Alter/Ego:

Superhero Comic Book Readers,

Gender and Identities


A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the Degree of
Master of Arts in Gender Studies
in the University of Canterbury

by Anna-Maria R. Covich
University of Canterbury

2012

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements ____________________________________________ i
Abstract _____________________________________________________ ii
Chapter 1: Introduction ________________________________________ 1
Why superheroes? ................................................................................ 3
Hypermasculine heroes ........................................................................ 6
The uncharted world of superhero fandom .......................................... 9
The Geek community 10
Identification 11
Thesis agenda ..................................................................................... 16
Chapter 2: Context ___________________________________________ 18
A post-structuralist feminist approach................................................ 18
Theorising reception ........................................................................ 20
Fandom ............................................................................................... 23
Comics fandom in cultural contexts ................................................... 25
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 28
Chapter 3: Research Strategies _________________________________ 29
Developing research strategies ........................................................... 30
Face-to-face discussions 32
Online research 33
Recruitment ........................................................................................ 35
Participants 37
The dynamics of group discussion ..................................................... 39
Face-to-face discussions 39
Internet discussions 43
Analysis .............................................................................................. 46
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 49
Chapter 4: Superheroes, alter egos, and fan identification ___________ 51
Ad/dressing the Alter Ego .................................................................. 52
Real life struggles and the fantasy narrative....................................... 58
Identifying with the alter-ego ............................................................. 65
Limiting realism in the fantasy narrative ............................................ 69
Conclusion .......................................................................................... 74
Chapter 5: Superhero comics and geekdom _____________________ 77
Comics fandom at the margins ........................................................... 79
Nerds, geeks, and fandom .................................................................. 82
Subcultural capital, in-jokes and superhero expertise ........................ 86
A gendered subculture ........................................................................ 92
Girl geeks - marginalisation and exclusion ........................................ 95
Conclusion ........................................................................................ 100
Chapter 6: Conclusion _______________________________________ 102
Appendices _________________________________________________ 109
Appendix 1 - Participants ................................................................. 109
Table 1: Modes of participation 109
Table 2: Participant Genders 109
Table 3: Participants by Focus Group 109
Table 4: The Participants 110
Appendix 2 Interview questions .................................................... 111
A) Forum Topics 111
B) Focus group and Interview script/topic guide 114
Appendix 3 Posters and fliers ........................................................ 115
i) Advertising flier - Armageddon 115
ii) Advertising Flier 116
iii) Poster 117
iv) Website homepage 118
Appendix 4 Information sheets ..................................................... 119
i) Focus groups (online and face-to-face) 119
ii) Interview (online) 120
iii) Interview (face-to-face) 121
iv) Forum 122
v) Forum Info sheet 123
Appendix 5 Consent forms ............................................................ 124
i) Focus groups (online and face-to-face) 124
ii) Interview (online and face-to-face) 125
iii) Forum 126
References _________________________________________________ 127

i

Acknowledgements
There are many people whose help and support was invaluable to me while
working on this research. I would like to thank all of my friends, family and
colleagues who have helped me in every way in producing this work. Thank you also
to the comic book readers who so generously gave their time and thoughts. While I
cannot individually thank each and every person who deserves acknowledgement,
there are a few who deserve a specific mention.
I wish to thank my partner and superhero, Ryan, for inspiring the thesis,
sharing his encyclopaedic knowledge of all things comics related, the constant flow
of cups of tea for me to forget to drink, and for his unwavering and unselfish support,
art, and enthusiasm. Thank you to all my friends in K.A.O.S groups around the
country for spreading the word and sending people my way. Special thanks to Nate
Walker, of WebToday, for setting up and hosting my website and forum, and Robert
Urquhart for technical database support.
Thank you to all of the participants who so generously gave their time and
thoughts, especially to the members of the Dunedin group who offered their home as
a discussion venue. Thanks to Keith, Chris, Annemiek, Maureen, and Serena who
gave me places to stay while I was doing interviews around the country. Thanks to
Dave, for accommodating me in Christchurch, and to Sheryl and Butch for doing
everything humanly possible to limit my thesis related stress, and for making sure
that I didnt get scurvy again.
Thank you to my supervisors, Tiina Vares and Rosemary Du Plessis, for your
advice, admonitions, and patience throughout the protracted process.
Finally, I wish to include thanks and tribute to the Great Tectonic, in its
unknowable wisdom, for repeatedly delaying my thesis work, and teaching me that
the rightful place of all books is not upon the shelf but upon the floor, and that
unbroken sleep is a luxury of which I am not worthy.
ii

Abstract
The academic study of comic books - especially superhero comic books - has
predominantly focused on the analysis of these books as texts, as teaching and
learning resources, or on children as comic book readers. Very little has been written
about adult superhero comic fans and their responses to superhero comics. This
thesis explores how adult comic book readers in New Zealand engage with superhero
comics. Individual interviews and group conversations, both online and face-to-face,
provide insights into their responses to the comics and the characters as well as the
relationships among fans. Analysis of fans talk about superhero comics includes
their reflections on how masculinities are represented in these comics and the
complex ways in which they identify with superheroes, including their alter egos.
The thesis examines how superhero comic book readers present themselves in
their interactions with other readers. Comics geekdom, fans interactions with one
another and their negotiation of gendered norms of masculinity are discussed. The
contrast between the fan body and the superhero body is an important theme.
Readers discursive constitution and management of superheroes bodies, and their
engagement with representations of superheroes are related to analyses of
multiplicity in individual identities and current theories of audience reception and
identification.



1

Chapter 1: Introduction
I t s 8 .45 am o n a Sat ur day mo r ning and wer e sit t ing at St ar bucks
when we r eal ise t hat wer e get t ing f unny l o o ks f r o m o t her
cust o mer s. Appar ent l y t heyr e no t used t o seeing super her o es having
br eakf ast . My co mpanio n is dr essed as Cl ar k Kent , hal f way t hr o ugh
changing int o Super man, and I am Lo is Lane, dr essed in her o ut f it
f r o m t heir cinemat ic f ir st dat e. To day we st and o ut , but bef o r e t he
weekend is o ver , t his kind o f sight wil l be so co mmo npl ace peo pl e wil l
har dl y no t ice wer e t her e.
We ar e at day o ne o f a t hr ee- day- weekend po pul ar cul t ur e expo and
t her es a q ueue f r o m t he do o r s o f t he Ao t ea Cent r e r ight o ut t o
Queen St r eet . So me o f t hese peo pl e have been her e since 7am, wait ing
in t he chil l y Oct o ber air , making l ast minut e adj ust ment s t o t heir
co st umes and discussing which panel s t hey pl an t o at t end and what
t hey ho pe t o buy. The cr o wd ar e excit edl y await ing Q&A sessio ns wit h
act o r s f r o m t he o r iginal Super ma n mo vie, t wo St a r g a t e sho ws,
t he Gh o st Bust er s mo vies, and t he Hel l bo y mo vie. Theyve al so
co me t o meet and t al k t o super st ar co mic bo o k ar t ist s, anime vo ice
act o r s, and manga cr eat o r s.
We do nt usual l y bo t her wit h co st umes, but f o r t his t r ip weve go t 2
dif f er ent o ut f it s each. We decide we do nt need o ur backups; weve
f o und o ur char act er s o n day o ne. When we f inal l y get int o t he sho w
my Super man pl ays his par t wel l . Hey, is t hat Super man? No , I m Cl ar k
Kent , r epo r t er f o r t he Dail y Pl anet . He even st ays in char act er when
Mar go t Kidder , t he Lo is Lane I am dr essed as, asks f o r a q uest io n
f r o m Cl ar k Kent . Our f avo ur it e f an is a l it t l e bo y, o f abo ut 4 year s
o l d, who r uns up t o him t o ask:
Excuse me ar e yo u r eal l y Super man?
Yes, I am. But yo u cant t el l anyo ne! Cl ar k Kent answer s.
The bo y begins t o r un o f f , cal l ing Daddy! Daddy! I t i s him!
Cl ar k cal l s af t er him No , no ! I t s a secr et , r emember ? Shhhh.
2
The bo y st o ps and l o o ks back, wide eyed o o o o h! Ok, he whisper s
co nspir at o r ial l y, t hen wal ks back t o his dad, smil ing widel y but t r ying
har d t o l o o k disappo int ed (and f ail ing), No , Dad, it wasnt him.
This bo y isnt unusual in spo t t ing Cl ar k Kent / Super man in a cr o wd.
Even wear ing his disguise o f gl asses and suit , wit h his shir t hal f o pen
r eveal ing t he S embl az o ned in his chest , and his cape co ming un-
t ucked f r o m his t r o user s, Super mans t r ue ident it y is r eco gnisabl e. He
is a cul t ur al ico n so so l idl y ent r enched in o ur co l l ect ive
co nscio usness t hat even smal l chil dr en kno w who he is. Over t he
weekend Cl ar k has his pho t o s t aken wit h o t her super her o es, wit h
cr ew member s f r o m t he Ent er pr ise, I mper ial St o r m Tr o o per s, t r ainee
ninj as f r o m anime sho ws, and wit h hundr eds o f r egul ar peo pl e.
Ever yo ne kno ws who he is, and t hey al l want a pho t o wit h him.
We wait in l ine f o r ho ur s t o get an aut o gr aph f r o m J im Lee
1
Bet ween t wo ho ur st int s wait ing in aut o gr aph q ueues, we spend t he
t hr ee day weekend wander ing f r o m o ne panel discussio n t o ano t her
and f l ipping t hr o ugh bo xes o f co mics, games, memo r abil ia and DVDs.
Like ever yo ne her e, wer e l o o king f o r t hat el usive Bat man back issue
wer e missing, an act io n f igur e o f o ur f avo ur it e Do ct o r Who , o r a
bar gain o n an anime ser ies so meo ne r eco mmended t o us. We chat t o
peo pl e as we wait in l ine, o r as we f l ip t hr o ugh t he bo xes, sho wing
o f f o ur pur chases and shar ing t ips t hat may be o f int er est (Oh, I saw
so me issues o f t hat o ver at t he Har l ey Yee Co mics st andt hat s t he
o ne upst air s by t he caf e).
(hes
so met hing o f a go d in t he wo r l d o f co mics t hese days) wer e amaz ed
hes co me t o o ur l it t l e event . The l ast 15 minut es q ueuing we spend
wait ing behind a man who is get t ing o ver 3 0 0 singl e issue co mics
aut o gr aphed. He says hes a big f an o f Lees wo r k. Seeing t he 3
backpacks o f J im Lee co mics hes car r ying, I decide t o t ake his wo r d
f o r it . When we f inal l y get t o t he f r o nt o f t he l ine, he signs my issue
o f Hul k, Cl ar ks t hr ee Ba t ma n bo o ks, and t wo mo r e co mics we have
br o ught al o ng f o r a f r iend. I m no t a f an o f Lees ar t st yl e, but I
appr eciat e t he signif icance o f his pl ace in t he indust r y, so I m st il l
t hr il l ed t o meet him.

1
J im Lee is one of the artists behind what was Image Comics. He now works as a co-publisher at DC.
His art style has been adopted as the house style and he is arguably one of the most powerful men in
the superhero comics industry today.
3
Cl ar k says he l o ves being f r ee t o wear his f ando m wit h pr ide. This
weekend we can o penl y discuss co mics and science f ict io n sho ws wit h
t he peo pl e we meet , but when we go ho me ever yt hing wil l change. We
wil l no l o nger f eel as f r ee t o be geeky and we cer t ainl y wo nt be
having co f f ee dr essed as co mic bo o k char act er s. He r ef er s t o t he
f eel ing o f l o ss t hat he expect s t o f eel as t he po st co nvent io n bl ues
and t he weekend has been such a high hes dr eading t he sever it y o f
t he inevit abl e cr ash. Al t ho ugh being a super st ar f o r t he weekend has
been o ver whel ming, he do esnt want t o have t o go back t o hiding his
l o ve o f co mics.
Weve co me f r o m t he o t her end o f t he co unt r y t o be her e as t his is
t he biggest event o f it s kind in New Zeal and. We do nt kno w any o f
t he t ho usands o f peo pl e her e, but t he buil ding is packed t o OSH-
bo t her ing capacit y wit h o ur peo pl e: Geeks.

Why superheroes?
Comic books are a highly variable medium: from dark noir crime stories to
romance and science fiction; war stories to political and media satire; funny animals
to superheroes and adaptations of literary texts. While all of these genres are
interesting in their own right, superhero comics are the focus of this study, not only
because they hold the greatest market share, but also because of the gendered nature
of both the genre and its readers. The superhero genre has been around for over three
quarters of a century, and the predominantly male superheroes still offer a very
limited range of gendered actions/practices, most of which re-present the (current)
dominant ideals of masculinity.
2

2
Female superheroes and the representations of femininity in comics and fan engagement with these
are very important and interesting areas which also need considerable academic attention. However,
because of research constraints, this thesis focuses on masculinity and male heroes. While there are a
lot of female superheroes, there are very few first tier female characters. No female superhero titles
(including those of Wonder Woman, the most well known female superhero) have featured in the top
100 comics sold each year since before 2000, unless their franchise was relaunched (when a popular
title is stopped for a time and restarted afresh, issue 1 always sells more than any other similar issue as
these are popular with collectors) (

J . J . Miller, 2012).
4
Throughout their history superhero comics have both reflected and provided
critiques of the shifting social and political climates in which they were produced.
The comic book superhero character type first appeared in 1938 with Supermans
debut in Action Comics issue 1 (Benton, 1989; J ones, 2004, p. 23). He was the
creation of J erry Siegel and J oe Shuster, who drew on the pulp fiction heroes Doc
Savage and Gladiator as inspiration (J ones, 2004, pp. 63-86). Siegel and Shuster
thought there was a need for a hero of superhuman ability to inspire people at a time
when dominant discourses of masculinity (strong, hard working men who supported
the family) were being challenged by the Depression (J ones, 2004). It was also a
time when there was an international interest in defining a super man. Nietzsche,
Shaw, and Hitler for example, all talked about a perfect man who was truly
superior, in body and mind, to ordinary people (J ones, 2004, pp. 80-81). Superman is
probably still the most well known superhero around today.
Supermans introduction was quickly followed by the launches of Batman in
1939 and Wonder Woman in 1941 (Benton, 1989). After the USA joined WWII, the
rapidly expanding register of superheroes was enlisted to assist in the war effort.
They broadcast propaganda, and fought Nazi and J apanese villains (Benton, 1989, p.
176), while asking readers to buy war bonds, and providing light entertainment for
the troops (J ones, 2004).
Superhero popularity dropped after the war ended and stayed low throughout
the 1950s, but with new battles to fight, came new heroes. Spider-Man and the Hulk
debuted in 1962 (Benton, 1989, pp. 63-64) in the climate of the Vietnam War and the
lead up to the Cuban missile crisis. Spider-Man brought with him the ideology of
power and responsibility and explicitly contained the view that if one has power it is
ones responsibility to use that power for the greater good (Wolk, 2007). The Hulks
origin was the outcome of a weapons testing accident that turned Dr Bruce Banner
into a green, uncontrollably rampaging monster whenever he was angered
(Fingeroth, 2004, pp. 119-126). This could be seen as symbolic of both the power of
nuclear weaponry and the risks associated with them. The 1960s and 70s also saw the
creation and rise of the superhero team, the X-Men, who were a team of mutant
superheroes (Benton, 1989). They fought against villains and the society they
protected in a constant political battle against bigotry and inequality, echoing the
5
civil rights and feminist movements of the time (Wolk, 2007, p. 95). President
Reagan and the cold war were critiqued in the comic books of the 1980s, the most
significant of these being Alan Moore and Dave Gibbons Watchmen (1987) and
Frank Millers Batman: The Dark Knight Returns (1986). The bodies of the
superheroes also changed in the late 1980s, becoming larger and more unrealistically
muscular than ever before, reaching their peak in early 1990s (Taylor, 2007). The
sudden explosion of superhero muscularity occurred against the background of
criticisms of new men as having become too sensitive and feminised, and
increasing attention to reinvigoration of the strong, hard man (Kimmel, 1996, pp.
291-328).
The collapse of communism in 1989 and the end of the cold war in the early
1990s coincided with a collapse in the comic book sales, as much of the content of
the comics after the second world war had been based on cold war politics (Wolk,
2007). The comics industry leaders, Marvel and DC, attempted to increase comic
book sales through the production of collectable issues, which temporarily attracted
interest from collectors and speculators, but through the mid 1990s sales continued to
plummet and their empires began to crumble (Wolk, 2007). In September 2001 the
world gained a new super-villain in Osama Bin Laden, and the first decade of the 21
st

century saw a slow but steady increase in superhero comic book sales (J . J . Miller,
2012).
According to 2011 sales figures released by Diamond Comic Distributors (the
only comic book distributer in North America), the main two superhero comic
publishers, DC and Marvel, took a total market share (units sold) of over 76% of
comics and graphic novel sales (J . J . Miller, 2012). This equates to an approximately
69% dollar share, or US$448 million of the estimated US$650 Million US sales
3
J .
J . Miller, 2012
(
). The superhero genre accounted for all but 1 of the top 300 single
issue comics sold (number 102 was a Godzilla comic),
4

3
UK sales are estimated by the Comics Chronicles to be approximately 10% of the US figures, with
the rest of the world being harder to establish.
and 44 of the top 100 trade
4
Of the 10 highest selling titles for 2011, 7 of them were J ustice League, Batman, Action Comics, and
Green Lantern issues.
6
paperback titles sold in 2011 (J . J . Miller, 2012).
5
J . J . Miller, 2012
The industry saw a 300% increase
in sales (dollar value), with slight increases in units sold, in the first 8 years of the
21
st
century, but this has declined slightly since 2008 ( ). Although
the significance of these figures in the wider publishing industry and how much of
this market is outside of the USA are difficult to ascertain, it is clear that within the
comic industry the superhero is the dominant force in comics.
Hypermasculine heroes
The construction of masculinities
6
and the representations of gendered media
images (either through effects or audience reception theories)
7
are both well
documented in scholarly texts. The major focus of literature on gender in comics has
been on the extreme ways in which it is performed and constructed in the medium.
8

5
Until 2010 superhero comics have always been the dominant genre in the top 10 graphic novels sold,
but in 2011, only 1 of the top 10 was a superhero line (and it could be argued that even that title does
not qualify as fitting the genre). Instead 2011 saw 8 of the top 10 graphic novels and trade paperbacks
coming from a single zombie/post apocalyptic series. This series also dominated the graphic novel
charts in 2010, with 5 of the top 10 titles; an increase of 2 from 2009, when it first appeared. While
the top selling comic lines in 2011 were selected titles from DCs New 52, a re-launch of all of their
superhero lines, the trend matches that of previous years (

There is, however, little work that attempts to bring comics, gender and fans together
within an audience reception approach, to investigate the culturally situated
understandings that readers have of superhero comic book masculinities and the
performance and management of gender in these specific hyper-masculinised
representations of men. The most significant studies in this field are J effrey Browns
J . J . Miller, 2012).
6
For examples of discussion of the construction of masculinities see: Alsop, Fitzsimons, and Lennon
(2002); Coates (2003); Connell (1998); (2000, 2005); Connell and Messerschmidt (2005); Gill,
Henwood, and McLean (2005); I. M. Harris (1995); J ohansson (2003); Kimmel (1996); Kimmel,
Hearn, and Connell (2005); Liepins (2000); Terry and Braun (2009).
7
For examples of discussions of gender in the media see: Anderson, Gentile, and Buckley (2007);
Byerly and Ross (2006); S. Hall, J hally, and Media Education Foundation (2002); Huntemann and
Media Education Foundation. (2002); J hally, Katz, Ridberg, and Media Education Foundation (2003);
Kivel and J ohnson (2009); Moreau, Mendick, and Epstein (2010); Tasker (1993); Tebbel (2000).
8
For examples of discussion of gender in comics see: J . A. Brown (1999); (2001); J . A. Brown
(2011); Emad (2006); Gayles (2012); McIlvenny (2003); Nelson (2004); (2004); Taylor (2007);
Weltzien (2005).
7
(1999) research on fan attitudes to (specifically) black masculinities in comic books
and Eric Maigrets (1999) Strange grew up with me, which discusses sentimentality
and masculinity in superhero comic book readers. Another important study is Alan
Kleins (1993) investigation of the construction of masculinities presented and
discussed by body builders in a prominent Californian gym, in which he explores the
relationship of male body builders to superhero bodies.
Browns (2001; 1999) study of comic readers and masculinity focused on the
black masculinities represented by two very different publishers, Milestone Comics
and Image Comics. These two companies were noteworthy for their successful
publication of multiple black superhero characters, but in very contrasting styles (J .
A. Brown, 2001). Image Comics heroes were disproportionately large bodied men
who relied on brute force and aggression, whereas Milestones characters were
generally smaller bodied characters that used intellect and cunning (J . A. Brown,
2001). Brown found that the (mostly teenage) readers he spoke to preferred the
Milestone masculinities to those of Image comics because they reverse the most
prevalent contemporary superhero model of hypermasculinity by emphasizing brains
over brawn (2001, p. 198 emphasis original). While Image Comics superheroes
were a rather exaggerated form of hypermasculinity,
9
J . A. Brown, 2001
other superheroes have also
been limited to force rather than cunning when in hero form for example,
Superman is strong, but Clark Kent is clever - sustaining the concept of a binary
between the aspects of the character and ideologically between male/female and
mind/body ( ). Browns study of fans and black superheroes opened
up a new area of investigation within academic comic book research, exposing
realms of possible research around comic book readers and their understandings of
gender, race, class, ability, and other social issues in comics and comic characters.
Maigret (1999) investigated the ways that superhero comic book readers from
the 1960s to 1990s used their emotional involvement with superhero comics to
negotiate their own gender identities. He analysed letters published in superhero
comics in Europe and the USA from that period and interviewed 20 readers of all

9
Most Image heroes have enormous bodies, large enough that if they were real humans they would
tower over other people, and have shoulders too broad to fit through standard doorways.
8
ages (Maigret, 1999, p. 9) about their readership. Maigrets focus was on the regular
readers who were engaged enough to subscribe or write letters to the editor, but who
were not engaged in other fan activities (such as writing fanzines). His analysis
focussed on the ways that readers talked about emotionally significant events in the
comics they read (such as the deaths of beloved characters). Although the men he
interviewed often downplayed their emotional responses to the comics (Maigret,
1999, p. 23), because the letters from readers showed a willingness to admit to being
moved by them, he concluded that rather than reinforcing dominant gender
ideologies, the readers used these comics to negotiate new forms of masculinity
(Maigret, 1999, p. 24).
Klein (1993) investigated gender (specifically masculinity) in a leading gym
in California. He interviewed male and female body builders and found that there
was a common discourse amongst the men that related masculinity to a built body,
but more specifically to superhero comic book style bodies (Klein, 1993, pp. 234-
281). Klein found that the men sometimes used superheroes to describe the kinds of
bodies that they wanted to have. They also often referenced the Charles Atlas 90
pound weakling advertising
10
Klein, 1993, p. 267
that has been closely connected with superhero
comics for decades. This connection between the actively built bodies of this
community and the two distinct bodies of the superheroes/alter egos was used to
illustrate both the femiphobia on the part of the male body builders, while the
fantasy aspect of comics was used as a metaphor for the fiction that their bodies
represented ( ).
11
While Kleins research provides insight into some of the ways that
superheroes might be used by readers, like any research, it has its limitations.
Because the investigation was limited to members of a particular gym in California


10
Charles Atlas advertisements for his lifestyle and body building course ran in superhero comics for
approximately 50 years. In these advertisements, which took the form of a comic strip, young Mac
would be bullied and humiliated in front of a girl by a larger, muscle bound man. By using Charles
Atlas system, the newly muscular Mac can later return to the beach to win back the girl (Toon &
Golden, 2000; Wolf-Meyer, 2003, p. 498)
11
Klein suggests that the body builders aim to mask their feelings of inadequacy against the
hegemonic ideals of masculinity by building their bodies to look strong and powerful, and therefore
hyper masculine.
9
and, within that membership, to those who were participants in the sport of body
building, his research did not include discussion with other comic book fans. Also,
because the link with superheroes was a finding of the study, rather than something
Klein had intentionally investigated, this analysis focussed on the body builders and
masculinity. This opens up the possibility for research that investigates this
connection between the built body and superhero comics, as well as other discourses
of masculinity. The comic book readers interviewed in the study also talked about
the hypermasculinity of male superheroes, but their relationships to these bodies
were quite different to that of the men in Kleins study. The readers I interviewed
were both male and female, and self identified superhero comic book readers. They
enjoyed the hypermasculinity of the superhero body as an ironic parody of bodily
ideals, but the hypermasculinity of the superheroes bodies was not the major source
of interest in this genre. The readers I spoke to gained more pleasure from the rich,
diverse and emotionally sophisticated interpersonal relationships of the superheroes
and their supporting casts. This is discussed further in chapter 4.
The uncharted world of superhero fandom
Superhero comic book readers are an under-investigated community. While
there has been a lot of academic work done on the superhero genre and the
discourses of gender embodied/represented therein,
12
J . A. Brown, 1999
very little has been written
about the adult fans and their responses to superhero comics ( ,
2001; Healey, 2008; Maigret, 1999; Pustz, 1999; Wolf-Meyer, 2003). To address this
lack of attention to superhero comic book readers this thesis examines how some
fans in New Zealand respond to these books. The focus is on what fans had to say
about the representations of masculinity in these texts, and how they take pleasure
from, and give meaning to, these representations. The contrast between the fans
bodies and the super powered superheroes bodies is an important theme running

12
There are many examples of analyses of superhero texts, both formal and informal, with a variety of
different approaches. (For examples see: J . A. Brown, 1999, 2001; Coughlan, 2009; Emad, 2006;
Lendrum, 2005; Murray, 2011; Nelson, 2004; Palmer-Mehta & Hay, 2005; Roddy, 2010; Stabile,
2009; Taylor, 2007; Weltzien, 2005; Williamson, 1997)
10
through this thesis, as is the participants discursive constitution and management of
the superheroes bodies and their relationship to them. Another important theme is
the way in which readers negotiate their identities in relation to comic book
characters, to other readers, and to people who do not read comics. Linking the
analysis together is the idea of multiplicity in individual identities and gender
performances. Readers uses of comics are considered in relation to current theories
of audience reception and identification (Cohen, 2001; Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005;
Horton & Wohl, 1956; J auss, Bennett, & Bennett, 1974; Liebes & Katz, 1993),
especially current literature on superhero comics (Brewer, 2004; J . A. Brown, 1999,
2001; Fingeroth, 2004; Nyberg, 1998; Pustz, 1999; Reynolds, 1994; Williamson,
1997).
There has been limited research done on the ways that readers understand and
negotiate the masculine images in superhero comics. This study contributes
significantly to the subject of fan responses to superhero comics, while cutting across
the literatures, discourses and research methodologies of audience, gender, popular
culture and fandom.
The Geek community
Comics are often considered childrens entertainment, or low culture, so adult
readers face social judgement as a result of enjoying this form of entertainment
(Barker, 1989; Locke, 2009). As there are many negative stereotypes associated with
adult comic book fandom (such as the comic book guy on the Fox television show
The Simpsons, who is overweight, slobbish and socially inept), many adult fans feel
embarrassed about, or marginalised by their passion for this form of entertainment,
and keep their interest to themselves (J enkins, 1992; Pustz, 1999, p. 114). This
closeting of superhero comic book readership was evident when I attempted to
discuss superheroes with people I saw buying these comics at a local popular culture
convention, Armageddon, which is discussed in more detail in Chapter 3. This thesis
investigates how readers negotiate their relationships with other comic book fans and
non-readers, and discusses their responses to feelings of marginalisation. While some
participants in this study kept their readership to themselves, many of the comic book
11
readers who took part in this study utilised a resistant identity, that of the comic book
geek.
This research explores the various intersections of gendered audiences and
gendered characters though the talk of readers. Because superheroes and their readers
are predominantly male my focus was largely on male superhero characters, men and
masculinities. However, female readers and heroes were included in this study, not
only in the interests of exploring female readers responses to male and female
superheroes and the relationship between these texts and their own gendered
practices, but also for what their presence, their minority status and their potentially
different responses could tell us about audience responses to the phenomenon of
comic book superheroes.
Identification
In this study I investigate the ways in which adult superhero comic readers
talked about their reading practices and how they utilised various discourses around
gender, gender performance, heroism, and everyday life. There are numerous ways
that readers may make use of, and produce meanings from, the comics they read,
including (but not limited to) escapism, fantasy and identification. These ways of
interacting with the text may overlap or remain entirely separate. Escapism, from a
sociological perspective, is a way of using a text, not to remove oneself from life, but
to critique it (Ruddock, 2007, p. 56). Readers may put themselves in the characters
place in order to explore new discourses and new subject positions within the
discourse,
13
Gavey, 1989 or to challenge the discourses that are familiar to them ( ).
Fantasy, like escapism, is a way of trying out discourses and subject positions (C.
Harris & Alexander, 1998, p. 16). Through fantasy readers can test scenarios and
situations from a variety of different positions in order to strengthen their existing
position or explore new positions that these fantasies make available to them (C.

13
A subject position is the individuals position within, and in relation to, the discourses, and the
power-knowledge to which they have access. It is variable so each subject position may only be
available in certain situations and not others, and each position has different levels of power available
within that discursive context (S. Hall, 2001, p. 80).
12
Harris & Alexander, 1998, p. 16). Through identification with situations or
characters within a text, the reader may (potentially) acquire imaginative strategies
for action in the future (Bird, 2003, p. 6; Fisherkeller, 1997, p. 485). Fantasy,
escapism and identification can be solitary or group activities (Ang, 1996; Bird,
2003, p. 6), and allow the reader(s) to try out discourses or subject positions in an
imaginary context, experiencing how they operate, without having to utilise them in
real life situations.
Most superheroes present a unique form of hero in that they personify, by
definition, the unattainable ideals that characterise a particular definition of
perfection
14
Eco & Chilton, 1972, p. 14 ( ). Sporting (and other real world) heroes
(arguably) do not represent such unattainable ideals, as they are ordinary human
beings who have reached a certain physical peak that others could conceivably reach
and even surpass (Eco & Chilton, 1972, p. 14). Superheroes such as Superman,
possesses traits that no human being could aspire to have, no matter how hard they
pushed themselves or how naturally gifted they were. In contrast, other (human)
superheroes, like Batman or the Green Lantern, are characters who gained their
status through hard work (but never hard work alone), exceptional physical or mental
talents, ingenious gadgets, or through enchanted artefacts that imbue the wearer with
inexplicable powers (J . A. Brown, 2001, p. 148). These differences prompt the
following questions: what meanings do participants give to these different kinds of
superheroes? Does the humanness of the hero matter to readers identification with
the hero and to their enjoyment of their reading? These questions are discussed in
chapter 4.
Superheroes display a wide range of gendered behaviours throughout their
stories, but they do so in a binaristic, oppositional manner. When they are being
heroes, superhero characters present a very specific and limited range of
masculinities which predominantly privilege displays of courage, aggression and

14
This perfect masculinity that superheroes present, while being defined by the author and artists, is
generally modelled on the hegemonic masculinity of that socio-historic context. The superhero is, by
definition, designed in such a way as to include extraordinary abilities that set him apart from ordinary
men. In this way the superheros masculinity is potentially more perfect than the dominant cultural
definitions of perfection. While he will have weaknesses and character flaws, these often serve as
obstacles that he overcomes, highlighting how strong and otherwise superior he is.
13
brawn over emotion, wit or cunning. However, in their alter-ego state, they may
encompass a wide range of human experiences and behaviours which can be in stark
contrast to the performances of the hero part of themselves (Brewer, 2004; J . A.
Brown, 2001; Feiffer, 1967; Fingeroth, 2004; J enkins, 2006; J ones, 2004; Kahan &
Stewart, 2006; Pustz, 1999; Wolk, 2007). It is in the mundane world of the alter ego
that many of the heros defining traits are lived out, such as their strong moral code,
their devotion to justice, loyalty to the law, and their social isolation (Reynolds,
1994). All of these attributes indicate a general set of expectations that the hero, like
his reader, must meet (Eco & Chilton, 1972). These mundane activities give the hero
a degree of realism that, some theorists assert, allows the reader a way into the
superhero world and provides a resource for emotional connection with an otherwise
fantastical character, because they are able to feel that they are like the hero in some
way (J . A. Brown, 1999, pp. 31-32; Eco & Chilton, 1972; Feiffer, 1967, p. 19;
Fingeroth, 2004, pp. 113, 131; Klein, 1993, p. 267; Pustz, 1999, p. 29).
The alter egos of superheroes are always inferior to the hero persona in
some way (J . A. Brown, 1999; Fingeroth, 2004; J ones, 2004; Pustz, 1999; Reynolds,
1994; Wolk, 2007). This inferiority may be an act, an assumed strategic cover as it
is for Clark Kent/Superman, or Matt Murdock/Daredevil
15
or an effect of the contrast
itself, as in the case of Bruce Banner/The Hulk or Billy Batson/Captain Marvel.
There is nothing inferior about Bruce Banner or Billy Batson if they are considered
separately to their hero personae, but when that alternative self appears, their
ordinary lives as military scientist and young boy respectively seem even less than
ordinary. In many cases, the alter ego is depicted as particularly frail or weak, even
beyond the level of the ordinary, such as Thors alter ego, Donald Blake, who is lame
when not in his god-form
16
Reynolds, 1994 ( ).
The effect of creating the contrast is two-fold: making the heroes appear
stronger, more competent and all round fantastic, while also making their alter egos

15
Although both aspects of Daredevil (Daredevil and Matt Murdock) are blind, the characters radar
sense gives him the ability to navigate as if he were sighted. As a result, Daredevil feigns
sightedness, while Matt Murdock feigns total blindness so as to avoid suspicion.
16
The superhero Thor is based on the Norse god of the same name. He was banished by Odin to live
on Earth as a human, so that he could learn humility. When he transforms from his human alter ego
(the disabled Doctor Donald Blake) into Thor he becomes the god again.
14
seem weaker than they really are. Comics scholars postulate that this creates a
feeling of antipathy towards the alter ego and emphasise the readers feelings of
pleasure in the superiority of the superhero (J . A. Brown, 1999; Feiffer, 1967;
Fingeroth, 2004; Klein, 1993; Pustz, 1999). The problem with this argument is that
the same scholars also assert that this feminised alter ego is the point of connection
that allows the reader to identify with the hero (J . A. Brown, 1999; Feiffer, 1967;
Fingeroth, 2004; Klein, 1993; Pustz, 1999). If both of these theories hold, then
readers are identifying with a character toward whom they harbour disdain in order
to feel that they are like a character that is highly improbable. The readers
relationship with the two parts of the hero, the duality itself, and the ways that they
understand this duality was a very important area of investigation for this thesis
research. While identification with the alter ego has been theorised about and
discussed repeatedly (J . A. Brown, 2001; Fingeroth, 2004; Klein, 1993), very little
work has been done in this area with comic book readers. Much of the literature in
this field involves speculation about what fans think and how they respond to
superheroes and their alter egos. This study looks at the ways that readers identify
with the superheroes and the relevance of these characters in fans everyday lives. I
argue, that while readers do identify with the superheroes alter egos, they utilise
multiple modes of identification, and do so in more sophisticated ways than theorists
have previously suggested.
Many comic book theorists consider superheroes to be the modern versions of
mythological heroes, replacing the likes of Gilgamesh, King Arthur, and Zeus
(Brewer, 2004; Fingeroth, 2004; Nyberg, 1998; Reynolds, 1994). The mythological
hero archetype is a very important figure in the cultural imagery of the West as he
represents hegemonic masculinity in action (Connell, 2005, p. 213).
17
2003, p. 63
Like the
heroes they are reported to have usurped, superheroes stand as particularly important
symbols of cultural ideals of masculinity. However, Hal Colebatch ( )

17
Hegemonic masculinity is the masculinity (or range of masculinities) that are privileged by the
dominant group in a society (Connell, 2005). This way of doing masculinity is legitimated by those
with the most social power, and policed by citizens themselves (Connell, 2005) . Those who do not
conform to the set of behaviours deemed legitimate are often marginalised and/or socially disciplined
(Connell, 2005; Lucal, 1999). The exact nature of the preferred masculinity varies over time and space
as social power shifts and changes (Connell, 2005).
15
describes the cultural purpose of the hero as one of a guide or teacher, a reference to
draw on in times of stress and danger. When stress is high and time is short, there
may not be sufficient time to consider all of the options before making decisions on
how to act, so heroes provide templates and models, in the form of stories, of
behaviour and the consequences of actions in a variety of situations (Colebatch,
2003, p. 63). Through these stories, heroes give people a pattern to work from, an
outline for good behaviour (Colebatch, 2003, p. 63). As superheroes often have to
make decisions, both ordinary and extraordinary, in contemporary situations, they
could be seen as filling this role in contemporary society.
The comparison of superheroes to traditional, mythological heroes is
problematic, as the characteristics of the hero types do not entirely correspond. The
serial nature of superheroes means that there is not some nugget of wisdom to
bestow, or bounty to gain on the completion of a story arc, as is the case with
traditional, mythological heroes (Campbell, 1993), rather the world is reset at the
end of each tale, and very little, if any, of the individual story carries through into the
continuing story
18
Eco & Chilton, 1972, pp. 16-17 of the superhero ( ). Another
difference between the superhero of comic books and the hero of mythology and
literature is that the superhero never embarks on a quest. Instead he fights foes and
tackles problems that encroach on his territory, never seeking them out in the wider
world. This quest-less, localised, and serial hero cannot compare directly with the
questing, roving heroes of popular mythology, such as Hercules or Gilgamesh. Amy
Nyberg (1998) suggests that, rather than trying to compare superheroes to older,
mythological or fairy tale heroes, it would be more useful to consider them to be a
new and unique model of hero that has appeared to fit the needs unique to
contemporary society (although she does not explain what these needs might be or
how superheroes fulfil them). In this study I consider the ways that readers said they
used superheroes and whether any of these uses might fit the modern mythology

18
This ongoing story is called the continuity. Continuity can be restricted to an individual comic line
or to the publishers universe in which they exist (e.g. DC Universe or Marvel Universe). On a
universe level, one superheros continuity affects story lines happening in other titles. While attempts
are made to carry important events through the continuity of the universe, minor events are often
forgotten at the end of the story arc.
16
model and the role of contemporary mythological teachers (Brewer, 2004; Fingeroth,
2004; Nyberg, 1998; Reynolds, 1994). I suggest that one of the many ways that
superhero comic book readers used the stories and the superheroes was as teachers
and behavioural models. This is consistent with analyses of superheroes that
constitute them as similar to traditional mythological heroes.
Thesis agenda
This thesis initiates a conversation with adult comic book readers in New
Zealand through the use of mixed research methods. The research strategies included
individual interviews and group conversations which were conducted both online and
face-to-face. The analysis includes consideration of the attributes of adult readers of
superhero comic books and their relationship with the medium, the characters, and
with each other. I examine the ways in which fans of superhero comics respond to
superhero comic books, focussing on readers reflections on the representations of
masculinity in these texts, and how they take pleasure from and give meaning to
them.
Chapter 2 establishes a context for the thesis, both in terms of the theories,
epistemology, and literature that inform it. This leads to the discussion of research
strategies in chapter 3, where I outline the methods employed in this thesis and the
approach I have used in selecting them and interpreting the results. The discussion of
the research strategies includes attention to the uses of online and face-to-face
discussions as research strategies and how these different modes of engagement
affected the interactions and talk about superheroes. I discuss the ways in which
these different contexts influence the group dynamics and the talk produced as well
as how the group dynamics impact on the talk produced. As a superhero comic
reader, and as a participant of the geek subculture,
19

19
Subcultures are groups within a dominant culture that, while being part of the dominant culture, are
subordinated or marginalised within it. They are usually at odds with the mainstream, being non-
normative and/or resistant in their cultural production (
I embarked on this research as
an insider. This was both beneficial and problematic. In this chapter I discuss the
influence of my insider status on the research and analysis process. I also reflect on
Thornton, 1996; J . P. Williams, 2011).
17
the differences between the research design and the actual research process, my
expectations, and the ways in which the social dynamic (and talk) varied between
groups.
Chapter 4: I am Bruce Wayne, focuses on the superhero and the fantasy
world in which he lives. This chapter analyses the ways in which participants
identify with the superhero, and the importance of the alter ego in the identification
process. It considers the way fans negotiate the boundaries between the
superhero/alter-ego, fantasy/reality, and reader/hero. The kinds of pleasures
identified by the participants went beyond those suggested by the literature, showing
a more sophisticated engagement with the media than has previously been supposed.
Superhero alter egos contributed to participants sense of connection to the everyday
lives of superheroes, but also to an awareness of shared involvement in constant
identity performance.
Chapter 5: Geek Pride, investigates readers participation in geek
subculture, and how readers see themselves in relation to the comics, the comic book
heroes, other comic book readers, and non-comic-book-readers. The nature of
geekdom, and specifically comic book geekdom, is discussed. A key focus is on
their self definition as geeks and its importance as participants resist what they define
as gendered norms of masculinity.
Chapter 6: Conclusion brings the discussion together, summarising the
analytical chapters and their significance and contribution to comics research and
fandom scholarship. This chapter also ties the thesis together through the discussion
of performance, bodies, and identity.
The contrast between the fan body and the super body is an important theme
running through this thesis. The readers discursive constitution and management of
the heros body, and their relationship to this are important threads throughout.
Linking the discussion together is the idea of multiplicity in individual identities and
gender performances. An important focus is on the readers use of comics in relation
to current theories of audience reception and identification, especially in relation to
superhero comics.
18

Chapter 2: Context
It is important to understand the social and academic contexts of superhero
comics and superhero comic book fandom when researching these fan communities
and their engagement with and understandings of the comic book texts. Gender,
audience and fandom scholarship, and the historical context of the medium and its
fans are important aspects of the ways that the readers engage with the texts and the
way that these engagements are understood by the researcher.
This chapter outlines the context and approach of this thesis and explains the
socio-historic environment of New Zealand adult comic book fandom. I outline the
theoretical approach to gender and ways that gender is constituted through
performativity and language, explaining the importance of variable discourses in
gender performance. In addition I explore approaches that have been used to
investigate the ways that audiences engage with media texts and how these inform
my approach to fandom research. This exposition locates this research project within
the existing literature of gender, audience and fandom.
A post-structuralist feminist approach
In a post-structuralist feminist approach, language enables subjectivity and
social organisations to be constructed, defined and contested (Butler, 1999; Gavey,
1989). It is language itself that creates meaning and produces the nature and
boundaries of those meanings. Language in action becomes discourse. Discourse can
be defined as a system of statements which adhere around common meanings and
values[that] are a product of social factors of power and practices, rather than an
individual set of ideas (Hollway 1983 in Gavey, 1989, pp. 463-464). However,
discourse must also be understood as being more than uttered words. Gee (2010)
explains that discourse transcends verbal dialogue and is manifest in the unspoken
communications - the actions and contexts - of the speakers: [p]eople build
19
identities and activities not just through language, but by using language together
with other stuff that isnt language (p. 28). He explains that the way people dress,
the values they draw on, the tools and symbols they employ and the way that they act
are all part of the non-verbal manifestations of discourse. Through discourse,
language accomplishes something; it is not just a symbolic representation of the
speakers concept of reality. It enables the speaker to execute actions, one of which
may be presenting themselves in such a way as to create a particular version of
themselves for a specific situation, as occurs in gender performance.
Gender is recognised as a product of discourse; constructed and given
meaning through language (Alsop et al., 2002; Butler, 1999). It is not an inherent or
fixed trait, but the performative
20
Butler, 1999, p. 24
effect of a series of repeated actions and statements
that are enacted upon and played out through the body ( ). Through
social rituals and conventions, gender is managed and socially organised to fit the
ideals and expectations of the socio-historic context in which it is being performed
(Butler, 1999; Connell, 2005; Pringle, 2002, p. 63). How individuals do gender (or
their gender performance) is therefore, the social production of their individually
negotiated understandings of their gendered selves within a cultural context, rather
than a result of simply having a gender (Butler, 1999). In this way, adult gender
performance can be, even within an individual, complex and contradictory, as well as
variable and situational (Connell, 2000; Davies, 2002). This research explores how
both fans and the superheroes actively and continuously do gender: the hero
characters through comic books and the audience interpretations of these texts, and
the readers through their engagement with comic books and each other. Both the
texts and the interpretation of them are located in contradictory and multiple
discourses about what being a man (or a woman) entails.
R. W. Connell (2000), who has written extensively on masculinities, argues
that gender is not only mutable, but multiple. In this regard, masculinity should be
considered to be plural, as in masculinities. Masculinities, as defined by Connell, are

20
To say that gender is performative suggests that the repeated acts of (socially and culturally defined)
gendered behaviour or gender defining statements create the illusion of a fixed and static gender,
gender identity and gender performance. The continual repetition of gender masks the variability and
instability of the performance(s) (Butler, 1999).
20
a configuration of gender practices (Connell, 2000, p. 29) that can be understood
as ongoing projects that are managed and negotiated in relation to the gender regimes
necessitated by situations and institutions. Masculinities are, therefore, socially
constructed ways of being a man (in contrast to being a woman) within the social
context of any given place and time, rather than some fixed, constant state of being.
This means that the ways that the participants talked about gender (either their own,
or the superheros) is understood as shaped by the culturally available resources,
within their socio-historic position and the specific situation of the research.
Because discourses vary in terms of the power they offer individuals
(Gavey, 1989, p. 464) they can serve to legitimise or marginalise individuals through
their position within the discourse. Some discourses are more powerful or dominant
than others and become normalised, appearing right or true (for example, a
dominant discourse in Western society around gendered behaviour is that men are
ideally aggressive and strong, and attracted to women). Through utilising different
discourses, individuals can align themselves with, reject and resist, or otherwise
challenge dominant discourses of gender.
21
Theorising reception

How the relationship between the audience and media is theorised is
important in studying readers/viewers engagement with particular images/texts. If
audiences are considered passive absorbers of the media and all of its meanings, then
media effects can be viewed as a direct and predictable outcome of the media
content. If this were the case, then there would be a significant and unambiguous
relationship between media images and audience behaviour (Macnamara, 2006, p.
64). This is clearly not the case, as numerous studies have shown that the effect that
the media has on audiences, if it has any, is complex, subtle and mediated by the
audience members themselves (McQuail, 1997; Traudt, 2005; Turner, 2002; K.

21
Whatever position they take or find themselves in, it is always discursively constituted. They can
never act, interpret and interact from a position outside of discourse. This means that when comic
book readers are reading and negotiating meaning in the texts, they are utilising discourses that create
subject positions for both the readers and the characters.
21
Williams, 2003). However, if audiences are considered to be active in their
interpretation and utilisation of the media, then there is no longer a clear case of
cause and effect, instead meaning is produced in the contextual intersection between
the viewer and the text (Devereux, 2007). An active audience approach to
understanding media texts, such as comics, focuses on how readers interpret and
produce meanings from texts in particular contexts (Devereux, 2007, p. 245).
Stuart Hall (1980) argues that the interaction between identity and the
construction of meaning as being a bi-directional process. The media messages are
encoded by those who produce them, and then decoded by those who view them,
but the message decoded is not necessarily the same as the one that was encoded (S.
Hall, 1980). He asserts that the meaning produced is informed or influenced by the
identity and identification of the viewer, and in turn, the meanings that are
constructed influence the viewers identity through the process of identification (S.
Hall, 1980, 1997). In the negotiation of the text by the audience, the preferred
reading may be rejected in favour of an oppositional or intermediate, partial
acceptance of the preferred reading (S. Hall, 1980). However, a problem with Halls
argument is that it does not acknowledge the complexity of the social contexts in
which media is consumed, and how this enables readers to generate not only
similar/oppositional readings, but entirely different meanings from any given media
text.
An approach that utilises the audiences (or readers) own understandings of
themselves and their relationship with the media is that of Constructionist Audience
Research (Devereux, 2007). This approach not only acknowledges the context of
the audiences experiences, but also the role that the media plays within their lives
(Devereux, 2007). As a research approach, it asks the audience to reflect, not only on
their readings of the text, but also on what this means to them in their lives
(Devereux, 2007). By allowing the audience to reflect on their role in creating
meaning and employing different discourses, they become researchers themselves
rather than objects to be observed. The emphasis of analysis is on the discourses
utilised, the reflexivity of the participants and researcher, subject positions that are
available and employed, and the contexts in which all of these things occur
(Devereux, 2007). Less significance is given to the specific readings that the
22
audience produce, in preference for analysing the ways that these readings are used
(Devereux, 2007). I utilise this approach to examine not only how the superheroes
are understood by the readers (in their readings of the media), but how they negotiate
these meanings within the context of their everyday lives as Superhero comic book
fans/geeks.
This framework suggests there is the potential for readers to engage in
multiple ways with comic book characters. This can include (but is not limited to)
identification and resistance, as the images and language are actively
negotiated,
22
interpreted, and made sense of by the reader in particular contexts.
Using this approach, I investigate the ways in which superhero comics
23
Comics have conventions and rules that contribute to shared interpretations
among readers, both in terms of comic book genres and comics as a whole. Comic
readers quickly learn to recognise certain visual clues and narrative techniques as
are read and
how these understandings are informed by, and potentially inform, comic book
readers responses to the superhero texts. Through the use of individual and focus
group interviews, and online group discussions, I explore readers responses to the
heroes in the comics that they read or choose not to read. In these discussions
participants talked about the different heroes, villains, interpersonal relationships,
bodies and behaviours that this genre re-presents. As it is the interaction between the
reader and the text that produces different meanings in different contexts, I used
these conversations to investigate the meanings that comic readers produced when
talking about superhero comics and the ways that they produced meanings through
these interactions.

22
That is, meaning is created as an active interplay between all aspects of the persons experiences,
including, but not limited to, socio-historical and cultural background or setting, and their
understanding of codes and conventions of the media and genre.
23
I restricted the study to Western written superhero comics for two reasons. First of all, it is a way to
keep the study focused and manageable in size, but most importantly, the ways that men are
represented in western superhero comics is very different to the way they are portrayed in other
genres. Manga, the J apanese comic medium, has characters that might be considered superheroes, but
the gendering in them is so different to Western comics (drawing on J apanese ideals of gender) that,
although the comparison would be interesting, it is beyond the scope of a small scale study such as
this one. Comparing the gendering and reader interpretations of Western superheroes and their
equivalents around the globe and how they intersect with gender discourses would be an interesting
topic for future study.
23
having certain meanings (such as speech balloons and thought bubbles, speed lines
which indicate movement and direction, and even the order in which to read the
panels). There are also elements of character history that are assumed as being a
given (such as Clark Kent being Superman, and his relationship with Lois Lane)
which do not have to be reiterated in every story, but are understood nonetheless.
Because of the conventions in the medium, and the history that is generally
understood by readers, genre competent audience members can potentially interpret
the texts in similar ways. Shared cultural and social understandings will also
potentially contribute to common interpretations of the texts that are being read, as
representations, such as muscularity as strength, are recognised from similar
positions within the cultural discourse.
24

Therefore, the readers understandings of
these texts, and the way that they negotiate these meanings should be examined in
the context of the social and cultural positions from which they are interpreted.
Fandom
Audience is a contested term as well as being a difficult group to identify
and study as it is at once fluid and indefinable (Bird, 2003, p. 4). It is problematic to
define the boundaries of this group because the media itself spills over into everyday
life though the mass media and cultural interaction (Bird, 2003, p. 4). This is
especially true of comic book superheroes, as even pre-literate children in New
Zealand will recognise Superman, Spider-Man, and Batman without ever having read
the comics. However, in focussing on the self identified adult fans it is possible to
gain some insight into the meanings and responses of this specific group of readers
(Gray, Sandvoss, & Harrington, 2007).

24
The ongoing discussion over whether or not Batman is homosexual is an example of this in action.
While comic books have a certain set of conventions, there may be times when the application of
these is at odds with cultural conventions. Batmans close relationship with his ward and side kick,
Robin, is situated at the intersection of the superhero realms of close allegiances and child assistance,
and Western societys suspicion of men who have close relationships with young boys who are not
their sons.
24
Fans are a subgroup of the audience of any particular media text. They are
defined by the ways that they engage with the texts and with each other. The study of
fandom looks at a distinct community, or subculture, of audience members for their
unique methods of engagement with texts and the distinct interpretations that they
produce (J . A. Brown, 1997; Fiske, 1992; Gray et al., 2007; C. Harris & Alexander,
1998; Healey, 2008; Virnoche, 2007; Warnicke, 2006). Fan engagement with the
media object does not end when the show finishes or with the final page of the book
(J enkins, 1992). The viewing/reading is only the beginning of their interaction. Fans
instead form interpretative communities (J enkins, 1992, pp. 88-89) that reinterpret
media texts through a variety of individual and group activities, such as writing and
reading fan fiction, writing, performing, and listening to fan folk (or filk) songs, or
taking part in group discussions through internet forums or conventions (J . A.
Brown, 1997, 2001; Fiske, 1992; Gray et al., 2007; C. Harris & Alexander, 1998;
Healey, 2008; J enkins, 1992, 2006; Pustz, 1999; Virnoche, 2007). Part of engaging
in fandom includes learning the dominant interpretation of that fandoms
understanding of the texts, but it also involves looking for new meanings, making
connections, and filling in missing details of the story, characters, or fictional world
(Gray et al., 2007; J enkins, 1992).
The process of creating alternative meanings and re-appropriation of the texts
by fans has been called poaching (J enkins, 1992), and can be seen as a site of a
power struggle between the dominant media and their fan audience as the fans create
new understandings of the text through their fan activities (Gray et al., 2007, p. 2).
Therefore, fandom has the potential to be a political or resistant act where dominant
discourses are challenged and renegotiated by the participants. However, while fans
may produce alternative meanings from the texts, they will not necessarily be
contrary to the meanings of other viewers or the producers because:
Fans have chosen these media products from the total range of
available texts precisely because they seem to hold special potential as
vehicles for expressing the fans pre-existing social compliments and
cultural interests.
(J enkins, 1992, p. 34)
Fans selection of the text is influenced by what they already believe and is informed
by their knowledge and understanding of the media with which they already engage.
25
J enkins suggests that the meanings coming out of fan engagement and the meanings
understood by the producers of the text may be similar because pre-existing social
compliments and cultural interests may be shared by the artists and writers involved
in their production. Through their own readings of the texts fans (and writers) have
the potential to challenge and renegotiate dominant ideologies (J enkins, 1992, p. 34).
Comics fandom in cultural contexts
Activities, such as comic book reading, may be mainstream in one culture
and seen as peculiar in another, marginalising the gender performances of those who
participate. For example, J apans acceptance of the graphic novel medium means that
men who read manga in public places are still performing an accepted and official
form of masculinity (Ishinomori, 1988). However, because of the subordinated
position of graphic storytelling in Anglo-American culture, the masculinities of
Western men who read comics become suspect and unsanctioned (Pustz, 1999). In
this context, men who read comics are being positioned and positioning themselves
in a different way to those who do not.
If comic book readership is not considered to be a manly pursuit, comic
book fandom is even less acceptable. It is an abject masculinity, marginalised by the
mainstream (J . A. Brown, 2001, pp. 63-65; Ishinomori, 1988; J enkins, 1992; Pustz,
1999, pp. 208-212). While some readers will hide their shameful interest, others
may finding pleasure in this secretive, marginalised status, with some even claiming
this marginal status with pride (Pustz, 1999, pp. 209-212). In doing so they challenge
dominant discourses of what it means to be a man. However, even as they do this, it
is possible to discern some aspects of hegemonic masculinity (this is illustrated in
chapter 5).
Adult comic book readership is common place in Asian
25

25
While I refer mostly to J apanese comics (Manga) in J apan, these comics are widespread throughout
East Asia. There are also small comic book industries producing comics in Honk Kong, Korea, and
Taiwan (
(and some
European) countries, but is less prevalent in New Zealand, as it is in the USA. It is
normal to see business men reading manga (J apanese comic books) on the train in
Lent, 1999).
26
Tokyo, but not to see Western men reading comics in public (Ishinomori, 1988). This
is mostly due to the differing histories of comics as a medium in the East and the
West, and the resulting attitudes towards them.
The biggest single reason for the difference in attitude to comics between the
East and West results from the concerns in 1950s USA (and New Zealand) that
comics were causing harm to their readers. Frederick Werthams (1954) book
Seduction of the Innocent, claimed that reading comic books lead to delinquency,
immorality, and homosexuality (Nyberg, 1998; Wertham, 1954). The moral panic
26
Nyberg, 1998

that resulted from its publication resulted in comic books becoming the focus of the
United States Senate Subcommittee on J uvenile Delinquency, which lead to the
creation of an industry system of self regulation, the Comics Code ( ).
In New Zealand Werthams book was used to support legislation that limited the
importation and sale of comics in bookshops (Watson & Shuker, 1998).
The Comics Code came about as a response to fears that comics were
harming and corrupting children, so it was applied primarily to comics that would be
sold to a general audience, or in places where children could read them (Kroopnick,
2003; Nyberg, 1998). Distribution and advertising agreements meant that only
comics with the Comics Code Authority (CCA) seal received advertising revenue
and were sold in supermarkets, newsstands, and bookshops (Kroopnick, 2003;
Nyberg, 1998; Pustz, 1999). The CCA required stories and artwork to be approved
before publication, and any references to drugs, sex or other adult themes were
removed (Kroopnick, 2003; Nyberg, 1998; Pustz, 1999). Violence was also sanitised
(especially violence against law enforcement), had to be shown without blood or
gore and all stories had to end with good triumphing over evil (Nyberg, 1998). The
two largest publishing houses, DC and Marvel, had every comic book franchise
stamped with the CCA seal (Kroopnick, 2003; Nyberg, 1998).
However, not all comics were subject to the US comics industrys self
imposed comic code. Underground comics and certain adult lines were able to
sidestep the comics code, as they were distributed through alternative channels or in

26
The anxiety and panic expressed within a population in response to issues that are perceived to pose
a threat to the social order (McRobbie & Thornton, 1995).
27
a magazine format (Mad magazine, for example, avoided CCA restrictions by
changing its format) (Kurtzman & Barrier, 1991). In New Zealand, all books in
comic format, even magazines like Mad, and those targeted at an adult audience,
were restricted and controlled under the Indecent Publications Amendment Act
(1954). The legislators considered the graphical format to be attractive to children
with the potential to be picked up and read accidentally, so any comics that were
seen as having content that would be indecent in childrens hands (J udge P. J
Cartwright cited inWatson & Shuker, 1998, p. 140) were banned or restricted under
the act.
J apanese comics, which have a history dating back to the mass produced,
sequential art story books of the 18th century, never went through the same period of
censorship as the USA comics industry, leaving them free to change with their
audience (Schodt, 2007). Mangas lack of industry wide sanitisation and child-
friendliness requirement meant that the industry and medium was able to explore
technological developments and move with them (Schodt, 2007). Comic book
popularity in J apan has remained consistent enough through the centuries such that,
[i]n todays J apan, manga magazines are one of the most effective ways to reach a
mass audience (Schodt, 2007, p. 19).
Because of the censorship of the comics code period (and the Indecent
Publications Amendment Act (1954 and 1963)), comics have become stigmatised as
a shallow entertainment for children; instead of developing a symbiotic relationship
with television and animation as has happened in J apan they were eclipsed
(Schodt, 2007, p. 52). USA produced comics, through the extreme censorship of the
comic code era, were reduced to simplistic and childish entertainment for decades,
while manga became a complement to the electronic media of the twentieth (and
early twenty-first) century (Ishinomori, 1988; Schodt, 2007). American comics were
left behind, not only in terms of changes in the entertainment industry, but also in
terms of censorship, as the comics code (and media censorship and ratings systems in
New Zealand) did not adapt at the same rate as television, film and gaming (Schodt,
2007; Watson & Shuker, 1998). While recently the industry has moved quickly to
catch up with other media, this had already had a devastating effect on the industry
28
and the insistence on keeping comic books innocuous had a vast effect on producing
the perception that adult readers are peculiar and childish (Pustz, 1999).
Attitudes to any media, and to the people who enjoy it, are not fixed. Even
within a single culture these attitudes may vary. J apan has a unique form of fan
culture, Otaku (enthusiastic popular culture consumers), who engage in similar but
not identical fan activities to Western fans. Otaku are characterised primarily by their
consumer behaviour, buying everything that they can find relating to their interest
(Stevens, 2010). In addition to this consumption, Otaku may engage in cosplay,
which is dressing in costumes from their favourite comics (manga), game, or show
(usually anime), and behaving as if they were that character (even though dressing in
costume has been popular with fans since the 1960s, until recently, fans who dressed
as show characters did not usually behave in character as contemporary cosplayers
are expected to) (Winge, 2006). At this level, the local attitudes to fans and otaku can
have some similarities, as they are both seen as weird or crazy for their excessive
interest in and consumption of media (Gray et al., 2007; J enkins, 1992; Stevens,
2010).
Conclusion
Superhero comic book fandom operates within the multiple discourses of
gender, appropriate behaviour for adults, and the historical censorship arguments and
strategies that have been imposed on the medium. These discourses (and others)
serve to limit the available ways that participants can interpret the texts and perform
their identities as individuals and as a group. The fans may challenge the limitations
of dominant discourses and develop alternative, resistant ways of understanding,
being and interacting.

29

Chapter 3: Research Strategies
Fandom and other participatory subcultures are social activities (Gray et al.,
2007; C. Harris & Alexander, 1998; J enkins, 1992; J . P. Williams, 2011), so they are
the result of social interactions between members of the group. In order to capture
the ways that comic book fans negotiate with the texts and do fandom, I chose
socially interactive
27
Participants were able to take part in the research in a variety of ways. They
could chose to engage in an online forum discussions, be interviewed alone (online
or in person), take part in a focus group (online or in person), or any combination of
these as they felt was appropriate and reasonable. I was studying the experiences of
the readers, and their experiential understandings, so I was not looking for
generalisable or representative results. Instead, I hoped to provide insight into some
of the ways that fans of superhero comics negotiate meanings of gender, identity, and
human versus super-powered bodies. By bringing fans together in groups (face-to-
face or online), I was also able to investigate the ways that group identities are
created through interactions by observing the groups during this process of co-
construction.
research strategies. I chose research strategies for their ability to
capture aspects of doing fandom as an interactive process. Using group discussions
between comic book readers provided a space for them to share their thoughts in an
interactive manner, doing fandom as they talked. By utilising research strategies
that used interaction between the participants (and me), I was able to analyse how
they did fandom as an interactive process in addition to what they said about the
comics.
As an insider in the comic book reader/geek subculture, I had certain
understandings of the fan experience and therefore expectations of what I might find

27
By which I mean strategies that required interaction between comic book readers and the
researcher, rather than analysis of fan writings, or strategies that involved the participants answering
questions or performing tasks on their own.
30
in my research. However, I also needed to ensure that my research strategies
provided opportunities for the participants, in a variety of ways, to potentially
produce unexpected findings. My initial aim of this thesis was to investigate some of
the meanings that superhero comic book readers made of the hypermasculine comics
that they read. I was interested in their understandings of the characters in relation to
participants own gender identities and life experience, and the ways that they
interacted with other fans. As the comic book fan readership has not received a lot of
academic interest in the past, and to limit the bias that my insider status could bring, I
kept my attention broad. This allowed me to let the participants tell me what
mattered to them, rather than focus on what I thought was important at the expense
of investigating more significant aspects of their fan experience.
Developing research strategies
My original research design was for focus groups interviews that would be
supplemented with one-to-one interviews as required, however an experience early
on in my research process caused me to alter my approach. Before engaging in any
formal research I attended a local popular culture expo Christchurch Armageddon.
This expo is held annually in New Zealands main centres and has a comic book and
science fiction focus, but it also includes a variety of other popular culture genres.
This environment is very pop culture focussed and fan friendly, so I expected to be
able to use it to identify comic book readers who I could invite to take part in this
project. During my visit, with University of Canterbury Human Ethic Committee
(UCHEC) approval and permission of the organisers, I attempted to promote the
research by distributing fliers and talking to potential participants.
28

28
This event happened while I was still in the planning stages of my research. Because it is an annual
event the next opportunity would have been after the recruitment and interview stages of the research
were finished. As a result, I was looking only for potential interest from attendees in later
participation.
Rather than
handing fliers to every one of the thousands of convention attendees, I approached
only those who appeared to be appropriate. While I hunted through boxes of comics
at the comic book stands for issues of interest to me, I would observe the other
31
customers and the comics they were selecting. After they left the stand (so as not to
get in the way of potential customers), I would approach anyone I had seen buying
superhero comics and introduce myself and the project. On a number of occasions,
when I approached a man I had observed buying superhero comics to ask him
whether he might be interested in participating in the study, the man would deny
reading superhero comics before rushing away without a flier. One man even
attempted to hide his brown paper bag of comic books from me. While it is possible
that every man I approached had been buying comics for a friend, or had just
purchased his first ever superhero book, I consider this unlikely.
This experience suggests that many comic readers may be uncomfortable
about being identified as consumers of comic books, even to just one other person.
This made me aware that some potential participants would not be comfortable
acknowledging their interest, but I did not want this to deter them from contributing
to the research. By designing research strategies that involved comic book readers
having to identify themselves to me, in a face-to-face interaction, I was ignoring this
concern, and potentially excluding this group, and maybe even a significant part of
the reader experience. If the need for total anonymity and confidentiality were of
particular concern to some members of the cohort I wished to include in the study,
then the research strategy needed to include some way for these fans to choose to
participate and to be heard, while remaining completely anonymous.
Face-to-face focus groups require participants to meet with each other, which
cannot be totally anonymous. My experience at Armageddon suggested that planning
to use focus group discussions as my primary research strategy would not suit all
comic book readers. To address this I chose to use a multi-method approach that
utilised different sites for discussion. The research strategies used needed to allow
participants to engage in interactive conversation and debate, while providing
anonymity to those who wanted it. Internet discussions make participation more
readily available to those who do not want to be known to others and to readers
outside of the researchers immediate geographical region. The anonymity that this
kind of discussion provided an opportunity for participants who did not want to be
identified as superhero readers to participate, but it also allowed participants the
opportunity to open up areas of discussion that they may have been uncomfortable
32
discussing in a live setting, had they wished to (Bowker & Tuffin, 2004; Krueger &
Casey, 2008).
I decided to use an online discussion forum so participants could take part in
an anonymous conversation. A forum also allows focus group type conversations to
begin or continue outside of the restrictive timeframe that face-to-face meetings
impose. In addition to the forum, as originally planned, I chose focus groups with
any participants who wished to take part, and one-to-one interviews (with those who
wished to speak to me in more detail but would not be comfortable being identifiable
to a group, or were unable to attend a focus group session). I also did online real-time
interviews and focus group discussions. Online one-to-one interviews and online real
time focus group discussions allowed participants to remain completely anonymous,
and facilitated real-time conversations between participants in different parts of New
Zealand.
Face-to-face discussions
Focus groups are facilitated discussions of small groups of research
participants in which the focus is a group activity (in the case of this research, the
group activity was a discussion of a specific topic) (Kitzinger, 1994). They utilise
multiple forms of everyday communication, such as humour, teasing, stories, and
even arguments allowing greater insight by the researcher into the ways that these
interactions operate in the production of meaning (Kitzinger, 1994). Focus groups
allows participants to investigate their own understandings as a group by challenging
or developing on each others ideas (Kitzinger, 1994; Krueger & Casey, 2008) while
allowing different views and positions to be presented and discussed together
(Arksey & Knight, 1999). In this sense, focus group participants become more active
in the research, as they become collaborative researchers, delving deeper into their
own understandings than they might when giving direct responses to specific
questions (Kitzinger, 1994).
Through the social interactions of the focus group conversation, participants
can explore their views in more complex ways than might be possible in a one-to-one
interview (Kitzinger, 1994; Krueger & Casey, 2008; Puchta & Potter). A group
33
conversation that is allowed to take its own course may open up areas of
conversation that the researcher (and the individual participants) may not have
considered, so can yield more complex discussions of the ideas than similar
individual interviews (Puchta & Potter, 2004). While this can also mean that the
conversation can easy go off topic,
29
Confidentiality can be a concern in focus groups as any participant involved
could discuss what happened in the group with others (
with careful facilitation this can also provide
very diverse and useful data.
Tolich, 2009). Unfortunately,
it is impossible to guarantee confidentiality in this situation, but all participants were
encouraged to respect the privacy of the others in their group (Tolich, 2009). To
minimise the risks, where possible, I aimed to have groups who were already
acquainted, and allowed participants to use a false name in the group discussions if
they did not know the rest of the group. To the best of my knowledge, no participants
took up the offer to use a pseudonym.
Online research
I investigated a number of hosted forum sites, but was unhappy with the kind
of security they provided for the forum data and the level of control they offered over
the forum features and database. To address these concerns I chose to build my own
website and forum specifically for the purpose of the research.
30

29
Conversational wandering (or interactive discussion among participants) can also provide a wealth
of insight that would not have been considered had the conversation stayed on topic, so it is useful to
allow the groups the freedom for this to happen. However, from time to time it may also be necessary
to direct the focus back to the topic under investigation (
I installed and set up
free bulletin board software (a program called bbphp3) that allowed me to have
complete control over the format and function of the forum, and the data it held. On
arriving at the project home page participants were given a description of the
research project, the options for participation and contact details for me and my
supervisors. If they choose to join the forum they would be asked to complete a
registration process where they acknowledged the research consent information,
Krueger & Casey, 2008).
30
While the project was running the website could be found at www.superhero.geek.nz, but it is no
longer available.
34
chose a user name and password, and gave basic demographic information. I gave
participants the option of selecting either male, female or its complicated,
31
as
their response to the question about gender, to allow for a fairer representation of
anyone who did not wish to identify themselves by binary gender labels. No
participants chose the third option.
32
The use of internet based methodologies raises certain ethical concerns in
relation to security, confidentiality and trust. Websites pose a certain security risk, so
in order to prevent identifying information from being accessible to unauthorised
parties, such as hackers, the only identifying information I collected in this forum
was basic demographic information of age, gender, city, and an email address (for
private communication). I also chose to build my own website, rather than using a
prebuilt and managed forum, because this would give me sole access to and control
of the forum database where the discussion contents would be stored. After the
completion of the research the forum was shut down so that the discussions were no
longer available for view, and the database was deleted from the server.
They were then asked to acknowledge the
project consent form, which was displayed as part of the registration process, and
then emailed to them.
I employed (or built) pages with embedded chat and bulletin board software
so that participation would be simple for anyone who wanted to take part.
Participants did not need any special software to join in online discussion - they
could just go to the specified website in any browser and log in. This meant that as
long as they had internet access, they could take part in a real time focus group or
interview, or join the forum. It was necessary to take the information that the
participants provided on the forum at face value. With any internet mediated
communication there is concern that the other party may not represent themselves
honestly (Hewson, 2003). Without visual markers of age, race and gender,

31
I chose its complicated instead of other as it is offered as a relationship status on Facebook, and
at the time was a source of humour for many people. There is even an XKCD comic about the use of
the term (See http://xkcd.com/355/).
32
At the beginning of the project, there was a technical issue that meant that the male option was not
available. Some male participants joining in this time selected its complicated. When I was advised
of the error, I asked everyone who had chosen that gender to email me if this was because of male
being unavailable. Every one of them asked to be identified as male.
35
participants in a conversation may easily misrepresent themselves, and unfortunately
this is not something that can be overcome while allowing the participants privacy,
instead the researcher (and other participants) must simply take what they say on
trust (Hewson, 2003).
Recruitment
My insider status was an advantage when recruiting participants. I did still get
some surprises, such as the wariness of the men I encountered buying comics at
Armageddon, but otherwise I knew where to look for potential participants and who
to talk to. As I am a comic book reader myself, and a member of a number of groups
that have comic book reading members (for example science fiction clubs, and role
playing groups), I made use of my own social networks, and snowballing methods
(utilising the networks of participants and my own contacts) for recruitment.
33
The projects internet home page (www.superhero.geek.nz) had an outline of
what the research was about and the ways that interested readers could take part.
There were links to a more detailed information sheet, contact information, and the
registration page for the forum (see Appendix 3 for a partial screen shot of the home
page). Forum participants were asked if they would also be willing to take part in a
focus group or interview, and anyone who contacted me by email, telephone, or via a
forum or social networking site were offered all options for participation. Some focus
I used
my Facebook page and LiveJ ournal blog to ask people on my Facebook and
LiveJ ournal friends lists to share my requests for participants with their own friends
(always including a link to the studys webpage and contact details for me). By
placing these requests as blog posts and Facebook status updates, I was able to
promote the research and look for participants through friends who I would not have
considered asking (because of their lack of interest in comics) and therefore reach a
wider group of potential participants than I personally had access to through my own
networks.

33
Snowballing can be a problematic recruitment strategy as the participants are more likely to share
the same views as each other. However, the very nature of fandom and subcultures (including the geek
subculture) means that the members are already known to share similar viewpoints.
36
group participants were brought along or invited by other attendees who thought they
would be interested in joining them at the discussion.
I recruited participants through a number of sites in Christchurch and online. I
was aiming for any superhero comic book reader over the age of 18 years (adult
readers). With permission from event organisers and UCHEC, I distributed fliers at
the Christchurch Armageddon popular culture expo in March 2009 (as discussed
above). I also sent posters and fliers (see Appendix 3 Posters and fliers) to all of the
major comic book shops in New Zealand and advertised through local internet
forums (focussed on comics, gaming and other pop culture), mailing lists and social
networking websites (Facebook and LiveJ ournal). In addition, I hung posters on
public notice boards at the University of Canterbury, and Christchurch Public
Libraries. As Kleins (1993) study indicated an overlap of men who participate in the
sport of body building and comic book readers, I also advertised on the notice board
and member notices webpage of a local gym. All advertising posters and fliers
included the URL for the online discussion and my contact details so that interested
parties could choose how they would participate, who would know about their
participation, and how much time they were willing to commit.
I did not initially have the levels of success that I had hoped from these
recruitment methods so I decided to promote the study (using the same text as I had
used on the fliers) on fan and pop-culture communities on LiveJ ournal (a popular
blogging site), Facebook, and other internet forums. In addition to spreading the
word within my own networks (many of whom were also members of some of these
groups), these methods allowed contact with potential participants who were not part
of my existing social networks. Using the internet to recruit allow me to find
participants from all over the country for focus groups, but yielded the least reliable
contacts (only about 50% of internet recruited participants attended their interview
appointments including online - versus approximately 75% of those who were
recruited personally by me or by a friend). While the internet cast a wider net, it did
not necessarily bring in more participants.
Those attending the Armageddon expo did not prove to be a significant
source of participants, as only four of the focus group participants appear to have
been recruited through fliers I distributed at the expo. Some of the forum members
37
may have spoken to me at Armageddon or heard about the study by receiving one of
the distributed fliers with the URL of the discussion forum. Despite Kleins
assertions that body builders were interested in comic books and superheroes, the
gym did not appear to have yielded any participants (or queries about participating),
and no tabs were removed from the notice board posters at the gyms.
34
Participants

I had originally planned to run face-to-face focus groups in Christchurch
only. However, there was sufficient interest from all over the country to conduct at
least one focus group in each of the four main centres. I held two groups in
Christchurch, because it was convenient to do so. In total, 17 people participated in
five face-to-face focus group discussions (For details on participants, participant
demographics and their modes of participation see Appendix 1 - Participants). In
addition to this, I also conducted one online group discussion through Internet Relay
Chat (IRC). I conducted two individual interviews in person, and two online
interviews. This meant that a total of 23 participants took part in real time
discussions. Four interviewees also commented on the forum. A further 16 people
took part in forum discussions only, with a total of 39 participants engaged in some
way in this investigation. I had only expected to find participants for focus group
discussions locally, so to find people right across the country who were interested in
meeting with me to discuss their superhero comic book reading was unexpected. It
allowed a far wider range of experience and opinion than I would have had from
talking to people in Christchurch alone.
Prior to beginning this research, I knew 13 of the 39 participants who took
part, but I had a high level of success in recruitment through snowballing methods (I
know of 9 participants who were recruited by this method, but the actual number
could be as high as 17). I did not ask the participants how they had heard about the
study, so I do not have complete records for the relative success of different

34
It is likely that the gym I used was not the best one in Christchurch for targeting the body building
community, as it is not focussed on that sport. I have since found other gyms where the body building
focus is far higher.
38
recruitment methods. I am aware of how some of the participants came to take part,
because I recruited them directly, or they told me their referral source when they
introduced themselves to me. Based on this, I can estimate that between 22 and 30 of
the 39 participants had some connection to my own social networks, being either
people I knew or the friends of friends. New Zealand has a very small population,
with low degrees of separation between each individual. This can be advantageous
to researchers because effective snowballing has the potential to reach a high
proportion of the target group.
Based on comic book industry statistics (Carlson, 2007) the research cohort
should have been skewed toward the 25-35 year old male with a post-high-school
education.
35
Appendix 1 - Participants
The mens ages ranged from 19 to 46, and over half of the men in this
study (16 out of 28) were in the age group that industry figures suggested. The
median and mean ages of male participants were 29 and (approx) 32 respectively
(see , for a list of participant demographics). Only 4 of the
11 women were in the 25-35 year old age bracket, with a similar age range to the
men of 19-45 years. However, overall the women were younger than the men. The
mean age for female participants was a year younger (28 years) while their median
age was 25.
Men were not the overwhelming 95% majority that I had expected to see (see
Table 3) (Carlson, 2007). If I had opted for a stratified sampling methodology, based
on comics industry estimates, I would have had only two women among the 39
participants (5%). However, I found myself interacting with 11 women (28%). This
may have been a result of the snowballing method of recruitment and my status as an
insider in geekdom, as most (at least 8 of the 11) of the women were recruited
through networking, while as many as 15 of the 28 men may have been recruited by
other methods. The women mostly participated in live discussions (72% of women

35
Again, I did not ask participants to reveal their education level, but I know that at least 24 of the 39
participants had a post high school education. Many focus group participants did mention this
education during conversation (e.g. through comments like when I was at university I was introduced
to...), or it was known to me because of prior association with them. Of those whose education level I
know, all were post high school. There were 15 participants whose education levels I do not know.
39
took part in interviews or focus groups), while the men were more evenly distributed
between online and live discussions.
The dynamics of group discussion
While using multiple forms of engagement with the comic book readers in
this study, I endeavoured to keep my part of the interaction as consistent as possible
so that all participants had the possibility to comment on the same topics and
questions. I also facilitated all discussions, whether online or face-to-face. The
dynamics of the discussions were very different as the setting, the composition of the
group, and the manner of interaction varied.
Face-to-face discussions
I facilitated all focus groups myself and used the same procedures within
each group. After participants had read the information sheet (see Appendix 4) and
signed their consent form (see Appendix 5), focus groups would begin with the
participants making lists describing three superhero attributes that they enjoyed, and
three that they found limited their enjoyment of a comic.
36

36
This could be something that made reading a comic less enjoyable or prevent the reader from
reading that comic at all.
These lists were intended
to act as ice breakers that also focussed the attention of the participants on what they
found interesting about superhero comic books. When their lists were completed, I
asked each participant to introduce themselves and read out the items on their list,
sometimes explaining what they did or did not enjoy about the attributes of
superheroes in more detail. They were then asked to name their favourite superhero.
In most cases, this was sufficient to get the discussion flowing, as other participants
would comment on each attribute or superhero as they were identified (in the second
Christchurch group, it took nearly an hour to go around and introduce the 5 people at
the table).
40
When the groups had finished introducing themselves and everyones list had
been read and discussed, I would collect the lists to guide me in the next section. I
had a list of topics that I wished to discuss (see Appendix 2 Interview questions) so
if these had not been covered in the introduction phase (or if I wanted more
clarification on one that had been touched on) I would ask about these. I allowed the
conversation to wander as naturally as possible, including straying off topic. In most
cases, the conversation flowed in such a way that the majority of the topics on my list
were covered spontaneously, without my asking particular questions.
Individual interviews followed the same agenda, except that I did not ask for
the 2 lists of likes and dislikes. Instead of using the lists to begin discussion, I simply
asked the participant to tell me about the heroes they liked or did not like and what it
was they liked/disliked about them. I asked the participant open questions about each
topic, probing for clarification as I thought necessary. As with focus groups, if the
participant went off topic, I let the conversation wander. As much as possible I
allowed the conversation to naturally segue from topic to topic with as little change
in direction as possible (for example, using the discussion about Bruce Wayne as an
opening for a question on other alter egos).
All of the focus groups would have benefited from having more time set aside
for them. I found that the groups who had a chance to chat comfortably before the
formal start were far more conversational when we finally got started. Allowing
more time for mingling before the discussion, and making sure I introduced the
participants properly during this preamble generally encouraged more talk.
My understanding of the characters, plot, genre conventions of comics
generally and superhero comics specifically, and of fan interactions, meant that I
understood the discussion (even if I did not know the specific reference) so I often
failed to ask for elaboration where it may have been helpful. This is because it was
clear to me at the time what was meant, but on reading the transcripts I realised that
for the purpose of the research, and to non-comic readers, certain statements or
popular culture references (for example, the in-jokes discussed in Chapter 5) needed
a lot of explanation. This insider familiarity also made it difficult to decide which
comic book or popular culture references used specialist knowledge that would need
explaining, and what could be considered general knowledge.
41
Being familiar with the superhero genre and a member of the wider
subculture, I also understood the talk and a lot of the group dynamics of the fans. It
was this insider status that allowed me to understand certain subcultural references
and jokes, and to recognise the significance of many participant interactions.
However, I quickly found that I was not as much of an insider as many of the
participants were, as I had only been a very casual reader prior to embarking on this
research. Despite being an avid comic book reader as a child, my readership had
dwindled somewhat until about 1 year before beginning this project and I had not
read much for about 15 years. This meant I sometimes lost track if the participants
were discussing particular storylines or events that had occurred in that time.
My familiarity with both the comics and the participants meant that during
the focus group discussions it was very easy to get carried away by the fun of the
discussion and lose focus. However, this also led, at times, to the conversation
developing in ways that I had not considered. Some of these tangential discussions
gave insight into the interplay of fandoms, which is the discussed in Chapter 5.
Others, such as discussions of the treatment of death in superhero comics, generated
some new understandings of identification with these fantasy worlds.
Most of the focus groups lasted far longer than anticipated (most were around
2 hours long), but ended because of time constraints, not because the conversation
had been exhausted. As longer discussions were not entirely practical, it could be
necessary to keep the conversation very focussed and on track so that everything is
covered in the allotted time, or reduce the areas that are to be discussed. It may have
been helpful to have someone who knew the research focus but did not read comics
to help to facilitate the focus groups with/for me. This would help overcome some of
the insider problems by asking for clarification when a participants meaning was not
clear enough to them.
Christchurch groups 1 and 2 both met in the evening in the postgraduate
students meeting room in the School of Social and Political Sciences at the
University of Canterbury. All of the participants had met me previously at least once,
but most did not know each other or were not well acquainted. However, the first
group had 2 men who were friends. These two friends dominated the discussion,
often speaking over the top of or excluding the other two participants and even me.
42
Conversations would frequently be between these two men only, and in such a way
that others could not join in (e.g. discussing a comic book that one had loaned the
other, but not telling the group which book they were talking about). The one woman
in the group (also a lot younger than the other group members) was often spoken
over or ignored by these men. It was also not uncommon that comments,
interjections, or questions from me would be ignored in their conversation.
Because two of the first Christchurch groups participants (Ethan and Robin)
had not been able to speak freely, I invited them to take part in the second
Christchurch discussion group. That group was very relaxed and chatty, to the point
that we talked for three hours (we stopped only because the younger members of the
group had to leave).
The Dunedin group took place on the floor of an empty bedroom in a student
flat, in the two hours before a big party. All of the participants knew at least one
other member of the group, and knew of the other members through a wider social
group (I only recall introductions between two of the women). They were all similar
in age and education, and all from the same social group (they were all members of a
club on campus). I knew two of the participants already - the rest had been recruited
through word of mouth. Because the focus group took place before a major party,
towards the end of the discussion the participants started drinking alcohol, putting on
makeup, and changing their clothes. The atmosphere was very relaxed, despite the
minimal preamble. While some members of the group knew each other it was not
overly familiar or exclusionary.
The Wellington group was held in the meeting rooms of the Wellington
Public Library. All of the participants were strangers to each other and to me. While
the two men in the group dominated the discussion, this was more because the one
female participant was enjoying listening to and observing their interaction (she said
as much) rather than her being actively excluded. They all had similar tastes in
reading and other popular culture, so were usually familiar with titles being discussed
and understood all the references made by other participants (to the extent that they
all said the punch line of a particular internet joke, word for word, at the same time),
even if they disagreed about a particular point. The men in the group were
43
particularly knowledgeable about comics and superheroes. This was a very relaxed
group, despite the participants not knowing one another.
The Auckland focus group was held in a meeting room in Lifeline House, in
Ponsonby. Both participants were strangers to each other and me. I had expected four
people, but two did not arrive (although they had indicated that they would attend).
There was a large age difference between the participants (about 20 years) and a
considerable difference in reading experience. Overall this focus group was rather
awkward, and ended up being more of a dual interview than a group discussion, as
they mostly answered the question posed to them but did not comment on what the
other had said or talk to each other. While the older man tried to include the younger
one, I suspect the age and knowledge gap may have led to the younger man feeling a
little intimidated and shy. The room was far too big for a group of this size, being set
up as a group counselling space with three couches set well apart, and no coffee table
or similar furniture.
37
Internet discussions
This was very isolating and may have contributed to the
disjointed conversation. If I had known the layout of the rooms before I got there, I
would have asked for a smaller space, because even for four participants the space
would not have been comfortable.
On completion of the registration process, participants had access to the
forum itself. They could see questions posted by me, and the responses of other
participants (see Appendix 2 Interview questions, Forum Topics). They could start
their own discussion thread or respond to any that were already running, but could
not see any profile information of the other participants (except that which they
chose to reveal within a post). The forum ran for 7 months, from May until
December, at which point it was locked for comments and viewing.
Online interviews were conducted via browser based Internet Relay Chat
(IRC), at www.mibbit.com/chat. Participants who had chosen to be interviewed
online were sent an email with the link and the instructions for how to log on. All

37
The food I provided and the tape recorders had to be set up on an office chair in the middle of the
room.
44
they had to do was go to the website given, choose a user name (or use the guest
name assigned by the network), then enter my channel name (#ankhst)
38
Appendix 2 Interview questions
in the
channel field. Once logged in we were able to engage in a typed conversation. An
information sheet and consent form was sent by email when they logged in. They
were allowed time to read these and ask questions, then asked to give a statement of
consent and their basic demographic information (age, gender, location) before we
continued (returning a signed consent form would have been difficult in this
situation). The questions posed were the same as those used in the focus groups and
face-to-face interviews (see see ).
Online discussion groups
The dynamics of the online discussions were different to face-to-face
conversations, even when they were happening in real time.
39
To the researcher, the main advantages of this strategy are efficiency with
respect to time and effort. All online discussions were already in text form, and the
ability to multitask while chatting is convenient for all parties. One participant was
able to be interviewed while he was at work, typing his answers in between serving
customers in a shop. The time it took for one party to type a question or answer could
be used by the other person for other work. This means that even though they take
The slow nature of
online discussion (because typing is slower than speaking) meant that participants
often had longer to consider their answers before stating them, but also allowed two
people to speak at once and both be heard. The inability to glean social cues from
body language and intonation, and participants unfamiliarity with each other meant
that the interactions could be overly formal or limited at times. There was very little
of the relaxed, natural, or flowing banter as happened in face-to-face groups.

38
I chose this as it is my online nickname and because superhero names would already have public
channels dedicated to them. Typing the name of an existing, public channel would result in joining
that chat. To ensure that only the users who should have been in the conversation were included, and
to keep the conversation private, I used a channel identifier that would not be entered accidentally by a
casual IRC user.
39
A discussion where all sides of the conversation happen concurrently, as with a face-to-face
conversation or a telephone call. This is in contrast to conversations that happen with an extended
period of time between interactions, such as by email, letter, or online forum discussions.
45
longer, the actual time commitment required of the participants and researcher being
interviewed was reduced.
Online discussions were much easier for me to organise than focus groups,
because there was no need to find, book, and pay for a conveniently located venue, I
only needed to find a time (or times) that suited everyone. I was also able to
interview people from multiple geographical locations at the same time. While not
providing food for the online group also made preparation easier, it was missed in the
online environment. I noticed that the food was very effective at breaking the ice at
most of the live focus groups, which would have been helpful online. Not being able
to provide the food Koha
40
Online forum
to everyone giving me their time was disappointing for
me.
Using an internet forum as a research strategy provided additional benefits
and disadvantages to the participants and to me. The forum was available 24 hours a
day, so participants were able to log in and join in the conversation at any time that
was convenient for them and spend as little or as much time there as they wished. If
they only had time to read and answer a single post per day (or at all), they were able
to do that. One forum participant utilised their ability to answer without knowing
what others had said (jumping to the reply box without reading), before reading the
whole conversation thread and commenting again. She said this was to allow her to
give her untainted response first, then one that commented on, and may have been
influenced by, the replies of the other participants.
The forum did not run for long enough to get the sort of interactions that live
focus groups or established forums achieve. There was some dialogue, but mostly
people signed in, answered my questions (the initial post on each topic) and moved
on, rather than interacting with the other board members. In general, the threads did
not flow like conversations. The Your favourite hero thread was the exception as
the members had a reasonable debate for and against Superman. It was interesting to

40
A small gift, often in the form of food, given as a token of appreciation or reciprocity.
46
see the two pro-Superman participants on the forum have similar conversations when
they participated in focus groups, as they were far less outspoken in person,
suggesting that they may be more comfortable voicing their (unpopular in this case)
opinions in relative anonymity. Many researchers (Bordia, 1997; Bowker & Tuffin,
2004; Park & Abels, 2010; Parks & Floyd, 1996; Tian, 2011) have found that the
relative anonymity and social distance in computer mediated communication can
lead to a reduction of social inhibitions during online communication.
To improve the flow of talk on the forum, it would have been useful to have
let it run for longer. The focussed nature of the forum discussion was limiting to the
participant interactions, so encouraging more free for all discussions on the forum,
even some off topic threads, may have encouraged more interaction between
participants. If I had done this, in addition to starting the forum earlier in the research
process and ending it later (it could have gone on a lot longer than the interviewing
because it did not need to be transcribed), this would have given it more time to grow
and for the conversation to become more relaxed. The forum may have also
benefited from having more targeted recruitment. If I had promoted the study on
other comic book forums earlier than I did, with a specific focus on the forum as an
option, I may have had more people joining, and more discussion, as the participants
this brought in would already be used to discussing these kinds of topics in that
environment.
Analysis
I analysed the data using Thematic analysis. This approach is useful for
identifying, analysing and reporting patterns (themes) within data (Braun &
Clarke, 2006, p. 79). It allows a rich description of the data set while also making a
deeper and critical analysis of these possible (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 79). The
process of Thematic analysis utilises the entire data set, looking for common or
significant patterns (because a difference can be as important as a similarity) that
recur in multiple data items, such as individual interviews or focus groups (Braun &
Clarke, 2006, p. 81). Because this analytic approach does not require the researcher
interpret the data based on predefined concepts, it allows the participants to act as
47
collaborators in the research, directing the researcher to the issues that matter to them
(Braun & Clarke, 2006). It also allows the researcher to investigate differences as
well as similarities and to generate unexpected themes and insights (Braun & Clarke,
2006).
Thematic analysis, like the use of focus groups, positions the participant in a
collaborative role (Braun & Clarke, 2006), as they are more able to identify the areas
that they feel most need to be discussed. Very importantly, as an insider researcher,
thematic analysis also allows the researcher to identify unanticipated themes in the
initial coding, as it can be data driven as well as theory driven (Braun & Clarke,
2006). This allows a reduction of the influence that preconceived ideas might have
on the coding and analysis.
All live interviews and focus groups were recorded on both a cassette tape
recorder and a digital sound recorder. Initially, while the interviews were still fresh in
my mind, I listened to all of the audio recordings once, taking detailed notes about
the topics discussed and the nature of the conversation to aid in the transcription and
analysis process. These notes were very detailed descriptions of what was said (as
detailed as I could manage when listening only once) and the nature of the
interactions (if someone was angry, or sarcastic, or if I remembered that there was a
hand gesture used). These notes later served as bookmarks in the analysis that
helped me follow the context of discussion in long sections of conversation, or to
narrow down where to look for a specific conversation that I wanted to revisit.
The recorded interviews and focus groups were then fully transcribed for
analysis. The transcription did not include conversational markers, such as pauses
and inflections as these would not be used for the analysis. Abandoned sentences and
ums were included only where the meaning would be altered or lost without it. This
was done in order to keep the language and discussion as similar to the conversation
recorded during online discussions.
I then read through the interview and focus group transcripts, and the texts of
online and forum discussions, identifying key themes. From participating in the
research, listening to and transcribing the tapes, and reading the forum, I already had
some idea of the underlying ideas that participants had identified as being most
48
important to them, so I looked primarily for these.
41
After identifying the key focus for each chapter, I went back through the
printed transcripts and forum pages, manually coding the printouts with multiple
coloured highlighters. I used separate printouts for the two themes identified, and
then used different colours for different subtopics within each theme (for example:
different kinds of superhero bodies, failures in suspension of disbelief, discussions of
superheroes bodily functions, and other media and interests). When conversations
of a particular topic diverged and converged repeatedly over a number of pages
(which happened often in focus groups), I also attached and coded a copy of my
initial notes to the transcript page, to help track the themes movement within the
conversation while retaining its full context. I repeated the coding process for each of
the different discussion topics and key themes and subthemes that I had identified. I
then collated the highlighted portions and looked at them together to identify and
define related ideas and topics that could be discussed. These topics became the
subsections of Chapters 4 and 5.
The two key themes I finally
chose to focus my attention on were what fans said about their identification with the
superhero (fans identifying with the hero) and the ways that they talked about
themselves, other fans and non-readers (fans identifying with/as geeks/nerds/fans). I
chose these because they had not been considered in the literature on superhero
fandom and because they often consumed the attention of research participants.
Unfortunately, many interesting avenue of discussion had to be put aside at this time
given the constraints of a masters thesis.
During this process I kept track of potentially useful quotes by flagging the
pages with write on sticky notes colour coded to match the coding highlighters, and
wrote keywords on them to help locate them more easily. I also highlighted these in
their topic colours in an MicrosoftWord copy of the transcript file to make finding
them easier.

41
Some of the themes that I considered but did not follow up were the body/mind duality (which
Brown (2001) had already identified as important in his research), Transhumanist philosophy and
superhero bodies, Superheroes and New Zealand masculinities, and the relationships fans saw
between comics and pornography.
49
After identifying the sections of conversation for analysis I looked at how the
participants discussions fitted with (or did not fit with) current literature on each
topic. I looked at what these conversations and their relationship to existing
scholarship meant for the readers in this study and how they were situated within a
wider social context. Quotes from research participants that were used in Chapters 4
and 5 were chosen in a number of ways. Some were identified during coding as
being succinct examples of reflection on the key topics, others I searched for when I
was looking for a specific example I could remember, while some (specifically those
relating to the use of certain words e.g. Superman, Batman, nerd, geek, alter ego)
were identified using the find function on MicrosoftWord.
During the analysis and writing, I also reread the notes I had made from the
tapes, coding these to match the transcripts and identifying sections to look at more
closely for examples of more subtle interactions, such as competitive language and
behaviour.
42
Conclusion
I also re-listened to relevant sections of tape when writing about the
group interactions so that I could be sure that the intonations and emotional aspects
of the interactions were accurately captured in the transcripts.
Fandom is a participatory activity, so a participatory research strategy is
useful to effectively investigate the meanings that comic book fans make of the
stories they read, and the ways that they engage in their fandom. However, the
potential for feelings of stigma associated with comics book readership means that
some readers may not be comfortable engaging in face-to-face forms of fandom. To
recognise both solitary readers and interactive fans, and to allow those who would
prefer to remain anonymous, the initial research design was expanded to include
online participation. The internet based research strategies I employed allowed
participants to comment in a solitary fashion, or to interact with other readers if they

42
For example, when a conversation changed direction very quickly for no clear reason, I looked to
the transcripts for clues as to whether something had happened to distract the participants (sometimes
the snack food I provided caused distraction), or whether another participant had jumped in to
abruptly change the subject to something they found more interesting.
50
wished while remaining completely anonymous. The research approach provided a
resource for participants to interact and form a group identity, to consolidate
relationships, and provided a site for them to demonstrate knowledge and to
negotiate power in these relationships. By bringing groups together for the first time,
it was also possible to observe and analyse the ways that fan communities interact to
form group identities and social hierarchies without previously established social
arrangements.
Multiple research strategies used in this research allowed participants control
of their time commitment and over how identifiable they were. The research tools
used were face-to-face and online focus group discussions, individual interviews in
person or online, and an online forum. The focus group data was analysed using
thematic analysis, focussing on themes that were identified as important to the
participants, and significant in their absence from the literature on superhero fandom
and fan communities.


51

Chapter 4: Superheroes, alter egos,
and fan identification
Traversing the space between fantasy and reality is important for readers who
wish to immerse themselves in the story and imaginatively experience it as their own
(Cohen, 2001; Cohen & Ribak, 2003). The more fantastic the story, the bigger this
gap between fantasy and reality becomes. One method of negotiating this distance is
identification with the characters in the story. There are a range of definitions of
identification and theories proposing how audience members achieve it but all
depend on the reader/viewer seeing something familiar in the fantasy character, such
as recognising part of themselves (Cohen, 2001). The lives and bodies of the readers
are so very different to those of comic book superheroes that, for the readers, this
point of similarity can be difficult to find. The readers in this study often used the
heroes alter egos as a point of identification, recognising similarities between
themselves and this aspect of the superhero.
This chapter examines how adult superhero comic readers in New Zealand
talk about the ways that they identify with the superheroes who feature in comic
books they read. Because comic book related research is a small and relatively new
area of study, there are significant areas that remain under investigated, especially
those around fan readings of the superheroes and their alter egos. Some superhero
comic theorists assert that certain aspects of the superhero allow readers to identify
with them and to feel that they are like the hero in some way (J . A. Brown, 2001;
Fingeroth, 2004), yet very little research has been carried out on the engagement of
the comic book readers with the fantasy characters and universes of comic book (J .
A. Brown, 2001; Maigret, 1999). This chapter begins to address the specific area of
fan identification with the superheroes and their alter egos.
Superhero bodies are all, in different ways, more powerful than ordinary
humans but superhero bodies are also contrasted with human bodies through their
alter egos. Through their talk and online discussions, the comic book readers in my
52
study manage the boundaries of fantasy, reality, and the gendered body, and at times
discursively pull the superhero body back to a human level. This chapter analyses
how the fans who participated in this research use weaknesses in the human
dimensions of superhero bodies and failures in the plausibility of the stories to
(re)construct the superhero as more human and therefore more like themselves.
Ad/dressing the Alter Ego
One boundary that the superhero genre challenges, and that most participants
engaged with, is the limitations of the physical world and of the biological body. The
comic book readers in this study found pleasure in the transgression of these
boundaries by the hero. They used the heroes bodies as a site to discursively
de/construct what it means to be human, with a human body. Elizabeth Grosz (1994,
p. 36) suggests that the boundary between the imagined body and the
physical/material body (as the inside and outside versions of ones identity) is not
that of discrete bodies, but more like a mebius strip,
43
Participants discussions indicate that they enjoy negotiating the differences
and similarities between the superheroes bodies and their own. These pleasures
came not only from the perceived similarity between the superheroes and their
audience, but also from the genres ability to contrast and to parody the real world
of the reader.
where they are a continuous
unit in which the inside is, or becomes, the outside. Superheroes challenge the
existence of a boundary between the human body and super body through having
bodies that are simultaneously both similar and extremely different to those of their
readers and fans. The superheroes super bodies and the human bodies are also not
discrete bodies, but are continuous and indivisible entities.
It could be argued that superhero bodies have exaggerated musculature that is
there only for visual display, and therefore, like the bodies of the bodybuilding

43
A mebius strip is a loop with a twist in it so the outside and inside surfaces flow into one another.
Starting on the inside of a mebius strip and following around the circumference, without leaving the
surface will lead to the outside surface. The loop is congruous and unbroken, yet inside and outside
are continuous.
53
industry, can therefore be feminised through the objectification of these bodies by an
appraising gaze (J ohansson, 2003; Klein, 1993; Obel, 1996).
44
However, while
superhero bodies are subject to fashions surrounding visual ideals of masculine
bodies (and therefore are influenced by trends in bodybuilding),
45
The medium of comic books brings about a technical necessity for showing
strong bodies as muscular. Because of the static nature of the comic book medium,
strength and power can be difficult to demonstrate. When he (or she) is not seen
performing feats of strength, such as lifting cars, or bending lamp posts, there is no
way for the superheros strength to be shown in the action of the comics. Strength in
movement can be easily lost when the movement is captured in a single, drawn
image. Therefore, the musculature of superhero bodies is a visual signifier of the
strength and power that they possess.
unlike the hyper-
muscular bodies of body building, the muscularity of the superhero body is not there
solely for the purpose of being seen. Some of the innately gifted heroes, such as
Superman, have intrinsic physical strength that would (and does) remain regardless
of the musculature of the body. However, human heroes, such as Batman, are strong
because of intense physical training. Like the bodies of traditional labourers,
superhero physiques may be muscular as a result of the work they do (for example,
saving the world, fighting evil, or the intense physical training that some heroes are
shown doing) and the physical strength that they possess, not from deliberate body
sculpting activities.
46

44
The intentional building of muscular bodies in the sport of bodybuilding is a problematic and
somewhat contradictory gender display. Critics of the sport suggest that by sculpting their bodies, not
for power but for display, these athletes reposition themselves as objects of the Gaze, which has
traditionally been associated with feminine objectification. The suggestion is that, despite possessing
exaggerated musculature, which is often seen as a signifier of masculinity, body builders are in some
ways feminised by constructing themselves as subjects for appraisal by others (
Some characters (for example, The Hulk) get
larger and develop muscles when they transform from their normal human being
Obel, 1996;
Richardson, 2004).
45
See the introduction for discussion of changes in the visual aspects of this genre.
46
In non-visual mediums, such as the early Superman radio shows, audible cues were used to signify
differences in superhero bodies (i.e. Supermans voice was always lower in timbre than Clark Kents).
In the radio shows it is indicated that Clark Kent is less muscular than Superman (Freeman &
J ohnstone, 1949).
54
identity into their superhero identity, acting as a visual symbol that indicates an
increase in strength when changing from the human to hero aspect.
If hegemonic masculinity is the pinnacle of traits for which men are meant to
strive, the superhero body challenges this position by doing everything associated
with that ideal, but doing it to extremes. The hegemonic male is physically strong,
technically capable, unemotional/emotionally detached and driven by reason. He is
white, financially secure, heterosexual and able bodied (Connell, 2005; J efferson,
2002; Maigret, 1999). Every superheros body is, in some way, stronger, faster, or
more powerful than an ordinary human. Those heroes, who have no special powers,
still have bodies that are set apart from non-superhero humans. For example, Batman
is a playboy millionaire (more recently a billionaire), who has trained his body and
mind to a level far beyond that of other people, and the Green Lantern has a special
ring that allows him to shape physical matter with his own mind. Even superheroes
who do not meet all of the requirements of the ideal masculinity (such as the
physically disabled Professor X, or the blind Matt Murdock/Daredevil) surpass other
aspects of this ideal by not only overcoming their failures of masculinity, but being
more powerful in many ways than those who never failed.
Identification with characters within the narrative is an important part of the
audience experience, yet also a contested and controversial concept. Despite being a
term commonly used by audience members and media theorists alike, there is no
universally accepted definition of what the term identification means, what is or is
not identification, or any agreed upon theory of how it happens (Cohen, 2001;
Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005). Discussions of audience identification range from
theories that readers momentarily imagine themselves as the character and internalise
aspects of that identity (Cohen, 2001), to suggesting that they wish to become like
the character (Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005), or that they recognise that they are
similar in some way (Cowie, 1997), to suggesting that the viewer/reader is able to
imagine the character as a friend (Horton & Wohl, 1956).
Cohen (2001) suggests, in his paper on the difficulties and disparities of
defining audience identification with fictional media characters, that the common
thread in all theorizing about identification is that identification is seen to have an
important function as a means of emotional engagement with the media text.
55
Through the vicarious experience that identification allows we extend our emotional
horizons and social perspectives (Cohen, 2001, p. 249). However, in the realm of
media studies, Liebes and Katz (1993) define identification differently, as the
viewer/reader recognising that that they are similar to the character, that they like the
character, or that they wish to be like the character (which may result in changed
behaviour or attitudes). Some theorists, approaching identification from a
psychoanalytic perspective, define it in terms of understanding and empathy,
requiring the audience member to internalise the experience, to the point of
temporarily seeing themselves as the character for moments at a time (Cohen,
2001). Cowie (1997, p. 140), also looking at media from a psychoanalytic
perspective, suggests that sometimes the audience members do not need to imagine
themselves to be that character, but instead can insert themselves into the situation
that they recognise or most wish to experience (such as having to juggle work and
personal commitments, or fighting against things that they see as wrong,
respectively). In other words, even if the reader sees no similarity between
themselves and the hero, or even dislikes the character, they may feel an affinity with
the relationships or situation being portrayed (Cowie, 1997, p. 140). Horton and
Wohl (1956) suggest that in addition to these ways of identifying, the audience may
engage with and identify with the characters parasocially, that is, on the level of
friends or potential friends. They suggest that audience members do not have to see
themselves as the main character, but imaginatively interact as if it were a real
social encounter (Horton & Wohl, 1956). In this chapter I explore the ways in which
the readers participating in this study employed multiple modes of engaging with the
characters in the comics with a particular focus on the role of the superheroes
human alter egos in identification.
Most superheroes have a human secret identity which allows them to
participate in day to day activities, as non-heroes. The alter ego is always a weaker
version of the hero, which comics theorists (J . A. Brown, 2001, p. 174; Fingeroth,
2004; Pustz, 1999, p. 135; Williamson, 1997) suggest plays a dual role. The alter
egos weaker (and often feminised) nature contrasts with the hypermasculinity of his
hero aspect, making that part of him appear stronger and more masculine by
comparison. At the same time, the alter egos ordinariness means that he is also an
56
entry point for readers, allowing them to feel that they may have something in
common with the superhero. The mechanism of this identification is imagined in
various ways. Brown suggests that it is the weaker alter ego that gives readers a point
of similarity with which to engage:
While the [male] superhero body represents in vividly graphic detail
the muscularity, the confidence, the power that personifies the ideal of
phallic masculinity, the alter ego - the identity that must be kept secret
- depicts the softness, the powerlessness, the insecurity associated with
the feminized man. ... Yet, despite the derisively castrated portrayal of
Clark Kent, it is this failure-prone side of the character that facilitates
reader identification with the fantasy of Superman.
(2001, p. 174)
Brown (2001) and Klein (1993) suggest that the readers relationship with the alter
ego is an ambivalent one of derision for being weak, while at the same time,
sympathy for that same weakness. It is, for example, through the recognition of the
similarity between their own lives and Clark Kents clumsiness, or Peter Parkers
relationship problems, that readers insert themselves in the story. For Brown and
Klein it is because the reader can imagine himself as the ordinary Clark Kent, Peter
Parker, or Dr Banner, that he is also able to see himself as the Superman, Spider-
Man, or the Hulk. The readers of this study did identify with the alter ego side of the
hero, not through a focus on the castrated or failure-prone characteristics, but
through the recognition of similarities between the alter egos emotional life and
their own.
According to other comics scholars (Fingeroth, 2004; Kahan & Stewart,
2006; Reynolds, 1994; Williamson, 1997), the weak, invisible alter ego obscures the
powerful superhero identity. These theorists suggest that the readers like to imagine
themselves as having a secret superhero identity, thinking If only they knew how
special I am (Fingeroth, 2004, p. 50; Williamson, 1997). Fingeroth suggests that on
some level all superhero comic book readers want to be recognised as special in
some way and asks: Dont we all have secret identities, those sides of ourselves we
feel we dare not risk revealing? The secret identity is where our secret ambitions take
hold and ferment (2004, p. 50). He argues that the superhero and alter ego speak to
the readers recognition of the tendency for everyone to have aspects of themselves
that they keep hidden. He suggests that readers imagine that this secret could be a
57
super power, or great heroic potential, and that it is through this imagining that
readers identify with the alter ego and therefore the hero.
Brown, Klein, and Fingeroths theories above are solely based on
psychoanalytic theorising or personal reflection.
47
2001
These theorists have not spoken to
fans about this specific aspect of their enjoyment. Browns ( ) research is to date
the most significant investigative approach to fan identification.
48
Because superheroes, by definition, exceed the limits of human ability, and
must occupy a universe
Browns
discussion of the alter egos is theoretical reasoning, not a discussion of his
participants responses to the superhero alter egos. This thesis indicates that, while
fans may identify with the superhero alter egos through recognising the similarities
between the alter egos situation and their own lives, their identification can be far
more than simply he has a job, like I do, and may instead relate in complex ways to
the politics of identity and impression management.
49

47
As the authors cited above, and most other comic studies academics, are also comic book fans, it
could be said that each author who has used them has done so as an insider, utilising auto-
ethnographic methods. However, there has been no single study done that investigates fan
identification.
that can accommodate this, they are at constant risk of
going too far. Enjoyment of the comics depends on readers maintaining the balance
of the super and human sides of the characters, ensuring that the heroes never
became so super that they could no longer relate to them. In focus group
interactions, whenever the conversation became focused on the power of the
superhero, the topic would change to reframe the hero and bring him back to Earth.
In the detailed discussion of fans conversations about superheroes that follows I
explore this process. I discuss participants attention to superhero bodies as
48
See discussion of Browns research in introduction for more details.
49
Each comic book publishing house has an established universe that the characters occupy. These
worlds, usually called by the name of the publisher (the main two are the DC Universe and Marvel
Universe), have a self consistent reality that allows characters from one comic book franchise to cross
over to and make an appearance in another title or franchise for example, Superman may appear in a
Wonder Woman comic. Each universe has an established, shared history (canon), which may include
major events (e.g. a war or alien invasion) which have some impact on the storylines throughout all
of the titles published by that company at that time (2012). See Pustz (1999, p. 52) for more
discussion on the importance of continuity in superhero comics and comic book fandom.

58
biological entities, vulnerable and as subject to physical limitations. I argue that in
these ways fans re-humanise the superhero body whenever it gets too super.
Real life struggles and the fantasy narrative
The oldest and most well known superheroes of all, Superman and Batman
(both from the DC Universe), are examples of two very different types of superhero
bodies. Superman is an alien, inherently powered hero, while Batman is presented as
a human who has created his power through hard work. These differences in origin
influenced the relationship that the readers in my study had with these heroes.
Because Supermans origin and nature is so far removed from that of the readers,
participants often found it difficult to relate to this superhero. On the other hand, they
found it was easier to identify with Batman. He was considered more believable,
because he is a human, and because of the imagined possibility that they too could
become a hero like him.
Superheroes are a subset of a much older group of characters, costumed
heroes. Costumed heroes have historically been a normal (but heroic) human being
who wears a costume or disguise to hide their identity (e.g. Zorro, The Scarlet
Pimpernel, The Lone Ranger, even Ned Kelly could be considered a costumed hero)
(Coogan, Heer, & Worcester, 2009). The greatest single distinction that can be made
between superheroes and other costumed characters is that superheroes (should) have
superpowers (Coogan et al., 2009). It is their unique abilities that separate
superheroes from other costumed heroes, so tales of costumed heroes may be based,
to some degree, on the lives of real people, whereas superhero stories can only be a
form of speculative fiction. However, this distinction can create a problem when
categorising some heroes.
There is endless discussion and debate within superhero fandom about the
exact distinction between costumed heroes and superheroes, as Batman could be seen
to fall into either category.
50

50
A Google search for the exact phrase is Batman a superhero yields over 8,000 results, while
variations (...or not and ...or a vigilante) gave 5,000 additional hits. For examples of these debates
see:
For every argument there is a counter argument or
Debate.org (2008); Ecksmanfan (2012); McKiernan (2011); F. Miller (1986).
59
example to trouble the definition. Yet there is never any doubt that Batman is a
superhero. Coogan, Heer and Worcester (2009) suggest that the distinction lies, not
in the powers of superheroes, but in the way they do their alter ego/secret identity.
They suggest that costumed heroes do not firmly externalize either their alter egos
inner character or biography (Coogan et al., 2009). Zorros costume and behaviour
are not fox-like, as his Spanish name suggests. Nor does the Scarlet Pimpernel look
or behave like a flower. Batman, on the other hand, comes out at night, swoops down
from great heights, and has great black wings, like a bat. Batmans name and
characteristics were chosen as a result of his childhood encounter with a bat, so his
costumed persona is an embodiment of part of his biography.
51
Superman is an alien from the planet Krypton whose body becomes super
powered in the presence of Earths yellow sun. His abilities are not of this world and
are unavailable to any human being. Among his vast collection of powers, Superman
has super strength that allows him to defy Earths gravity (giving the appearance of
flight), to bend steel, and to repel bullets. He is also super fast and has both x-ray and
heat vision. Batman, by contrast, has no superpowers. His abilities stem from years
of training and focus, from his unmatched creative abilities, and almost limitless
resources. Batmans investigative mind is so powerful that he has earned the title of
the worlds greatest detective(

DC Comics, 2012a). He invents devices for every
possible eventuality, and has a contingency plan for almost every situation (for
example, in his utility belt he carries a piece of Kryptonite, the one thing that can
harm Superman, to use if Superman ever turns evil (D C Comics, 2012)). Batmans
mind, training, and his utility belt are his super powers. He is otherwise entirely
human. The differences between these two kinds of super bodies elicit different
responses from the fans, as they are so vastly different to the readers and to each
other.
Participants often talked about Batman as the ideal superhero because of his
humanness and lack of super powers. When asked to pick a favourite hero and

51
For the purposes of this thesis, I have defined Batman as superhero because of this distinction, and
because the participants defined him as a superhero, as does the literature, and because that is what his
creators intended him to be.
60
explain what they liked about that character, Batmans humanness was a common
theme:
Cody: I think I liked Batman before I realized that he was a
'superhero' or what superheroes actually were. Nowadays
the appeal is just that he is the pinnacle of human
conditioning. Some of my favourite Batman stories are
the ones where he appears in context with the J LA: He is
just a man walking among gods,
52
Online forum - Favourite Heroes (emphasis original)
but he can take every
single one of them out and they all know it.
While Codys initial attraction to Batman was not based on his superhero status, his
enjoyment of that character comes from his humanness. Despite his lack of
superpowers, Batman is so powerful that even when working with a team of almost
omnipotent superheroes, he is not outmatched. Cody enjoys the idea that, even
though he is a mere human, Batman can match and potentially beat a god (or a
superhero like Superman). Batmans lack of superpower makes him more similar to
the comic book reader, while still being powerful enough to fight alongside the most
gifted superheroes. These similarities allow the reader to identify with Batman.
The ability of ordinary people to do what Batman does and achieve similarly
super feats was important to many participants when they discussed their pleasures in
reading Batman comics. The distinction between superness and humanness is not as
great as it is between the reader and powered superheroes, like Superman. The
ability to imagine that comic book scenarios could come to fruition gave an extra
level of enjoyment to many:
J ade: I think I prefer those sorts of characters [skilled humans,
like Batman] because of the fact that theyre a bit more
true to life. We dont have any super powers yet, in the
real world. I know there are people that do super human
feats occasionally.
1:1 interview

52
The J ustice League of America (J LA) is a superhero team made up of a varying cast of DC
superheroes. The core team members are Superman, Batman, Wonder Woman, The Flash, Green
Lantern, Martian Manhunter, and Hawkman. Green Lantern is a human with a special ring that gives
him superpowers, but he is otherwise human. Superman, Wonder Woman, The Flash, Martian
Manhunter and Hawkman are all inherently superpowered. Of the core cast, Batman is the only team
member who has no special powers. (2012b).
61
Despite enjoying the fantasy of superheroes with superpowers, the potential that
events in the comic book stories could relate to a real life scenario was pleasurable
for J ade. She enjoyed the Batman type superhero because of the way that the
narrative could relate to ordinary people doing extraordinary things. The similarity
between Batman and real life heroes blurs the boundary between the comic book
fantasy universe and our own. Her statement that We dont have super powers yet
suggests that she can imagine a future when humans (maybe even herself) will
potentially have super powers, or super power like attributes, which would then
break down the distinction between human and superhuman.
Throughout the discussions it became clear that participants appreciate the
idea that any person, with the drive and the resources, could (potentially) push
themselves to become like Batman. His physical body, being entirely human, was
worked and constructed, by him, to be the superhuman tool that it is. Many readers
found this notion inspirational, because they imagined that they too could, with
work, achieve something similar:
Christopher: My favourite hero is a tough one, and different from the
books I buy or read... I'd say Batman simply because he
represents something inspiring: That strength of will and
intellect can be enough for you to go toe-to-toe with the
worst the world has to offer. That one man can change the
world from a nightmare into a paradise (even if the nature
of monthly comics means he never gets there).
Online forum -Favourite Heroes
To Christopher, Batmans humanness makes his super powers available to anyone.
Any person with the (intellectual) resources and the drive could, according to
Christopher and Batman, overcome anything. Christopher, saw him as a symbol of
what one person might achieve. Batman shows how any person can make a
difference in the world. Through strength of spirit and mind, and by fighting their
own supervillains, any person has the capacity to shape the world into something
they want it to be. This was a common theme in the discussions about Batman in
both face-to-face and online interactions. Readers indicated that they can insert
themselves into Batmans stories because they think about themselves as similar to
him (by being human). The readers can more easily utilise the mebial nature of the
62
boundary between the imagined superhero body and the human body, and see
themselves as having the potential to become like Batman.
Some participants also saw Batman as being like them in other ways. In
addition to his superhero (work) commitments, Batman has his own personal
problems and difficult relationships to negotiate.
53
Thomas: [Batman]s credible. OK, he has issues, but there is
something easier to relate to in what he is and what he
does. He is real, and in a way its easier to identify with
who and why he is what he is.
This imagining works to highlight
Batmans similarity to any other person. Most participants described this as a point
of identification, something that they can relate to and with which they could
empathise. In the following extract Thomas describe why Batman is his favourite
superhero:
Also, for a big part of it, his stories are crime stories set in
a modern city. Once again, it's easier to relate to than the
idea of a superhero team fighting off an alien armada
Anna-Maria: Because he's just a well honed human?
Thomas: No, because if I had the resources, drive and mental
ability, I could be like that.
[Section removed]
Thomas: I think it is something we look for in stories as humans.
How would I react to this situation? If there is no
character in the story that you can relate to, it makes it
harder to immerse yourself in the story.
1:1 online interview
It is not only the setting and storyline choices that make the Batman stories
believable and likable for Thomas, it is the characterisation of the hero. Thomas
alludes to Batmans past with his comment that he has issues, that he has had
difficulties in his life that have left him with emotional scars. Batman has a painful
back story, including the deaths of his parents and of his close friend and side-kick,

53
In Batmans origin story, the young Bruce Wayne witnesses the murder of his parents during a
mugging. This trauma left him with emotional scars and no close family. Seeing his parents murders
led the young man to seek a kind of revenge against the criminals of Gotham City as Batman.
While there is often a love interest in the stories, the secrecy necessary to maintain the Batman
identity, and the emotional scarring caused by the loss of his parents, culminate in Bruce Wayne
struggling to maintain these romantic relationships. Bruce Waynes main close relationships are with
his butler, Alfred, who raised him after his parents died, the orphaned Dick Greyson (the first Robin),
and Superman. However, even these relationships suffer at times from Bruce Waynes deep distrust of
others, and the emotional distance he puts between himself and others.
63
J ason Todd.
54
As a character, Superman generally received less positive responses from
most of the participants than Batman. The unqualified statement of Superman is
boring came up repeatedly throughout the interviews and forum, obliging Superman
fans to justify why they liked to read Superman comics:
While most superheroes have lost their parents, Batmans back story is
darker than most. As with his body, Batmans psychological issues make him an
exaggerated version of other, ordinary people. By focussing on Batmans
psychological instability as being somehow like the (non-super) reader, Thomas
brings him back to earth, and back to a body like his own.
Ethan: Superman is a Boy Fantasy Image. Strong as we would
like to be if you werent particularly strong. Moral in a
world that isn't. Remember, Supes was originally a
protector of the poor and beat up slumlords (before he
could fly). I believe his appeal isn't in a particular run of
the comic book or how dynamic he looks on a box of
cornflakes but a broader idea that the most powerful man
on Earth is out there and he's on our side.
Online forum - Favourite Heroes
It was Supermans fight for truth and justice, and his protection of the
disenfranchised that was a common reading of all of those who chose him as their
preferred superhero. However, even the most enthusiastic Superman fans admitted
that they did not usually read his monthly comics. Instead they preferred to read the
graphic novels of single storylines (often compiled from specific monthly issues
relating to a particular story arc). To these fans, it is the idea of Superman that was
most attractive, rather than the majority of his monthly stories.
When asked why they found Superman boring, the reasons given by all
participants (even his most supportive fans) focussed on the flawlessness and
absolute superpowers of Superman and the resulting lack of narrative tension. For
example:

54
J ason Todd took over the position of Batmans sidekick, Robin, when Dick Grayson left the Batman
series. Grayson left to begin a solo career leading the Teen Titans superhero team, and to become the
superhero Nightwing.
64
J oseph: I do not read the monthly in continuity
55
Online forum - Favourite Heroes
Superman titles.
But I find him boring mostly as a character. He is
supposed to be perfect which doesnt make for
particularly dramatic character moments.
Superman writers have a difficult job writing a story that can engage and entertain
the reader when the character has only two physical weaknesses.
56
Some participants explicitly stated that they like to read stories that showed
scenarios that they could recognise and solutions that they could apply to their own
lives. By identifying with the characters through similarities in the situations they
encounter, and the ways they react to them, the readers are able to overcome the
differences between themselves and the superheroes. Reynolds (
While J oseph
(and Supermans other critics in this study) may enjoy some Superman stories, the
lack of narrative tension allows only limited uses of the text, so it becomes little
more than disposable entertainment. This was a common critique made of Superman
by participants who would prefer to be more actively engaged in their reading.
1994) argues that
superheroes are a version of modern mythology and that by identifying with the
characters in this way, instead of imagining themselves to be physically like the hero,
the fans can imagine themselves as having the potential (if the need arose) to behave
in a heroic manner. For example, while Supermans pure intentions and idealistic
approach to problems appealed to some participants, to others his innate powers
made his solutions inaccessible to them:
J ade: Often were reading for enjoyment but also were reading
to emulate what we ...if we were in a stressful situation,
what would we do? If we were Superman, or if we got
superpowers, it just doesnt work, but people with

55
Continuity refers to the existence of a continuous plot that carries through a particular comic book
line or universe. This may differ from the concept of the official history of the character, which is
known as the Canon. The canon is usually the main, ongoing, (usually) monthly publication for each
character or team (this is the continuity to which J oseph is referring). Stories may occur outside of
this established reality, but they are considered to be an alternative imagining, or a fiction within the
fictional world of the comic book. These stories may be published in serialised form in regularly
released chapters, as a complete graphic novel, or both.
56
Supermans primary weakness is the various coloured rocks, Kryptonite, that are the remains of his
home planet, Krypton. The different coloured rocks weaken him in different ways, as the story
requires. His powers are also neutralised by the rays of the red Kryptonian sun, while the yellow sun
of Earth strengthens his powers.
65
strengths that they have adapted or developed, the same as
everybody else, then we can all be superheroes in our own
right.
1:1 interview
J ade dislikes the all-powerful nature of Superman, as she cannot identify with him on
the level of shared experience and reactions. She prefers the characters that provide a
model for ways to overcome difficult situations that might in some way occur in her
own life. She listed Wonder Woman as one of her favourite heroes, not because of
her superpowers, but because of her diplomacy. Even though Wonder Woman has
superpowers, she only uses them when negotiations have failed. This is a strength
that anyone, superhero or not, can develop and therefore can be utilized by the fans
and comic book readers. To J ade, it is important that the stories have an element of
truth to them, which could be applied to her own life. By recognising the potential
life lesson that the superheroes can teach them, common challenges and
comparable responses to them can become more important to the reader than the
differences between the superheroes and their own bodies.
Identifying with the alter-ego
When asked to list three traits that make a superhero enjoyable,
57
2001
and three
that make a hero not enjoyable, almost all participants listed believable secret
identities or ordinary lives and relationships somewhere in their three desirable traits.
Of all the responses to this question, ordinary lives and relationships were the most
consistently identified. As in Browns study ( ), which demonstrated that many
fans preferred power in intellect over powerful bodies, the readers who participated
in this thesis research indicated that they gained more pleasure from the personal and
emotional lives of the heroes than they did from the superheroes physical abilities.

57
This question was used an as icebreaker to start conversation in the focus groups but also provided
very interesting insight into the relationships participants in this study have with the characters and
comics that they read. This understanding of enjoyable in this context was the traits and characteristics
that made reading individual comics (or characters) attractive. Not enjoyable traits were things that
would either prevented them from reading the comic or limit how much pleasure they got from the
reading.
66
This suggests that a well developed and realistic alter ego in a superhero comic
narrative contributes to the participants reading pleasure.
When asked if it was necessary for a superhero to have an alter ego,
participants usually preferred the hero to live a dual life or have a non-heroic aspect
to their story. As suggested by comics theorists (such as both Brown (2001) and
Fingeroth (2004) above), they liked heroes to have an alter ego that they could relate
to and with whom they could identify:
Robert: Oddly enough for me [what makes a superhero enjoyable
is] how well I can relate to them as a human being.
Anna-Maria: As in realistic characters, or similarity?
Robert: Vulnerability; human flaws; having to deal with complex
moral issues. I'd say similarity - they don't have to look
human, just act human.
Online focus group
Roberts appreciation of superheroes did depend somewhat on his ability to relate to
the heros life, but his identification was not with the alter egos weaker, human
body, but with similarities in their experiences. For Robert, it was the relationships
and emotional reactions that make the character realistic and likable, even for non-
human heroes. Similarly, Sebastian, in the Auckland focus group, found the
interpersonal relationships of the heroes most enjoyable. He preferred superhero
teams because the narrative facilitated the exploration of the relationships among the
team members instead of focussing on every aspect of an individual characters life.
He also described how the Silver Surfer (an aloof alien character), despite the high
quality of the art work in the first issue, was unlikable until he discovered the
subtleties and various things about humans that he thinks are precious. For these
participants, the enjoyment of the superhero comics was not about the strength,
power or hypermasculinity of the superheroes, but their ability as readers to relate to
the interpersonal interactions, emotional connections, and the real life scenarios
faced by the heroes in either their superhero or alter ego modes. Robert and Sebastian
identify with the vulnerability and emotional lives of the superheroes and their alter
egos. These are the aspects of the characters that most contrasts with the
hypermasculinity, muscularity and aggressive power of the superhero.
67
In a forum post discussing the importance of alter egos, one participant
expressed why the alter ego is important to her. She considers having a normal life
to be paramount to the authenticity of the character and to her enjoyment of the story:
Robin: Out-of-universe
58
In-universe I think the secret identity is essential to keep
the hero connected to the people he's trying to protect.
There's a great Superman comic (can't remember which
one) where Clark wants to get rid of his and just be
Superman so he can save more people but Lois tells him
he can't and makes a point by sending him to go get her a
coffee. Outside the shop they run into some nice
policemen who they talk to and Clark makes to go in but
Lois tells him he has to go in as Superman. When he does
he meets the same cops who say hi but quickly leave
because they 'don't want to waste his time' even though
he's just getting a coffee and actually wanted to have a
chat. Lois uses this to prove what everyone else always
knew- if the superhero wants any semblance of a normal
life they have to have [an alter ego].
it's just way more interesting for the
reader to have some part of the hero to relate to, e.g. Clark
Kent being yelled at by his boss for missing a deadline.
Online forum - Does a Hero need an Alter Ego?
In addition to having a point of similarity, the readers enjoy the complexity of
character that the alter ego can give. For Robin, Superman needs to be someone with
a life outside of being a superhero. He also has interpersonal relationships that could
not function if he were always being Superman. While this allows an extra degree of
identification, it also makes the character more three dimensional, and authentic. The
interpersonal relationships and interactions that a superhero can have are far more
complex and interesting to these readers when there is a sense of familiarity about
the characters normal life.
Participants also took pleasure in the alter ego and his ordinary relationships
because it allowed them to imagine a parasocial interaction (Horton & Wohl, 1956)
of friendship with the character. If the superhero lacked an ordinary life in which
they have a supporting cast of workmates, friends, and family, it might indicate that
he is not someone who relates to ordinary (non-super) people:

58
In-universe refers to the superhero within the fictional universe of the comic books, while out-of-
universe distinguishes this from the way that the readers think about and make use of the superhero
out of the context of a comic book storyline.
68
J ames: They [readers] cant relate to [superheroes] if they didnt
have human dreams. And you might go, oh well, maybe I
cant be his friend.
Auckland focus group
Being able to imagine himself and the hero as potential friends was part of the
pleasure for J ames. J ames ability to relate to and identify with a superhero character
is compromised if the character does not show the potential to understand and be part
of his life. Many readers used nicknames for their favourite characters (e.g.
Superman was often simply called by the nickname Supes), and a few even
discussed the heroes in a manner that they might talk about a friend. For example, on
the Favourite heroes forum thread Ethan defended Superman against the accusation
that he was boring, saying I don't agree totally with the complaints against my Boy
(emphasis added). This suggests that fans may think of their favourite characters in a
similar way to people to whom they are close.
One participant discussed her identification with a far more abstract aspect of
the superhero secret identity:
J ade: There are some that have alter egos that are interesting to
read about because we can all have alter egos depending
on what setting were in.
1:1 interview (emphasis added)
J ades reading of the superheros secret identity takes the concept of identification to
a more complex level than current theorising about alter egos suggests. Unlike
Fingeroths (2004) suggestion that readers identification is based on their
recognition that they too have hidden, secret, or undiscovered parts of themselves,
J ades statement suggests that her identification is with the requirement to
reconstruct oneself from one situation to the next. While her description can be read
as a form of identification through recognising some similarity of experiences, as
Cowie (1997) suggests, it also goes deeper than that, to identification on the more
abstract level of the shared processes of identity management in different contexts.
J ades statement of her own potential to have multiple alter egos resonates
with Goffmans (1969) analysis of the multiplicity of performances entailed in social
life, including gender identities and gender performance. Goffman describes the
processes of identity and impression management as similar to theatrical
performance. When people interact with each other, he suggests, they assume certain
69
roles that they then perform. Sometimes these are a conscious effort, and sometimes
they are unconscious. Depending on the requirements of the situation, people will
present themselves as knowledgeable about particular subjects, or affect a particular
demeanour that they consider appropriate to the situation and to the impression they
wish to make. Goffman even suggests that they will employ specific attire (like the
superheroes costumes) and (metaphorical) masks to convincingly achieve the
performance (1969, p. 21). Like Bruce Wayne putting on the Bat suit, this suggests
that individuals don specific attire and affect certain ways of being for work, for
home, and for different parts of their social lives. They alter their personal
appearances and their behaviour from one situation to the next. Consciously or
unconsciously, people will present themselves in different ways depending on the
requirements of the situation.
Limiting realism in the fantasy narrative
A major source of pleasure in reading superhero comics, for all of the
participants in this study, was in renegotiating the boundaries of the body. While they
found pleasure in the heroes humanness, they also found pleasure in the
transcendence of the limitations of the human bodies (to a point). Their discussions
often focussed on the points at which the superhero went too far in one direction;
either by being too human, or being not human enough. While participants indicated
the importance of recognising some connection between themselves and the
superhero they found it problematic if the hero was deemed too similar to them. In a
similar way, the hero could not venture too far beyond the participants experience of
the human mind and body. The constant critique and de/re-construction of their
understandings of masculinity, humanity and physical reality were an important part
of the readers interactions and pleasure in the comics they read.
The boundary between superhero and human is also managed though the alter
ego. The human, non-hero identities of the superheroes allow a distinction to be
made between super and human, while also blurring that line between fantasy bodies
and real bodies. Some of the work of managing the superhero body is done by the
authors (and the characters) within the narrative and art work, but it is the reader who
70
makes use of the distinction. Through the secret identity, the reader can bring the
superhero body across the boundary between unobtainable and superhuman to being
like me. Pushing and transgressing the boundary between fantasy and reality was
an important source of pleasure for many participants. By recognising that they are
like the alter ego the readers challenge the validity of the distinction between their
own bodies and the superhero bodies. If they are like the alter ego, and the alter ego
is part of the superhero, the distinction between themselves and the superhero
becomes less marked.
Negotiating the boundary between fantasy and reality was a feature in most
group discussions. The ability to find similarities between themselves and the
superheroes is part of that pleasure, as are the similarities and differences between
the rules of the fantasy universes and their experience of the real world. Participants
in the focus groups spent significant portions of their discussion critiquing the ways
that the superhero worlds operated. They acknowledged and enjoyed the tension
between expecting certain rules to remain constant (such as the laws of physics, and
the permanence of death), while others could be flouted (alien invasions, and the
existence of superheroes) at will.
The superhero body was a site of many of the fan discussions. The
superheros transcendence of the limitations of the human body may cause some
discomfort to the reader as it makes the human body appear weak, vulnerable, and
fragile by comparison. Indicating familiarity with the functions and abilities of the
heroes bodies was a feature of participants talk. When the discussion allowed the
superhero to go too far beyond the reaches of the readers experience of the body,
they would bring him/her back into his/her human body, reasserting the heros
humanness through talk. The conversation in focus groups commonly came back to
the day-to-day needs of the superheros body, such as bodily functions and the
practicalities of the costuming (For example in Christchurch group 2 there was
discussion about how superheroes must use very good antiperspirant because they
never have armpit sweat). The two Christchurch groups both discussed Supermans
intimate life and the possibilities and limitations of intercourse between the human
Lois Lane and Kryptonian Superman. Many discussions included speculation of how
a teenage Clark Kent would really have used his X-ray vision. Both Christchurch
71
groups discussed the impracticalities of female heroes costumes (particularly
footwear) for the job at hand, as did the Dunedin group. The Dunedin group
imagined themselves as villains, using the heroes own costumes against them:
J asmine: Put [your base] at the bottom of a valley its going down a
hill [that is a problem in heels]. If you put it at the bottom
of a valley, then theyre going to have issues. Or [you
could] just require them to run.
Dunedin focus group
The logistics of toileting while wearing the Batsuit was playfully discussed in the
Dunedin focus group, while the temperature limitations of different heroes costumes
came up in the second Christchurch group (Batman would not like fighting in a
desert, while most female heroes would struggle with Polar temperatures). These
tangential discussions were always laced with humour, sometimes only single
comments slipped into a more serious discussion, which prompted laughter from all
in the group. While they may have joked about these issues, the humour appeared to
ease the discomfort created by bodies that are too super, and reminded the
participants that those bodies were still human in other ways. Through humour, the
readers managed the superheros body, reasserting what is human and what is
superhuman, and reconstructing the boundaries that define their own bodies.
While being able to relate to the superheroes on a human level is important,
too much reality seemed to be a bad thing. While readers may want the hero to be
available on a human level, there are limits to the humanity of superheroes. Reality is
acceptable in comics to a small extent but too much means losing the superness of
the hero, and defeats the purpose of reading the comics:
J effrey: Superman is an icon. DC won't even let him be pictured
drinking a beer.
However a hero with flaws can just be annoying e.g. the
latest version of Supergirl is always making mistakes and
always crying about them.
Anna-Maria: So J effrey, is it the flaws or her reaction to them that's the
problem?
J effrey: It's the writing. Her reactions might be realistic and her
flaws relatable but I really don't want to read 30 pages
about a whining teenage girl.
Anna-Maria: So, too realistic can be a bad thing?
72
Robert: I think it's a balancing act, just enough for the reader to
relate to but not too much otherwise the reader will think
"I get to put up with this crap in my day-to-day life."
J effrey: No it's like cutting together a film. You just have to know
what scenes to leave out and what scenes people want to
see.
Robert: Yeah, you never see Bruce Wayne brushing his teeth or
trimming his nose hairs because that would just slow the
plot down - the reader just assumes that's what Bruce does
while the story goes elsewhere.
J effrey: The setting can be realistic but the plot/circumstances
have to be interesting and lets face it 90% of real life
really isn't that interesting.
Online focus group
J effrey may not enjoy the squeaky clean perfection of Superman, but he does not
enjoy Superman having too many flaws, or having too much reality in his comics
either. To Robert and J effrey, superhero comics are fantasy, and part of the
enjoyment of them comes from being able to inhabit the fantasy universe of the
superhero. If that world becomes too mundane, and the edges between it and real life
become too blurred, their pleasures are diminished.
Perhaps the most difficult bodily transgression for some readers to accept was
that of life and death. Death is not permanent in superhero comics. When a character
dies, it is usually not for very long. This creates a tension in the relationship with the
reader, as the heros mortality is no longer a concern. Participants discussing the
deaths of characters often used irony and sarcasm to show their contempt for this
practice, but subtle enjoyment of how the comics break the taboo. In one focus
group, Leon and Callum were discussing one of their favourite comic series, and
describing the uneasiness brought on by that the writers frivolous treatment of
death:
Leon: You know every single major character in The Preacher
dies and then comes back from the dead, and yet in the
end, hes still expecting us to accept the characters dying.
And then Oh theyve come back!
[Section removed]
Callum: Tulip died and came back, for inexplicable reasons
Leon: When did she? Oh, cos of the early arrival.
Callum: But she was dead for literally A panel, so I mean that was
like, oh wow!
Wellington focus group
73

The pointlessness of Tulips death creates discomfort for the participants. Not only
does it make the story less believable, jolting them out of their immersion in the
created reality, but it also downplays and undervalues the significance of death itself.
When readers have engaged with a text, they may begin care about the characters
(Horton & Wohl, 1956; Maigret, 1999). The writers create characters that draw the
reader in and enable identification, and the reader works hard to maintain that
connection. They therefore expect that the death of a beloved character will have
significance in the story.
Maigret (1999) discusses the emotional reactions that superhero comic book
readers in his study had to the deaths of characters in the comics they read. He
reports that the readers were all affected when beloved characters were killed many
participants admitted to crying along with the surviving characters. However, at the
time of Maigrets study, death in superhero comics was quite a new phenomenon, so
the deaths were significant events, and the practice of resurrecting the dead was not
yet common. The difference in response between these two studies suggests that the
dismissive treatment of death in superhero comics has altered the relationship that
readers have with the event. While other genres related to superhero comics, such as
Science Fiction, Crime, and even Horror, utilise the narrative tool of death, they are
able to do so to highlight the importance of life (Hadomi, 1995). However, when
superhero comics adopt a revolving door policy for character mortality, it has the
opposite effect. The reader no longer has the cathartic pleasure of emerging from a
tragic story, nor do they get to mourn for the loss of a beloved character.
In one of the focus group discussions, the subject of death as non-permanent
was a recurring theme and eventually became a joke within the group. While talking
about the limitations of Superman storylines, Mike tried to think of a story arc in
which Superman had not prevailed. The conversation turned to Supermans death(s):
Anna-Maria: and Superman wins at the end?
Mike: Exactly. Actually, thats a good point, I cant... no, the
latest, the latest Superman thing, he ends up dying at the
end of that.
Robin: Pfff. How longs that gonna last?
Mike: No, no, its because it was sort of a separate continuity.
Ah, what was that called?
74
Robin: The Death of Superman?
Mike: No, no, no.
Christchurch focus group 2
Robins comment The Death of Superman is referring to a major event, Superman
story title from 1992. Superman died at the end of the event, but returns from the
grave a few issues later (J urgens & Bogdanove, 1993). Her preceding comment
(Pfff, how long is that going to last?), and reference to his prior death show her
distaste for the disregard shown for death in comics. A few minutes later, the same
group discussed the topic of comic book death more specifically:
Robin: Wasnt there even a line in one of the X-Men ones?
Charles Xavier is like mutant heaven doesnt have pearly
gates it has revolving doors.
*laughter*
Anna-Maria: Yeah, that sounds right.
Mike: They do hang a lantern on that sometimes.
Robin: Its just ridiculous.
Mike: Didnt you die? Yeah, but what does that mean?
Robin: I got better.
Amber: Isnt Batman supposed to be dead at the moment?
Mike: Yeah.
Amber: Yeah, how longs that gonna last?
Christchurch focus group 2
Amber echoes Robins sentiment of how long will that last? Each time this phrase
is used, it is done with a derisive and sarcastic tone. However, as it became a
recurring point in the discussion, it was used more and more with a sense of
amusement. At one stage, while discussing a particular Batman storyline, it was
suggested that he only needed to turn his back for a few moments to bring the J oker
back from the dead. Even the discomfort brought about by the trivialisation of death
was overcome by renegotiating the meaning of that boundary within comics, from
discomfort to humour.
Conclusion
This chapter has explored adult superhero comic book readers online and
face-to-face conversations about their identification with the superheroes and their
alter egos. It addresses an absence of empirical research in this area and contributed
75
an initial analysis of the various methods of identification that superhero comic book
readers utilise in their reading of these comic books.
At different times, the readers in this study employed multiple modes of
identification to connect with the world of the superheroes. They utilised similarities
between themselves and the alter ego (J . A. Brown, 2001; Liebes & Katz, 1993) and
the recognition that they too have secrets and potentials that they hide from the world
(Fingeroth, 2004). They also identified with the superheroes through the desire to be
like them (Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005; Liebes & Katz, 1993), through feeling an
affinity for the situation portrayed (Cowie, 1997), or by being able to imagine the
characters as friends (Horton & Wohl, 1956). Analysis of comments from one
participant suggested identification can occur on a more subtle and abstract level
than suggested in the literature. This examination showed that she identifies with the
hero through the similarity between the aspects of the superhero character and the
multiplicity of her own identity performances.
The fans enjoyment of the comics was linked to their ability to identify with
the characters or their worlds on some level. When the readers identification is
disrupted so too is their enjoyment of the text. The danger with the fantasy narrative
of superhero comics is that the reader will find it difficult to identify with the
characters and their world, and therefore struggle to engage with the story. To
maintain their pleasure in reading and talking about the comics, the participants
managed the bodies of the superheroes through talk; this involved bringing them
back to Earth whenever they flew too high. The readers in this study did this
through talk of the super bodies as weak, fallible or implausible. Humour was used
by participants to ease their discomfort when certain boundaries, such as death, were
transgressed.
Despite the hypermasculine representation of the male superheroes in the
comics, it was not their muscularity or power that primarily attracted the readers.
Instead, they identified with the superheroes through their interpersonal relationships
with their supporting cast, the scenarios of the stories, and to some extent, through
the politics of impression management. The superhero comics that were the most
enjoyable were the ones with which they could connect on an emotional or human
level, rather than the hypermasculine traits of stoic strength and hypermuscularity.
76
Finding a point of similarity, no matter how small, enabled the readers in this
study to create a connection between them and the imagined bodies (and worlds) of
the superhero. The connection between the physical bodies of the readers and the
imaginary bodies of the alter ego can be constructed as a continuous loop, like the
mebius strip Grosz has used as a metaphor for the fluid boundary between the
representations of bodies and their materiality (Grosz, 1994, p. 36). They are similar
yet different, so the point of convergence/divergence cannot be defined. Because
they can be connected to the alter ego in this way, the reader can also imaginatively
challenge the distinction between themselves and the superhero. However, if the
superhero is imagined as being too similar, there is no enjoyment to be gained from
negotiating that boundary. The balance between being super enough to be something
to imaginatively strive for, while similar enough to allow reader identification, yet
not so similar as to render the distinction pointless, was constantly negotiated among
the fans in this study as they interacted and reflected on their relationships with
superheroes.

77

Chapter 5: Superhero comics and
geekdom
Superhero comic book readership is a fandom that frequently overlaps with
other similar interests, such as science fiction shows and movies, role playing
gaming, and computer gaming, but this overlap often goes unrecognised in the
scholarly literature that discusses these fandoms. While fan studies may acknowledge
that there are overlaps in fandoms and interest (Virnoche, 2007; Warnicke, 2006),
there has been very little attention paid to the way fans talk about these connections
and the personal identities they craft through participation in multiple fandoms. Fans
of superheroes and of other comic book genres are very rarely fans of just one title,
artist or even genre, nor are their interests limited to comics. For many participants in
this study, their wider range of interests included a range of media and technology
that was similar to that of other participants. These interplays of interests become
part of how they do geekdom and how they construct their fan identities.
The audience (or readers) of comic books can vary in the ways they engage
with the comics and the context of their readership. All comic book readers (and any
other media consumers) negotiate meanings from the texts when they read the
comics and in their daily lives (Gray et al., 2007; J enkins, 1992). The ways that they
engage with their media outside of the viewing/reading is important both for the
ways that they consume and for the identities they construct in relation to the comics
(Bird, 2003). For the most casual reader, a superhero comic may take no more time
or energy than is required to pick it up, read the pages and put it down (Gray et al.,
2007; J enkins, 2006). The story can be enjoyed (or not), considered momentarily,
and then discarded with the book. However, readers who are also fans bring expertise
and intertextuality to their reading of comic book fiction (Gray et al., 2007).
This chapter investigates the ways in which comic book readers constitute
themselves as fans in relation to other comic book readers, fans of multiple pop
culture franchises, and in relation to non-fans. I examine the ways that participants
78
do geekdom and create fan identities in the context of the focus groups and forum
posts. This analysis of doing geekdom focuses on the use of humour, shared
interests, in-jokes, and other cultural resources to create a feeling of connection
within the groups and the constitution of a geek identity. Geek communities have a
considerable gender imbalance, so I discuss how doing geekdom was a gendered
practice. I also explore the place of competition and exclusion in face-to-face and
online conversations. Participants identification as fans, including their perceptions
of marginalisation outside of the fan friendly geek subculture is also analysed.
59
It is difficult to find any scholarly literature on the subculture of geekdom, as
the term geek has subtly changed its meaning over time. In academia the term geek
is still predominantly used to discuss computer programming and hacking
subcultures, but without acknowledgement of the other interests that may go with
this. In most academic literature, geek refers to people with computer oriented
interests, (

Kendall, 1999; Newitz & Anders, 2006; Tocci, 2007; Varma, 2007), while
for many self identified geeks it is the name for someone who is interested in a
particular set of media (including comics) and technology (including computers).
Little scholarship on geekdom exists within fan studies despite the popularity of this
identity within popular culture and fandom (Kocurek, 2011; Mortari, 2012; Newitz &
Anders, 2006; Tocci, 2011; Warnicke, 2006).
Some academics have begun to discuss geeks and geekdom outside the world
of Information Technology. Like this thesis, J ason Tocci (2007) and Paul Lopes
(2006) also use the term geek to describe this interconnected world of fandoms and
computers. Lopes (2006) discusses comic book fandom as a subculture that sets itself
apart from dominant culture through consumption of stigmatised media and through
the intentional performance of geek identities. He describes fans as adopting
certain stereotyped ways of presenting themselves as a way of showing membership
in the subculture. His focus is on the roles that stigma theories play in defining the
group and in the self identification of its members. Lopes briefly touches on the
interconnectivity of fandoms in the way that geekdom is constituted. Similarly, Tocci

59
Subcultures are subordinate and resistant groups operating within the dominant mainstream culture.
They are often based around youth cultures (Thornton, 1996; J . P. Williams, 2011).
79
(Tocci, 2007) uses geek and fan interchangeably when discussing the loosely
defined media consuming subculture. His discussion is limited to a specific
ethnographic group, which he acknowledges is never properly defined because:
The boundaries of geek culture may be even more difficult to
demarcate than some other cultural groups not only because members
are not identifiable by any physical or innate qualities, but also
because the term geek itself implies unresolved contradictions and
crossovers: geeks are both cool and uncool, interested in any of a
variety of media and technologies that may be only loosely related.
(Tocci, 2007, p. 27)
Toccis analysis includes the identity apparel choices of computer programmers,
sci fi fans, comic book readers, gamers, and any other self-identified geeks and
nerds (Tocci, 2007).
This chapter examines the ways that superhero comic book fans interact to
perform and co-construct a subculture (geekdom) that is based around interconnected
interests. Through the use of internet research strategies these interactions were able
to include fans who may have otherwise felt uncomfortable making their interests
known. The participants in this study were brought together in face-to-face and
online settings for the purpose of the research, rather than as members of pre-existing
fan networks. Therefore their interactions are as members of a wider subculture who
do not yet have established group identities and understandings. This allows analysis
of, and insight into, how these understandings come into being in the process of
performing and constructing a group identity.
Comics fandom at the margins
Reading superhero comics was considered by many participants to be on the
margins of acceptability in New Zealand. Male participants suggested that comic
book readership is not seen as an acceptable part of dominant New Zealand
masculine culture. The ideal New Zealand man was described as someone who is
rugby focused, and does not engage in unnecessarily intellectually oriented pursuits,
such as reading (including reading comics). One online forum participant said you
just dont read comics here you watch rugby and V8 supercars right? (Richard
Online forum Your origin story). While participants, for the most part, accepted
80
(and in some cases took pride in) the marginalisation that they felt their superhero
comic book readership entailed, this was not the case for all of the readers in this
study.
For some participants, their superhero readership is something they enjoy in
secret, or with a small group of sympathetic friends, as a guilty pleasure, and a few
of the readers in this study suggested that they are not keen for others to know that
they read superhero comics. One participant (Kyle), while talking about revealing his
readership to others and his perception of negativity in New Zealand to adult comic
book reading, used the rarity of comic shops in New Zealand (compared to other
countries he has visited), to illustrate the marginal status of comic book readership.
Kyle is an avid reader of comics who enjoys introducing people to the medium, yet
he is reluctant to make his interest public knowledge, even by being seen at a comic
store:
Kyle: Im not ashamed of it, but I still feel a little bit weird
going into comic shops, I dont know why.
[Section removed]
Im careful who I rave to obviously, and thats why
having a close friend um
Anna-Maria: whos into them as well?
Kyle: Yeah, and its also cool because my partner, she can talk
to his girlfriend about other stuff.
[section removed]
[New Zealands attitude to comic book readers is] a little
bit worse than some other cultures I think, even in places
like Australia. You look at comic stores per capita, and
things I guess, as a pretty good sign of it and we dont
have many.
1:1 interview
Kyle told me that he is careful who he tells about his interest and how he frames his
interest when talking to others (he rarely calls them comics, preferring the term
funny books). Even though he is careful about revealing his interest to others, he
likes having someone to talk to about comics (in the form of a trusted friend). He
also said that he buys (and sells) his comics online and that although he was not
ashamed of his readership, he did not feel comfortable buying comics in a public
81
space. The relative lack of comic shops in New Zealand
60
Similarly, Thomas, who works at a comic book store, said he had observed
something of a mental block to comics from potential customers. Encounters with
potential customers made him think that New Zealanders are reluctant to consider the
pleasures of comic book reading:
suggested to him that other
readers felt the same.
Thomas: I get people in my store who just don't get [why people
read comics]. So I talk them through it and it continues to
baffle me as to why there is this mental block, almost like
they are not allowed to buy comics.
1:1 online interview
He went on to describe strategies that he uses to overcome the mental block he has
observed, but said that there are always still a few who remain resistant to the idea of
reading comics.
Louis talked about trying to recruit his fire fighter workmates for a group
discussion online for this research project, only for all of them to deny reading
superhero comics. Louis said: I think people still look at readers as geeks. Look at
the response I got from my lot. No one will admit to it, but I'm sure almost all of
them have read them. While he is confident that the men he asked were comic book
readers (which was why he suggested organising an online group discussion with
them), he believed that none of them were willing to be identified as that kind of
man.
61
These participants suggest that comic book readership and fandom is at odds
with the dominant masculine culture in New Zealand. For some readers, this left
them feeling that they must hide their interest or be marginalised by it. For these
readers their comics fandom remains a secret identity - one that they carefully guard
- while others claimed their readership with pride.


60
At the time of the interview there were only 6 comic book specific shops in the country.
Christchurch, Wellington, and Hamilton all had 1 each, while Auckland was home to 3. Melbourne,
which has a similar population to New Zealand, at the time, had 22 comic book specialty stores selling
superhero comics, and 2 that were J apanese manga specific.
61
This is similar to my own experience recruiting at the Armageddon expo, when men who I had seen
purchasing superhero comics denied an interest in them when I ask them about their interest in
participating in this research. See Face-to-face discussions on page 32 for more discussion of this.
82
Nerds, geeks, and fandom
Richard: I like Spider-Man because he's still a nerd underneath it
all, and so am I, always will be!
Online forum Favourite Heroes

A group that is marginalised within the dominant culture, but has a set of
shared practices and norms, can be considered a subculture (Thornton, 1996, pp. 8-9;
J . P. Williams, 2011, p. 5). These groups operate like a culture within dominant
culture, a part of it, yet in many ways apart from it. Comic book fandom, and its
related interests, can be seen as parts of a bigger subculture. The name of this
subculture, as defined by participants in this study, is geekdom.
Originally a geek was a side show or circus performer, but later the term
was used for people with a high level of interest and knowledge in computers
(sometimes also called nerds) (Varma, 2007). Recently the term has come into
usage to describe a fan interest in an entire genre or set of genres, rather than a
specific fan object (meaning that someone might call themselves a J azz music geek,
but not usually a Louis Armstrong geek). However, these geeks will identify
themselves by the area of interest (e.g. J azz music geek, model train geek or a
baseball geek).
62
McArthur, 2009, p. 63 emphasis added
The more general term geek without a qualifier, still refers to the
specific set of interests usually associated with computer programmers - maths and
science, comic books, science fiction, and role playing games. Geeks can be found
in specific groups and spaces that are classically geekish, such as Star Trek and
comic book conventions, computer-based chat rooms, and Mensa conferences. These
sites have been stereotyped as sites for community among intelligent experts
( ). Geekdom is usually associated with the
less mainstream (even obscure/cult) media, such as science fiction and comics, while
fandom also encompasses the most popular and mainstream interests (such as the
latest singer/band, a designer, or even a soap opera).

62
There is some debate about whether these people are fans who are appropriating the term geek in
order to set themselves apart from the mainstream and claim the unconventional or alternative status
it brings (T. T. Brown, 2012 ; Green, 2011).
83
Nerd and Geek mean something quite different to the people who self
identify as one, other, or both (Tocci, 2007; WikiHow, 2012; XKCD, 2010). While
many people with an obsessive interest in an area may claim the name geek, to be
part of the geek subculture, or a nerd or geek/nerd, ones obsession needs to be with
certain kinds of knowledge; usually science, computer science and/or maths based.
Lori Kendall (1999) describes nerds as intelligent but socially inept and ... as people
overly involved with, and skilled in the use of, computers ...He enjoys school and
does well in it, especially math and science courses. He has a high IQ and possesses
large amounts of esoteric technical knowledge, but is socially inept (Kendall, 1999,
pp. 262-263). While there are many similarities between geeks and nerds, it is the
nature of the obsession that differentiates the two. Esoteric knowledge and analysis
of comics is more nerdy than geeky, partly because of the abstract knowledge and
application, and partly because it is not deemed socially acceptable to analyse
popular culture at that level of detail (WikiHow, 2012; XKCD, 2010). Geekdom may
be a marginalised subculture, but the members are not necessarily socially inept.
Superhero fandom occupies a position within a wider subculture: geekdom.
Within geekdom, comic book fandom (including superhero comics) intersects with a
variety of other interests, hobbies and fandoms (including science fiction, fantasy,
cult media, computer gaming, role playing, computers, mathematics, and science).
Certain common understandings, shared knowledge and attitudes within geekdom
are expected of members of the subculture, so a conversation about one topic may
include tangents related to another. Because of this interconnectivity of geek
fandoms, despite the focus of the discussion being on superhero comic books, on
numerous occasions during the group conversations Buffy the Vampire Slayer,
Firefly, Doctor Horribles Sing-along-blog, Doctor Who, Torchwood, Star Wars and
Star Trek all came up, as did references to a few specific web comics.
63

63
The most commonly mentioned webcomics were: XKCD - simple stick figure or graph based
comics, with the by-line romance, sarcasm, math, and language; Shortpacked - a webcomic centred
around the employees of a toy shop, which includes the occasional superhero joke, but is full of geeky
pop culture references; Saturday Morning Breakfast Cereal (SMBC) - mostly graph and science based
jokes, often political, often ironic sexist/offensive jokes. All of these include the odd superhero comic,
but are mostly about other aspects of fandom/geekdom.
When these
other topics were introduced they were immediately incorporated into the
84
conversation, suggesting that it was taken-for-granted that the other participants
would understand the references made to other aspects of popular culture.
This interconnection of fandoms within the geek subculture has received
limited attention in academic literature (Warnicke, 2006). Lopes (2006) touches
briefly on the intersection of comics fandom with other interests in popular culture
when describing the self-reflexive humour of comics that deal with comic fandom.
He mentions Kovalics Dork Tower, but does not discuss the comic itself. Dork
Tower is a webcomic (which is also regularly published as an archived print version)
which parodies geek culture. Much of the humour of this comic is in its references to
Star Wars, Star Trek, science fiction and fantasy novels, role playing games, comics,
board games, and computer gaming). However, even in this discussion of comic
book geeks he does not acknowledge the intertextuality of geekdom. Clair Warnicke
(2006) briefly discusses the importance of the use of multiple media texts in doing
fandom in her thesis and documentary Fan Geeks. The example she shows is a
simple conversation between X-Files fans about the effects of heating candy in the
microwave in which she counted references to 8 different geeky (cult/science
fiction/fantasy) shows or movies within the 2 minutes of filmed conversation
(Warnicke, 2006).
Fans and geeks continue to engage with the text in a variety of ways well
after the original book has been read and reread (J enkins, 1992). In addition to
multiple readings of the texts which bring in depth knowledge of storylines and
character histories, fans may discuss the stories, characters and art with other fans,
collect related merchandise, or create their own fandom based media. This can
involve writing articles for fan magazines (fanzines), writing fan fiction (to fill in
storyline gaps, indulge an erotic fantasy about the characters or continue an officially
ended storyline), writing or drawing their own (fan fiction) comics, drawing or
painting comic book style art, making fan videos or writing and performing fan folk
(filk) songs. They may engage in these activities online on internet based forums, via
physical or electronic mailing lists, or at fan conventions (Fiske, 1992; Healey, 2008;
J enkins, 1992; Pustz, 1999; Virnoche, 2007).
Geek behaviour may include the same activities as other fandoms, but with
both an added element of nerdiness, and often with references to other geeky
85
media. The geek participants discussions of their fan object(s) included not only
discussion of the storylines and character developments, as would be expected with
any fan discussion, but often include some cross over with other geek interests in
the form of referential humour, analysis of a comic in relation to other media texts, or
esoteric discussion of the comics on a purely intellectual or critically scientific level
(as discussed in Chapter 4). Therefore superhero comic book geeks could be
considered to be a subset of superhero comic book fans. Focus group discussions
included a variety of these kinds of debates and analyses.
64
93
J okes using references to
multiple unconnected media texts were a common occurrence (for example the
reference to Frank Miller that is discussed below and the cross reference of Batman
comics with the Dallas TV show on page ). In Auckland, one participant
commented on and criticised the use of nuclear physics (the lack of accuracy in the
effects of a nuclear explosion) in a story, while in the second Christchurch group
they debated the biological possibility of Superman and Lois Lane having a baby
(which they have) as they are different species. The Wellington group debated the
definition of patriotism and compared the ways that patriotism was performed in
Asterix versus Captain America comics and the first Christchurch group compared
the cast and narrative structures of the TV shows, Buffy the Vampire Slayer and
Torchwood.
The terms fan and geek were used in different ways when participants
acknowledged the differences in the relationship they had with the media. The term
fan was used to indicate an interest in a specific object (such as a specific show),
while geek indicates a broader interest or collection of fandoms(Warnicke, 2006).
J effrey describes himself as a comics geek because of his broad knowledge of and
interest in comics:
J effrey: I'm enough of a comics geek that I've usually read the
comic before the movie came out -except for 300
65
Online focus group

(which I knew was a comic but never read).

64
Most of which were too long to include as examples.
65
The 1988 graphic novel by Frank Miller, is a fictionalised retelling of the story of the 300 Spartans
who, lead by Leonidas of Sparta, fought the Persians at the Battle of Thermopylae. It was adapted for
film in 2007.
86
He enjoys all comics and in addition to reading them he consumes all media related
to them. He uses the term geek to identify his interest in superhero comics as a genre,
rather than a specific comic book series. In contrast, the term fan was used when
discussing a more specific and focused interest. For example:
Ethan: I was a fan of Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles in the early
90s.
Online forum More on movies and reading habits

J ade: In my younger days I used to be a great fan of Walt
Disney Stuff, you know, Archie and sappy girl things they
produce and you just read.
1:1 interview
In these examples, Ethan and J ade use fan when describing their interest in specific
comic franchises. Ethans teenage interest in the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles
(TMNT) was not his only fandom, as he was already a fan of a variety of other
comics and media. On the other hand, J ades teen reading of Walt Disney comics
was not engaged, related to, or involved with her other interests. While these readers
participate in a range of fandoms, when they use the term fan it is to differentiate
between a singular interest in a topic and their contemporary identities as members of
geek subculture.
Subcultural capital, in-jokes and superhero expertise
As with any subculture, geekdom has blurry, difficult to define, and contested
edges and not all members of the geek subculture will call themselves geeks. Yet
those participating in geekdom, even peripherally, will be identifiable to others
through their knowledge and behaviour; their subcultural capital (Thornton, 1996).
66

66
Bourdieus concept of cultural capital is one of a set of capitals held by individuals, also including
economic, social, and symbolic capitals. Cultural capital is the collection of intellectual and
educational resources that are valued within dominant culture. They may provide an individual with
social mobility in excess of their economic status (

By utilising and displaying cultural resources that are specific to the subculture in
Thornton, 1996). Subcultural capital is the cultural
capital that is specific to, and valued by a particular subculture, which gains the individual status
within the subcultural group. It may have no value as cultural capital within mainstream culture, but is
often more important than the dominant cultures cultural capital when participating in a subculture
(Thornton, 1996).
87
their interactions the groups constitute geekdom through collectively producing a
group identity.
In some focus group discussions humour was an important social tool used to
test and establish the boundaries of the groups shared knowledge, while at the same
time, allowing the group to take pleasure in the experience of doing geekdom. Using
humour that draws on multiple texts from a range of different genres creates a sense
of shared identity with those who understand and appreciate the joke. In the second
Christchurch group, one participant listed what she did not like to see in comics.
Amber responded to Leslies identification of authors criticised for writing
misogynistic story lines with a joke. The joke draws on a complex set of prior
knowledge to be amusing:
Leslie: I hate it when theyre grossly misogynistic, like
Watchmen, Alan Moore. Like, as much as that storys
great, theyre all just such wankers! All they think, you
know, yes youve got the complexity and all that kind of
stuff and theyre flawed and all that.
Anna-Maria: It was the 80s.
Leslie: I know! It was so horrible! And its just, ah!
Amber: Frank Miller: whoreswhoreswhoreswhoreswhores.
(Laughter)
(Christchurch 2)
Ambers whores comment is a reference to a web comic, which itself references
both a common criticism of Frank Miller and a film about computer hackers. The
participants in the group laughed because they were familiar with all of the
references required to appreciate the comment. Frank Miller has often been criticised
for his treatment of women in comics, mostly that he cannot write a female character
without turning her into a prostitute. While this is not true of all of his female
characters, it is certainly a very common issue with his stories and a valid criticism.
Amber is quoting the punch line of a Shortpacked webcomic (Willis, 2006) that has
Frank Miller held by some kind of villainous gangsters (only seen in silhouette) and
he is told to write a comic with a female character who is not a prostitute or he will
not leave alive. The comic shows him struggling with the effort, but ends in the final
panel with Miller typing whoreswhoreswhoreswhores whoreswhoreswhoreswhores
whoreswhoreswhor [sic] as a gun is pointed at his head. The comic itself is a
reference to a scene from the 2001 movie, Swordfish. In this scene the protagonist, a
88
computer hacker, has been kidnapped and is being forced to undergo a series of tests,
including being made to hack the Pentagon computers with a gun pointed at his head,
while receiving oral sex. Familiarity with the web comic is necessary to understand
the reference, familiarity with the criticisms of Miller are necessary to get the joke
in the comic, and familiarity with the movie gives the comic context. Almost
everyone at the table (at least 5 of the 6 present) appeared to understand at least part
of the reference.
Amber could have simply named Miller, as the webcomic reference was not
necessary to understand her point, but by including the joke she was able to create a
sense of community through the humour. Humour only works if the audience
understands the references made and the relationships between them, so if the other
members of the group had not understood the relationship between Frank Miller and
Whoreswhoreswhores... the joke would have fallen flat. Including humour can be a
gamble. It may allow the group to bond through shared understanding, or it could set
the joking individual apart from the rest through lack of understanding or
recognition. Using humour as complex as this example indicates that Amber thought
that at least some members of the group would understand the complex references.
When they did, they also recognised that others shared their knowledge and this
intensified the sense of a group identity.
Doing geekdom is an interactive process in which participants collectively
co-construct themselves as geeks. In the Wellington group, the participants in the
group all shared an understanding of the stereotypes of fans, the online behaviour of
fans compared to their face-to-face behaviour, and of popular webcomics. These
shared understandings not only diffused a tense moment, but also gave the group an
opportunity to co-construct their geek identity. At one point the discussion became
quite impassioned, with Callum speaking about how a particular story in a series had
especially touched him. When Leon voiced his disagreement about the value of that
story, Callums reaction prompted an aside by me and the other group member:
Francesca: You know youve got a good group when you get the
polar opposites going.
Anna-Maria: I just had the thought that maybe in my info sheet I
shouldve actually had little rules of please no fisticuffs.
89
[This aside distracted the men from their discussion and
everyone then laughed]
Anna-Maria: I was just thinking that actually people could get really
passionate about this. Maybe focus groups are a
dangerous thing.
Leon: Nerd rage!
Callum: If youve ever read an internet forum, people can get very
passionate about things on forums.
[Anna-Maria and Francesca - indecipherable]
Leon: Yeah, but I know that when they get face-to-face theyd
be like [head lowered, speaking in a mumbly, little voice]
um, er...I dont really like that.
Anna-Maria: Yeah, I was sort of relying on that stereotype of comic
book readers as being socially awkward nerdy people who
couldnt punch someone out if they tried.
*laughter*
Callum: Even if they could they wouldnt want to.
Leon: Ever read Penny Arcade anybody?
Anna-Maria: Yeah, a little bit.
Leon: The theory of the internet?
Callum: No.
Leon: Remember that one?
Anna-Maria: Draw it.
[Leon gets up and writes an equation on the white board
then reads it out for the benefit of the tape recording]
Leon: Normal person plus anonymity plus audience equals
complete arsehole.
*laughter*
Callum: I think I have seen this actually.
Anna-Maria: Theres an XKCD one along those lines. Are you coming
to bed? No I cant...
Everyone: Someone on the internet was wrong!
*Laughter*
Anna-Maria: I know I have been there.
Callum: I think we all have.
Anna-Maria: 4 oclock in the morning and you get sort of, almost
blacking out with rage thinking how could you possibly
say that?!
Callum: I know, I know Ive said this a million times, but Im sure
the next time I say it youll suddenly change your mind.
Wellington focus group
The process of performing geekdom, and the creation of a feeling of subcultural
connectedness, may be as simple as everyone understanding the same joke, or
recognising similarities in experience, as in the example above. The group had all
read the same webcomics, and recognised the experiences to which the comics
90
referred. XKCD is a simply but sophisticatedly drawn (usually stick figures and
graphs) webcomic that focuses on topics popular in the geek subculture (maths,
science, computer and internet, superheroes, and popular culture references) tied
together by the themes of romance, sarcasm, politics, and philosophy. The particular
comic being referenced, Duty Calls, shows a man typing on the computer. From out
of the panel someone calls him to come to bed, he replies that he cannot as he is
doing something important. He is asked what, and replies Someone was wrong on
the internet
67
XKCD, 2008 ( ). While Callum was not familiar with the Penny Arcade
webcomic (Holkins & Krahulik, 2004), he recognised the theory of the internet
equation and experience. These two jokes, which both came from unrelated online
comics, assisted in the creation of a feeling of shared experience and group identity
because every member of the group had experienced an online flame war.
68
Early in the second Christchurch group, a subtle interaction based on shared
assumptions and knowledge caused a tense moment in the group, which later became
a running joke, a form of group bonding. Mike listed angst, which is often
associated with Spider-Man, as an undesirable trait of superheroes. Amber, being a
Spider-Man fan, took this as a direct attack on her favourite hero:
They
shared the experience and the acknowledgement that these kinds of extreme
arguments rarely happen in face-to-face encounters, regardless of the strength of
feeling people might have about the issues.
Mike: [reading his list of good and bad traits] ... and ah, under
bad, Ive got angst.
Amber: [defensively] there are tons of heroes with angst!
Mike: Yeah, I know and it annoys me. I know Spider-Mans
your favourite.
Leslie: [chuckling at Ambers reaction] woah, someones taking
that as a direct Spider-Man thing.
Anna-Maria: A lot of the X-Men as well
Mike: I tend to be more DC than Marvel
Robin: What about Batman?

67
Interestingly, everyone misquoted it in the same way - possibly because the original wording of the
comic is a little awkward.
68
An intense, usually impassioned online argument, often involving offensive language, vulgar
insults, and maybe even threats (Willard, 2007, p. p. 5). Flaming is usually excessively violent in
nature, far more so than arguments that the same people would have face-to-face.
91
Leslie: Yeah, I like DC
Robin: Batman, every single opportunity, my parents died. Shut
up!
Christchurch Focus group 2
Amber interpreted Mikes negative response to angst as an insult to her favourite
superhero Spider-Man. His preference for DC comics was understood to allude to
the opinion that Marvel superheroes may generally be more angsty than those
written/published by DC. Spider-Man and the X-Men are both produced by Marvel
comics, while Batman is DC. Robin and I attempt to diffuse the situation by
suggesting that the X-Men and Batman are also examples of angst ridden characters.
The death of the parents is one of the defining attributes of most superheroes, so
hardly unique to Batman, yet the comics regularly make a point of reminding the
reader that young Bruce Waynes parents were shot, leaving him orphaned. Robins
Shut up is directed at Batman, as he is seen as constantly complaining about being
an orphan. The statement My parents died became one of a small collection of
running jokes that came up repeatedly throughout the following hours of
conversation.
Although the exchange began with group threatening tension, it was
effectively turned around by Robin. Through humorous reflections on shared
understandings of Batman the group was able to reconnect. This group had a number
of ongoing jokes
69
Chwe,
2003
that helped to construct a group identity and make the social
exchange enjoyable for them all. Like the Wellington group, this groups sense of
shared experience gave them a sense of connection with the other participants, which
enabled them to do geekdom more freely, through ongoing in-jokes and multi-
textual references. The sharing of common understandings, even small ones like
these, is important in the formation of any group identity, as they help the members
to recognise cohesiveness between themselves and the rest of their people (
).

69
There was another ongoing joke about not giving monkeys cigarettes (referring to outdated laws),
and one about the non-permanence of comic book death (How long is that going to last?). The latter
is discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.
92
A gendered subculture
Self identification and the claiming of a marginalised gender performance can
be seen as an act of defiance by many of the participants. By choosing to identify
themselves as geeks, nerds or fans research participants aligned themselves with non-
normative subject positions. Geeks and nerds are often associated with subordinate
forms of masculinity,
70
J ensen, 1996
so for the male participants to choose such a position can be
seen as an act of rebellion, resisting the ideals of traditional New Zealand cultures of
masculinity that is associated with sports, beer and mateship ( ; Law,
1997; Liepins, 2000; MacLean, Chandler, & Nauright, 1999). The male participants
who are proudly claiming these identities are resisting scenarios for masculinity that
they think are privileged. They deconstruct and recreate gender and identity within
the subcultural world of superhero comic book fans. Even in this resistance these
more unconventional ways of doing gender nevertheless exhibit some aspects of
dominant gender relations. Through their intellectual sparring and knowledge
contests the male participants engage in competition from which female participants
are largely excluded.
Geek discussion of comics at times becomes competitive, with the goal of
being seen to be the most knowledgeable about the subject or having the most in-
depth understanding of the deeper meanings of the text. Connell (2005) describes
competitiveness and rivalry as characteristic of hegemonic masculinity. Through talk
and verbal sparring, the readers may compete for dominance through demonstrations
of cultural capital. Pustz describes this competitiveness:
Like sports fans, comics fans enjoy being experts, even when there is
no one with whom to share their knowledge. When both types of fans
are fortunate enough to be among the like-minded, an element of
competition also exists. ... Comic book fans challenge each other to
identify the first appearance of Sabretooth or list all of Lubas children
in Love and Rockets
(1999, p. 114).
This competition and ensuing challenge does not necessarily take the form of literal
quizzing, but can instead emerge as one-upmanship and attempts to show the gaps in

70
Usually, both geek and nerd are assumed to be masculine terms unless the gender is specified.
93
the expertise of the other fan. Competition among participants sometimes took place
during focus group discussions. One participant (J effrey) in an online discussion
stood out as asserting authority through his high level of knowledge of the latest
storylines. He repeatedly presented his knowledge of comics (and fandom) as more
up to date, more in depth, and more worthy than those with whom he was interacting.
At the beginning of the online discussion he directed an insult at another participant,
calling him a n00b (a pejorative term meaning a newbie - someone who is new to
the internet realm, and therefore lacking in knowledge about basic chat-room
terminology and etiquette), attempting to establish himself as dominant in the
hierarchy of the group. Later, during a discussion on why the participants liked one
particular version of Superman over another, J effrey again asserted his knowledge
dominance, this time of the latest Batman storylines:
J effrey: Dick Grayson as Batman is an interesting concept but the
stories post RIP/Final Crisis have been pretty average.
71
Anna-Maria: Have they done that? I'd only heard speculation.

J effrey: Old news - Bruce Wayne is "dead," Dick Grayson is
Batman, Damien is Robin, Tim Drake is Red Robin,
J ason Todd is (probably) Red Hood, Spoiler is the new
Batgirl.
Anna-Maria: Oh...so no more Nightwing?
Robert: Bruce isn't dead, Dick's going to wake up and find him in
the shower!
72
J effrey: All the bat titles Nightwing, Robin, Birds of Prey were
cancelled (well apart from Batman and Detective).

Anna-Maria: Ah. Ok.
J effrey: This is old, old, old news BTW.
Online focus group
J effreys old, old, old news, it turns out, was less than six months old at the time,
in a series that publishes monthly. This time frame also included a three month hiatus

71
Dick Greyson was an early Robin who left to go to university and later returned to Gotham and
became the superhero Night Wing. Various fan discussions had predicted that at the end of the
Batman RIP story arch, when batman died, Dick would take over the role.
72
This is an example of the ways that intertextual references are used in geek interactions. Roberts
comment about Dick finding Bruce in the shower is a reference to a season finale of Dallas, in which
the entire preceding years shows were shown to be just a dream. One character, Pamela, wakes to
find her husband, Bobby, in the shower. Bobby had been killed at the end of the previous season, but
his death (and everything that came after) was just in Pamelas nightmares. Roberts reference is to an
event that occurred over 25 years ago (before J effrey was born), but the scene has been parodied in
many popular television shows since then. J effrey appears to not know, or to ignore the reference.
94
in all Batman related comics from the Bruce Waynes death (R.I.P) issue (December,
2008), so only 3 new issues had been released since. With this statement J effrey
establishes himself as being the most knowledgeable and up to date participant in the
discussion and constructs himself as having a superior knowledge to the other people
in the conversation.
J effrey is competing to be the geekiest of the geeks. In establishing his
expertise, he is potentially positioning himself as the most distant from dominant
ideals of masculinity, but also the best at doing the alternative form of masculinity in
which he is participating. However, because his position of dominance is specific to
the short timeframe of the discussion, he effectively becomes the dominant geek
within the non-normative geek discourse. J effreys competitiveness mirrors aspects
of hegemonic masculinity while simultaneously crafting an alternative comic book
geek identity. This competitive interaction utilised subcultural capital (Thornton,
1996), in the form of superhero comic specific knowledge, while operating within
the gendered rules of dominant culture.
Competition in fan interactions can also be described in sporting terms. Fans
may comment that another fan is not fun to talk to because they cannot keep up - as
if it were a race. One forum participant explicitly compared his interactions with
other readers to the relationships within competitive sport. Because knowledge is a
source of status within comic book fandom, displaying knowledge is a way of
gaining status. Like competing on the field or in the ring, this intellectual sparring
serves to exhibit competitive relationships reminiscent of dominant masculinity, but
in a new setting:
Cody: In real life, with very few exceptions, the only time I can
talk comics with someone is if they've read my books, and
then we discuss it, but I'm always the one with the upper
hand. I know all the trivia and history of the writers.

If I go online, then I can talk with others on a more level
playing field, because comics are much more accessible
and affordable, they've read the same comics, and know
their own facts about the industry.
Online forum Online vs. Face-to-face
Cody has set up an imaginary status competition between him and other fans (who
may or may not be aware that they are competing). Cody finds the lack of a
95
challenge disappointing when discussing comics with his local friends as they are not
interested enough, or not well read enough to engage in his competition. Instead he
prefers his discussions to engage with international fans online, as these players can
give him a real challenge.
In the subculture of comics, knowledge of the storylines and understanding of
the science, history and relationships in each gives one power. However, in order to
gain the position of dominance, the holder of knowledge must share it, potentially
undermining his knowledge advantage in that group. In return for this he may gain
some information relevant for a future encounter in which he engages in displays of
knowledge. Once the knowledge advantage is utilised, that particular piece of
information will not be useful in future competitions with those same opponents. It
is, effectively, a one-shot per spar/opponent weapon. This means that to maintain
their position in the hierarchy, the fans must seek out the most up-to-date, or obscure
information, or develop new theories that their opponents will not already possess.
Competition and hierarchy are ongoing projects, which rely on shows of
prowess for their existence. Sparring with other geeks allows each participant (and
even an observer) to hone his skills and grow his arsenal. It is important to the comic
fan to be up to date with the latest development and storylines, as well as having a
knowledge base stretching back into the golden age of comics. An effective way of
gaining this knowledge, and the only way of showing it, is by sharing it with others.
Sharing knowledge has a variety of purposes, including creating a sense of
connection through their shared interest, and jousting for place in the community.
The knowledge itself has no value or purpose outside of the subculture; it is the
application or use of knowledge that gives it meaning and value. Knowledge is not
something you have...it is something you participate in (Slj (1992) cited in
Hultman & Hrberg, 1998). In order for the knowledge to remain meaningful, it
must be shared, compared and reconstructed through interactions.
Girl geeks - marginalisation and exclusion
Heterosexist hierarchies were also evident within the interactions of comic
book geeks in this study. While in the groups gendered interactions between male
96
and female readers were subtle, gender differences played an important part in
constituting their geek identities. Many geeks will proudly declare that geekdom is
an egalitarian and all inclusive subculture, but it is a claim that is disputed (O'Malley,
2011; Pastabagel, 2011; Restructure!, 2010). As with any community in which a
single group is over-represented, others struggle to be acknowledged within that
community. Comic book readership is predominantly made up of white, straight,
males, as is the broader realm of geekdom, (Eglash, 2002; Mendick & Francis,
2011; Tocci, 2007) which often leads to discrimination, marginalisation, or exclusion
of women:
73
The groups that may have been most left out of the geek identity
market, however, are those who have been less welcome or less
interested in geek culture more broadly: women and racial minorities.

(Tocci, 2007, p. 28)
Female comic book readers occupy a different social space to male fans, both within
the community and in their wider social interactions as comic book readers, which
was visible in the clothing of some of the female participants in this study, and the
experiences of discrimination that they described. While it may be less
transgressive for these women to make public their comic readership, the women in
this study, like many geek women (or, more the contentiously, Girl geeks) report
that they are have to work harder than male fans to be accepted as part of the group
or to have their opinions taken seriously, that they are excluded, marginalised,
fetishised and infantilised within the geek community (Healey, 2008; Kocurek, 2011;
Mortari, 2012; NerdLove, 2011; O'Malley, 2011; Tocci, 2011).
74
They also
suggested that their opinions were often not taken seriously by other readers, or are
ignored entirely, especially if those opinions were concerning the treatment of
women in comics.
75

73
This discrimination also occurs in other forms, such as ableism, cisism, racism, homophobia, and
religious discrimination, but I am focussing on sexism.

74
These concerns are not just about superhero comics it is seen as a widespread problem in geeky
media.
75
Unfortunately, the timing of my research was such that I was not able to ask my participants about
the controversies surrounding the sexualisation of female characters and loss of female creators in
DCs relaunch in 2011 (Hudson, 2011; Sneddon, 2011). Many female characters were rewritten in
such a way that has been criticised as objectified and sexualised. This criticism of the new 52 came
97
In one focus group two female participants, Robin and Leslie, discussed
feeling judged for not liking a certain well known graphic novel, The Watchmen
(Moore et al., 1987). They described how their criticisms of the comics treatment of
the female characters in the story,
76
Robin: I find sometimes that when I read a review of a comic, I
like cant really trust other people, like even if theyre big
comic book readers. I remember someone asked me
Have you read Watchmen? I went, I tried and didnt
like it and got ... J UDGING me cause Watchmen was
like the greatest comic ever. I liked the movie.
and the discomfort that this brought were
ignored, and how their own opinions of the comic were often dismissed. The novel in
question is a long and complex story with heavy political elements to the plot,
including critiques of the media and of cold war politics. Its use of multiple visual
formats and subplots was ground breaking, but its treatment of female characters,
predominantly the female lead, Laurie J uspeczyk/Silk Spectre and her mother Sally
J upiter/the original Silk Spectre, has been subjected to significant criticism, and has
many elements that Leslie had earlier described as misogynistic:
[Everyone talking at once...some laughter]
Leslie: I didnt like it either, and I got so slammed for it, I went
back and I reread it years later and I thought, Nah, I still
dont like it.
Robin: I get Clearly you just didnt UN-DER-STAAAND it. Oh
my god! I didnt like it, get over it.
Christchurch focus group 2

to a head at the 2011 San Diego comic-con (a major comic and pop culture convention) with the head
of DC (Dan DiDio) verbally attacking both male and female fans who asked him about gender related
issues during a question and answer panel (Sneddon, 2011).
76
There is only one female character involved in the main plot of the graphic novel, Laurie J uspeczyk,
the Silk Spectre. She is a second generation hero in the Watchmen universe. Her mother, Sally J upiter,
was the first Silk Spectre, and pushed Laurie to take over the role when she retired. Lauries biological
father is revealed to be another hero, the Comedian. Ms J upiter was sexually assaulted by the
Comedian, but later had an affair with him, during which time Ms J uspeczyk was conceived.
J uspeczyk is presented as a strong feminist character, disliking the objectification and sexualisation of
her crime fighting role including the sheer yellow mini dress that her mother gave her for her
costume. Throughout the entire story J uspeczyk only reacts to the actions of the male characters, often
being manipulated by other characters. Her story and character development are secondary to the male
characters (she shows very little growth, and her role in the story is to get the male characters where
they need to be physically and mentally). Other female characters are violently killed almost as soon
as they are introduced during retrospectives scattered throughout the book.
98
Leslie did not enjoy the portrayal of the female characters, so her enjoyment of the
story was marred. Both Leslie and Robin reject the accusation that they did not
understand the text, but felt judged by other readers, none-the-less.
77
The womens distaste for sexist or degrading elements in comics is irrelevant
in the hierarchy of readers, and was expected to be overshadowed by their
appreciation of the complex and politically insightful plot. While many male
participants also said that they disliked Watchmen, none said that they had ever
suffered any kind of exclusion, derision, or dismissal for this. The womens
experiences of their criticisms of the sexism within the medium being dismissed are
an unfortunately common occurrence in comic book fandom (
Robin says the
word understand slowly and loudly to illustrate that the people saying it were
treating her like a fool, rather than engaging in a discussion of the merits (or
otherwise) of the book.
NerdLove, 2011;
O'Malley, 2011; Seltzer, 2006).
Similarly, Amber said that because she still enjoys Frank Millers comics
post Dark Knight Returns (the era for which he has received so much criticism), she
must field comments such as well you have no taste in comics then do you?
Ambers appreciation of Frank Millers film noir style of comic book writing, despite
what she called his whores obsession, is denigrated by other fans because liking
Millers recent works is not a popular position in comics fandom.
Other forms of inter and intra-gender competitive behaviour I observed were
far more subtle and difficult to capture by reference to specific quotes. In the first
Christchurch focus group, one particular participant repeatedly dominated the
conversation by either exclusionary body language (physically positioning himself to
exclude another participant), repeatedly speaking over the female participant (and
over me), ignoring the input of two participants but actively engaging in discussion
with another, or simply giving long soliloquies that did not allow other group
members to speak.

77
Robin openly admitted that she preferred comics to be lighter in tone, and tended to stay away from
dark or gritty storylines.
99
While a male geek will often be accepted into a geek social group without
question, girl geeks spoke about having to fight for acceptance. At the same focus
group discussion two female participants, Amber and Robin, were wearing superhero
themed clothing. Despite coming directly from work, Amber had worn a T-shirt
printed with a picture of a group of female superheroes, because she knew she would
be coming to the focus group that evening. Robin had also come from work, and was
in uniform, but wearing a Superman ring. She stated that she never leaves the house
without at least one Superman insignia on her person. Wendy Seltzer (2006, p. 52)
suggests that female geeks may make a point of loudly (pro)claiming their place in
geekdom through clothing because they are so often forgotten, or not taken seriously
as geeks. On greeting her at the beginning of the night, I had complimented Amber
on her t-shirt. She said her choice of clothing was influenced by her plans for the
evening (although she also wears the t-shirt at other times); she chose to visibly
identify herself as a superhero comic geek. This visual display of superhero fandom,
through clothing and other paraphernalia, was a strategy for these women to assert
their right to a position within the fan group, regardless of their gender.
Fiske (1992, p. 38) suggests that public displays of fandom, such as wearing a
superhero t-shirt or Batman belt buckle, are socially offensive and deliberately
challenge more normal social values and the discipline they exert which earns the
fan social disapproval. This disapproval is an integral part of this sort of fan
pleasure, for its arousal is part of the intention ... of the enunciation [of fan produced
meanings] (Fiske, 1992, p. 38). Male fans have a strong sense of the disapproval of
comic book fandom; they may not want to risk the additional disapproval associated
with overt fandom via their attire. None of the men I interviewed in person visibly
showed their fandom through their clothing, although one man had a tattoo of the
Marvel mutant character, Wolverine, on his leg (he showed me the tattoo to illustrate
his love of the X-Men franchises before the focus group began, while we were
talking casually, but he did not mention it to the others attending). Outside of the
100
comic reading community, female fans may be in a better position than male fans to
publically claim their readership and challenge societal norms.
78
The context in which geekdom is being performed will present both benefits
and challenges to the geeks. The female geeks are in an ambivalent position between
the subculture they participate in, and the dominant culture in which that operates.
Within wider society they may find pleasure in challenging expectations, as Fiske
suggests. However, within the subculture of geekdom, that same challenge may be
necessary to be accepted as part of a superhero comic book subculture in which
young white men predominate.

Conclusion
Some participants utilised collective knowledge of geeky media to create a
feeling of solidarity as geeks within their focus group discussion and to co-construct
a geek identity. This group identity was performed through the use of humour, both
as a point of connection and as a method of relieving social tensions. Humour that
relied on prior knowledge of intricate geek memes, or that continued a joke made
by someone in the group, was common. When performing a group identity, the
knowledges utilised, while often very specific to the subculture (such as popular web
comics), were usually well known enough to include most participants in the group.
However, specific knowledge was also used by participants to exclude others.
Competition between some members of the groups and exclusion of members
in other groups was a reproduction of some gendered interactions that participants
said they experienced in geek culture. J effreys very explicit display of rivalry,
Codys intellectual jousting, and the exclusion of the female participant in the first
Christchurch group, show that aspects of the dominant form of masculinity may
manifest themselves even in groups that in many ways deliberately resists them.

78
It could also be argued that their display of comics fandom is more acceptable to society because
they are women. Because comics are often viewed as childish entertainment, or a masculine pursuit,
female fandom could be seen as acceptable because the female fans are seen as either infantilised, and
therefore allowed to enjoy childish entertainment, or striving for a social position above theirs (i.e.
masculinity).
101
The participants in this study negotiated their identity performance in relation
to the contexts in which they found themselves. In a fan friendly focus group, the
performances of geekdom became acceptable, and even required. The performance
of geekdom is a negotiation of the tensions between embracing the difference and
marginalisation and the pleasures of resisting the dominant culture. In the context of
the focus groups there were also gendered expectations at play as participants
constructed themselves as knowledgeable within comic book sub-culture. The result
of these negotiations and performances was a combination of gender performances
that showed resistance to and re-creation of dominant gender practices and
understandings.

102

Chapter 6: Conclusion
Contemporary superhero comics are a hyper-gendered genre of adult
focussed entertainment. The men (and even the women to some extent) in these
comics are representations of hegemonic ideals of masculinity. They are tough, they
are in control, they are powerful and they are heroic. They are a significant cultural
phenomenon, with the characters being so pervasive in Western culture that even
very young children recognise Superman, Batman and Spider-Man. As the medium
depends on bodies that fit certain gender ideals that even when gender is not
explicitly under consideration, it is an important aspect of the understandings and
meanings produced by those reading the comics.
In considering this gendered medium, this thesis addresses a gap in the
literature on superhero comic book readers by exploring the ways that the
participating fans identified with the superhero character through the alter ego. The
analysis of this identification revealed a mode of identification that has not been
previously addressed. It also contributes to scholarship on fandom through the
examination of the ways that fan groups co-construct group identities through their
interactions. These insights were gained through the use of research strategies not
often used in fan research.
I used a multiple method approach in this research to engage fans in different
ways and to enable fans to participate while remaining completely anonymous.
Online research strategies were employed initially as a way of allowing complete
anonymity for research participants who wanted to remain unidentified. This strategy
allowed participation by people who would otherwise be difficult to include and
whose views could easily be overlooked. In addition, the multiple method approach
also allowed a wider range of interactions to occur and provided opportunities for
exploration of the ways that identity was variably performed in these different
situations. The face-to-face group interactions were often peppered with moments of
group identity formation and with struggles for power or position between members
103
of the discussion. While real time discussions online also showed elements of this,
they were far less pronounced than in the situations where the participants were able
to physically interact.
The nature of identification and the means that readers use to achieve it have
been theorised in a variety of ways (J . A. Brown, 1999; Cohen, 2001; Cowie, 1997;
Fingeroth, 2004; A. Hall, 2009; C. Harris & Alexander, 1998; Hoffner & Buchanan,
2005; J auss et al., 1974; Klein, 2007; Nyberg, 1998; Pustz, 1999). However, a
common thread throughout these theories is that the media consumer needs a point at
which to enter the story. If the character and storyline are too different from the lived
experiences of the readers they have to work harder to relate to or identify with the
characters or situations, which makes the story less enjoyable (Cohen, 2001). Three
specific theories have been developed by superhero comic book scholars about the
way that readers engage with or identify with the superhero: the alter ego as being
similarly human to the reader (J . A. Brown, 2001; Klein, 1993); as having secrets
like the reader (Fingeroth, 2004), and instructing the reader (Reynolds, 1994). Very
little empirical work has been done with comic book fans to investigate how readers
identify with comic book characters and the situations they confront.
Like media theory, which J enkins (1992) criticised for being disconnected
from the subject and participants, most existing research written about comic book
audiences identification with superheroes and their supporting casts lacks even the
most rudimentary grounding in empirical reality, drawing its assumptions about
spectatorship through a combination of personal introspection and borrowed
authority (1992, p. 285). Through opening a dialogue with adult fans in New
Zealand, this study found that these readers employed a variety of different strategies
to engage with the stories and find shifting points with which to identify.
Participants in this study engaged with superhero characters through
identification and as potential resources for action in their lives. The modern
mythology theory of how comic book readers utilise the stories they read, suggests
that superheroes are a contemporary version of mythological heroes, who the
audiences look to for strategies and examples of how to behave in challenging
situations (Nyberg, 1998; Reynolds, 1994). I found that participants do use the
comics in these ways, thinking about their own challenges and the approaches that
104
their favourite heroes might use to overcome them. Fans in this study identify with
the superhero through the feeling that their lives are somehow similar to that of the
alter ego, as suggested by J . A. Brown (2001) and Klein (1993). They recognise that
they too have aspects of themselves that they wish to keep hidden (like a secret
identity)(Fingeroth, 2004). They also identified with the superhero in a variety of
other ways, including parasocial identification with the character in the manner of
friends (Horton & Wohl, 1956), identification with the similarity between their own
experiences and that of the heroes(Cowie, 1997), and through a wish to be or be like
the character (Hoffner & Buchanan, 2005).
This research demonstrates an additional mode of identification by
recognition that both the hero and the reader are situationally performing multiple
identities. One of the female participants commented that like the superheroes she
reads, she has different versions of herself that she performs in different
circumstances. This level of identification could have the potential to be utilised by
readers to engage with characters who are otherwise very different to themselves
such as those of a different gender to the reader. Further investigation of this kind of
identification and the ways that audience members use it would be an interesting area
for future research.
Many participants compared the lives of Superman and Batman, saying that
Supermans powers made him too dissimilar to their own experience and that
therefore they did not enjoy Superman comic books. While none of the readers I
interviewed were millionaire playboys, so could not claim that their lives were
entirely comparable to Bruce Waynes, many of them preferred Batman because they
could imagine that with his resources and personal motivations they too could
become like him. To become Superman, however, would require having been born
on the planet Krypton.
Participants in this study said that they enjoyed the relationships and human
failings of the heroes more than the aggressive physicality of these characters. This is
similar to the way readers in Browns (2001) study preferred heroes with brains over
brawn. In addition to adding depth to the character and story the contrast between the
superhero bodies and the gentler aspects of the characters personal lives shows the
value of the relationships and highlights their significance. In other words, the
105
superheroes need normal lives to be super. The participants in this study saw the
interpersonal relationships and ordinary life aspects of the predominantly male
superhero characters as often more important, and more enjoyable than their
hypermasculine toughness and muscularity. It was these relationships that made the
characters more accessible to many readers and, to some, gave them a sense of
having something in common with the hero. While the hypergendered nature of the
superhero is one of the distinguishing features of this genre, it is not the one with
which the readers in this study most engage.
The identities associated with the different bodies (superhero, alter ego, and
human cast) in the stories are important components of superhero comics. Superhero
bodies, the bodies of their alter egos, and those of the human supporting cast are
defining features of the genre, and the management and maintenance of the
superhero and alter ego identities is an ongoing project within most superhero
storylines. When the comic book fan reads their comics, he (or she) imaginatively
interacts with the superhero, in his (or her) different physical and social forms, and
with the other characters in the books. The ways that the readers in this study
engaged with the characters in superhero comic books was variable and dependant
on the contextual intersection of the comics characters, the reader and their
particular contexts.
In addition to analysing the fans identification with the comic book
characters, this thesis also examines the interactive relationships between the fans.
These group interactions, and how they individually and collectively constituted
themselves in relation to non-readers, were just as important to participants
enjoyment of their readership as the comic books themselves. Interaction with other
comic book fans was important for many participants, even if this interaction only
happened online. The relationships that could be built between superhero fans within
a community of readers allowed them to play with a wider range of uses of their
comic book knowledge. These interactions, like those of the intellect based heroes
may have been battles of the wits, as with a hero and villain, or they could be
friendly, bonding interactions like those between a hero and his human friends and
family. Without the social connections with other fans, readers would not be able to
106
explore the full range of uses for the superhero comics and the knowledge that they
had of them. Collectively they also perform geekdom.
Superhero comic book fandom is part of an intersecting matrix of related
fandoms and interests. These intersecting interests can be collectively called
geekdom. Geekdom can be considered a resistant subculture because it involves
the alternative uses of media texts, group fan practices, and because such obsessive
interests are not seen as normal (Gray et al., 2007, pp. 3-4; J enkins, 1992, p. 39; J .
P. Williams, 2011, p. 5). Participants in this study constructed alternative identities
within the resistant subculture of geekdom. When they interacted with each other
and with the researcher, the participants of this study performed their geekdom in a
variety of ways. At different times they utilised a wide range of cultural resources to
create a feeling of connectedness within the group, while at others these resources
were used to compete, exclude or marginalise individuals within the groups I had
brought together in face-to-face and online environments to talk about comics.
Interactions and identification were a key aspect of the enjoyment that the
participants got from reading comics and participating in geekdom. How individuals
did their gendered identities depended on the nature of the interaction and with
whom they were interacting. When they interacted within the same space, the
relationships (involving real bodies) were different to those that happen with
disembodied identities (as happens in online discussions), or with imagined bodies,
such as fantasy characters. Perceived differences, such as gender, amount of cultural
capital, or having super powers also changed the ways that these identities were
performed and the levels and kind of identification that were possible.
Areas for future research
This thesis has begun to address an area of research that has been largely
overlooked by investigating how fans talk about their relationship with superhero
characters and the situations they encounter and about their interactions with other
fans. Being a new area of research, there is great potential for further investigation
from a variety of perspectives. The size and scope of this project was far too limited
107
to address everything I would have liked to explore had I, Batman like, had access to
unlimited time and resources.
This small study was conducted in a New Zealand context and identified a
number of areas for discussion of superhero comic book fans and their relationship
with the superhero comics that they read. These same discussions would be
interesting to pick up in a wider study that investigated these relationships in other
cultural contexts, and with more variably identified participants (such as casual,
Queer, or disabled readers). This could be widened to include discussion of the
heroic types specific to manga and anime, and the different ways that gender is
performed by these heroes and understood by their audiences. A larger study, with
potential to compare responses cross-culturally, could open this discussion up further
and investigate the different ways that social and cultural environments influence the
ways that readers engage with comics. A larger study could further investigate the
extent to which readers are engaged by the superheroes capacity to manage different
selves in different social environments.
Although women were included as participants, and as superheroes under
discussion, this study was primarily focussed on the masculinities of heroes and
readers. Therefore a study specifically on female fan uses of superheroes, both male
and female, would further develop the academic understanding of superhero comic
fandom. Research focussing on both male and female fan engagements with female
superheroes would be of particular interest and important as the portrayal of these
characters has become controversial in recent times (Hudson, 2011; Pastabagel,
2011; Sneddon, 2011).
There is huge potential for further ethnographic research of geek subculture
both from a sociological or anthropological perspective, and as a complex study
investigating the interplay of fandoms. Fan studies could be carried out that included
observing the face-to-face interactions of fans, doing fandom, in fan communities at
conventions and in researcher facilitated groups, and outside these safe spaces with
non-fans. This would allow further investigation of the ways that geekdom and
fandom are negotiated in these different settings.
The research findings highlighted in the last two chapters demonstrate the
complexity of readers responses and their pleasurable, critical and ironic
108
engagement with this popular culture genre. The comic book fans in this study
enjoyed the ways that comics can be used to challenge their expectations and
negotiate new understandings of the world.

Theres actually really good stuff out there which would challenge
your way of thinking and that, and expand your boundaries of how you
see the world.
Kyle 1:1 Interview

109
*
Robin and Ethan were invited to attend the second Christchurch focus group
because they did not get many opportunities to speak in the first focus group. See
Chapter 3 for more discussion on this.
Appendices
Appendix 1 - Participants
Table 1: Modes of participation
Type of group Number
of events
Number of
participants
Face-to-face focus groups 5 17
Online forum 1 20
1:1 interview (in person) 2 2
Online focus group 1 2
Online 1:1 Interview 2 2
Multiple modes (forum +other) 4

Table 2:
Participant Genders
Participant Genders
11 Female
28 Male
39 Total

Table 3: Participants
by Focus Group
Group location Participants
Christchurch 1 Ben, David, Robin,

Ethan*
Christchurch 2 Leslie, Mike, Amber,
Robin, Ethan
Dunedin Rosie, Leah, J osh,
J asmine, Nathan
Wellington Francesca, Leon,
Callum
Auckland J ames, Sebastian
Online Robert, J effrey
110

Table 4: The Participants


Pseudonym Age Gender Mode of participation
Alex 19 M Forum
Amber 24 F Focus Group
Ben 23 M Focus Group
Callum 28 M Focus Group
Christopher 28 M Forum
Cody 28 M Forum
David 40ish M Focus Group
Dennis 43 M Forum
Dillon 25 M Forum
Donna 25 F Forum
Ed 27 M Forum
Ethan 32 M Focus Group, Forum
Francesca 45 F Focus Group
J ade 40 F 1:1 Interview
J ames 25 M Focus Group
J asmine 20 F Focus Group
J ason 34 M Forum
J effrey 26 M Online Focus Group
J enny 22 F Forum
J oseph 35 M Forum
J osh 23 M Focus Group
Kelly 33 F Forum
Kevin 37 M Forum
Kyle 31 M 1:1 interview, Forum
Leah 25 F Focus Group
Leon 29 M Focus Group
Leslie 34 F Focus Group
Louise 44 M Online 1:1 interview
Mark 30 M Forum
Michael 36 M Forum
Mika 28 M Forum
Mike 30 M Focus Group
Nathan 33 M Focus Group
Richard 29 M Forum
Robert old M Online Focus Group
Robin 19 F Focus Group, Forum
Rosie 22 F Focus Group
Sebastian 46 M Focus Group, Forum
Thomas 40 M Online 1:1 interview
111

Appendix 2 Interview questions
A) Forum Topics
Topic title Initial question
Introduce yourself?
(Started by J ason)
There isn't a "general crap" forum (why would there
be? this is a very focused forum to assist research)
So I've taken the liberty of creating this thread.
How do you choose which comic
books to read?
What factors influence your decisions to buy/read
(or not) any given comic?
Your origin story...
How/why/when did you start reading comics
(particularly superhero comics)? What were the
influences that got you into them?
Online vs. Face-to-face
In my supervisory meeting today were started
wondering about the changing face of fandom and
reader communities. It's not really part of my
research question, but out of interest...
Do you take part in discussions in other
comic/superhero forums online? And did you
choose to participate online because of
convenience, anonymity, or some other reason?
Superheroes in NZ part 1
79
If your favourite superhero was to find him/herself
in New Zealand, what do you think they'd think of
us, and how would we react to and treat them?
Favourite heroes
Do you have a favourite superhero (or villain)?
What is it about them that makes them enjoyable?
Are there any that you really can't stand? Why not?
What about the alter ego?
Any favourite alter ego? Any you can't stand? What
about them appeals/repels you?
Does a hero need and alter ego?
There has been a recent trend in comics to get rid of
the alter ego, or not have one at all. What do you
think about this?
Origins and powers Does the nature of the heroes powers or their back

79
Part 2 was not required
112

Topic title Initial question
story (including origin story) make a difference to
you in your readership/enjoyment of superhero
comics?
Design a team
If you could design your own superhero team (5-10
members, mix and match DC, Marvel etc as you
like):
1) Who would be in it?
2) Why them?
3) What would the team be called?
Superhero Movies?
(Started by J ason)
Any faves? Any hates?
I think Batman Begins was great. I liked Hellboy.
The Christopher Reeves Superman movies were
lame.
Movies and comics
What effect do you think movie adaptations have
on comics readership?
Obviously the figures show that it increases the
popularity of that particular comic, but do you think
it changes the demographic or the attitude of
current readers to the comics in question?

Followed up with a clarifying question as
participants were unclear: Sales figures show an
increase in popularity for any franchise that has had
a movie released recently...for example, Hulk,
Watchmen, Spider-Man, Ironman etc. Is it the
already devoted readers who are buying these,
maybe adding a title to their collection, or do you
think it's new readers, being introduced to comics
through the movies based on them?
Quality of adaptation
With so many superhero comics becoming movies
lately, what do you think of their translation from
static, 2D, ink on paper, to '3D', moving, live
action?

Are there any heroes who you think really don't
translate well? Or any that are better for it?
More on movies and reading
habits...
Have you ever become interested in the comic book
version of character or franchise as a result of
113

Topic title Initial question
seeing a TV or movie adaptation of them?
What about being put off a character by movies/TV
etc?
Wonder Woman quote for
comment
I just came across this quote, attributed to William
Moulton Marston (The creator of Wonder Woman).

"Women represent love; men represent force. Man's
use of force without love brings evil and
unhappiness. But Wonder Woman has force bound
by love and, with her strength, represents what
every woman should be and really is. She corrects
evil and brings happiness. "

I'd love to hear people's comments on this.

114

Before we start, please make 2 lists for me. On the fist list write 3
traits that make a good or enjoyable superhero, and on the second
list write down 3 traits that a superhero really shouldnt have (or
be).
Please introduce yourself (you dont need to give your real name,
just a tag of some kind) and tell us what you have on your lists.
(where does conversation go from here?)
Do you have a favourite hero? Who?
What is it about them that attracted you to them?
Is there anything about them that you really dont
like?
What about a favourite villain?
Are there any superheroes, villains, or incarnations of them that
you really dont like?
Why?
What about movies, artists and writers?
Imagine for a moment a superhero (your favourite or another of
your choosing), arrives in (or arises) in NZdescribe to me what
happens.
If he originates here, how is he different?
If arriving, how is he/she received?
What effect does he/she have on the country?
Why do you think there are no ongoing NZ superheroes?
Does this matter to you?
How did you get into reading superhero comics?
Have your reading habits changed over time?
Is superhero comic readership a hobby you keep to yourself, or is
it something youre comfortable making public?
Describe the Average reader?
Describe what the general perception of the average
reader is?
How well do you think superheroes translate to live action on the
big or small screen?
Have tv shows and movies influenced your reading at all?
B) Focus group and Interview script/topic guide


115

Appendix 3 Posters and fliers

i) Advertising flier - Armageddon
Only distributed at Armageddon Popular Culture Expo in Christchurch














116

ii) Advertising Flier







117

iii) Poster

118


iv) Website homepage
Located at at www.superhero.geek.nz


119

Appendix 4 Information sheets
i) Focus groups (online and face-to-face)

120

ii) Interview (online)

121

iii) Interview (face-to-face)


122

iv) Forum

123

v) Forum Info sheet
(as displayed at www.superhero.geek.nz)



124

Appendix 5 Consent forms
i) Focus groups (online and face-to-face)

125

ii) Interview (online and face-to-face)

126

iii) Forum

127

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