SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY VIETNAMESE LEXICON: PRELIMINARY GLEANINGS FROM ALEXANDRE DE RHODES’ WRITINGS Nguyén Dinh-Hoa 1. Introduction ‘The Phonological system of Middle (i.e. seventeentn-century) Vietnamese’ has been treated in Gregerson (1969), Haudricourt (1974), and others. This paper takes a look at the Vietnamese lexicon of the same period, as shown in the trilingual (Vietnamese-Portuguese-Latin) dictionary and in the Catechism authored by the Jesuit scholar- missionary Alexandre de Rhodes (1593-1660). Only ‘full words’ (thyc- ti) or content words in their archaic forms will be discussed, leaving out function words, known by traditional Sino-Vietnamese grammarians as ‘empty words’ (hte-tiv). The Dictionarium Annnamiticum [sic] Lusitanum et Latinum? (Rhodes 1651a, hereafter Dict.) consists of 900 numbered columns, two to each page, listing Vietnamese entry words in alphabetical order according to the spelling of the time, each headword and illustrative example followed by its Portuguese equivalent, then by its Latin equivalent. Between the ‘b’ and ‘c’ sections, there is a section (cols. 65-74) devoted to words whose initial consonant is transcribed with the symbol 0; this lenis obstruent was described by de Rhodes (1651b: 3) as ‘almost like Greek B as in bédo “enter”, i cd “fin [of fish)” *. This feature is explained within a 31-page statement on Vietnamese grammar bound in the back of the dictionary, following an Appendix, which contains five unnumbered errata pages, and a 171-page index of Latin words: this Linguae Annamiticae seu Tunchinensis Brevis Declarato (hereafter BD) is composed of eight headings. On the other hand, the Catechismus pro iis qui volunt suscipere Baptismum in octo dies divisus, Phép gidng tam ngay cho ké mudn chiu phép riea t6i ma 10 dao thanh Dite Chita Bldi (Rhodes 1651c; hereafter Cat,), constitutes ‘the first work appearing in romanized Vietnamese’ (1de-pham quoc-n i dau tién), as the work is referred to in the title Gido-si Dac-I6 va tic-phdm quéc-ngir dau tién, (eds.) Nguyen Khic Xuyén and Pham Dinh Khiém (1961), a book issued on the 300th anniversary of the death of the missionary — ‘the evangelical apostle who codified the quéc-ngi script, 1. Maspero (1912) distinguished five periods in the history of the Vietnamese language: proto-annamite (before and during Chinese rule), préannamite (during independence), annamite ancien (fifteenth century), annamite moyen (seventeenth century), and annamite ‘moderne. 2. For a general description of this trilingual dictionary, see Nguyén Dinh-Hoa 1985b. 95NGUYEN DiNH-HOA and the reverend benefactor of the Vietnamese church and the Vietnamese nation.” Since the compilation Dict. systematically listed the seventeenth- century lexicon, I have first tried to cull out archaic forms used in the Catechismus, then to check their listings in the trilingual dictionary. I also present other interesting items found in Dict., but not in Cat. In this preliminary gleaning process, of necessity not exhaustive, I shall successively discuss nouns, classifiers, adjectives, adverbs, preverbs, verbs, and postverbs. 2. Nouns The Dict. lists several ‘taboo words’ denoting sexual organs, e.g. ben, dau, déc, déi, lan, ke (female), béi, cae, dai, 1d (male). The entry déch is glossed as ‘semen humanum’: cf. ‘secretion from female genitalia’ and ‘female genitalia’ (Van Tan 1977, under dach). (An)nn t6i (Dict. 7) ‘to eat the bitter grass [called nn (Dict. 504)] ‘to show remorse for one’s sin’. Cat. 177h. bai, con bai di bai (Dict. 19) ‘prostitute, lustful woman’. bem, con bym (53)* ‘prostitute’, cf. modern VN di bgm. Both Lé Vin Bite (1970) and Van Tan (1977) have the compound bom bai ‘deceitful person’ (cf. bai, binh bai (also Dict. 19, but separate entry) ‘deceitful person’). bau (30) ‘companion, partner’, Cat. 234. Lé Van Dit et al. (1970) has both bau ‘you [to wife or girl friend]’ and b@u-ban ‘friends’ whereas Van Tan (1977) has only bau ban ‘same as bé ban, friends’. cai (79) ‘head, commander’ Cat. 71t, u, cf. modern VN ‘foreman’. cang la (85), same as giang la (277) ‘wicker basket with handle’, cros: listed under la (389). This compound can be found in ‘Thap-gidi_cd-hon quéc-ngé vin’ (‘Ten commandments to lonely souls’), in Thién-nam Dw- ha Tp, a collection of poems by Emperor Lé Thanh-téng and his co- members in Tao-dan Circle (fifteenth century): Song viét lien tay; cang la, nén anh. Hém mai hop mat: néi co, vwéen lau. (Cao Hitu Lang 1983: 12) c&t nhan (89) ‘incense’. Cat. 165b-c. c&t (90) ‘back’. Cat. 185d. Dict. also gives sap cGt cuing ai and blai cat (cf. modern VN chung leng déu cat and trai cat). ché (101) ‘pretty large earthenware vessel’. Cat. 181f-g. gu (95) ‘punctuation’. This expression is found in Poem 3, line 4, by Nguyén Trai (1380-1442): Phién sach ngdy xudn ngoi cham cu, although the word cu (136) for ‘sentence’ is cau in modern VN. dinh ligu (415, under ligu) ‘huge bamboo torch’. di t6i (228) ‘chain, shackle’. Car. 10f. Also spelled 16i t6i, with t6i itself listed separately (822) ‘chain’. cm (130) tlang (804) ‘stock made of bamboo or wood to confine a *Unless necessary for clarity, Dict. is dropped before page number to the entry (Ed.). 96Seventeenth-century Vietnamese lexicon prisoner’s neck or ankles’, Cat. 10f. Cf. modern VN cum and trong, respectively, with the second member of the compound occurring in the expression géng dong trong mang to denote the status of a prisoner restrained by a cangue (g6ng, Dict. 299) around the neck and by stocks around the ankles. a6 (206), ie. ddng ‘spear’. Car. 232q, u. hé (318) ‘mourning rites lasting three years’. Cf. modern Adi he ‘festivals, merry-making occasions’. kh&3e (374) ‘period, time’ < Chinese *k‘ud 2 , which explains why the variant forms thd (776) and thiié (784), nowadays spelled thua/thuc, are transcribed in the ném script by the character aR: Cat. 150i, 176d, 195h, 196s-t, 197b-c. khu (376) ‘rear end, buttocks’. 1a 44 (191 under ¢4 and 390 under Ia) ‘stone slab” Cat. 2800,p,t. This archaic form is found for instance in Poem 21, line 1 by Nguyén Trai: Daw ngwoi di la da mon. i lim (396) ‘mud’ Cat. 195n, 196x. Cf. chan lam tay bin. mii tui (489) ‘coriander’ — seeds from the Hé-tuy plant (Lé Van Ditc 1979: | 939). né in B né ‘ancestors’ Cat. 81x. Cf. t6 toil (817) and both compounds appearing as subentries under toll, i.e. tong (827). pheo (598) ‘bamboo’: the second member of the synonym compound tre pheo retains this meaning in Mwéng. rac (632) ‘prison, jail’. Cat. 1it rac 10z, 10e. Dict. also gives the phrase rac dia nguc ‘hell’. tap (725) ‘tempest, hurricane’, nowadays occurs only in such compounds as bao tap. tang (721) ‘mourning’ provides cultural meaning of the expression aé tang dé téc [t&oc] (the bereaved man letting his hair grow on top and in front and the bereaved woman cutting part of her hair), which confirms that fang t6c is another synonym compound and not a reduplication. thé (754) ‘world’. Cat. 5b, 6i: thé nay ‘this world’. théi, (774) ‘short moment’. Cat. 241m. thoa (773) ‘brothel; Prostitute’, with con thod meaning ‘prostitute, harlot’ (cf. the adjective di thoa in modern VN). toi (822) ‘servant, slave’ with the compound téi ta ‘servants’ Cat. 6t,x,y (cf. modern VN ‘i 16). 3. Determiners, Classifiers and Demonstratives Two items are used to denote ‘all, the whole’: cd and thay thay. The former occurs with va: cava nha ‘the whole house’, ca va thién-ha ‘the whole universe’ (77), cho ca va lodi ngwéi ta ‘for our whole mankind’ (Cat. 888), ca va mwée ‘the whole country’ (Cat. 21c). Dict. also lists e& hoa as the equivalent of ca va under the entry hod (329). The latter word can be found in Poems 80, 90, 93 and 247 by Nguyén Trai, and it is tempting to posit the following development: hod/hwa/ > ud/wa/ > va/va/. One can 3. Theurel (1877: 220) lists [a da ‘hail’ and mua Ia da ‘it is hailing’. 97NGUYEN BINH-HOA also note va hai ‘both’ and the use of vd as correlative conjunction in va banh va ca “both bread and fish’ (Cat. 184n). The determiner thay thay is found with hét (734) although under hét (322) the spelling Aé¢ thay thai is presented. In addition to pluralisers e&c (78), chting (121-2), ning (559), Dict. lists m@ (475), as in mé 161 (475),* also discussed in BD 12, and phé (601), as in phd ng phé bai ‘ladies and gentlemen’, phé thay ‘masters’ and nhiéng phé ong ‘gentlemen’ (BD 12, 19). This last example is also listed under hing that is glossed ‘only’, so nhitng phé 6ng means ‘only gentlemen’ with chang nhiéng meaning ‘not only’ whereas nhiéng, means ‘all’, also ‘nothing but’ as in nhiing mong ‘only hoping’, day nhiing mudi mosquitoes’, nhiing mudi ld mudi ‘nothing but mosquitoes’ in modern Concerning nhi#ng, the sense ‘as many as’ (e.g. nhi¢ng tam diva con ‘as many as eight kids’) seems to have been non-existent in middle Vietnamese, and a dictionary published in the late nineteenth century, (Huinh-Tinh Cua 1896: 143) does not list this sense, either, under the entry nhitng. On the other hand, for the second-person plural pronoun, the two arrogant expressions m& bay and mé& may are noted together with ching may, ching bay and bay ‘you guys’ (BD 12). The pluraliser pho (Cat. 197 and passim) had been used in the fifteenth century by Nguyén Trai, transcribed by the ném character 4 (Nguyen Dinh-Hoa 1985a: 471); it was still listed in Theurel (1877: ix, 363), and in Huinh-Tinh Cia (1896; 200) with the character off. Under the rubric ‘classifiers’, it is worth mentioning that ci, nowadays used for inanimate, non-living things, appears in the Dict. with such nouns as ¢6¢ ‘toad’, dén ‘spider’, &ch ‘frog’, kién ‘ant’ (128, 167, 249, 380, respectively), etc.> Beside the demonstratives niy, no, ay, kia, kia, the Dict. also has té as a synonym of kia ‘that... over there’: 6ng 1é (728; BD 20). The latter is still used in Central Vietnamese. ndo (507) is shown as occurring following the noun it modifies: sao ndo?, thé néo?, cach néo?, dong/nhwong ndo? (BD 21) to denote ‘which...? and as occurring in such idiomatic expressions as ndo c6 ai biét? ‘who knows?’, ndo cé t6i gi? ‘which sin? which offence? which crime?’ with the connotation of negativity (508; BD 22). But there is also another usage, in which ndo precedes a noun: ndo sdch? ‘where’s the book?’, ndo thay? ‘where’s the teacher?’ (508). This word order can be found in some of Nguyen Trai’s poems in the fifteenth century: ndo noi ‘which place?” (poem 47), ndo hoa ‘which flower(s)? (poems 59 and 224), ndo cia ‘which thing?’, ndo thuo ‘which time?’ (poem 164). 4, Theurel (1877: 279) has the core meaning of mé as ‘10,000° with its derived meaning as ‘parum, quoddam numerale’ to designate ‘a bunch’ [of vegetables mé- rau] or ‘a handful” [of rice m6: gao], Huinh-Tinh Cita (1896: 41) gives the ndm character %8 for mé:, and provides two illustrations mé 161 and mé qua for ‘we, us (exclusive)’. 5. According to Theurel (1877: pp. vi ‘an ‘snake’, kién ‘ant’, and sau ‘insect, bug’ could take either con or cai as classifier. 98Seventeenth-century Vietnamese lexicon 4. Adjectives There is a striking number of synonym compounds among the adjectives, in which one member somehow has lost its original meaning so that in modern VN the compound sounds like a reduplication. dét, for example, meant ‘ignorant, feeble-minded’ (178), occurring in the compound dai-d6t ‘imprudent, unwise’ (155). hdi (334) was a synonym of hep (321), and the compound meaning ‘narrow [of mind is not an alliterative reduplication. However, the adjective choi b@i ‘to indulge in promiscuity’ is merely a rhyming reduplication (52), in which béi is not the homophonous entry béi (also 52) meaning ‘a lot’ which Lé Trung Hoa Arua 30) interprets as a modifier of the verb choi ‘to play (around)’. khdm (360) ‘sufficient’ with the example chang kham ‘not enough’ (cf. no below). a khén (374) ‘difficult’ [and also ‘wise’]: this word was used by Nguyén Trai in poems 1, 6, 7 and 65 (Nguyén Dinh-Hoa 1985a: 468), and also discussed in Theurel (1877: p. xxi) as a synonym of khé. khéng (spelled khoti, Dict. 375) is glossed ‘vacuus, -a, -um’ as in examples dn com khng ‘to eat plain rice [without meat or vegetables]’, lam (viée) khéng ‘to work without pay’, nha khéng ‘empty house’, and, in the following entry, khng god ‘widow’: cf. nhiing xae khéng (Cat. 15x), nhwng khong doi (Cat. 237p. ), next to the compound Aw khéng (Cat. 54h) which is glossed ‘vacuum’, i.e. ‘nothing, nothingness, void, vacuum’ in such collocations as hod hie-khdng, lai ra hue-khéng (Dict. 341). (On the meaning of khéng as negative particle, see the section on verbs below). 14 do (400) or léo nhio ‘disordered, chaotic’ (Cat. 19y, 87u, etc.) Igp (425) is given as a synonym of kip (384) ‘opportune’ (dén cho kip): with such illustrations as di (cho) lop ‘to go in time’, chéing lop ‘not in time’, Cat. does not use /op (it has only kip), and Theurel (1877), which lists a number of illustrative examples, ~ thi, sanh ~, vi ~, ~ chan, vita ~, chwa ~, da ~, an nan chang ~, for kip (218), does not have the entry lop mira (487) ‘more than sufficient, superabundant’ (synonymous with dw (179)) nowadays occurs only in the compound thita mi¢a (487) and in the expression bd mia ‘to leave one’s food unused’: cf. Theurel (1877; add. 44) b6 miva, miva miva ‘leave work unfinished’. nat (509) has the sense ‘rotten, spoiled, decadent’ used in the moral sense in Cat. 70 (also Ine nat), nghi (526) ‘easy’ (ching nghi chiu 1di nd cam dB, nghi dBi dan ba dug in Cat. 83 n, 1; nghi chiu dwec tha vay in Cat. 900); cang nghi lam viéc ay in Cat. 118y; nghi lam lén in Cat. 2510) has been found in Chi-nam Ngoc-am Gidi-nghia, a dictionary of Chinese and Nom characters, compiled some time after the sixteenth century (Tran Xuan Ngoc-Lan 1982; Lé Vin Quan 1981). In the preface, its author, a monk by the name of Phap-tinh, sai Bay gid» Nom day chié don, Cho ngwéi méi hoc nghi xem, nghi i nhuadn. ‘The ném script is taught in here as single characters, ‘So as to make it easy for beginners to read and to learn them’. 99NGUYEN BINH-HOA nhw nham (556) ‘deceitful, false’, synonymous with doi tra (d6i bla), as in éng Adam ching c6 phdi Idi nhit nhdm dau (Cat. 88-1). no (562) ‘full; sufficient’ has such run-on entries as no moi noi, no moi sw, thang no, da no mit, and also no di, no kham [see kham above]. Cf. dén khi 6 the nay da no (Cat. 81x), ta phai kinh & no moi novi (Cat. 51s), the latter structure no moi... being the equivalent of English ‘every..., all... with the meaning of this lexeme restricted in modern VN to the notion of ‘fullness (from eating), satiety’. net (571-2) ‘premature’, synonymous with sinh non, also has yeu nét ‘feeble in body and mind’; the form non nét ‘tender, immature’ in modern VN, made up as a synonym compound, is often considered an alliterative reduplication. (ran may) ran mat under rin (636) ‘obstinate, not amenable to control’ (Gran mat cing nd, in Cat. 87x: of. Theurel 1877: 383). The equivalent in modern VN is rén dau or cing cd, and involves the head or neck, not the face. tay (716) ‘equal’ is cited as appearing freely (like its peer bang) followed by acomplement: fay ngwéi nén hai mwo:i tudi, ‘equal in size to a 20-year- old person’. Cf. modern VN idiomatic expressions tay dinh and tay troi as modifiers of 161 ‘offence’, or va ‘offence, fine, calamity’, vay (857) ‘slanting, crooked’ used with the noun dao ‘way, path, religion’ just as in dao ta ‘false or erroneous precept’ (712); Cat. 29m, 30p, where dgo vay refers to Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism and other local beliefs of the time. 5. Adverbs Only a few adverbs deserve mention: gia giet (271) i: is a modifier like lam, thay or rap ‘very’: BD 14 gives t6t lam, lanh thay, xau rap, and mlén, i.e. len, gia gi as examples, where such an intensifier follows the modifier. Cf. lon gia giét hwn ca (Cat. 62y), dap gia giét dau may (Cat. 92e), lo gia giét lam vay cho cha me (Cat. 120n). Lé Van Ditc (1970: 537) also gives the meaning ‘severely, sternly’ illustrated by the expression phé-binh gia giét. mét (482) is listed and glossed only as a numeral. However, its use in the sense of ‘only’ is, found in more than one source: m6t lo sw thé gian ma thoi (Cat. 951); chang thay loi, mot thay hai ma théi ‘non lucrum sed tantim detrimentum video’ (Theurgl 1877: 284, under mot); as well as mét noi sw minh ma théi (in Sach sd sang chép cac viée, a diary by an eighteenth-century priest, Philiphé Binh (1968: 152)). rap (641) * ‘very’ as in t6t rdp ‘very good’ (and in xau rap, BD 14). Cf. ning rap (Cat. 221s), di rap (Cat. 217m). s& 8 (684), synonym of dan dan (268), as in 16 ra sé sé (256p), sé sé c6 chiu (268x). ¥6i, often considered an adverb modifying xa ‘far’ (872-3) is glossed as a substantive meaning ‘high seas’ so that xa voi really means ‘far off the coast, on the high seas’. 100Seventeenth-century Vietnamese lexicon 6. uy verbs g is used more often than khéng (375) as the negative preverb, Viera dong is synonymous with cing ‘all, together’ as in dong o mét lang, dng nhat thé (236). kha ‘can; appropriately, fittingly’ (359) < kha ™ (Cat. Ily-z has Day bén kha buéc steng trdu/ L& that kha phuc degre long ngwoi ta, which i: isa translation of the SinoVietnamese couplet Kién-thang kha k8 ngwu-giac ) Li-ngie niing ple nhdn-tam). khipng (377) ‘agree to, consent to, accept to’; ching khieng vang phép cha me (Cat. 181). mia (487) is a prohibitive form ‘don’t, should not’ found in fifteenth. century utterances (Nguyén Dinh-Hoa 1985a: 469); the entry ma néi doi ‘don’t lie, should not tell lies’ is repeated in BD 24 as mya hé noi déi ‘should never tell lies’. Boh GY, “We aout ta, aqnraach [@ canditianl, with three examples rink chét, rinh ngd, rinh dé, the first of which is found in Cat. 67, 69 with the meaning ‘dying, about to die’, also cited in Theurel (1877: 390) ‘morti vicinus’. Cat. 98b also has rinh lut about the Deluge. 7. Verbs The subgroup comprising bi, chiu, dwoc and phdi deserves priority treatment simply because these suggest the passive voice of Western languages. The first one, 6f (34), not to be contused with the preceding eatry, which means ‘bag’ (‘mantica’), is given only one illustration: bj phit {phong] ba ‘run into a storm’ although in modern Vietnamese (Clark 1974, Nguyén Dinh-H6a 1972) its [ —pleasant] or [ + adversative] feature tempts many an analyst to translate it as ‘be... , get... ,’ in English. The verb chju, with the meaning ‘undergo, suffer, experience’ must have been used more frequently than bj. Dict. (109) lists chiu t6i, chiu chét, chiu I6i, chiu luy, chiu nor, chiu migng, chiu thai. Phai, on the other hand, which denotes involvement in an unpleasant or unfortunate situation, is illustrated by no less than twelve examples, in which the ‘predicament’ can be as serious as thunder and lightning (phai sam _sét), paralysis (phai ligt), or as inadvertent as eating meat by mistake (mlm phai thit), or as committal as falling in love (phai lng). (590) The opposite of these three terms, the entry dwgc (243) is often glossed as ‘to gain, get, acquire, earn, find, obtain’ with the feature [+ pleasant]. At any rate, all four lexemes fully qualify as regular verbs. bé va (49) ‘to slander, calumniate’; Cat. 65, 190. chfic (93) ‘to purchase’, found earlier in Nguyén Trai’s poems. dai (154) ‘to fear’; Cat. 59, 91, 221x. Cf. modern VN expression khén cho ngwdi ta dai, dai cho ngw6i ta thwong. dau (160) ‘to love’ with the examples yéu dau con and thuéc dau, the latter still found in baa yéu thude dau ‘love charm, philtre, love potion’. dé (161) ‘to despise’ as in dé ngwoi ‘to be haughty’, 101NGUYEN BINH-HOA 4 (191) ‘to touch’, with co-verb dén or phdi preceding the object: cay da dén cai sang ‘His hand touching the coffin’ (Cat. 187), Tay tdi da dén dwec chan ao diec Chia Iesu ‘As my hand touched the hem of Jesus’ robe’ (Cat. 185f). i (191) ‘to heal’: some examples in Cat. are ké dau nding thi cho da ‘curing persons who were seriously ill’ (1791), song chang da cho ‘but they could not cure her’ (185e), thi t6i da ‘then I was cured’ (185g), chita da tat 1a ‘to cure our ailments’ (186m). Cf. modern saying Thudc dang da tat |Sw that mat long. fem [dang] (195) ‘to guide, lead, show the way’ as in [cdi sao] soi cho ma dem dang ‘{the star] guiding them and showing them the way’ (Cat. 164u), {6ng thanh Ioong Baptista\ khi dem dang cho divc Chia Iesu ‘showing the way to Jesus’ (Cat. 177k). de (211) ‘to threaten’: Cat. 86h has de chét, and Theurel (1877: 114) lists three synonymous compounds de net, de loi, de phat. 6i (228) ‘to imitate, copy’ with examples theo doi, lam déi listed as synonyms of bat chwéc: Theurel (1877: 125) has both theo dai and hoc doi. dom (231) * to add, augment’, about which Dict, has next to thém dom the expression n6i dom dat ‘to exaggerate’; cf. thiéu mOt chi? chita, vi vay thi phai thém dom chié ay ‘since the word chia is missing, we have to add that word on’ (Cat. 162). ‘gi 272) ‘to show gratitude to, thank’, as in gid on; of. c6 gidi nha hay la gid chil nha (Cat. 14c), vi bang cé ai gid nha ma chang gid chi nha (Cat. 14e). gum (185) ‘to wait, hold it’; Gwor [spelled dwg] da! (Cat. 306p). Ig (407) ‘to be afraid, fear’, a lexeme that occurred freely in the fifteenth century (Nguyén Dinh-Hoa 1985a: 468) but later was — and is in modern parlance — used only in compounds: for instance e /é, so /é recorded in Theurel (1877: 233). ming (452) ‘to hear, perceive through the sense of hearing’, therefore the equivalent of nghe thay, as opposed to nghe * ‘to listen’. Theurel (1877: 268) lists mang tin, méng tai, ming nghe, mang tiéng, and a recent article by Nguyén Bat-Tuy (1976) points out, using cognates in several Mon- Khmer languages, that the common reading of the ném character va as mang is wrong. nén (513) ‘to become [so many years old] as in nén medi tudi, or nén mé6t, nén hai (Theurel 1877: 297) — collocations in which modern VN would substitute /én ‘to g0 up to, reach’, Cf. 6ng Noe nén sau tram tudi (Cat. 99p), ba Sara da nén chin mwoii tudi (Cat. 125a). phen Ié (405) ‘to envy, begrudge’; cf. phen bi, phen Ié in Theurel (1877: 360), or phan bi with the meaning ‘to compare’ in modern VN. tay (716) ‘to be partial to, favour’, for which the example in Dict. (diec Chita bloi) ching tay ai is also cited in Cat. 56k: phan xét ching tay ai ‘in his judgement, was not partial to anyone’. 102Seventeenth-century Vietnamese lexicon 8. Postverbs dogn (226) ‘to complete, finish’; pham ti doan (Cat. 89u), khi dé con doan (Cat. 161e), khi dé doan (Cat. 162s, t, u) ‘after She gave birth [to Jesus}. The example ¢hdi doan ‘after stopping’ cited in Dict. shows that the usage has not changed, since modern VN has ndéi doan ‘so sayin; comparable to da chép the doan in BD 28. lin (413), modern VN lién, as in hoc lién ‘to study continuously’; cf. gité lién (Cat. 40g, h), which could be likened to /uén. 10i (653) ‘to finish, complete’ > ‘already’: the early meaning persists in Saigonese (R6i chwa? — Roi. ‘Did you finish yet? — I did’), the equivalent in the Hanoi dialect being Lam xong chwa?— Lam xong rai. Dict. gives the basic meaning of ‘leisure’ [‘otium’], encountered in v6 cén; i nghé (Theurel 1877: 392) or in the modern expression an khdng ngoi réi ‘to sit idle, live in idleness’. REFERENCES Binh, Philiphé 1822. Sach sd sang chép cae vigc (ed.) Thanh Laing, Saigon: Vign Dai- hoc Dalat, 1968, Cao Hitu Lang 1983. 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