what Jim Crow laws were

what era did the Black Middle Class emerge

the civil rights Act of 1964

who Harold Cruse is, his concern with direction of Civil Right movement and his focus on culture

the year of the Fair Housing Act-1968

difference between 3 theories of prejudice - psychological, normative and power conflict

differences between universality, generality, particularity in regards to culture

ethnocentrism, ageism, ableism

Agency

Hegemony

Emory Bogardus' social scale

Robert Parks and his definition of the marginal men

differences between de facto and de jure discrimination

differences between direct/indirect discrimination

differences between primary structural and secondary structural assimilation

differences between biological/social assimilation

differences between Mexicans/Cubans/Puerto Ricans/ Dominicans racial and economic makeup

Significance of Chavez/Tijerina to Chicano movement and their different goals

Chinese Exclusion Act

which Asian group is the most assimilated

What types of business most Koreans own

Why immigrants from India outperform other ethnic groups

Which riot in US was worst in regards to death, injuries, and economic damage

What city has largest muslim community

which city has largest concentration of Central Americans

largest Native American Tribe

Jim Crow laws

The Jim Crow laws were state and local laws in the United States enacted between 1876 and
1965. They mandated de jure racial segregation in all public facilities, with a supposedly
"separate but equal" status for black Americans. In reality, this led to treatment and
accommodations that were usually inferior to those provided for white Americans, systematizing
a number of economic, educational and social disadvantages.
Some examples of Jim Crow laws are the segregation of public schools, public places and public
transportation, and the segregation of restrooms, restaurants and drinking fountains for whites
and blacks. The U.S. military was also segregated. These Jim Crow Laws were separate from the
1800–1866Black Codes, which also restricted the civil rights and civil liberties of African
Americans. State-sponsored school segregation was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme
Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. Generally, the remaining Jim
Crow laws were overruled by the Civil Rights Act of 1964[1] and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Etymology
The phrase "Jim Crow Law" first appeared in 1904 according to the Dictionary of American
English,[2] although there is some evidence of earlier usage.[3] The origin of the phrase "Jim
Crow" has often been attributed to "Jump Jim Crow", a song-and-dance caricature of African
Americansperformed by white actor Thomas D. Rice in blackface, which first surfaced in 1832
and was used to satirize Andrew Jackson's populist policies. As a result of Rice's fame, "Jim
Crow" had become a pejorative expression meaning "African American" by 1838, and from this
the laws of racial segregation became known as Jim Crow laws.[3]
Origins of Jim Crow laws
During the Reconstruction period of 1865–1877 federal law provided civil rights protection in
the South for "freedmen" — the African Americans who had formerly been slaves. In the 1870s,
white Democrats gradually returned to power in southern states, sometimes as a result of
elections in which paramilitary groups intimidated opponents, attacking blacks or preventing
them from voting. Gubernatorial elections were close and disputed in Louisiana for years, with
extreme violence unleashed during the campaign. In 1877, a national compromise to gain
southern support in the presidential election resulted in the last of the federal troops being
withdrawn from the South. White Democrats had regained power in every Southern state.[4] The
white, Democratic Party Redeemer government that followed the troop withdrawal legislated Jim
Crow laws segregating black people from the state's white population.
Blacks were still elected to local offices in the 1880s, but the establishment Democrats were
passing laws to make voter registration and elections more restrictive, with the result that
participation by most blacks and many poor whites began to decrease. Starting
with Mississippi in 1890, through 1910 the former Confederate states passed new constitutions
or amendments that effectively disfranchised most blacks and tens of thousands of poor whites
through a combination of poll taxes, literacy and comprehension tests, and residency and record-
keeping requirements. Grandfather clausestemporarily permitted some illiterate whites to vote.
Voter turnout dropped drastically through the South as a result of such measures.
Denied the ability to vote, blacks and poor whites could neither serve on juries nor in local
office. They could not influence the state legislatures, and their interests were overlooked. While
public schools had been established by Reconstruction legislatures, those for black children were
consistently underfunded, even when considered within the strained finances of the South. The
decreasing price of cotton kept the agricultural economy at a low.
In some cases, progressive measures to reduce election fraud acted against black and poor white
voters who were illiterate. While the separation of African Americans from the general
population was becoming legalized and formalized in the Progressive Era (1890s–1920s), it was
also becoming customary. Even in cases in which Jim Crow laws did not expressly forbid black
people to participate, for instance, in sports or recreation or church services, the laws shaped a
segregated culture.[3]
In the Jim Crow context, the presidential election of 1912 was steeply slanted against the
interests of Black Americans. Most blacks still lived in the South, where they had been
effectively disfranchised, so they could not vote at all. While poll taxes and literacy requirements
banned many Americans from voting, these stipulations frequently had loopholes that exempted
white Americans from meeting the requirements. In Oklahoma, for instance, anyone qualified to
vote before 1866, or related to someone qualified to vote before 1866, was exempted from the
literacy requirement; the only Americans who could vote before that year were white Americans,
such that all white Americans were effectively excluded from the literacy testing, whereas all
black Americans were effectively singled out by the law.[5]
Woodrow Wilson, a southern Democrat and the first southern-born president of the postwar
period, appointed southerners to his cabinet. Some quickly began to press for segregated work
places, although Washington, DC and federal offices had been integrated since after the Civil
War. In 1913, for instance, the Secretary of the Treasury William Gibbs McAdoo—an appointee
of the President—was heard to express his consternation at black and white women working
together in one government office: "I feel sure that this must go against the grain of the white
women. Is there any reason why the white women should not have only white women working
across from them on the machines?"[6]
President Woodrow Wilson introduced segregation in Federal offices, despite much protest.
[7]
 Wilson appointed Southern politicians who were segregationists, because of his firm belief
that racial segregation was in the best interest of black and white Americans alike.
[7]
 At Gettysburg on July 4, 1913, the semi-centennial of Abraham Lincoln's declaration that "all
men are created equal", Wilson addressed the crowd:
How complete the union has become and how dear to all of us, how unquestioned, how benign
and majestic, as state after state has been added to this, our great family of free men![8]
A Washington Bee editorial wondered if the "reunion" of 1913 was a reunion of those who
fought for "the extinction of slavery" or a reunion of those who fought to "perpetuate slavery and
who are now employing every artifice and argument known to deceit" to present emancipation as
a failed venture.[8] One historian notes that the "Peace Jubilee" at which Wilson presided at
Gettysburg in 1913 "was a Jim Crow reunion, and white supremacy might be said to have been
the silent, invisible master of ceremonies."[8] (See also: Great Reunion of 1913)

Black middle class

The black middle class, within the United States, refers to African Americans who occupy
a middle class status within the American class structure. It is predominately a development that
arose after the 1960s, during which the African American Civil Rights Movement led to reform
movements aimed at outlawing racial discrimination. Although the size of the black middle class
can vary by definition, members of the middle class (for both blacks and whites) can be
characterized by families who own their own home or small business, and by the strictest
definition, those with a degree from college.[1]
United States
African Americans had limited opportunities for advancement to middle class status prior to
1961 because of racial discrimination, segregation, and the fact that most lived in the rural South.
In 1960, forty-three percent of the white population completed high school, while only twenty
percent of the black population did the same. African Americans had little to no access to higher
education and only three percent graduated from college. Those blacks who were professionals
were mainly confined to serving the African American population. Outside of the black
community, they worked in unskilled industrial jobs. Black women who worked were almost
all domestic servants.
Economic growth, public policy, black skill development, and the civil rights movement all
contributed to the surfacing of a larger black middle class. The civil rights movement helped to
desegregate the military and removed barriers to higher education. As opportunity for African
Americans expanded, blacks began to take advantage of the new possibilities. Homeownership
has been crucial in the rise of the black middle class, including the movement of African
Americans to the suburbs, which has also translated into better educational opportunities. By
1980, over 50% of the African American population had graduated from high school and eight
percent graduated from college. In 2006, 86% of blacks between age 25 and 29 had graduated
from high school and 19% had completed a bachelor's degrees.[2] As of 2003, the percentage of
black householders is 48%, compared to 43% in 1990.[3]
A major problem currently facing the American black middle class is the threat of downward
mobility, which affects middle-class blacks significantly more than the rest of the middle class.
A report done by the Pew Research Center in 2007 reveals that of the sons and daughters of the
black middle class, 45% of black children end up "near poor", and the comparable rate for white
families is 16%.[4] The trend of downward mobility has caused the overall majority of middle-
class-black children to end up with lower incomes than their parents. While 68% of white
children earn incomes above their parents, 31% of black children earn incomes more than their
parents did.[4] The trend of downward mobility could be caused by the lack of married blacks,
and the number of blacks born out of wedlock. In 2009, 72% of black babies are born out of
wedlock, compared with 28% of white women.[5]
Although not a part of the mainstream black population, sub-Saharan African immigrants to the
United States, who have emigrated from Africa within the last few decades, tend to have higher
income levels than other African Americans due to their higher education levels. African
immigrants have the highest educational attainment of American ethnic groups, with higher
levels of completion than the stereotyped Asian American model minority.[6][7] In 1997, 24.6
percent of all adult white Americans and 13.3 percent of all black Americans held a bachelors
degree, while 48.9 percent of African immigrants held a bachelor's degree. Though the U.S.
Census Bureau counts white populations who emigrated from Africa in the same category as
black Africans, it shows African immigrants were more than three times as likely to hold a
bachelor's degree than native-born African Americans.[8] Despite the high educational
achievement of African immigrants, African immigrants still tend to have lower median
household incomes compared to other immigrant groups. Many African immigrants hold strong
ties to their home countries, and send remittances to their relatives.
A phrase used somewhat interchangeably with black middle class is black urban professional,
whose acronym is buppie, a parallel structure to yuppie, or young urban professional. The
acronym has a pejorative connotation when used in describing a person.[9]

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Pub.L. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241, enacted July 2, 1964) was a

landmark piece of legislation in the United States that outlawed major forms of discrimination
against blacks and women, and ended racial segregation in the United States. It ended unequal
application of voter registration requirements and racial segregation in schools, at the workplace
and by facilities that served the general public ("public accommodations").
Once the Act was implemented, its effects were far-reaching on the country as a whole and had
an immediate impact on the South. It prohibited discrimination in public facilities, in
government, and in employment, invalidating the Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S. It became
illegal to compel segregation of the races in schools, housing, or hiring.
After passage of the law, the NAACP was the only major civil rights organization to maintain a
large membership in the South, where it concentrated on organizing the ongoing struggle for
black civil rights. During 1965-75, the NAACP remained committed to using litigation to
challenge racial injustice. Its legal efforts focused on four areas: enforcement of both the 1964
Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, school integration, employment
discrimination, and the struggle to keep Southern states and localities from switching to at-large
elections.[1]
Powers given to enforce the act were initially weak, but were supplemented during later years.
Congress asserted its authority to legislate under several different parts of the United States
Constitution, principally its power to regulateinterstate commerce under Article One (section 8),
its duty to guarantee all citizens equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth
Amendment and its duty to protect voting rights under the Fifteenth Amendment.

The bill was called for by President John F. Kennedy in his civil rights speech of June 11, 1963,
[2]
 in which he asked for legislation "giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities
which are open to the public—hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar
establishments," as well as "greater protection for the right to vote."
Emulating the Civil Rights Act of 1875, Kennedy's civil rights bill included provisions to ban
discrimination in public accommodations, and to enable the U.S. Attorney General to join in
lawsuits against state governments which operated segregated school systems, among other
provisions. However, it did not include a number of provisions deemed essential by civil rights
leaders including protection against police brutality, ending discrimination in private
employment, or granting the Justice Department power to initiate desegregation or job
discrimination lawsuits.[3]

HAROLD CRUSE - Cruse's lament is that we have not achieved what we should have achieved
culturally given what he sees as our genius in many areas of art. However, he argues the
necessity for a new type of culturalist with specific characteristics. I have drawn from his
analysis three factors which the culturalist should possess: (1) a commitment to cultural agency,
(2) the lack of economic or moral fear, and (3) the willingness to pursue the objective of
freedom.
What Cruse understood in this regard was that only artists or just plain humans who were
capable of supporting these ideas could be depended upon for cultural liberation.

Fair Housing Act - In the United States, the fair housing (also open housing) policies date
largely from the 1960s. Originally, the terms fair housing and open housing came from a
political movement of the time to outlaw discrimination in the rental or purchase of homes and a
broad range of other housing-related transactions, such as advertising, mortgage lending,
homeowner's insurance and zoning. Later, the same language was used in laws. At the urging of
President Lyndon Baines Johnson, Congress passed the federal Fair Housing Act (Title VIII of
the Civil Rights Act of 1968) in April 1968, only one week after the assassination of Martin
Luther King, Jr..
The primary purpose of the Fair Housing Law of 1968 is to protect the dwelling seeker from
seller or landlord discrimination. It does this by protecting the buyer's or renter's right to
discriminate. The goal is a unitary housing market in which a person's background (as opposed
to financial resources) does not arbitrarily restrict access. Calls for open housing were issued
early in the twentieth century, but it was not until after World War II that concerted efforts to
achieve it were undertaken.

Theories of Prejudice Formation Normative Theory---

This perspective on prejudice formation identifies core socialization experiences as primarily
responsible for the creation and reinforcement of prejudices. In this view the family, oneís circle
of friends, one’s community, and the mass media all systematically teach attitudes---some of
which are prejudices.

1. Socialization. Many prejudices seem to be passed along from parents to children. The

media—including television, movies, and advertising—also perpetuate demeaning
images and stereotypes about assorted groups, such as ethnic minorities, women, gays
and lesbians, the disabled, and the elderly.
2. Conforming behaviors. Prejudices may bring support from significant others, so rejecting
prejudices may lead to losing social support. The pressures to conform to the views of
families, friends, and associates can be formidable.
3. Economic benefits. Social studies have confirmed that prejudice especially rises when
groups are in direct competition for jobs. This may help to explain why prejudice
increases dramatically during times of economic and social stress.
4. Authoritarian personality. In response to early socialization, some people are especially
prone to stereotypical thinking and projection based on unconscious fears. People with
an authoritarian personality rigidly conform, submit without question to their
superiors, reject those they consider to be inferiors, and express intolerant sexual and
religious opinions. The authoritarian personality may have its roots in parents who are
unloving and aloof disciplinarians. The child then learns to control his or her anxieties
via rigid attitudes.
5. Ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is the tendency to evaluate others' cultures by one's own
cultural norms and values. It also includes a suspicion of outsiders. Most cultures have
their ethnocentric tendencies, which usually involve stereotypical thinking.
6. Group closure. Group closure is the process whereby groups keep clear boundaries
between themselves and others. Refusing to marry outside an ethnic group is an example
of how group closure is accomplished.
7. Conflict theory. Under conflict theory, in order to hold onto their distinctive social
status, power, and possessions, privileged groups are invested in seeing that no
competition for resources arises from minority groups. The powerful may even be ready
to resort to extreme acts of violence against others to protect their interests. As a result,
members of underprivileged groups may retaliate with violence in an attempt to improve
their circumstances.

ETHNOCENTRISM
Ethnocentrism is the tendency to believe that one's ethnic or cultural group is centrally
important, and that all other groups are measured in relation to one's own. The ethnocentric
individual will judge other groups relative to his or her own particular ethnic group or culture,
especially with concern to language, behavior, customs, and religion. These ethnic distinctions
and sub-divisions serve to define each ethnicity's unique cultural identity.[1]
The term ethnocentrism was coined by William G. Sumner, upon observing the tendency for
people to differentiate between the ingroup and others. He described it as often leading to pride,
vanity, beliefs of one's own group's superiority, and contempt of outsiders.[2]
Anthropologists such as Franz Boas and Bronislaw Malinowski argued that any human science
had to transcend the ethnocentrism of the scientist. Both urged anthropologists to
conduct ethnographic fieldwork in order to overcome their ethnocentrism. Boas developed the
principle of cultural relativism and Malinowski developed the theory of functionalism as guides
for producing non-ethnocentric studies of different cultures. The books The Sexual Life of
Savages in North-Western Melanesia, by Malinowski, Patterns of Culture by Ruth
Benedict and Coming of Age in Samoa byMargaret Mead (two of Boas's students) are classic
examples of anti-ethnocentric anthropology.

Ageism, also called age discrimination is stereotyping of and discrimination against

individuals or groups because of their age. It is a set of beliefs, attitudes, norms, and values used
to justify age based prejudice and discrimination. This may be casual or systematic.[1][2][3] The
term was coined in 1969 by US gerontologist Robert N. Butler to describe discrimination
against seniors, and patterned on sexism and racism.[4] Butler defined ageism as a combination of
three connected elements. Among them were prejudicial attitudes towards older people, old age,
and the aging process; discriminatory practices against older people; and institutional practices
and policies that perpetuate stereotypes about older people[5] The term has also been used to
describe prejudice and discrimination against adolescents and children, including ignoring their
ideas because they are too young, or assuming that they should behave in certain ways because
of their age.[6]

ABLEISM
The Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) enacted
into law certain civil penalties for failing to make a public places comply with access codes
known as the ADA Access Guidelines (ADAAG); this law also helped expand the use of certain
adaptive devices, such as TTYs (phone systems for the deaf/speech impaired), some computer-
related hardware and software, and ramps or lifts on public transportation buses and private
automobiles. In the UK, meanwhile, the 1995 Disability Discrimination Act and Disability
Discrimination Act 2005 attempt the same.

Human agency is the capacity for human beings to make choices and to impose those choices
on the world. It is normally contrasted to natural forces, which are causes involving only
unthinking deterministic processes. In this respect, agency is subtly distinct from the concept
of free will, the philosophical doctrine that our choices are not the product of causal chains, but
are significantly free or undetermined. Human agency entails the uncontroversial, weaker claim
that humans do in fact make decisions and enact them on the world. How humans come to make
decisions, by free choice or other processes, is another big issue. The capacity of a human to act
as an agent is personal to that human, though considerations of the outcomes flowing from
particular acts of human agency for us and others can then be thought to invest
a moral component into a given situation wherein an agent has acted, and thus to involve moral
agency.

HEGEMONY is the political, economic, ideological or cultural power exerted by a dominant

group over other groups, regardless of the explicit consent of the latter. While initially referring
to the political dominance of certain ancient Greek city-states over their neighbors, the term has
come to be used in a variety of other contexts, in particular Marxist philosopher Antonio
Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony. The term is often mistakenly used to suggest brute power
or dominance, when it is better defined as emphasizing how control is achieved through
consensus not force.

Bogardus Social Distance Scale

The Bogardus Social Distance Scale is a psychological testing scale created by Emory S.
Bogardus to empirically measure people's willingness to participate in social contacts of varying
degrees of closeness with members of diverse social groups, such as other racial and ethnic
groups,sex offenders, and homosexuals.
The scale asks people the extent to which they would be accepting of each group (a score of 1.00
for a group is taken to indicate no social distance):
 As close relatives by marriage (score 1.00)
 As my close personal friends (2.00)
 As neighbors on the same street (3.00)
 As co-workers in the same occupation (4.00)
 As citizens in my country (5.00)
 As only visitors in my country (6.00)
 Would exclude from my country (7.00)
The Bogardus Social Distance Scale is a cumulative scale (a Guttman scale), because agreement
with any item implies agreement with all preceding items. The scale has been criticized as too
simple because the social interactions and attitudes in close familial or friendship-type
relationships may be qualitatively different from social interactions with and attitudes toward
relationships with far-away contacts such as citizens or visitors in one's country.
Research by Bogardus first in 1925 and then repeated in 1946, 1956, and 1966 shows that the
extent of social distancing in the US is decreasing slightly and fewer distinctions are being made
among groups. A Web-based questionnaire has been running since late 1993. Internet users are
encouraged to submit their responses here where the maintainer of this site has posted at least
two papers that update research on social distance.
For Bogardus, social distance is a function of affective distance between the members of two
groups: ‘‘[i]n social distance studies the center of attention is on the feeling reactions of persons
toward other persons and toward groups of people.’’[1] Thus, for him, social distance is
essentially a measure of how much or little sympathy the members of a group feel for another
group. It might be important to note that Bogardus’s conceptualization is not the only one in the
sociological literature. Several sociologists have pointed out that social distance can also be
conceptualized on the basis of other parameters such as the frequency of interaction between
different groups or the normative distinctions in a society about who should be considered an
“insider” or “outsider.”

Robert Park’s Marginal Man theory

Park was especially interested in immigrants, and conducted numerous studies on them. He was
famous for the term “the marginal man,” to denote the specific position of immigrants in society:
The marginal man…is one whom fate has condemned to live in two societies and in two, not
merely different but antagonistic cultures…his mind is the crucible in which two different and
refractory cultures may be said to melt and, either wholly or in part, fuse (Cultural Conflict and
the Marginal Man, 1937).
Based on his observation of immigrant groups in the United States, Park developed his theory of
group behavior. He postulated that the loyalties that bind persons together in primitive societies
are in direct proportion to the intensity of the fears and hatreds with which they view other
societies. This concept was developed as theories of ethnocentrism and in-group/out-group
propensities. Group solidarity correlates to a great extent with animosity toward an out-group.
Park proposed four universal types of interaction in intergroup relations:
1. Competition: Type of interaction where all individuals or groups pursue their own
interests, without paying attention to other individuals or groups
2. Conflict: Type of interaction where individuals or groups consciously try to eliminate
other individuals or groups
3. Accommodation: Adjustment toward reducing the conflict and achieving the interest of
mutual security
4. Assimilation: Process whereby once separate groups acquire each other’s culture, or
become part of a common culture.
Although Park hoped that full assimilation would remove racial differences in the long run, he
saw the situation of race relations in America in different terms. He regarded the concept of
"social distance," referring to the degree of intimacy between groups or individuals, as more
relevant. Park argued that racial prejudice and social distance should not be confused with racial
conflict. 

De Facto vs De Jure discrimination

'De facto' racial discrimination or segregation in the USA during the fifties and sixties was
simply discrimination that was not segregation by law (de jure).
Jim Crow Laws, which were enacted in the 1870s, brought legal racial segregation
against African Americans residing in the Southeastern USA. These laws were legally ended in
1964 by the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[citation needed].
Continued practices of expecting African Americans to ride in the back of buses or to step aside
onto the street if not enough room was present for a Caucasian person and "separate but equal"
facilities are instances of de facto segregation. The NAACP fought for the de jure law to be
upheld and for de facto segregation practices to be abolished.

Direct Discrimination
· Direct discrimination is usually obvious and easy to spot. It happens when a company or
organization makes decisions not based on merit or ability but on factors such as sex, race,
religion or age. This is a clearly unfair occurrence, and companies usually do not have much
ability to refute their wrongdoing.
Indirect Discrimination
· Indirect discrimination is less obvious. It occurs when there are polices or regulations that on
the surface appear not to favor one group or another but in practice discriminate because certain
people are less able to comply or meet requirements. For example, a policy stating that all
workers must keep a full-time schedule in practice discriminates against working parents,
those caring for disabled family members or those with medical conditions who cannot work a
full day.

Primary and Secondary structural assimilation - Theoretical Background

 Ethnic assimilation is "a process of boundary reduction that can occur when members of
two or more societies or of smaller cultural groups meet" (Yinger, 1981:249). One
dimension of ethnic assimilation is acculturation, which involves the acquisition by a
minority group of the cultural characteristics of the dominant group, e.g., language, diet,
and religion (Gordon, 1964). In contrast, structural assimilation refers to the entry of a
minority group into the social institutions of the majority, including the economy,
education, civic affairs, and government. Gordon (1964) recognizes two structural-
assimilation dynamics. The first is "primary structural assimilation." This is the degree of
interaction in warm and intimate ties between minority group members and members of
the majority group. The second is "secondary structural assimilation," and refers to the
extent of interaction between members of minority and majority groups in less intimate
settings, such as educational, work, and residential environments.
 Primary structural assimilation: close personal interaction in private
sphere between dominant and subordinate groups. Primary relationships
such as families friends.
 Secondary : same as above only in public sphere. Work, school, etc.
Biological Assimilation
aka amalgamation = intermarriage among ethnic groups resulting in a new group
Acculturation/Social assimilation
Thus, acculturation can be conceived to be the processes of cultural learning imposed upon
minorities by the fact of being minorities. If enculturation is first-culture learning, then
acculturation is second-culture learning. This has often been conceived to be a unidimensional,
zero-sum cultural conflict in which the minority's culture is displaced by the dominant group's
culture in a process of assimilation.
The traditional definition sometimes differentiates between acculturation by an individual
(transculturation) and that by a group - usually very large (acculturation).
Additionally, "acculturation" has been used by Matusevich as a term describing the paradigm
shift public schools must undergo in order to successfully integrate emerging technologies in a
meaningful way into classrooms (Matusevich, 1995). The old and the new additional definitions
have a boundary that blurs in modern multicultural societies, where a child of an immigrant
family might be encouraged to acculturate both the dominant also well as the ancestral culture,
either of which may be considered "foreign", but in fact, they are both integral parts of the child's
development.

HISPANICS

In the U.S., Latin Americans are often considered a single race possessing a distinctive "look". In
fact, they're a heterogeneous amalgam of the three primary races of man: Caucasoids
(Mediterraneans), Mongoloids (Amerindians) and Negroids (West Africans). These elements
usually exist in solution with one another to varying degrees, though in some places are found
largely in pure form. The unique and variable composition of Hispanics, which spans the entire
spectrum of physical types, makes them a poor population to use as a standard for drawing
comparisons with other groups.

Genetics
"The effect of gene flow on Hispanic populations from different geographic regions of the
United States was analyzed using six autosomal DNA markers.... By region of sampling, the
Hispanic populations showed different ancestry contributions, from a trihybrid structure with
European, Native American, and African contributions (California, Nevada, Florida, New Jersey,
and Virginia) to a dihybrid structure with European and American contributions (Southwest
population) or European and African contributions (Pennsylvania and Southeast population).
These findings allowed us to define two regional groups, the West and the East. In the former,
Native American contributions ranged from 35.58% to 57.87%; in the East region the values
ranged from 0% to 21.27%. An African influence was similar in both regions, ranging from 0%
to 17.11%, with a tendency of increasing in the East region. These data reflect the different
origins of the Hispanic populations that led to the present ones. In the West, Hispanics are mostly
of Mexican origin, and in the East, they are predominantly of Cuban and Puerto Rican origin."
(Bertoni et al. 2003)
***
 "The origin of the African populations that arrived on the Colombian coasts at the time of the
Spanish conquest and their subsequent settlement throughout the country and interaction with
Amerindian and Spanish populations are features that can be analyzed through the study of
mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) markers. ... 159 Afro-Colombians from five populations in which
they are the majority and 91 urban Mestizos were studied. No Amerindian haplogroups (A-D, X)
were detected in 81% of the Afro-Colombians. In those samples with Amerindian lineages
(average 18.8%, with a range from 10% to 43%), haplogroup B predominated. When analyzed
for the presence of African haplotypes, Afro-Colombians showed an overall frequency of 35.8%
for haplogroup L mtDNAs, although with broad differences between populations. ... in Mestizos
less than 22% of their mtDNAs belonged to non-Amerindian lineages, of which most were likely
to be West Eurasian in origin. Haplogroup L mtDNAs were found in only one Mestizo (1.1%) ...
Amerindians from Colombia have experienced little or no matrilineal admixture with Caucasians
or Africans. Taken together, these results are evidence of different patterns of past ethnic
admixture among Africans, Amerindians, and Spaniards in the geographic region now
encompassing Colombia, which is also reflected in much of the region's cultural diversity."
(Rodas et al. 2003)

***
"To estimate the maternal contribution of Native Americans to the human gene pool of Puerto
Ricans—a population of mixed African, European, and Amerindian ancestry—the mtDNAs of
two sample sets were screened for restriction fragment length polymorphisms (RFLPs) defining
the four major Native American haplogroups. The sample set collected from people who claimed
to have a maternal ancestor with Native American physiognomic traits had a statistically
significant higher frequency of Native American mtDNAs (69.6%) than did the unbiased sample
set (52.6%). This higher frequency suggests that, despite the fact that the native Taino culture has
been extinct for centuries, the Taino contribution to the current population is considerable and
some of the Taino physiognomic traits are still present. Native American haplogroup frequency
analysis shows a highly structured distribution, suggesting that the contribution of Native
Americans foreign to Puerto Rico is minimal. Haplogroups A and C cover 56.0% and 35.6% of
the Native American mtDNAs, respectively. No haplogroup D mtDNAs were found. Most of the
linguistic, biological, and cultural evidence suggests that the Ceramic culture of the Tainos
originated in or close to the Yanomama territory in the Amazon. However, the absence of
haplogroup A in the Yanomami suggests that the Yanomami are not the only Taino ancestors."
(Martinez-Cruzado et al. 2001)

Demographics
Racial composition of various Latin American nations:

Nation Mestiz Mulatt Europea India Africa Other

o o n n n
Mexico 60% -- 9% 30% -- 1%
El 94% -- 1% 5% -- --
Salvador
 Cuba -- 51% 37% -- 11% 1%
Dominica -- 73% 16% -- 11% --
n Rep.
Colombia 58% 14% 20% 1% 4% 3%
Brazil -- 38% 55% -- 6% 1%
Argentina 15% -- 85% -- -- --
Uruguay 8% -- 88% -- 4% --

César Chávez Estrada  March 31, 1927 – April 23, 1993) was a Mexican American farm
worker, labor leader, and civil rights activist who, with Dolores Huerta, co-founded the National
Farm Workers Association, which later became the United Farm Workers (UFW).[1]
He became the best known Latino civil rights activist and as, founder of the United Farm
Workers (UFW) was strongly promoted by the labor movement eager to enroll Hispanic
members . His public-relations approach to unionism and aggressive but nonviolent tactics made
the farm workers' struggle a moral cause with nationwide support. By the late 1970s, his tactics
had forced growers to recognize the UFW as the bargaining agent for 50,000 field workers in
California and Florida. However by the mid-1980s membership in the UFW had dwindled to
around 15,000.
Chavez was charismatic; a self-taught rhetorical genius he created commitment by inspiring well
educated Latino idealists with undiscovered organizing potential and encouraged them to offer a
liberating, self-abnegating devotion to the farmworkers' movement. Claiming as his
models Emiliano Zapata, Gandhi, Nehru and Martin Luther King, he called on his people to,
"Make a solemn promise: to enjoy our rightful part of the riches of this land, to throw off the
yoke of being considered as agricultural implements or slaves. We are free men and we demand
justice."
After his death he became a major historical icon for the Latino community, and for liberals
generally, symbolizing militant support for workers and for Hispanic power based on grass roots
organizing and his slogan "Sí, se puede" (Spanish for "Yes, it is possible" or, roughly, "Yes, it
can be done").

Chavez worked in the fields until 1952, when he became an organizer for the Community
Service Organization (CSO), a Latino civil rights group. He was hired and trained by Fred
Ross as an organizer targeting police brutality. Chávez urged Mexican Americans to register and
vote, and he traveled throughout California and made speeches in support of workers' rights. He
later became CSO's national director in 1958.[2]
In 1962 Chávez left the CSO and co-founded the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA)
with Dolores Huerta. It was later called the United Farm Workers (UFW).
When Filipino American farm workers initiated the Delano grape strike on September 8, 1965, to
protest for higher wages, Chávez eagerly supported them. Six months later, Chávez and the
NFWA led a strike of California grape pickers on the historic farmworkers march from Delano
to the California state capitol in Sacramento for similar goals. The UFW encouraged all
Americans to boycott table grapes as a show of support. The strike lasted five years and attracted
national attention. In March 1966, the US Senate Committee on Labor and Public
Welfare's Subcommittee on Migratory Labor held hearings in California on the strike. During the
hearings, subcommittee member Robert F. Kennedy expressed his support for the striking
workers.[3]
These activities led to similar movements in Southern Texas in 1966, where the UFW supported
fruit workers in Starr County, Texas, and led a march to Austin, in support of UFW farm
workers' rights. In the Midwest, César Chávez's movement inspired the founding of two
Midwestern independent unions: Obreros Unidos in Wisconsin in 1966, and the Farm Labor
Organizing Committee (FLOC) in Ohio in 1967. Former UFW organizers would also found the
Texas Farm Workers Union in 1975.
In the early 1970s, the UFW organized strikes and boycotts to protest for, and later win, higher
wages for those farm workers who were working for grape and lettuce growers. The union also
won passage of the California Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which gave collective
bargaining rights to farm workers. During the 1980s, Chávez led a boycott to protest the use of
toxic pesticides on grapes. Bumper stickers reading "NO GRAPES" and "UVAS NO"[4] (the
translation in Spanish) were widespread. He again fasted to draw public attention. UFW
organizers believed that a reduction in produce sales by 15% was sufficient to wipe out the profit
margin of the boycotted product. These strikes and boycotts generally ended with the signing of
bargaining agreements.

Reies Lopez Tijerina (born September 21, 1926 near Falls City, Texas) led a struggle
in the 1960s and 1970s to restore New Mexican land grants to the descendants of
their Spanish colonial and Mexican owners. As a vocal spokesman for the rights
of Hispanics and Mexican Americans, he became a major figure of the early Chicano
Movement (although he prefers "Indohispano" as a name for his people). As
an activist, he worked in community education and organization, media relations, and
land reclamations. He became famous internationally for his 1967 armed raid on
the Tierra Amarillacourthouse.
The Valley of Peace
After several years as a pastor starting in 1950 and later as an itinerant preacher, in
1956 Tijerina and 17 families of his followers sought to purchase land in Texas on
which to create their version of the Kingdom of God. Finding Texas land too
expensive, they opted for 160 acres (647,497 square meters) in the Southern Arizona
desert, which they bought with $1,400 in pooled funds. Situatued just north of the
Papago Tohono O'odham Indian reservation, the land was secluded and undeveloped,
the perfect conditions for a community seeking to remove itself from the "vanity and
corruption" of the cities. They especially sought to protect their children from the
influence of public schooling, which incorporated sex education.
At first, the families, referred to as "los Bravos" or the "Heralds of Peace", lived under
trees, but they soon dug themselves subterranean shelters, covering them with
automobile hoods recovered from garbage dumps outside the cities of Casa
Grande and Eloy.
Tijerina obtained a permit from the Arizona Department of Education to construct a
school and to educate their children. He and the other men spent three months
building the schoolhouse, only for it to be burned to the ground.
The members of the colony made friends with the neighboring communities,
especially African Americans and Native Americans, particularly the Pima Indians.
Tijerina soon found himself thrust into the role of bail bondsman for these minority
communities.
Officials from the Pima County school board began visiting the Valley of Peace early
in the year, encouraging the settlers to send their children to public schools. Citing the
recent rape and murder of a local eight-year-old girl who was waiting for the bus,
Tijerina and the other parents requested police protection for their children, which was
denied. As a result, the commune-dwellers retained the right to educate their own
children.
On April 18, 1956, Tijerina delivered his daughter Ira de Alá, the first person to be
born in the colony. He chose the name Ira de Alá, literally "Wrath of God", because
he "knew that if there was a just God, he had to be angry and unhappy with those that
managed our government and religion here on Earth". [1]
During the first year, a jet crashed on the property. Valley of Peace residents reported
the crash, and officials came to take away the remains but neglected to ask about the
condition of the property or the residents.
Not long after the crash, a group of Anglo-American youths rode their horses over the
tops of the settlers' subterranean homes, damaging them. Thinking that the pranks
were but youthful mischief, the commune members simply repaired their dwellings
and made no complaint. But shortly thereafter, they returned from work in
the cotton fields to discover two residences destroyed by fire. Tijerina and two other
men went to file a report with Sheriff Lawrence White. But when White found out the
direction from which the horse tracks came, he refused to investigate. Don Pelkam,
an FBI agent stationed in Casa Grande who had investigated the crash, also refused to
investigate, claiming that the arson had occurred outside his jurisdiction.
Shortly after his daughter was born, a storm flooded the Valley of Peace. Devastated
by his losses, Tijerina could not sleep. During the night he had a vision:
A man landed near my subterranean home. Behind him another man landed to his
right [...] Then a third [...] landed nearby. The three sat over something that appeared
to be a cloud. They spoke to me. They told me they came from far away, that they
were coming for me, and they would take me to an old ancient regime. My wife said,
"Why my husband? Aren't there others?" The three responded, "There is no other in
the world that can do this job. We have searched the earth and only he can do this." At
that moment, I interrupted and I asked, "What job?" They responded, "Secretary." [2]
Following the vision, Tijerina felt that his life had purpose and direction, and his
experience, which he interpreted as divine, gave him an unwavering conviction.

The Chinese Exclusion Act was a significant restriction on free immigration in U.S.
history. The Act excluded Chinese "skilled and unskilled laborers and Chinese employed in
mining" from entering the country for ten years under penalty of imprisonment and deportation.
[7][8]
 The few Chinese non-laborers who wished to immigrate had to obtain certification from the
Chinese government that they were qualified to immigrate, which tended to be difficult to prove.
[8]
 Volpp argues that the "Chinese Exclusion Act" is a misnomer, in that it is assumed to be the
starting point of Chinese exclusionary laws in the United States. She suggests attending to the
intersections of race, gender, and U.S. citizenship in order to both understand the restraints of
such a historical tendency and make visible Chinese female immigration experiences, including
the Page Act of 1875.[9]
The Act also affected Asians who had already settled in the United States. Any Chinese who left
the United States had to obtain certifications for reentry, and the Act made Chinese immigrants
permanent aliens by excluding them from U.S. citizenship.[7][8]After the Act's passage, Chinese
men in the U.S. had little chance of ever reuniting with their wives, or of starting families in their
new home.[7]
Amendments made in 1884 tightened the provisions that allowed previous immigrants to leave
and return, and clarified that the law applied to ethnic Chinese regardless of their country of
origin. The Scott Act (1888) expanded upon the Chinese Exclusion Act, prohibiting reentry after
leaving the U.S. The Act was renewed for ten years by the 1892 Geary Act, and again with no
terminal date in 1902.[8] When the act was extended in 1902, it required "each Chinese resident to
register and obtain a certificate of residence. Without a certificate, he or she faced deportation."

Japanese Americans are the most assimilated Asian group in the U.S.
Survey of Business Owners - Korean-Owned Firms: 2002
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
In 2002, there were nearly 158,000 Korean-owned firms in the U.S., employing nearly 321,000
workers, and generating almost $47 billion in revenue. These Korean-owned firms accounted for
0.7 percent of all nonfarm businesses in the U.S., 0.3 percent of their employment, and 0.2
percent of their receipts.
The number of Korean-owned businesses grew 16.3 percent between 1997 and 2002, and the
revenues grew 2.2 percent.
The 2002 Survey of Business Owners (SBO) defines Korean-owned businesses as firms in which
Koreans own 51 percent or more of the stock or equity of the business. The data in this report
were collected as part of the 2002 Economic Census from a large sample of all nonfarm
businesses filing 2002 tax forms as individual proprietorships, partnerships, or any type of
corporation, and with receipts of $1,000 or more.
KIND-OF-BUSINESS CHARACTERISTICS
In 2002, 44 percent of Korean-owned firms operated in other services, such as personal services,
and repair and maintenance; and retail trade, where they owned 1.3 percent of all such businesses
in the U.S.
Retail and wholesale trade accounted for 54 percent of all Korean-owned business
revenue. Table A [xls, 19K] shows the industries accounting for the largest receipts for Korean-
owned firms.

INDIAN AMERICANS
About three of every four Indian foreign-born adults had a bachelor's or higher degree.
In 2006, 73.8 percent of the 1.3 million Indian-born adults age 25 and older had a bachelor's or
higher degree compared to 26.7 percent among the 30.9 million foreign-born adults. About 40.5
percent of Indian-born adults age 25 and older had an advanced degree compared to 10.9 percent
among all immigrants. On the other end of the education continuum, about 8.5 percent of Indian
immigrants had no high school diploma or the equivalent general education diploma (GED),
compared to 32.0 percent among all foreign-born adults. 

Indian immigrant men were more likely to participate in the civilian labor force than
foreign-born men overall.
In 2006, Indian-born men age 16 and older were more likely to be in the civilian labor force
(84.8 percent) than foreign-born men overall (79.3 percent). Indian-born women age 16 and
older had a similar civilian labor force participation rate (55.9 percent) to all foreign-born
women (55.1 percent). 

Over one-quarter of Indian-born men were employed in information technology

occupations.
Among the 629,218 Indian-born male workers age 16 and older employed in the civilian labor
force, 27.4 percent reported working in information technology, and 20.0 percent reported
working in management, business, and finance. Compared to other immigrants, Indian-born male
workers age 16 and older employed in the civilian labor force were also more likely to report
working as physicians, scientists and engineers, and in sales (see Table 3). 

Both Indian foreign-born men and women were significantly less likely to be employed as
construction, extraction, and transportation workers than foreign-born men and women overall. 

Table 3. Occupations of Employed Workers in the Civilian Labor Force Age 16

and Older by Gender and Origin, 2006

Indian foreign
  All foreign born
born
  Male Female Male Female
         
Persons age 16 and older employed in
629,218 346,733 13,285,912 8,921,521
the civilian labor force
         
Total percent 100 100 100 100
    Management, business, finance 20.0 15.3 10.2 9.8
    Information technology 27.4 13.1 3.9 1.9
    Other sciences and engineering 11.2 6.2 4.1 2.3
    Social services and legal 0.8 1.2 1 1.9
    Education/training and
4.7 8.7 3.3 6.9
media/entertainment
    Physicians 4.8 5.8 1.3 1
    Registered nurses 0.2 5.9 0.3 3.3
    Other health-care practitioners 1.8 6.1 0.9 3
    Health-care support 0.3 2.7 0.6 5.2
    Services 3.3 5.8 16.9 25
    Sales 11.4 11.1 7.8 10.9
    Administrative support 4.3 11.9 5.5 15.1
    Farming, fishing, and forestry 0.1 0.3 2.5 1.1
    Construction, extraction, and
5.4 1.5 26.8 3.4
transportation
    Manufacturing, installation, and
4.4 4.7 15 9.4
repair
Source: 2006 American Community Survey.
RIOT DATA
The exact death toll during the New York Draft Riots is unknown, but according to
historian James M. McPherson (2001), at least 120 civilians were killed.[28] Estimates are that at
least 2,000 more were injured. Herbert Asbury, the author of the 1928 book Gangs of New
York upon which the 2002 film was based, puts the figure much higher, at 2,000 killed and 8,000
wounded.[2] Total property damage was about $1–5 million.[2][29] Historian Samuel Eliot
Morison wrote that the riots were "equivalent to a Confederate victory".[29] The city treasury
later indemnifiedone-quarter of the amount. Fifty buildings, including two Protestant churches,
burned to the ground. On August 19, the draft was resumed. It was completed within 10 days
without further incident, although far fewer men were actually drafted than had been feared: of
the 750,000 selected for conscription nationwide, only about 45,000 actually went into service.[16]
While the rioting mainly involved the working class, the middle and upper-class New Yorkers
had split sentiments on the draft and use of federal power or martial law to enforce the draft.
[30]
 Many wealthy Democratic businessmen sought to have the draft
declared unconstitutional.Tammany Democrats did not seek to have the draft declared
unconstitutional, but would help pay commutation fees on behalf of those who were drafted.

The 1967 Newark riots were a major civil disturbance that occurred in the city of Newark, New
Jersey between July 12 and July 17, 1967. The six days of rioting, looting, and destruction left 26
dead and hundreds injured. This unrest came to a head when two white Newark policemen, John
DeSimone and Vito Pontrelli, arrested a black cabdriver, John W. Smith, for improperly passing
them on 15th Avenue[4]. Smith was taken to the 4th Police Precinct, which was across the street
from Hayes Homes, a large public housing project. Residents of Hayes Homes saw an
incapacitated Smith being dragged into the precinct, and a rumor was started that he had been
killed while in police custody. Smith had been moved to a local hospital. This set off six days
of riots, looting, violence, and destruction — ultimately leaving 26 people dead, 725 people
injured, and close to 1,500 arrested. Property damage exceeded $10 million.

As word of King's murder in Memphis, Tennessee spread on the evening of Thursday, April 4,

crowds began to gather at 14th and U. Stokely Carmichael, the Trinidad and Tobago-born
activist and Howard University graduate, had parted with King in 1966, and had been removed
as head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in 1967, but led members of the
SNCC to stores in the neighborhood demanding that they close out of respect. Although polite at
first, the crowd fell out of control and began breaking windows. By 11pm, widespread looting
had begun, as well as in over 30 other cities.
Mayor-Commissioner Walter Washington ordered the damage cleaned up immediately the next
morning. However, anger was still evident when Carmichael addressed a rally at Howard
warning of, and threatening violence on Friday morning and after the close of the rally, crowds
walking down 7th Street NW came into violent confrontations with police, as well as in the H
Street NE corridor. By midday, numerous buildings were on fire, with firefighters attacked with
bottles and rocks and unable to respond to them.
Crowds of as many as 20,000 overwhelmed the District's 3,100-member police force,
and President Lyndon B. Johnson dispatched some 13,600 federal troops, including 1,750
federalized D.C. National Guard troops to assist them. Marines mounted machine guns on the
steps of the Capitol and Army troops from the 3rd Infantry guarded the White House. At one
point, on April 5, rioting reached within two blocks of the White House before rioters retreated.
The occupation of Washington was the largest of any American city since the Civil War. Mayor
Washington imposed a curfew and banned the sale of alcohol and guns in the city. By the time
the city was considered pacified on Sunday, April 8, twelve had been killed (mostly in burning
homes), 1,097 injured, and over 6,100 arrested. Additionally, some 1,200 buildings had been
burned, including over 900 stores. Damages reached $27 million. This can be estimated to be
equivalent to over $156 million today.

The 1992 Los Angeles Riots, also known as the 1992 Los Angeles Civil Unrest[1][2]
[3]
 and Rodney King Uprising,[4] were sparked on April 29, 1992, when a jury acquitted four Los
Angeles Police Department officers accused in the videotaped beating of black motorist Rodney
King following a high-speed pursuit. Thousands of people in the Los Angeles area rioted over
the six days following the verdict. At that time, similar, smaller riots and anti-police actions took
place in other locations in the United States and Canada.
[5]
 Widespread looting, assault, arson and murder occurred, and property damages topped roughly
US$1 billion. In all, 53 people died during the riots and thousands more were injured.[6]

Here are some estimates for the cities with the largest muslim populations:
New York-NJ area: about 800,000
Los Angeles area: about 500,000
DC-Baltimore area: about 400,000
Chicagoland about 300,000
Detroit area about 300,000 (some estimate about 3% of Detroit’s metro population is Muslim)

Ten Largest American Indian Tribes

2000 Census Data
Do you know which American Indian tribes are near you? The Cherokee tribe is by far
the most populous, with 729,533 people identifying with the group. The Navajo tribes is
the second most common, with 298,197 Americans identifying with that group.
Name Population

Cherokee 729,533

Navajo 298,197

Latin American
180,940
Indian

Choctaw 158,774

Sioux 153,360

Chippewa 149,669

Apache 96,833

Blackfeet 85,750

Iroquois 80,822

Pueblo 74,085