical
bere or berez, meaning white, and its suffix bis, or vis. Possibly also
named after a nearby Dacian city, Berzobis.
o Turda. The origin of this word is Turri-Dava, from Latin. The name then
would be formed from Turris - tower - and dava - citadel.
o Abrud. The origin of this name comes from Latin Abruttum, a synonym
for gold. [22]
• The majority of Romanian words assumed to be of Dacian origin are not shared
with Albanian. Therefore, it is impossible to assume they were adopted from the
Albanians or that the Vlachs lived among the Albanians before the 10th century.
[22]
• Ernst Gamillschag has attested that the Romanians have preserved the Thracian
word for the Danube, “Donaris/Donare” which means “The big river” even
though the Albanians and Aromanians use the Turkish word “Duna.” He writes
“The old name for the river would have disappeared from the Daco-Roman
vocabulary had they only returned to their old homeland centuries after they left.
The name “Donaris” was borrowed by the Romans who mixed with the Dacians,
and this word has been well preserved.” [22]
• Inherited Albanian words (Ex: Alb. motër 'sister' < Late IE ma:ter 'mother') shows
the transformation Late IE /a:/ > Alb /o/, but all the Latin loans in Albanian
having an /a:/ shows Latin a: > Alb a. This indicates that the transformation
PAlb /a:/ > PAlb /o/ happened and ended before the Roman arrival in the Balkans.
• The name for a type of fuel, "pacura", is derived directly from the Latin "picula".
This particular fuel can only arises naturally north of the Danube, particularly in
Transylvania, where it was used by the Romans and Dacians. This word is not
used in any other Romance languages, surviving only in Romanian. [71]
5. 1. 3. Ethnic
• The similarity between the current Romanian traditional clothes and the Dacian
clothes, as depicted on Trajan's Column. Examples of similarity include
embroidery of clothing [72] and the wearing of opinci sandals [73] as portrayed on the
Arch of Constantine.
5. 1. 4. Archaeological
• The following locations show continuous Daco-Roman habitation from the 3rd to
the 5th century [75]
o Mines: Baia de Cris, Tincova, Ruda, Alun, Hunedoara, Baita Cib, Fizes,
Cabesti, Videim, Albac, Bistrita de Sus, Vidra, Cimpeni Lupsa, Salciua,
Podeni, Potaissa, Baisoara, Valea Ierii.
o Monetary thesauri: Bicasi, Pilu, Carei, Copalnic, Soimuseni, Doba Mica,
Simieu Silvaniei, Porolissum, Babiu, Gurani, Sintna, Arad, Pecica, Cenad,
Horia, Biled, Carani, Jimbova, Checea, Unip, Faget, Debra, Deva,
Huedoara, Sepes, Ungureni, Apulum, Seica Mica, Seica Mare, Sura Mare,
Sibiu, Ocna Sibiului Soars, Lasiea
o Daco-Roman and Roman settlements: Taga, Soporu, Band, Lechinta,
Ludus, Cipau, Brateiu, Seica Mica, Biertan, Sighisoara, Sinpaul, Morada,
Ineu, Pilu, Biharia, Berca, Mediesu Aurit, Apa, Dej, Rascruci, Napoca,
Baciu, Sebes, Hatg, Deva, Debra, Apulum, Gura Vaii, Cazanesti, Hateg,
Faroia.
o Major Cities and forts: Deva, Haţeg, Hunedoara, Sighişoara, Ulpia
Traiana Sarmisegetuza, Bistriţa, Bicasi.
o Bridges: Apulum
• The cultural elements and styles of archaeological artefacts discovered over the
period of the 3rd-5th centuries show a clear material and stylistic continuity,
indicating continuous habitation by the same people. The cultural character of the
findings remains the same until the 6th century, with the arrival of the Slavs. [76]
• Ceramic manufacturing traditions continue from the pre-Roman to the Roman era
continue both in Roman Dacia and unoccupied Dacia, and these traditions
continue well into the fourth and fifth centuries. [77]
• Circulation of Roman coins grew both in Roman and Free Dacia in the 1st and
2nd centuries, declining in the third but then rising again since the 4th century [83]
The extent and increase in coin circulation even after the Roman withdrawal from
Dacia and as far north as Transcarpathia is argued by some prominent
archaeologists to have no other analogy in neighboring provinces, nor in any other
barbarian territory [84]
• Some cities show the absence of Dacian names completely from inscriptions but
which show Dacian burial rituals, indicating that Dacians near urban centers were
rapidly Romanized, adopting Roman names but maintaining their old traditions.
[85]
• The thousands of old Roman coins dating from the IV, V and VI centuries found
on Romania are peculiar because they are a) made of bronze and b) show the
portrait of contemporary emperors on them. The first part affirms that these coins
were not valuable, meaning that they were common currency. There is no way
such coins could have found their way into Romania through tribute or trade
between the Romans and barbarians because the Goths, Avars, Huns, and others
would only accept gold coins and items as tribute, as bronze coins had little value
or use to them. The material indicates that these coins were used as a common
bartering currency for low-value items (like food or iron) by a poor populace.
Their number, and the diverse locations that they've been found in, indicates that
this populace was large, and spread all over the country. The second aspect
reflects the historical fact that there was significant communication between this
proto-Romanian populace and the Roman Empire, enough to allow for the
accurate re-minting of coins. Even if the coins were imported by the proto-
Romanians from the Romans, it still is evidence of significant contact between the
Romans and the Romanians North of the Danube. [22]
• At the supposed site of relocation of these colonists, that being Moesia, of which
only a small upper part was renamed as Dacia. In this region, there is no recording
of any drastic increase of population, something which would definitely have
resulted from such an influx of refugees. When the Goths sought refuge in the
Eastern Roman Empire to escape the Huns, their presence is clearly attestable in
cesspits, cemeteries, and archaeological relics. The relocated Dacian colonists
however, did not leave any impression at all. There is no sudden growth in
cemeteries, nor in cremation urns discovered. There is no expansion of cities and
towns in the 3rd century, and no new towns are created. This leads to one of two
conclusions: Either the newly relocated colonists made sure to only cremate
themselves and simply throw away their ashes into the wind, consume as little as
possible, smash every pot they had, and be homeless for the rest of their
existence; or, such a massive relocation never happened. [22]
• During the 5th-7th centuries houses all over Romania are noted as having "vatra"
ovens, being ovens made of clay and surrounded by stones. These ovens could not
have belonged to the Slavs who had a different style of construction, and is
noticeable in Dacian-occupied areas in Romania during the 1st-3rd century.
Traditional Roman ovens were also discovered in the same area as these "vatra
ovens." [87]
Cercetările arheologice efectuate la Chitila Fermă, de pe grindul colmatat, situat la nord-vestul staţiunii, între calea ferată Bucureşti-Ploieşti
şi cursul Colentinei, au pus în evidenţă o locuire din sec. II-V aparţinând carpo-dacilor. Locuirea era cunoscută din cercetările de teren
anterioare. În secţiunile I-III praticate în 2001 a fost pusă în evidenţă o locuire din epocă dacică care o continuă pe cea din partea de vest a
staţiunii din secolele III-I î.Hr. Locuirea din secolele II-V d.Hr. se suprapune peste una din epoca bronzului, cultura Tei. Pentru această
epocă au fost identificate trei locuinţe atelier în care se desfăşura reducerea minereului de fier, precum şi prelucrarea acestui metal, dar şi a
bronzului, argintului şi cuprului. Aici se făureau unelte, arme, obiecte de podoabă şi de uz gospodăresc. Piesele de metal se aflau împreună
cu o cantitate importantă de zgură, topitură de metale, turte de fier brut, arsură, cenuşă, cărbune, rezultate din reducerea minereului după
procedeul direct pe vatră. Acestea sunt însoţite de o cantitate importantă de ceramică.
Materialul ceramic găsit este prelucrat cu mâna, cu roata olarului, chiar în aşezare, dar există şi o importantă cantitate de factură romană
rezultată din importurile pe care populaţia locală le făcea pe calea schimbului cu dacii din provincia Dacia cucerită, din Sciţia Minor, Moesia
sau din alte provincii mărginaşe ale imperiului. Cercetările fac dovada unei vieţi economice, sociale şi religioase bine organizate, dar la un
nivel de dezvoltare caracteristic lumii barbare de la periferia imperiului roman din acea vreme.
Analiza materialelor găsite în săpătură duce la concluzia că populaţia carpo-dacică avea o organizare militară care este susţinută de
descoperirea vârfurilor de săgeată, de suliţă, pinteni de călăreţi, etc. În aşezare se desfăşura şi o intensă activitate de păstorit, agricultură,
activităţi casnic-gospodăreşti ca tors, împletit, cioplitul lemnului şi pescuit. Agricultura era favorizată în dezvoltarea sa de pământul umed,
fertil de origine aluvio-coluvială din preajma râului şi mlaştinilor. Potenţialul economic era ridicat şi s-a dezvoltat în strânsă legătură cu
peisajul de luncă bogat în vegetaţie specifică, populată de o bogată faună piscicolă, de avifaună, vânat mărunt şi de talie mijlocie. La acest
potenţial se adăuga şi cel provenit din pădurile de foioase care populau întreaga câmpie din jur. Cursul Dâmboviţei favoriza legăturile de
schimb cu regiunile de deal şi munte din nord şi vest, dar şi cu bazinul dunărean din sud care asigura relaţiile pe calea fluviului cu provinciile
romane vecine.
Importantă este descoperirea în aşezare a sceptrului de bronz care face dovada faptului că daco-carpii erau la acea dată creştini, credinţă
pe care o împărtăşea şi conducătorul comunităţii care putea fi chiar un preot cu rang înalt, după forma şi motivele ornamentale ce le
prezintă piesa descoperită. Sceptrul e de fabricaţie locală, realizat de către un meşter puţin priceput dar cunoscător al tradiţiilor locale traco-
getice cu origini preistorice indubitabile. Piesa este un arhetip ce are foma unei mitre de arhiereu şi prezintă un orificiu mai larg la bază
pentru introducerea mânerului (un baston). Deasupra prezintă un orificiu mai mic în care a fost incastrată piesa care reprezenta o cruce
făcută probabil din acelaşi metal şi care s-a pierdut. Reconstituirea formei piesei este posibilă datorită imaginilor de pe piesele monetare de
epocă sau de pe piesele de podoabă şi de ceramica găsită în areal. Un element convingător şi indubitabil este prezenţa globului cruciger de
pe emisiunile monetare în care împăraţii din dinastiile constantiniană (324-364), valentiniană (364-378), teodosiană (379-457), leoniană
(457-518), iustiniană (518-610) şi apoi a heraclizilor (610-717) şi a celor care au urmat purtau în mâini globul cu cruce.
Forma globulară a sceptrului face parte din tradiţia dacică a arealului şi este atestată şi prin sceptrul descoperit în mormântul dacic de secol
III de la Peretu, cu ascendenţă în cele din piatră şi lut din epoca pietrei şi bronzului, în special cele din cultura Tei de la Căţelu Nou,
Băneasa, Butimanu etc. Ornamentarea în lobi are aceeaşi tradiţie şi este susţinută de motivul în frunză de brăduţ aplicat pe buzdugan,
dispus în cruce pe calota piesei, înscrisă şi ea pe un plan în cruce care îmbracă întreaga piesă. În deschiderile ovale de pe lobii piesei au
fost încastrate cu mare probabilitate pietre preţioase, care s-au pierdut o dată cu crucea de deasupra sa.
Descoperirea acestei piese de la Chitila pune problema că, la acea dată, daco-carpii erau deja creştini, iar creştinarea goţilor ca aliaţi ai lor
împotriva imperiului roman face parte din coaliţia politică, din convieţuirea dintre aceaştia în zonă şi constituie un proces normal în acest
context istoric. Un proces normal trebuie considerată şi relaţia populaţiei daco-carpice cu cea din Sciţia Minor unde trăiau creştini fraţi de
limbă şi sânge, sugerată şi de descoperirile de la Dinogeţia şi Histria, la care s-a făcut apel şi în recentele descoperiri de cripte cu martiri
creştini din Sciţia Minor.
Descoperirea aduce astfel lumini noi în ceea ce priveşte formarea poporului român în care factorul activ a fost creştinismul şi raporturile de
înrudire dintre populaţia din zona cucerită de romani cu cea a dacilor rămaşi liberi, precum şi cu pătrunderea în imperiu pe calea deselor
incursiuni a populaţiei daco-carpice. Un alt aspect care trebuie luat în considerare este faptul că în armata romană se înrolau luptători
vorbitori de limbă daco-carpică care, împreună cu concubinele lor, se întorceau acasă după exercitarea serviciului militar sau în urma
îmbolnăvirilor sau invalidizărilor din timpul serviciului militar. Procesul stă în strânsă legătură cu limba latină populară, variantă a limbii latine
oficiale, cu schimbarea produsă mai târziu de către biserica Occidentului prin limba latină medievală şi naşterea limbilor neo-latine. Procesul
este paralel cu sincretismul religios din spaţiul carpato-dacic şi cu amalgamul de populaţii care au existat în zonă între secolele I-IV d.Hr., în
care elementul precumpănitor era cel autohton, în ciuda valurilor de stăpânitori politico-militari care s-au succedat .
Origins
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Vlachs
Vlachs originate from the Romanized people of south-eastern Europe; from a mix of
Roman colonists (from various Roman provinces) and indigenous peoples who were
Latinised. The Vlach peoples from the south Balkans have generally been identified with
the indigenous populations of Thracian and or Illyrian origin. Many Vlachs settled into
the less-accessible mountainous areas of Greece and the northern Balkan region because
of the Germanic and Avar-Slav invasions and immigration of the 5th-7th centuries.
Their more exact place of origin is hard to determine as they can be found all over the
Balkan peninsula. Aromanians can be found in Greece, Bulgaria, Albania and the
Republic of Macedonia, while Romanians in Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Serbia and
Hungary. Their occupations were mostly trading, shepherding and craftsmanship. It is not
known exactly when the Vlachs who were the ancestors of present day Aromanians broke
off from the general body of Vlach people; historians point to a period between the 5th--
9th Centuries.
[edit] Byzantine period
For more details on this topic, see Vlachs.
The history of the Vlachs is a long struggle for achieving own statehood and separateness
and was marked by rebellions against foreign and imperial rule.
In 579 AD, two Byzantine chroniclers, Theophanes and Theophylactus, provided
accounts of the language of the Armani (Vlachs)[citation needed]. The Slavic-derived
exonym Vlachoi ("Vlachs") became a substitute for the term Armani when it was first
used in 976 AD. In 1020, Basil II specifically placed the "Vlachs of all Bulgaria" under
the jurisdiction of the new Archbishop of Ochrida. In 1027 they are included in Western
accounts (the Annales Barenses) of a Byzantine expedition to Italy.
Another Byzantine historian, Kekaumenos mentions a revolt of Vlachs of Thessaly in
1066, and their ruler Verivoi. One of the first full description is given in the Strategikon
of Kekaumenos, where the presence of numerous Vlach shepherds in Epirus and
Thessaly is noted, as well as their provenance in the Danube valley and their descent
from ancient tribes. Because of their nomadic and migratory lifestyle, Kekaumenos
writes, they enjoyed a bad reputation.
According to the 12th-century Byzantine historian Anna Comnena, they founded the
independent state of Great Walachia, which covered the Pindus Mountain ranges and part
of Macedonia. The Vlachs of Thessaly and Macedonia appear regularly in Anna
Comnena's Alexiad
The Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, a Spanish Jew who traveled through out South-Eastern
Europe and the Middle East between 1159 and 1173 wrote about the Vlachs coming
down from the mountains to attack the Greeks. He also described them as a group of
rebels, who may have had Jewish origins. Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela while traveling
through Thessaly describes the Vlachs as nimble mountaineers. Referring to the Vlachs
of Macedonia he said: "no Emperor can conquer them". He visited Constantinople,
during the reign of Manuel Comnenus (1143-1180 AD), and writes of the Emperor's
special sympathy for the Vlachs because of his origins from that people.
After the collapse of the Byzantine Empire in the Fourth Crusade, the numerous
Aromanians (Valachians) of Thessaly and the southern regions of Macedonia and Epirus
established their own state, and the area was known as Great Wallachia(Vlahia).
Choniates wrote, between 1202 and 1214, that the Thessalian mountain region was called
"Great Wallachia". After the establishment of the Latin Empire at Constantinople in
1204, Great Wallachia was absorbed by the Greek Despotate of Epirus; later it was
annexed by the Serbs, and in 1393 it fell to the Turks. Another Vlach region, called Little
Walachia, was located in Aetolia and Acarnania (department in west central Greece).