ANTHROPOLOGY 320

May 2014

ANTHRO320 | Ethnographic

MICHAEL DE ALWIS | 5948597

Film & Photography

Othering in Humans of New York and Humans of Papua New Guinea

Michael de Alwis

Visual anthropology is becoming more and more accessible, and social media has
become a powerful avenue for distributing ethnographic material to mass audiences.
This essay explores ethnographic photography through the Facebook pages Humans of
New York (HONY), and Humans of Papua New Guinea (HOPNG), discussing how
each page frames its subjects. I will look at the semiotics of the pages respective
projects, exploring the connotations of the photographs and their accompanied text.
Drawing upon the work of Catherine Lux and Jane Collins in particular, I will analyse
the gaze in the photographs. Paralleling Lux and Collins research on National
Geographic with the photography of these pages, we can see how both HONY and
HOPNG frame their subjects as others. I will explore how the writing of Humans of
Papua New Guinea influences a message of communion and identity, while that of
Humans of New York denotes a meaning of authenticity that often complements the
posed nature of the photography.

Humans of New York has been running since 2010, and is operated solely by New York
local, Brandon Stanton. Stanton states in the print edition of Humans of New York
(2013) that his primary goal is to single-handedly create a photographic census of
New York City. (Stanton 2013) Stantons work features portraits of people he has
met travelling the streets of New York City, captioned with quotes from his
conversation with the subjects. Victoria and Nickson Piakal established Humans of

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Papua New Guinea, inspired by Stantons project, in December 2013. HONY

currently publishes around five photographs daily, and its Papua New Guinea
counterpart also aims to post new content every day.

In exploring the semiotics of each project, we can see that Humans of New York and
Humans of Papua New Guinea, while sharing the same trends in terms of denotation,
each have different connotations that are understood by audiences of the photographs.
For instance, in HONY, the denotation is a person, on the street, looking into the
camera. The connotation is that these are individual representatives of a city who, as a
collective, form that citys culture. Similarly, the connotation of the photographs
featured in Humans of Papua New Guinea is that these are the real people of Papua
New Guinea. We can look not only at the photographs, but also the comments made
by Facebook users and followers of the page to recognize how the page is perceived
and now the connotation of the images is understood. For example, the message of
hope and communion in HOPNG is very much apparent in the audience response of
the page. The audience has a strong Papua New Guinean presence, and a majority of
the comments made on photographs appear to be nostalgic, homely responses from
Papua New Guineans who no longer live in the country.

In their 1994 work, The Photograph as an Intersection of Gazes, Catherine Lutz and
Jane Collins evaluate the photography of National Geographic, focusing on the concept
of the gaze in visual anthropology. They suggest that the composition of National
Geographics photography contributes to the othering of non-Western cultures,
explaining, Non-Westerners draw a look, rather than inattention or interaction, to

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the extent that their difference or foreignness defines them as noteworthy yet distant.
(Lutz; Collins 364) We can draw comparisons between this analysis and the framing
of the photographs in both Humans of New York and Humans of Papua New Guinea.
Roy Wagner argues that culture is made visible by culture-shock, by subjecting
oneself beyond ones normal interpersonal competence and objectifying the
discrepancy as an entity. (Wagner 1981) In looking at HONY and HOPNG, we can
see how the gaze of their photographs reflects on this idea, framing the subjects as
others.

The gaze of the subject is significant in both pages, as it frames how audiences
perceive them. Lutz and Collins also investigate the significance of facial expression in
ethnographic photography. We can make assumptions based on how the subject is
engaging with the camera to understand how they are meant to be framed or
perceived. (369) In most photographs for Humans of Papua New Guinea, the subjects
are looking at the camera what can be described as the return gaze (370) and
smiling. According to Lutz and Collins, The smile plays an important role in muting
the potentially disruptive, confrontational role of this return gaze. If the Other looks
back at the camera and smiles, the combination can be read by viewers as the subjects
assent to being surveyed. There has been a lot of contention among film theorists
over the affect of this look. It may indicate a more direct, open voyeurism, and could
be read as an agreement or even pleasure from the subject to be watched. (369) There
has been some criticism of the return gaze pertaining to the notion that the images
are not candid, and their intimacy is faked. (370)

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While Humans of New York doesnt necessarily focus on non-Western peoples and
cultures in particular, many of the photographs still contribute to framing its subjects
as others. Many of Stantons early photos focused on minority groups; the homeless;
and those who Lutz and Collins would describe to be culturally defined by the West
as weak. The gaze of the poor; women; children; and people of colour is usually
directed at the camera in HONY. There is some implication that those featured in
the photographs are not used to having their photo taken and being on camera is a
rare indulgence for them. Those who are perceived as others look into the camera
and smile in order to appear more accessible to the Western world.

The cameras gaze mostly sees the subjects centered in the frame, with a deep
backdrop. Very rarely are subjects standing against a wall or plain backdrop on either
page. Instead, Stantons photographs often feature the city streets and buildings as
backdrops. Victoria and Nicksons photographs mostly show landscapes in the
background: few buildings, and mostly trees and mountains. The subject is always the
only thing in focus, yet these backdrops are still important towards framing the
subjects within the context of, and creating a collective identity, for Papua New
Guinea and New York City, respectively.

All ethnographic writing and research is partial, and we can look at the language used,
and the structure of the writing in both Humans of New York and Humans of Papua
New Guinea to see how the photographers aim to frame their subjects, and the stories
they are trying to tell. According to Joanna C. Scherer in The Photographic Document
(1992):

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Words are selective in a more precise way than images. When we see words
we use our knowledge of grammar to interpret and understand them. When
we see photographs there are no comparable rules to help us read them, and
the information within can overload the mind. (Scherer 1992, 33)

In the Humans of New York book, Stanton explains that the last major evolution of
HONY came when [he] began interviewing subjects. (Stanton 2013) Stanton
attributes the addition of writing to the project as a great influence on the growth of
the page. Unlike Humans of Papua New Guinea, Humans of New York has a caption,
quote or commentary for every photograph.

Many photographs on both pages are captioned with anecdotes or conversations

quoted directly from the subjects. These are understood to be genuine and natural
discussions between the photographer and the subject. While, particularly in Humans
of New York, some photographs are explicably posed, the captions are always presented
as completely unaffected, spontaneous and sincere.

Interviews for Humans of Papua New Guinea take place in Tok Pisin and English, two
of the more widely spoken languages of the 800+ spoken in Papua New Guinea.
When Victoria and Nickson do visit villages where these languages arent spoken, a
translator is used and the interviews are appropriately punctuated to ensure nothing
gets lost in translation.

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Neither Brandon Stanton, nor Victoria and Nickson Piakal have set questions that
they ask their subjects. This again alludes to the natural feel that the captions of
these photographs influence. The subjects are seldom asked about New York or
Papua New Guinea, but rather the questions usually relate to what the subject is
doing at the time, or are just general questions such as how are you? and what have
you been doing today?

Victoria and Nickson Piakal choose to include a lot of writing wherein the subject
acknowledges the camera and photographer. David MacDougall suggests that
reflexivity requires us to read the position of the author in the very construction of
the work. (MacDougall 1998, 98), while Jay Ruby describes reflexivity as to insist
that anthropologists systematically and rigorously reveal their methodology and
themselves as the instrument of data generation. (Ruby 1980, 153) Many of the
subjects in Humans of Papua New Guinea reflect on the notion of having their photo
taken, and the inclusion of these reflexive discussions on the Facebook page is
important towards how they are framed as others. One photo, posted on February 26,
2014 [FIGURE ONE], is captioned with the following conversation between the
subject and the photographer:

"Woman that is some serious stuff you got there"

"Yes, I quickly brought it all out of the house just then!"
"What's the occasion?"
"I heard you were taking photos in this village so I waited all day hoping I could be
in a shot!"

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"Well here's your chance, say anything to the world.."

"Look I am just happy that I get all this attention".

When asked how she would describe her most favourite moment in life, one subject
explains, "My most favorite moment is happening right now, right here, with you,
because you make me feel like I'm the most beautiful woman in the world" [FIGURE
2]. One child expresses his nerves about being in front of a camera for the first time.
[FIGURE 3] Some joke, "I can do this for a living! Will you put me on a cover of one
of those magazines?" while others are confused about the attention: You actually
want to take my photos? Should I put on some nice clothes? What should I do? Are
you sure? All of these responses pertain to the notion that these photographs make
the subjects feel recognized, appreciated and gives them a sense of identity.

Humans of New York and Humans of Papua New Guinea are two Facebook pages
operated by Brandon Stranton, and Victoria and Nickson Piakal, respectively, that
showcase ethnographic photography to major audiences. Humans of New York looks
to create a photographic census of New York City portraying individuals who
collectively form the culture of the city. Humans of Papua New Guinea has established
a large local audience and looks to influence nostalgic, hopeful and positive thoughts
surrounding the country. The various ethnographic choices made by the
photographers including the framing of the photographs and the way they are
captioned frame the subjects as others. Many subjects in HONY are othered
because they are perceived as different or weak in the Western world, while
HOPNG sees its subjects being othered as exotic non-Westerners.

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REFERENCE LIST:
Lutz, C., & Collins, J. L. (1993). Reading National geographic. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
MacDougall, D. (1998). Visual anthropology and the ways of knowing. Transcultural Cinema (pp. 6192). New Haven: Yale University Press.
Ruby, J. (1980). Exposing Yourself: Reflexivity, Anthropology, And Film. Semiotica , 30(1-2), 153180.
Scherer, J. (1992). The Photographic Document: photographs as primary data in anthropological
inquiry. Anthropology and photography, 1860-1920 (pp. 32-41). New Haven: Yale University Press in
association with the Royal Anthropological Institute, London.
Stanton, B. (2013). Humans of New York. New York City: St. Martin's Press.
Wagner, R. (1981). The invention of culture (Rev. and expanded ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago
Press.

ABSTRACT:

LEFT: Figure 1, V&N Piakal 2014 TOP RIGHT: Figure 2, V&N Piakal 2013 BOTTOM RIGHT: Figure 3:
V&N Piakal 2013