Daniel Galadza, Worship of The Holy City in Captivity (Extract)

PONTIFICIUM INSTITUTUM ORIENTALE
Facultas Scientiarum Ecclesiasticarum Orientalium

WORSHIP OF THE HOLY CITY
IN CAPTIVITY

The Liturgical Byzantinization of the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalem After the Arab
Conquest (8
th
-13
th
c.)

Daniel Galadza

EXCERPTA EX DISSERTATIONE AD DOCTORATUM

Romae
2013

Vidimus et approbamus ad normam statutorum Instituti
Romae, ex Pontificio Istituto Orientale
die 25.03.2013

Prof. Stefano Parenti
R. P. Boghos Levon Zekiyan

IMPRIMATUR
die 23.03.2013
! Borys
Episcopus eparchiae Sancti Vladimiri Magni in urbe Parisiensi

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE EXTRACT

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33
INTRODUCTI ON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

CHAPTER II: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
1. The Jerusal em Patri archate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
1.1. Orthodoxy ..................................................................................................... 44
1.2. The Christian Population and Its Languages .......................................... 47
1.3. Melkites: A Subgroup? ................................................................................ 49
1.4. Sacred Topography ..................................................................................... 51
1.5. Pilgrimage .................................................................................................... 53
1.6. Stational Liturgy .......................................................................................... 54
1.7. Monasticism ................................................................................................. 56
1.7.1. Greek Monasticism .................................................................................. 60
1.7.2. Syrian Monasticism ................................................................................. 62
1.7.3. Georgian Monasticism ............................................................................ 64
2. Hagi opol i te Decl i ne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
2.1. Islamic Occupation ...................................................................................... 66
2.2. Migrations .................................................................................................... 70
2.3. Byzantine Contact ....................................................................................... 72
2.4. Arabization ................................................................................................... 73
2.5. Changes in Topography ............................................................................. 75
2.6. Destruction of the Anastasis ...................................................................... 77
2.7. Ecclesiastical Reorganization .................................................................... 83
2.8. The First Crusade ......................................................................................... 85
3. Cri si s and Contact . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
3.1. Byzantine Iconoclasm and Its Impact on Palestine ............................... 86
3.2. Stoudite Monastic Reforms ....................................................................... 88
4. Constanti nopol i tan Hegemony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90
4.1. Byzantine Political Ideology and Motivation ......................................... 90
4.2. Theodore Balsamon and the Rite of Constantinople ............................. 92
4.3. Excursus: Patriarchal Lists ......................................................................... 94
4.4. Constantinopolitan Exile ............................................................................ 96
4.4.1. Leontius of Jerusalem ............................................................................. 96
4.4.2. Athanasius II of Alexandria ................................................................... 99
4.4.3. Hagiopolite Metochion in Constantinople? ....................................... 101
5. Concl usi ons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE THESI S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105

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PREFACE

Before proceeding it is necessary to explain certain technical
details and to thank those who made this work possible.
All quotations of Scripture are according to the Septuagint
numbering and, unless otherwise stated, from the Revised Standard
Version (RSV). Quotations from texts in ancient languages, especially
from Greek and Georgian texts, are included so that the reader may have
access to, and verify, original texts that are often inaccessible. Any
quotations that are in the body of the text are always translated into
English. Unless otherwise indicated, accents and breath marks in inedited
Greek texts are corrected to conform to current editorial norms. In the
case of Georgian, texts are presented in Modern Georgian script
(!"#$%&'(, mxedruli, cavalry), and technical terms or brief phrases are
transliterated. For all languages, I follow the Romanization tables of the
Library of Congress.
Because of the importance of Greek and Georgian sources for this
study, I have invested time in learning these two languages. For the
languages in which I have no competence, such as Syriac, Arabic, and
Armenian, I rely on translations and present technical terms in
transliteration.
Bibliographical references are according to the Modern Languages
Association (MLA) format. The names of authors are always given in Latin
characters, either the way they present themselves (i.e. A.M. Pentkovsky)
or, when their name only appears in a foreign alphabet, according to the
Romanization system of the Library of Congress (i.e. A.A. Dmitrievskii).
I have attempted to use the most up-to-date shelf marks for each
manuscript, although the system here renders the location name of each
library in English, rather than Latin or another language.
1
For example,
Vatican instead of Vaticanus (Vat.) and Sinai instead of Sinaiticus (Sin.). The
same goes for the manuscript languages: Greek (Gr.) instead of graecus (gr.),
Georgian (Geo.) instead of ibericus (iber.), Syriac (Syr.), and Arabic (Ar.).
Each time a manuscripts shelf mark is given, the date of the manuscript is
also given in parentheses, in order that the reader not have to remember
the dates of every source cited.
I wish to express my deep gratitude to Archimandrite Robert F.
Taft, S.J., for his mentorship and for suggesting the topic of this doctoral
thesis; to my Doktorvater, Professor Stefano Parenti, for his
encouragement; and to the members of the dissertation committee, Rev.

1
For the most recent shelf marks of Greek manuscripts, see Rpertoire des bibliothques et
des catalogues de manuscrits grecs de Marcel Richard. Troisime edition entirement
refondue, ed. Jean-Marie Olivier (CCSG, Turnhout: Brepols, 1995).

PREFACE

34
Dr. Boghos Levon Zekiyan and Professor Basilius J. Groen, for their helpful
comments and corrections to the thesis. All remaining errors are my own.
My sincere thanks to the Congregation for the Eastern Churches
for a scholarship to study at the Pontifical Oriental Institute, and to live
and pray with the students of the Pontificio Collegio Russicum, as well as
to the Trustees of Harvard University for granting me a Junior Fellowship
in Byzantine Studies at the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and
Collection in Washington, D.C. Without these scholarships, the moral
support of those who offered them, and the friendship of those with whom
I worked, I could not have written this thesis.

Rome, March 25, 2013
Feast of the Annunciation of our Most Holy
Lady, the Theotokos

INTRODUCTI ON

The purpose of this study is to investigate the liturgy of Jerusalem
and to understand how it was supplanted by another liturgical tradition
after the Arab conquest, between the eighth and thirteenth centuries.
Jerusalems geography and topography was so intimately connected to the
life of Christ in the New Testament, and events from the Old Testament
and the life of the early Church, that places where the events took place
were called holy sites. Hence, Jerusalem became the Holy City (!"#$
%&'()), whence the term hagiopolite (!"(*%*'#+,), !"(*%*'(+(-&)),
meaning of the holy city, i.e. Jerusalem. From the Paschal Triduum to
the Vespers of Pentecost, Jerusalem has left its mark on the high points of
the liturgical year in every Christian tradition. Jerusalems cathedral
welcomed the throngs of pilgrims and led them in prayer. Those that
decided to stay and dedicate their lives to God joined many of the outlying
monasteries in the Palestinian wilderness, such as St. Sabas Lavra, or the
more distant monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai. In turn, these
monastic centres became formative in the liturgical tradition known today
as the Byzantine Rite, which explains why one can speak of the
Palestinization or Jerusalemization of the Byzantine Rite.
Although Jerusalem influenced the liturgical practices of all of
Christendom, the imperial capital of Constantinople the City became
a rising force, eventually spreading its influence even to Jerusalem. Hagia
Sophia, the cathedral of Constantinople, and the citys monasteries, such
as the Stoudios Monastery, rose to such prominence that Jerusalem, the
wellspring of Christianity, was relegated to the periphery of the Byzantine
imperial capital.
But ecclesiastical and liturgical history reveals that the concept of
periphery depends upon ones perspective. Within the Pentarchy,
Constantinople found itself in second place after Rome. Canonists and
patristic authors later considered all five patriarchal sees equal, putting
Constantinople and Rome on the same level with the three eastern
patriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. Paraphrasing
Senator Tip ONeil and Father Robert Taft: just as with their politics, their
liturgy was also local. Thus, the periphery of one centre could become the
centre of yet another periphery.
Liturgical scholars identified the eighth to thirteenth centuries as
the general period in which Byzantinization occurred. The rough
historical events delineating our period are the Arab conquest of
Jerusalem in A.D. 638 and the fall of Jerusalem to the forces of Saladin in
A.D. 1187. The reference to Arab Conquest in the title is meant to give
the reader an immediate understanding of the historical context in which

INTRODUCTION

36
this study is situated. It should be clear that the Arab conquest is not the
only captivity which the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem
experienced: the arrival of the First Crusade in A.D. 1099 displaced Greek
as the primary liturgical language of Christians in Jerusalem. But the
greatest captivity of the worship of the Holy City was its captivity to the
foreign liturgical tradition of Constantinople its liturgical
Byzantinization.
Our definition of liturgical Byzantinization is: the process of
making liturgical practices conformable to those of the Church of
Constantinople, at the expense and detriment of local in this case
hagiopolite liturgical practices. The term Byzantinization is preferred
to Constantinopolization since the latter fails to recognize the synthetic
nature of Byzantine liturgical practices, which were themselves often
highly influenced by Jerusalem and Palestine.
The first scholar to identify the phenomenon of liturgical
Byzantinization was the pre-Revolutionary Russian scholar Nikolai
Krasnoseltsev (1845-1898) in 1895. In a letter to Alexei Dmitrievskii (1856-
1929), Krasnoseltsev noted significant changes to the liturgical content of
a hagiopolite manuscript, Hagios Stavros Gr. 43 (A.D. 1122), containing
services for Holy Week and Pascha in Jerusalem, and hypothesized that the
changes were the result of the influx of new liturgical material from
Byzantium in the tenth century.
1
Since then, liturgical scholars in the
East, such as Dmitrievskii and Kornelii Kekelidze (1879-1962), and in the
West, most notably Cyril Korolevsky (1878-1959), Joseph Nasrallah (1911-
1993), Gabriel Bertonire, and Robert Taft, have more clearly identified the
sources, historical context, and time frame for liturgical Byzantinization in
Jerusalem, but no one had ventured to study the question on its own.
This deficiency certainly does not point to the topics
insignificance. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies mentions the
liturgical Byzantinization of the Eastern Patriarchates as one of the
unresolved questions facing scholars of liturgical history today.
2
Liturgical
Byzantinization is also cited in the works of archaeologists, historians, and
literary critics who often encounter liturgy in their diverse disciplines and

1
Krasnoseltsev, Review, 641-642; Pentkovsky, !"#"$%&'()*+( &$,-.+, 78 n. 33.
2
Robert F. Taft, S.J., Liturgy, The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies, ed. Elizabeth
Jeffreys et al. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 608. See also Taft, Great Entrance,
70-76, 120, 131-132, 261, 305; id, Concluding Rites, 230, 278, 283, 368, 412, 545, 572, 615, 633-
634, 641-642; id., The Liturgical Enterprise Twenty-Five Years After Alexander
Schmemann (1921-1983): The Man and His Heritage, SVTQ 53:2-3- (2009), 139-163, here
141 n. 6; id., Worship on Sinai, 151; id., Maximus, 253; id., The Liturgical Enterprise
Twenty-Five Years After Alexander Schmemann (1921-1983): The Man and His Heritage,
SVTQ 53:2-3 (2009), 139-163, here 141 n. 6; id., Worship on Sinai, 151; id., Maximus,
253.

INTRODUCTION

37
are waiting for an answer from liturgical scholars on how, when, and why
the liturgy changed.
Of the three Eastern Patriarchates, Jerusalem is the only one to
have completely lost its own liturgical tradition. Today, the Copts are the
inheritors of the Alexandrian tradition and the various Syrian Churches
preserve forms of the Antiochene tradition. But in Jerusalem, the
inheritor of the hagiopolite tradition is the Orthodox Patriarchate of
Jerusalem, which now serves according to the Byzantine Rite. Thus, the
focus of this study is a dead liturgical tradition.
How does one study a dead liturgical tradition? By its very nature,
a study of the liturgies of Jerusalem and Constantinople is comparative.
Thus, the most suitable method is that of comparative liturgy, which
utilizes auxiliary disciplines such as philology, palaeography and
codicology, and archaeology, to investigate primary liturgical sources
across traditions, in their original languages, and in context, individuating
their possible genetic and structural relationships. The resulting thesis is
divided into five chapters.
3

Chapter I: The Sources

In order to delineate sources for this study and to identify which
sources would provide information on the process of liturgical
Byzantinization, several criteria were established: 1) the sources had to
demonstrate concrete codicological and palaeographic evidence
connecting them to either the geographic territory of the Jerusalem
Patriarchate or locating them within Arab-occupied lands between the
eighth and thirteenth centuries; 2) the sources had to provide a direct
witness to the Jerusalem lectionary and its calendar; or 3) the sources had
to provide partial witness to the Jerusalem lectionary and its calendar not
common to the later synthesized Byzantine Rite.
Based on these criteria, thirty primary liturgical sources, i.e.
liturgical books with texts for use in liturgical services, were identified.
Although this is the most comprehensive list of hagiopolite liturgical
sources to date, it does not pretend to be exhaustive and more sources
certainly do exist. Of the thirty sources, eighteen are in Greek, eight in
Ancient Georgian, three are in Syriac, and one is a bilingual Greek-Arabic
gospel book. Of the thirty, one-third has never even been described, let
alone edited.

3
For the complete table of contents, see pages 105-109 of this extract.

INTRODUCTION

38
Chapter II: The Hi stori cal Context

Having established the sources for this study, it becomes necessary
to situate them in their historical context.
4
It is within this context that
we approach the interaction between Jerusalem and Constantinople.
Although the rise of Iconoclasm in Constantinople had little impact on
Jerusalem, the contact between Sabaite and Stoudite monks left a lasting
mark on Byzantine Rite liturgy. It is here, within the Stoudite and Sabaite
Synthesis and not simply in historical explanations, such as a political
ideology of the Byzantine Empire to consciously export the Rite of
Constantinople, or the influence of the exiled Jerusalemite patriarchs, or
because of a hagiopolite metochion (representation church) in
Constantinople that the answer to the question of liturgical
Byzantinization an historical question, but ultimately a liturgical
question is to be found.

Chapter III: The Li turgy of St. James

The Liturgy of St. James (JAS), the Brother of the Lord and first
bishop of Jerusalem, was the original Eucharistic liturgy of the
Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Extant manuscript sources reveal its decline
around the tenth century, and then the complete disappearance by the
thirteenth century, when it was replaced by CHR and BAS. Thus, one of
the litmus tests of liturgical Byzantinization in Jerusalem is the presence
or absence of JAS. The first half of this chapter gathers information from
all known Greek and Georgian manuscripts of JAS and analyses their
content. The majority of sources are from the tenth and eleventh
centuries, although they also continue into the thirteenth, and even
fourteenth, centuries. Georgian sources often contained an appendix with
hymns and readings from the lectionary, showing the close connection
between the structure of the Eucharistic liturgy and Jerusalems calendar
and lectionary.
This connection is most evident in the second half of the chapter,
which presents the structure of the Liturgy of the Word and the Liturgy of
the Eucharist from JAS. A comparison of liturgical formularies and
lectionaries clarifies the structure of the service. It also reveals the
gradual decline of hymnography thematically connected to the declining
Jerusalem lectionary. First, the Chant for Hand Washing disappeared.
However, the conservative structure of JAS simply shifted the Chant for
the Holy Gifts into its place and introduced the Cheroubikon as the hymn
for the Transfer of the Gifts (the Great Entrance in the Byzantine Rite).

4
Chapter II: The Historical Context is printed here in its entirety on pages 43-103
below.

INTRODUCTION

39
Ultimately, the Chant for the Holy Gifts also fell into desuetude and the
remaining structure became that of the Byzantine Rite as noted in the
Constantinopolitan Typikon of the Great Church.

Chapter IV: The Li turgi cal Cal endar of Jerusal em

Apart from a distinct Eucharistic liturgy, Jerusalem also had its
own calendar directly connected to the holy sites and local saints. It
began with the Nativity of Christ or the Annunciation and celebrated
greater feasts with an octave. Because of the complexity of liturgical
calendars, the methods of the study of hagiography, homiletics, and
hymnography were applied to fifteen representative case studies in order
to understand how the commemoration of various saints had changed
within the calendar. Each case study involved comparing eight
hagiopolite sources with two Constantinopolitan sources. Closer attention
was paid to three saints, St. John the Baptist, St. James the Brother of the
Lord, and St. Stephen, who had a specific connection to Jerusalem, who
figured prominently in hagiopolite calendars, and whose cult was also
known in Constantinople. With these three, it was possible to examine not
only the change of the date of their commemorations, but also the change
of hymnography, psalmody, and scriptural readings associated with each
commemoration. The analysis of the chronological development of each
feast revealed three broad categories of liturgical calendars: hagiopolite,
transitional, and Constantinopolitan. However, a certain level of
variability existed within each category so that no one source perfectly
matches another. This seems to confirm the hypothesis that
Byzantinization was a local phenomenon, a kind of spontaneous liturgical
reform.

Chapter V: The Jerusal em Lecti onary System

The final chapter deals with the lectionary of Jerusalem and
presents comprehensive lists of gospel and epistle readings for the
moveable cycle. Although certain parts of the Jerusalem lectionary
pericope order have been presented and thoroughly studied, especially in
the works of Sebasti Janeras; and Kurt Alands list of Greek New
Testament manuscripts identifies a distinct hagiopolite pericope order;
this seems to be the first time that the complete hagiopolite moveable
cycle has been presented. Gospel cycles were much easier to identify
because they have been preserved in more sources. However, apart from
the seasons of Pascha/Pentecost and Great Lent, epistle cycles were much
more difficult to identify. Greek and Georgian sources of the Jerusalem
lectionary from as late as the tenth century also preserved Old Testament

INTRODUCTION

40
readings at the Sunday Eucharistic liturgy and their subsequent
disappearance can be considered a sign of liturgical Byzantinization.

While the few previous studies that exist have tried to paint an
outline of Jerusalems liturgical Byzantinization in broad strokes of black
and white, this thesis has attempted to highlight the shades of grey in our
fragmentary knowledge of the worship of the Holy City in captivity
whether political, to the Arabs and Crusaders, or liturgical, to the practices
of Constantinople. I now list six of the most important conclusions:

1) Despite the interests of maintaining Chalcedonian Orthodoxy on
the part of both the Constantinopolitan and Jerusalem
Patriarchates, there was no concerted effort or systematic program
by the Byzantine Empire to impose the Byzantine Rite upon the
Jerusalem Patriarchate. Canonist Theodore Balsamon provided the
rationale and ideology, but it was never consciously implemented.
2) The chronological limits used in liturgical historiography to
explain changes in hagiopolite worship, for example the conquest
of Jerusalem by the Arabs in A.D. 638 or the destruction of the
Anastasis in A.D. 1009, are not reflected in the corresponding
liturgical sources themselves. Instead, liturgical sources reveal
great variety and suggest that liturgical Byzantinization was a
locally implemented, gradual phenomenon with a transitional
phase. The theory that exiled Patriarchs of Jerusalem returned
home from Constantinople with ready-made Byzantine Rite
liturgical books is no longer tenable.
3) The celebration and structure of JAS was directly dependant upon
the Jerusalem lectionary. The lectionarys distinct scriptural
readings for the liturgical year served as the themes for the
content of the hymnography. The decline of the lectionary made
the hagiopolite hymnography irrelevant and opened the way to
changes in the structure of JAS and new hymnography influenced
by Constantinople, before JAS finally disappeared altogether.
4) The case studies of commemorations of feasts and saints in
liturgical calendars reveal trends of generalization and
universalization at the expense of local hagiopolite practices. The
commemoration of Stoudite and Sabaite monks became more
frequent while the celebration of Old Testament Prophets and
other biblical figures declined. When faced with a choice between
the hagiopolite or Constantinopolitan date for a commemoration,
the generic Constantinopolitan date generally prevailed.
5) Lectionary cycles were more difficult to change because they
functioned as units. Byzantinization saw the wholesale exchange

INTRODUCTION

41
of hagiopolite cycles for those of Constantinople, with potential
modification at the beginning or end of the units of each cycle.
Despite Byzantinization, elements of the Jerusalem lectionary were
recycled, either as readings themselves (i.e. the 11 Matins Gospels,
which were originally readings from Bright Week in Jerusalem) or
as inspiration for hymnography (i.e. the canons of Great Lent in the
Byzantine Triodion, based on the hagiopolite Sunday Lenten
pericopes).
6) The label of historicism should not be so easily applied to the
liturgy of Jerusalem. Claims that the Christians in Jerusalem
divided up the events of salvation history into separate feasts
seems to ignore the evidence from many of these liturgical services
themselves, which show great awareness of the unity of the
Mystery of the Incarnation and Resurrection. That the Church of
Jerusalem went from holy site to holy site to celebrate these events
is simply a normal human reaction when one finds oneself at the
place where the events took place.

Although this is the first monograph dedicated to the question of
liturgical Byzantinization in the Jerusalem Patriarchate, it can certainly
not be the last, and too many questions remain unsettled for it to be
definitive. The following are three major unanswered questions:

1) Was there a centre of Byzantinization within the Patriarchate of
Jerusalem from which new practices spread? The reorganization of
the dioceses, or eparchies, of the Jerusalem Patriarchate from
pastoral centres to holy sites facilitated the easy implementation of
new liturgical practices. While this seems logical, it cannot be
confirmed. In Antioch, however, historian Ya!y" al-An#ak$ notes
that on October 4, A.D. 996, after the Byzantine re-conquest of
Antioch, Patriarch John, chartophylax of Hagia Sophia in
Constantinople, was sent to Antioch to bring order to the church
of Cassian in Antioch [the citys cathedral since the sixth century],
based on the model of St. Sophia in Constantinople.
5
I have found
no such document for Jerusalem.
2) What was the relationship between the Byzantinization of the
Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Patriarchates of Alexandria and
Antioch? Contact between the three patriarchates was quite
common between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, but these
contacts provide little liturgical evidence. Recent archaeological
and patristic-historical studies on the topography of Antioch, as

5
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 445-446. For more on this question, see Chapter II, section 2.3
on pages 72-73 below.

INTRODUCTION

42
well as an increasing interest in Syriac, suggest Antioch is ready for
investigation and may provide some missing pieces of the puzzle.
3) Can the displacement of hymnography from one place to another
in the liturgical ordo shed any more light on Byzantinization?
There are numerous cases of a troparion or sticheron in
hagiopolite sources being transferred to another part of the
liturgical ordo within the Byzantine Rite. A full translation and
study of the Georgian Iadgari, along with Greek hagiopolite sources,
would certainly be helpful in resolving it.

Although the liturgical tradition examined in this thesis is no
longer living, certain elements are still used in the Byzantine Rite today.
The most notable is JAS, which has been revived in recent years. It is
hoped that the conclusions of this thesis may be helpful to those
celebrating this liturgy. And for the remainder, it is hoped that the thesis
raises an awareness of the difficult situation of Christians in the Holy Land
for over a millennium and inspires interest in further investigating the
liturgical tradition of those who prayed at the places where His feet
stood (Ps. 131:7).

CHAPTER II

THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT

To understand how the aforementioned sources of liturgical
Byzantinization (discussed in Chapter I) functioned and underwent change,
one must examine and understand their context. As Anton Baumstark
writes: Liturgical forms are so intimately bound up with the external
history of the world and of the Church and with the development of the
religious sentiment, itself conditioned by historical happenings, that they
are constantly being subjected to very great modifications.
1
In this
chapter we will address in general terms the questions of why, how, and
when liturgical Byzantinization occurred, before proceeding in subsequent
chapters to the specific topics of the Eucharistic liturgy, the calendar, and
the lectionary, with their particular case studies.
Several theories exist as to why liturgical Byzantinization occurred.
Some have suggested that the Jerusalem Patriarchate lost its liturgical
tradition owing to depredations resulting from the Arab occupation and
because of the desire to be more closely allied to Constantinople, the
defender of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy.
2
Faithfulness to the Greek language,
especially among the Sabaite monks, is also cited as a factor influencing
the desire to imitate Constantinopolitan liturgy.
3

Questions of precisely how and when this occurred are often
avoided. The few popular works that describe the phenomenon of
liturgical Byzantinization suggest that it occurred in one fell swoop, when
exiled Patriarchs of Jerusalem returned from Constantinople and brought
back with them the Byzantine Rite.
4
While this theory is tempting, it
reveals a simplistic understanding of the history, internal functioning, and
evolution of the Byzantine Rite, and of liturgy in general.
In the absence of any synthetic, authoritative study of hagiopolite
liturgy, we shall endeavour to re-examine these three questions in their
historical context.
5
The following braided narrative of analysis and

1
Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, 1.
2
Arranz, Grandes tapes, 46-47; Pentkovsky, !"#"$%&'()*+( &$,-.+, 74-75. See also
page 77 below.
3
Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 159; Nasrallah, Histoire II.2, 182-183.
4
Fu allora che il successore del patriarca gerosolimitano ritorn nella sua sede, avendo
ormai acquisito nella capitale dellImpero romano dOriente il rito bizantino. Le antiche
Chiese orientali. Storia e letteratura, ed. Paolo Siniscalco (Rome: Citt Nuova, 2005), 56.
5
Several adequate histories of the Jerusalem Patriarchate that consider the variety of
linguistic sources do exist. The recent article on the Jerusalem Patriarchate from the
seventh to thirteenth centuries by K.A. Panchenko, /(0&$-%12$3-4 50-."$%-.*-4
6(03".7, 89 21:466-476, serves as an excellent introduction to this complex period.

CHAPTER II

44
storytelling
6
is by no means complete or free of bias. This is not simply
because of the fragmentary nature of the sources for this period
especially the dark ages of the ninth through eleventh centuries.
According to literary historian Hayden White,

all original descriptions of any field of phenomena are already
interpretations of its structureThe plot-structure of a historical
narrative (how things turned out as they did) and the formal
argument or explanation of why things happened or turned out as
they did are prefigured by the original description (of the facts
to be explained) in a given dominant modality...
7

The modality in question here is that of liturgy and the dynamic
interaction between the various people and powers that influenced it.

1. THE JERUSALEM PATRIARCHATE

The focus of this study is the liturgical practice of the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The position of Sinai on the hagiopolite
periphery raises the question of other peripheries. How far from
Jerusalem did Melkites spread? Certain liturgical documents originating
well beyond Palestine suggest hagiopolite origins and will be examined
here briefly.
8
Jerusalems own position on the Constantinopolitan
periphery is what makes it of interest to the study of Byzantine liturgy.
9

1. 1. Orthodoxy

The majority of Christians in Palestine before and after the Arab
conquest of Jerusalem were Chalcedonian Christians. Anastasius of Sinai
(7
th
c.) believed that all the holy sites were in the hands of the

6
This expression to define narrative comes from David Hackett Fischer, Albions Seed: Four
British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), xi. See also Anna
Green and Kathleen Troup, The Houses of History. A Critical Reader in Twentieth-Century
History and Theory (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 211.
7
Hayden White, The Fictions of Factual Representation, in Anna Green and Kathleen
Troup, The Houses of History. A Critical Reader in Twentieth-Century History and Theory
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), 214-229, here 221-222. Originally
published in The Literature of Fact, ed. Angus Fletcher (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1976), 21-44.
8
See al-B!r"n!, Melkite Calendar. This source is connected to Melkites in Khw#razm, near
the Aral Sea. See Hugh Kennedy, ed., An Historical Atlas of Islam, second, revised edition
(Brill: Boston, 2002), 8, 9. For more on Melkite liturgy beyond Palestine and Jerusalem,
see Taft, Worship on Sinai, 161-162 n. 58.
9
Parenti, LEucologio slavo del Sinai, especially 21-22; Parenti, Towards a Regional History.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

45
Chalcedonian Church because its teaching was the true one,
10
and for this
reason non-Chalcedonian pilgrims were, at times, reluctant to visit
Jerusalem.
11
A quick glance at a list of the hierarchy of the Church of
Jerusalem confirms the dominant Orthodox presence, but it also reveals
the complexity of the ecclesial situation in the Holy City after the fallout
of the fourth ecumenical Council of Chalcedon (451). Apart from the early
hierarchy, which continues until the present day with the Greek Orthodox
Patriarchs of Jerusalem, the respective records include Arian, Semi-Arian,
Monophysite, West Syrian, Armenian, Georgian, East Syrian, Coptic,
Melkite Greek-Catholic, Latin, Ethiopian, and even Anglican bishops
claiming succession from James, the first bishop of Jerusalem.
12
Finding an
Arian or Semi-Arian hierarchy among the lists of the Church of Jerusalem
may be surprising, but one must remember that certain theological
debates, resolved long before in Byzantium, had lingered on in Palestine.
13

In this case, Orthodox refers to those Chalcedonian hierarchs who were
in communion with the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople.
14

Chalcedonian means that they accepted the teaching of the Fourth
Ecumenical Council held in Chalcedon in A.D. 451, which defined Christ as
one person in two natures.
15
Muslim occupation never disrupted
communion between Jerusalem and Constantinople, as it did in Antioch
and Alexandria, where the Ecumenical Patriarch could not be
commemorated after the arrival of the Omayyads (c. 661) until A.D. 937.
16

Nevertheless, the situation made it difficult for hagiopolite patriarchs to
participate in Church councils within the Byzantine Empire.
17

The titles of liturgical texts from Jerusalem reflect the developing
doctrinal and ecclesial situation. The title of the AL is the Memorial of
the synaxes which are held in Jerusalem in the holy places of Christ,
wherein is indicated the number of the month and the reading of the day,

10
Anastasius of Sinai, Quaestiones et Responsiones, PG 89:767-770.
11
Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 9-10.
12
Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis II, 999-1013.
13
Ibid., 72-82. At the same time, Brock draws attention to the fact that some terms still
used today require revision. One such term is Monophysite which should be replaced
with Miaphysite and refers to the Syrian Orthodox Church. For greater clarity on this
question, see Sebastian P. Brock, The Syriac Orient: a third lung for the Church?, OCP
71 (2005), 5-20, here 6; Les Liturgies syriaques, ed. F. Cassingena-Trvedy and I. Jurasz
(tudes syriaques 3, Paris: Geuthner, 2006), 296-297.
14
Timothy Ware, The Orthodox Church (Revised edition, London: Penguin Books, 1993), 4.
15
See John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology. Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes (New
York: Fordham University Press, 1987), 32-41.
16
Nasrallah, Histoire II.2, 17.
17
Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 56-57.

CHAPTER II

46
and wherein is indicated the psalm proper to the feasts and memories.
18

Here there is no question of right worship, only an emphasis on the
importance of the holy sites for the Church of Jerusalem. The title of the
Kanonarion-Synaxarion of Constantinople is similar, mentioning only the
place and the content of the liturgical source:

!"#$# %&' ()*"' %+, -.+, /.)012'
344125*"' 6#")#75.8# 9:0;.8#,
69+5%<18#, .=")).1*8# 4">
9:+?2%@4A#, 4"> B405%2' 64+1+CD*"'
69E %&' 4C:@"4&' 9:E %&' 69<4:.8
FGH:@ %&' I J9@K2F*"' %+, L)*+C
M#.NF"%+'.
19

Canon of the holy Great Church of God
of the readings of the Acts, Epistles,
Gospels, and Prophets, and every
service from the Sunday of Meatfare
until the Descent of the Holy Spirit on
Pentecost.

The later, post-Chalcedonian GL emphasizes its own Orthodoxy within the
city of Jerusalem with a different title:

!"! #$%&'%!($) *$ #$%+!"!($) ,-.-
/-0$12$ ,'!1 ,$123,-1+,-0-
%!2$ 1-,!3"$ 45-6!% '71-0-
"$3!,".
20

This (is) the rite and order of Orthodox
[martlmorcmowney] practice which they
do in Jerusalem.

Holy sites are taken for granted, but the need to establish the orthodoxy of
the text is made clear. This is echoed in St. Theodosius the Cenobiarchs (d.
529)
21
vehement response to the anti-Chalcedonian Patriarch John III of
Jerusalem (reigned 516-524): If someone does not accept the four councils
as the four Gospels, let him be anathema!
22
Such tensions are not as
readily discernable today because much of the Greek anti-Chalcedonian
hagiography and other literature was destroyed after Constantinopolitan
synodal intervention in 536.
23

18
Mmorial des synaxes qui se tiennent Jrusalem dans les saints lieux du Christ, o
lon indique le quantime du mois et la lecture du jour, et o lon indique le psaume
propre aux ftes et aux mmoires. AL, 72-73.
19
Mateos, Typicon II, 2.
20
GL 1.
21
Alexander Kazhdan and Nancy Patterson-OevPenko, Theodosios the Koinobiarches,
ODB III, 2053.
22
.Q %@' += KGH.%"@ %R' %G55":"' 5C#<K+C' S' %R %G55":" .="))G1@", T5%8 6#0D.F". Life
of Sabas, Chapter 56, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 152. For an analysis of the parallel
between the Scriptures and Ecumenical Councils, see also Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis,
155; Cirillo di Scitopoli, Storie monastiche del deserto di Gerusalemme, trans. Romano Baldelli
and Luciana Mortari (Abbazia di Praglia: Edizioni Scritti Monastici, 1990), 272 n. 186.
23
Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, vol. 3, Collectio Sabbaitica contra acephalos et origeniastas
destinata: insunt acta synodorum Constantinopolitanae et Hierosolymitanae A. 536, ed. Eduard

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

47

1. 2. The Chri sti an Popul ati on and Its Languages

Egerias account gives us valuable, although perhaps idealized,
information on the life of Christians in Jerusalem, a heterogeneous and
multi-lingual assembly consisting of Greek and Syriac speakers, monastics
and lay people, locals and foreign pilgrims. Apart from their intense
liturgical schedule, requiring them to rise before cockcrow and return to
services several times during the day, they also fasted extensively during
Lent, eating nothing but gruel and water ( 28:1-4). Egerias visit to
Jerusalem also alerted her to separation and unity among the diverse
language groups in Jerusalem. Her account reads as follows:

Et quoniam in ea prouincia pars populi
et grece et siriste nouit, pars etiam alia
per se grece, aliqua etiam pars tantum
siriste, itaque quoniam episcopus, licet
siriste
24
nouerit, tamen semper grece
loquitur et nunquam siriste: itaque
ergo stat semper presbyter, qui
episcopo grece dicente, siriste
interpretatur, ut omnes audient quae
exponuntur. Lectiones etiam,
quecumque in ecclesia leguntur, quia
necesse est grece legi, semper stat, qui
siriste interpretatur propter populum,
ut semper discant. Sane quicumque hic
latini sunt, id est qui nec siriste nec
grece nouerunt, ne contristentur, et
ipsis exponitur eis, quia sunt alii fratres
et sorores grecolatini, qui latine
exponent eis.
25

Now in that province some of the
people know both Greek and Syriac,
while some know Greek alone and
others only Syriac; and because the
bishop, although he knows Syriac, yet
always speaks Greek, and never Syriac,
there is always a priest standing by
who, when the bishop speaks Greek,
interprets into Syriac, that all may
understand what is being taught. And
because all the lessons that are read in
the church must be read in Greek, he
always stands by and interprets them
into Syriac, for the people's sake, that
they may always be edified. Moreover,
the Latins here, who understand
neither Syriac nor Greek, in order that
they be not disappointed, have (all
things) explained to them, for there
are other brothers and sisters knowing
both Greek and Latin, who translate
into Latin for them.

Schwartz (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1940), 113, 121; Flusin, Lhagiographie palestinienne,
39.
24
It is often unclear what language is intended since terms such as Syriac, Syro-
Palestinian, and Aramaic are often used interchangeably. The term siriste here may
actually mean the Syrian language, closer to Christian Palestinian Aramaic, rather than
the written language of Edessene Syriac. I thank Dr. Jack Tannous for this observation.
See Nasrallah, Histoire II.2, 183; Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 160.
25
Egeria, Itinraire, 314 (47:3-4).

CHAPTER II

48
Egeria seems to imply that the relevance of the hymns, antiphons,
readings, and prayers to the feast and site where they were celebrating
made it easier to comprehend what was going on, even if she did not
understand Greek ( 47:5).
Although the bishop preached in Greek, he may not have been a
native speaker of the language. Thus, despite St. Cyrils classical education
and knowledge of Greek philosophy,
26
Pierre Maraval senses Cyrils
frustration with the difficulties of Greek, suggesting his native tongue was
probably Aramaic.
27
Maravals hypothesis is based on St. Cyrils comment
about students and education: They spend so many years learning
grammar and other subjects only to speak Greek well; and yet all do not
speak Greek equally well.
28

Armenians and Georgians were also a significant presence in the
Holy Land from the time of their Christianization. Although ecclesiastical
union between Armenia and Byzantium had been achieved twice after the
Council of Chalcedon, in 572 and 591, the Armenians in Palestine were no
longer in communion with Constantinople after this time.
29
Therefore,
their sources no longer represent the practice of the Orthodox Patriarchate
of Jerusalem.
Except for a brief period of separation after the time of Peter the
Iberian (c. 409-488),
30
the Georgians maintained communion with
Constantinople, thereby constituting an important minority in the
hagiopolite Church.
31
Georgians were already present in Palestine in the
fifth century during the reign of King Vaxtang I Gorgasali (reigned 447-
522)
32
and are mentioned by the name of Bessoi (!"##$%) in the Life of St.
Theodosius the Cenobiarch by Theodore, bishop of Petra.
33
For Georgians,

26
Drijvers, Cyril of Jerusalem, 31.
27
See Maravals observation in Egeria, Itinraire, 315 n. 3.
28
&$#$'&$%( )&*#% +%, -./00/&%12( 1/3 +%, &*4565 0/5785$9#% 0:5$5 ;<<=5%#&3 1/<6(
</<*>5. ?/3 $@+A B85&*( </<$C#%5 D0$EF(. St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis 17:16, PG
33:988.
29
Charles Renoux, Le lectionnaire de Jrusalem en Armnie: le !a"oc. I. Introduction et liste des
manuscrits (PO 44.4, Turnhout: Brepols, 1989), 18. For more on Armenian monasticism in
the Holy Land, see Nina G. Garsoan, Introduction to the Problem of Early Armenian
Monasticism, Revue des tudes Armniennes 30 (2005-2007), 177-236, here 185 and 220-226.
30
Robert W. Thomson and Timothy E. Gregory, Peter the Iberian, ODB III, 1642; Cornelia
B. Horn and Robert R. Phenix, John Rufus: The Lives of Peter the Iberian, Theodosius of
Jerusalem, and the Monk Romanus (Writings from the Greco-Roman World 24, Atlanta:
Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), xxxi-xxxii.
31
Tarchnishvili, Ecclesial Autocephaly of Georgia, 98-99.
32
Stephen Rapp, Studies in Medieval Georgian Historiography: Early Texts and Eurasian Contexts
(CSCO 601, Leuven: Peeters, 2003), 305-306, 319.
33
BHG 1776. The G"##$% are probably Georgians and not Thracians, as in Strabo, Geography,
book 7, chapter 5:12. See Kekelidze, !"#$#"%&, 33; Le Nouveau manuscrit gorgien sinatique N

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

49
Jerusalem was the mother of all churches and the cradle of Georgian
Christianity, whence the Georgians willingly received their liturgical and
religious traditions. The importance of Jerusalem for Georgians can also
be seen in their relations with Byzantium: Constantinople was not New
Rome, according to the church-political sense of the Greeks, but New
Jerusalem.
34

1. 3. Mel ki tes: A Subgroup?

Another term that requires better understanding is Melkite,
presently equated with the Eastern Catholic Churches of the Byzantine
Rite in the Middle East.
35
Although absent from the title of this thesis, the
adjective Melkite is often used interchangeably with Orthodox when
referring to Christians in Jerusalem. The Greek name (!"#$%&'( or
!"#)%&'() derives from the Syriac (m!lk"y") and Arabic (malak#) terms for
imperial, indicating the imperial Church or those who followed the faith
of the Byzantine emperor.
36
This is somewhat ironic if one recalls that the
Melkites of Jerusalem remained Orthodox even when the Byzantine
emperor had become Iconoclast.
37
Auzpy, however, delves into the
question and suggests that Chalcedonian Palestine may not have been as
iconophile as one has been led to believe.
38

Yet Melkite has more than just dogmatic connotations. Griffith
has shown that the Crusaders distinguished between Syrians who spoke
the Saracen language but used Greek for liturgy, and the Greek
Orthodox, also known as R*m Orthodox or ar-R*m.
39
This distinction
is the source of the emergence of the Melkites Arab Orthodox Christian
identity, characterized by theology formulated in Greek by St. John of

Sin 50. dition en fac-simil, intro. Z. Aleksidz, trans. J.-P. Mah (CSCO 586, Louvain: Peeters,
2001), 1.
34
Tarchnishvili, Ecclesial Autocephaly of Georgia, 102.
35
The first patriarch to restore communion with Rome was Patriarch Cyril VI Tanas of
Antioch (1680-1760) in 1724. He is considered the first Melkite Greek-Catholic Patriarch.
See Korolevsky, Christian Antioch, 153-167, for the history of the separation with the
Orthodox Patriarchate, and 255-264 for a list of the hierarchy. See also Griffith, The
Church of Jerusalem and the Melkites, 190.
36
Timothy E. Gregory, Melchites, ODB II, 1332; Griffith, The Church of Jerusalem and
the Melkites, 203-204; id., The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque. Christians and Muslims in
the World of Islam (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008), 139; !"#)%&'(, +,-
8:990; Sebastian P. Brock, Melkite, GEDSH, 285. The term is completely absent from
Lampe, Patristic Greek Lexicon, and Trapp, Lexikon zur byzantinischen Grzitt. There is, to my
knowledge, no scholarly study of the origins and use of this word in Greek sources.
37
Mango, Greek Culture in Palestine, 159.
38
Auzpy, De la Palestine Constantinople, 192-193. For more on this question, see
section 3.1, on pages 86-88 below.
39
Griffith, The Church of Jerusalem and the Melkites, 175-176.

CHAPTER II

50
Damascus (c. 675-753/4),
40
the foremost Melkite theologian who also knew
Arabic.
41
Theodore Ab! Qurrah (c. 740-825), monk of St. Sabas, bishop of
Haran, and probably a native of the city of Edessa, was one of the first to
compose Melkite apologetics in Arabic in order to respond to non-
Chalcedonian Christians and to Islam.
42

This context one that is significantly different than that of
Constantinople helps explain why Melkites viewed themselves as the
Church of the Six Councils long after the seventh Ecumenical Council in
787. Jerusalem had no need of an internal Church council to combat
Christian iconoclasm internally since they were concerned with external
accusations of idolatry from Jews and Muslims.
43
This is also reflected in
liturgical manuscripts, which often make reference to only six Ecumenical
Councils even if they were copied after 787.
44
One of the first Palestinian
liturgical manuscripts to mention the seventh Ecumenical Council at
Nicaea is the Diakonikon found in a twelfth-century manuscript, Sinai Gr.
1040.
45
Thus, Sidney Griffith views the Melkites as a culturally, historically,
and socially distinguishable subset of the R!m Orthodox.
46
Despite this
distinction, Melkites were always an integral part of the Jerusalem
Patriarchate, alongside Greek- and Georgian-speaking Christians, united
under a single hierarchy that was not divided along ethnic or linguistic
lines.

40
Alexander Kazhdan, John of Damascus, ODB II, 1063-1064; Daniel J. Sahas, John of
Damascus on Islam. The Heresy of the Ishmaelites (Leiden: Brill, 1972); Andrew Louth, St John
Damascene. Tradition and Originality in Byzantine Theology (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2002); Petrynko, Weihnachtskanon, 51-83. For a list of hymnographic works
attributed to St. John of Damascus, see Sophronios Leontopoleos, " #$%&' ()*++,' -
./0/12,+3' 2/4 56 7&%,5%26 /85&9 :;$/, N< 26 (1931), 385-401, 497-512, 530-538, 610-
617, 666-681, 721-736; N< 27 (1932), 28-44, 111-123, 165-177, 216-224, 329-353, 415-422,
450-472, 514-534, 570-585, 644-664, 698-719; N< 28 (1933), 11-25.
41
Mango, Greek Culture in Palestine, 159; Griffith, The Church of Jerusalem and the
Melkites, 186-190.
42
Sidney H. Griffith and Alexander Kazhdan, Theodore Abu-Qurra, ODB III, 2041; John C.
Lamoreaux, The Biography of Theodore Ab! Qurrah Revisited, DOP 56 (2002), 25-40; id.,
Theodore Ab! Qurrah (Library of the Christian East 1, Provo, Utah: Brigham Young
University, 2005).
43
44
Ibid., 197. Several references to the Six Synods in liturgical texts after the eighth
century include al-B=r!n=, Melkite Calendar, 18-19, 26; Mercier, Liturgie de Saint Jacques, 104.
45
2/4 5>+ ?+ 5@ A$BC DEF&0G 1H+IFJ Sinai Gr. 1040 (12
th
c.), fol. 12v; Brightman,
Eastern Liturgies, 502. This part of the Diptychs for the Dead from JAS is not included in
Dmitrievskiis transcription. See Dmitrievskii, "#$%&'() II, 134. For more on this source,
see Chapter I, section 3.25, on pages 39-40 of the thesis.
46
Griffith, The Church of Jerusalem and the Melkites, 204.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

51
1. 4. Sacred Topography

The importance of the holy sites of Jerusalem is emphasized in
every genre of literature connected to the city, from liturgical texts to
travel diaries, and even theological writings. Hadrians destruction of the
city in A.D. 135 had cleared the way for a new topography of the city,
completely expunging any previous symbolism. The two main axes of the
city, the 950 metre north-south cardo maximus and the 600 metre east-west
decumanus maximus, created an urban area much smaller than other major
urban centres of the time, such as Antioch or Rome.
47

In JAS, the first lines of the Diptychs for the Living, echoing Pauls
Letter to the Galatians (4:26) and the Psalms (86:5), reads:

!"#$%&"#'&( $#), *&$+#,-, .-/ 0+1"
,2( 3456( $#7 ,8+6(, #9: ;*8<-$-: ,=
>?#%-(?5@ ,#A B")$,#A $#7 .-/ ,=
;+)%#),C$?) ,#A +-(-45#7 $#7
+(?D'-,#:, +"#E4#7'&(6: 0+1" ,F:
345-: .-/ ;(*8<#7 G)H( ,F: 'E,"I:
+-$2( ,2( ;..JE$)2(
48

We make this offering to you, O Master,
also for your holy places, which you
glorified by the divine manifestation of
your Christ and by the visitation of
your all-holy Spirit, first of all for the
holy and glorious Sion, mother of all
the Churches
49

The meteoric rise of Jerusalem in the period from the honour
granted to its bishop in the seventh canon of the First Ecumenical Council
to its recognition as Patriarchate in 451 through the efforts of its bishop,
Juvenal, gave the Holy City a prominent place in the Imperial Church and
made it the central pilgrimage site of the Roman Empire.
50

Worship in Byzantine Palestine was centred on several urban
churches and monastic centres. Of the four churches constructed by
Constantine, the primary place of worship and most frequently mentioned
in Jerusalem stational liturgy was the Anastasis complex built over a pagan
temple on Golgotha, the spot where Christ was crucified. The complex
consisted of: 1) the Anastasis, or Holy Sepulchre, with the Tomb of
Christ within a rotunda and an exposed forecourt at the west end of the

47
Baldovin, Urban Character, 45.
48
Mercier, Liturgie de Saint Jacques, 206.
49
Or according to the Georgian version: !"#$%&'(#) !"*+(, ,-(./, $(!&*".$(
(0($ +( ,$&$1./$( 0$1,"'2.$( %0&+()( !"*)( (+3&.)()4$, '/0".*&
(+&+"* 3(0/5&*"6&)( 7'&$8" !"*&$(9)(; :&'#".(+ %0&+&$()4$ +(
+&+"6,.&$( $&/*&$(, +"+&$( ;/#".)( "<."$&()(9$( Sinai Geo. N. 58 (9
th
-10
th

c.), fol. 21v; Liturgia Ibero-Graeca, 86.
50
Simon Vailh, Lrection du Patriarcat de Jrusalem, 451, Revue de lOrient Chrtien 4
(1899), 44-57; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 35-37.

CHAPTER II

52
complex;
51
2) the Martyrium
52
or Basilica built over the place where the
Cross of Christ was found, with its own exposed forecourt, at the east end
of the complex; and 3) the Cross and Baptistery to the south between the
Anastasis and the Martyrium.
53
The location of the Anastasis became
associated with the Jewish Temple, accumulating traditions and making
the site a goldmine for pilgrims.
54
The original complex, different in
plan from the current Holy Sepulchre,
55
facilitated internal stational
liturgy and daily services that included processions from one part of the
complex to another.
56

Jerusalem stational processions also went to other churches in the
Holy City and within the territory of the Patriarchate. The Church of Sion,
a basilica on the southwest hill of the old city built between 335 and 347,
was traditionally the cathedral of Jerusalem as it housed the seat of St.
James, the Brother of the Lord and first bishop of Jerusalem. Apart from
its association with the room where the Apostles gathered at Pentecost, it
came to be considered the location of the Cenacle of the Mystical Supper
and the place of the Virgins Dormition.
57
The original building may have
been spared destruction by Diocletian in 303 and, thus, would have been
Jerusalems only pre-Constantinian Christian building.
58
The Imbomon (!"
#$%&, in monticulo), on the site of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives,
59

and the Church of the Nativity of Christ in Bethlehem,
60
were also
significant Constantinian foundations within the Patriarchate.
Holy sites, however, were not limited to cities and towns, but
included monasteries as well. The majority of monastic holy sites were

51
John Wilkinson, The Tomb of Christ. An Outline of its Structural History, Levant.
Journal of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem 4 (1972), 83-97.
52
Martyrium normally designates a church built over relics. In this case the relics are
understood to be those of the True Cross in Eusebius, Vita Constantini 3:30, PG 20:1089-
1092. Verhelst notes that Martyrium can also designate a place commemorating a
theophany. See Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 249-250.
53
For a plan of the Anastasis complex, see Appendix, section 1 (Plan of the Anastasis
Complex, 4
th
, 11
th
, 12
th
c.), on page 297 of the thesis.
54
Baldovin, Liturgy in Ancient Jerusalem, 8.
55
Abel, Jrusalem, DACL 7.2, 2312.
56
For more theoretical studies of the Anastasis complex and the importance of holy sites,
see Jonathan Z. Smith, To Take Place. Toward Theory in Ritual (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1987); id., Constructing a Small Place, and Evelyne Patlagean,
Byzantiums Dual Holy Land, in Sacred Space: Shrine, City, Land, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar and
R.J. Zwi Werblowsky (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 18-31 and 112-126,
respectively.
57
Abel, Jrusalem, DACL 7.2, 2320-2324; Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 253-254. Maraval
notes that the connection with the Mystical Supper was later. See Egeria, 278 n. 2.
58
Baldovin, Urban Character, 46.
59
Abel, Jrusalem, DACL 7.2, 2325-2326; Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 261.
60
Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom I, 137-156.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

53
associated with coenobia, the most important being the monastery next to
the Church of the Kathisma
61
and the monastery at St. Peters Church.
62

Monasteries with holy sites were often located along major roads, showing
their connection to Palestinian society and the daily life of the Church of
Jerusalem.
63

1. 5. Pi l gri mage

While much has been written of Christian pilgrimage to the holy
land until the seventh century,
64
the same is not the case for the period
after the Arab conquest. The earliest Byzantine description of these holy
sites derives from the eighth or ninth century and was written by
Epiphanius Hagiopolites, of whom little is known.
65
A pilgrimage to
Palestine under Emperor Leo III (reigned 717-741)
66
around A.D. 734,
turned into a one-way trip to martyrdom for sixty pilgrims after they were
put to death by Muslim authorities. Their Passio was originally written in
Syriac and soon translated into Greek.
67
Subsequent pilgrims also
experienced persecution, and were memorialized in Constantinopolitan
Synaxaria.
68

Despite these difficulties, it is known that Greek pilgrims continued
to visit Jerusalem and the holy sites without interruption. Right up until a
few years before the destruction of the Anastasis in 1009, the Holy City
enjoyed a status far superior to that of any pilgrimage site and beyond its

61
GL 1143, 1395; Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 262-263.
62
GL 1295; Yizhar Hirschfeld, The Judean Desert Monasteries in the Byzantine Period (New
Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992), 56-58; Verhelst, Lieux de station I, 40-43.
63
Leah Di Segni, Monk and Society: The Case of Palestine, Sabaite Heritage, 35-36.
64
Maraval, Lieux saints.
65
Alexander Kazhdan, Epiphanios Hagiopolites, ODB I, 714; Klzer, Peregrinatio, 14-20; H.
Donner, Palstina-Beschreibung des Epiphanios Hagiopolita, Zeitschrift des Deutschen
Palstina-Vereins 87 (1971), 42-91; V.G. Vasilevskii, !"#$%&"' ()"*+,-./ )012 34' 501./&+678
9+2 3:, ;, +<3= 3>)?, (!!" 11 [4.2], St. Petersburg: !#$%&'($%)&* !$(*'+,)'-&*
./0*'+%&, 1886).
66
Peter A. Hollingsworth, Leo III, ODB II, 1208-1209.
67
BHG 1217; A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, @+13A1"., 3:, B$-?, CD#9.,3+ ,E?, 8+13A1?,
3:, ;, 3= B$-F G1"&3.H 3.H I0.H J8:, )>60" ;)2 34' 3/1+,,-K.' 3:, L1MN?, 8+13/1%&M,3?,
(!!" 34 [12.1], St. Petersburg: !#$%&'($%)&* !$(*'+,)'-&* ./0*'+%&, 1892). The
authenticity of the eleventh-century version by Symeon the Hesychast (BHG 1218) has
been questioned. See A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, IX. 12345678 29. :963;6<=> 3?>
@A<4> B>CDE4> F963;64> 3=G H6<I3=G JEK2=>39 29L 3674>, O/66.$7 )+6+"&3",4' 9+2
&/1"+94' B$".6.$-+' 1 (!!" 57 [19.3], St. Petersburg: !#$%&'($%)&* !$(*'+,)'-&*
./0*'+%&, 1907), 136-163; G. Huxley, The Sixty Martyrs of Jerusalem, Greek, Roman and
Byzantine Studies 18 (1977), 369-374.
68
See the notice for St. Gregory of Akritas (c. 780) in the Synaxarion of Constantinople.
Delehaye, Synaxarium, 372-373.

CHAPTER II

54
patriarchal status as authorized by any Church council.
69
Women pilgrims,
once common in Late Antique and early Byzantine Jerusalem, were less
frequently seen in the Holy City after the Arab conquest.
70
Although non-
Chalcedonians came to be unwelcome,
71
this did not stop them from
visiting Jerusalem and the Holy Land as pilgrims. In the 650s, Catholicos
Ishoyahb III of the Church of East was in contact with the Church of
Jerusalem and even solicited financial aid for the restoration of the
Anastasis.
72
Later Byzantine authors from the twelfth century onward
have left us accounts of their own pilgrimages to Jerusalem. One of the
most notable is that of John Phocas (c. 1177),
73
a well-educated pilgrim
who provides unique accounts of the holy sites.
74

For the liturgical historian, however, the most useful pilgrimage
accounts are generally the earlier narrations. Egerias account is unique in
that it clearly describes daily liturgical services at the Anastasis.
75
For
monastic liturgy, the Narration of the Abbots John and Sophronius also
provides great detail regarding the differences between rural Egyptian
and Palestinian monastic traditions.
76
Kekelidze, however, is justified in
lamenting that the descriptions of the holy sites left behind by pilgrims
are often unable to satisfy scholarly accuracy and curiosity, due to their
own contradictions.
77
In any case, we must note that the use of such
sources can never replace the investigation of actual liturgical texts.
78

1. 6. Stati onal Li turgy

Nonetheless, in spite of what has just been stated above, pilgrimage
accounts, despite their lacunary and fragmentary information, bring

69
Griffiths, Church of Jerusalem and the Melkites, 185.
70
Alice-Mary Talbot, Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land from the Eighth to the
Fifteenth Century, in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 97-110, here 98-99.
71
See the Life of Euthymius, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 47-49.
72
Sebastian Brock, Syriac into Greek at Mar Saba: The Translation of St. Isaac the Syrian,
in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 201-208, here 202.
73
Alexander Kazhdan, Phokas, John, ODB III, 1667; Klzer, Peregrinatio, 20-21.
74
PG 133:923-962; I. Troitskii, !"#$$%& '%( )%*+, ,*-./012 3$ 0&$4561 '7$ 89: ;$'1%<6=/2
>?<.12 @6.%0%AB>"$ *#0'."$ */C <".7$ D&.=/2, )%1$=*E2 */C '7$ */'F G/A/10'=$E$ HI="$
'49"$ (!!" 23 [8.2], St. Petersburg: !#$%&'($%)&* !$(*'+,)'-&* ./0*'+%&, 1889); The
Pilgrimage of Joannes Phocas in the Holy Land, trans. A. Stewart (London: Adelphi, 1889). For
the later period, see Denys Pringle, Pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the Holy Land, 1187-1291
(Crusade Texts in Translation 23, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012).
75
See Chapter I, section 4.2, on pages 51-53 of the thesis.
76
77
Kekelidze, JKLMLKNO, 29.
78
Such a distinction is not made by Verhelst, who refers to the hypothetical Euchologia
of St. Cyril of Jerusalem and of Egeria. See Verhelst, Jerusalem in the Byzantine Period,
446.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

55
certain elements of liturgical books to life. This is especially true as
regards Egerias account, and in particular with regard to stational liturgy.
The information Egeria provides makes it possible to recover the structure
of the daily, fixed, and movable cycles at the Jerusalem Anastasis and
Martyrium. Daily services included a morning service from before
cockcrow to after daybreak ( 24:1-2, Matutinos Ymnos), shorter services at
the sixth and ninth hours ( 24:3), and evening prayer at the tenth hour
( 24:4-7, Licinicon, i.e. !"#$%&'$; Lucernare).
79
All of them presumed the
presence of the bishop for at least part of the service, and several services
included a stational component in which the whole congregation
processed from one part of the complex to another.
Examining the stational liturgies of Jerusalem, Constantinople, and
Rome, John Baldovin has identified several characteristics common to all
three liturgical centres. He defines stational liturgy as

a service of worship [1] at a designated church, shrine, or public
place in or near a city or town, [2] on a designated feast, fast, or
commemoration, which is [3] presided over by the bishop or his
representative and [4] intended as the local churchs main
liturgical celebration of the day.
80

These four elements are also present in early hagiopolite liturgy and show
that the stational aspect of Jerusalems liturgy was limited neither to
services beyond the walls of the Anastasis, since there was a great deal of
movement around the buildings of the Golgotha Complex itself, nor to
Eucharistic liturgies, since processions also occurred at evening prayer.
81

The main elements of this system seem to have been well established by
the time of Cyril of Jerusalems death in 387.
This system was further developed in the GL, providing
commemorations for every day of the year at various churches and holy
sites throughout Jerusalem. Stphane Verhelst notes that the GL uses
various terms to describe its seventy-three stations.
82
These can be
divided into three groups based on their geography and titles in the GL: (1)
biblical or apocryphal sites; (2) foundations (!"#$%&'(, !"nebuli), i.e.
urban monastic communities of foreign, non-Aramaic monks; and (3)

79
See Egeria, Itinraire, 238-239 n. 3.
80
Baldovin, Urban Character, 37. The numbering is mine.
81
Ibid., 59, 83.
82
For a complete list, see Verhelst, Lieux de station I, 16-26. For a map, see Appendix,
section 2 (Map of the City of Jerusalem, 4
th
-9
th

CHAPTER II

56
villages (!"#"$, dabay) settled by local Aramaic-speaking monks.
83
The GL
omits stations at Euthymian or Sabaite monasteries, possibly due to the
fall-out from Monophysite controversies around the time of Chalcedon.
84

All stations listed in the GL date from before the Persian sack of Jerusalem
in 614, showing simplification and reduction rather than expansion and
development of the hagiopolite stational liturgy.
85

In Constantinople, the synaxis of the day indicated in liturgical
books was not the only liturgical celebration of the cathedral liturgy for
that day.
86
What designated the primary celebration of the day was the
presence of the bishop, and not necessarily the location where the synaxis
was held. Whether or not this was the case in Jerusalem is unclear.
However, it is clear that monks played a part in cathedral services in
Jerusalem. This is, perhaps, how the calendar was generalized and the
importance of readings and hymns appropriate to the place and time
gradually lost their force: the cathedral monastics and the local
monasteries that had a daily cycle of services who did not participate in
the stational liturgy would pray the same services as the cathedral liturgy,
but without moving from place to place within the space of the city.

1. 7. Monasti ci sm

Understanding the role of monks in all aspects of the Jerusalem
Patriarchates liturgical life is crucial for the development of hagiopolite
liturgy and its Byzantinization. Two rites, the communal and/or private
services obligatory for monks every day, and the less frequent communal
services for the whole community, existed side by side in Jerusalem, with
monastic influence eventually causing the expansion of the cathedral
cursus from a daily morning and evening service to a multiplicity of daily
offices observed even by the laity.
87
According to the Typikon of the
Anastasis, the Hagiosionitai (!"#$%#&'#()*) were responsible for a Vigil
(+",-.'/)) in the Upper Room (0' (1 2.3,45) on Holy Thursday.
88
A
specific group of monks, known as the Spoudaioi or Spoudaites ($6 7$')8$9
:.$-;)*$#; %&'(!)*+(), spondielni) meaning zealous ones, also served
at the Anastasis. In the Typikon of the Anastasis, they are identified as a
group responsible for the beginning of the Vigil on the eves of Palm

83
Verhelst, Lieux de station I, 58-60. Verhelst cautions that these categories, however,
are not exclusive, serving more as a means of systematizing the numerous stations. See
Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 273-274.
84
Verhelst, Lieux de station I, 58-59.
85
Verhelst, Lieux de station II, 275; Baldovin, Urban Character, 100-102.
86
Mateos, Typicon, II, 302-303 (index <3#($-,"/)); Baldovin, Urban Character, 205-206.
87
Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, 111-113.
88
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Anastasis Typikon, 83.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

57
Sunday
89
and Holy Saturday,
90
and had their own order of services.
91
The
Spoudaioi lived in the monastery of the Theotokos of the Spoudaioi (!
"#$%&'$( %)* +,$-./01*) founded in Jerusalem near the Anastasis by
Patriarch Elias (reigned 494-516) in 494.
92
Dmitrievskii believed they
would serve uninterrupted services at the holy sites and would fill in the
times until the patriarch arrived,
93
in a manner similar to that of the
monazontes and parthenae observed by Egeria ( 24:1, 25:6). Because the
Typikon of the Anastasis includes only two weeks of the year, it is impossible
to say if this group of monks maintained these duties during the
remainder of the year.
According to Ptrids, Spoudaioi are also mentioned in
Constantinople and Cyprus.
94
Other similar groups, such as Philopones
(234&,$*$3) or lovers of toil, are found in Alexandria, Beirut, and
Antioch, the most famous example being the sixth-century Alexandrian
philosopher, John Philoponos.
95
It is not clear, however, if these terms are
ever used in a liturgical context and the examples provided by Ptrids
lead the reader to believe they do not in fact refer to a coherent, liturgical
group, whether monastic or lay. Thus, their presence in Jerusalem as late
as the twelfth century if we are to trust the references to them in the
Typikon of the Anastasis is significant.
Another influential constituency of the Jerusalem Patriarchate that
also had its own order was the monks of Palestine. The Typikon of the
Anastasis reveals Palestinian monks participating in services at the Holy
Sepulchre. Monks from the monasteries of St. Sabas, St. Chariton, and St.
Theodosius were present at Golgotha for the Hours of Holy Friday, while
the Patriarch and the rest of the people simultaneously held another
service outside.
96
Other witnesses to the daily life of Palestinian monks
comes from the Vitae of its exemplary monks, composed by Cyril of

89
Ibid., 3.
90
Ibid., 161-162.
91
$5 .6 +,$-./7$38944$-* :'#; %<* '/*&*/ '/; ,=>/* %?* @'$4$-A0/* '/;
@,$4B($*%/3), '/AC( :>%3* D %B,$( /E%)*. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Anastasis Typikon, 7.
See also Kekelidze, !"#$#"%&, 265-267.
92
See Chapter 31 of the Life of Sabas, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 116, lines 4-8. See also
GL 1140 for the feast of the dedication of the Church of the Theotokos of the Spoudaioi
on August 11.
93
Dmitrievskii, '%()#*+,-( ."/%-"%,-( 01213$#4, 111-113.
94
Ptrids, Spoudi; id., Spoudi et Philopones, chos dOrient 7 (1904), 341-348.
95
Barry Baldwin and Alice-Mary Talbot, Philoponos, John, ODB III, 1657.
96

CHAPTER II

58
Skythopolis (c. 525-559),
97
as well as evidence contained in the Life of
Stephen the Sabaite.
98

The general practice of lavriote monasticism was for the monks to
pray privately in their cells and to gather for common services in the
monasterys main church on Saturday and Sunday.
99
This is the origin of
the Sabaite, lavriote all-night vigil (!"#$%&'() and explains its absence
in coenobitic monasticism, for example within Stoudite monasteries.
100

The largest and most famous of all lavrai in Palestine was the Great
Lavra, whose residual core is known today as the Lavra of St. Sabas, 14.5
km southeast of Jerusalem. Initially established in 483 by St. Sabas the
Sanctified (439-532)
101
as a lavriote community, the monastery later
adapted to coenobitic life.
102
The architectural corpus of the Lavra was
scattered across the Kedron Valley, but was later consolidated in an
elevated area of approximately 100 x 600 m. This is where St. Sabas built
the first prayer house ()*+,-#./&), later to be replaced by the Great
Church of the Annunciation, consecrated on July 1, 501, by Patriarch
Elias,
103
and the God-built (0)1+,.2,/3) cave church, now dedicated to St.
Nicholas of Myra.
104
The tomb of St. Sabas is presently located in the main
courtyard (4)2'($5/&) of the monastery. Other structures included a
hostel, bakery (4("+.%)6/&), hospital (&/2/+/4)6/&), and numerous
monastic cells.
105
Patrich admits that little is known of the construction of
the original Great Church, as the present structure is a later edifice.
106
This
helps explain why certain liturgical documents and pilgrim accounts
attest to a different arrangement. According to the liturgical Typikon of St.
Sabas monastery found in Sinai Gr. 1096 (12
th
c.), during Litia at Vigils and at
the end of Matins, after a litany at the God-built cave-church, the monks
process to the church of the Forerunner where they chant stichera slowly,

97
Barry Baldwin and Alice-Mary Talbot, Cyril of Skythopolis, ODB I, 573.
98
The Life of Stephen of Mar Sabas, ed. John C. Lamoreaux (CSCO 578-579, Louvain: Peeters,
1999).
99
Allusions are made to this practice in the Life of Sabas, Chapters 18, 20, and 58, in
Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 102, 105, and 159; Life of John the Hesychast, Chapter 7, in
Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 206; Patrich, Sabas, 206.
100
Arranz and Uspensky suggest that the absence of the all-night vigil from Stoudite
sources suggests the service arose, or was revived, only in the twelfth century. See Arranz,
N.D. Uspensky: All-Night Vigil, 174.
101
Alexander Kazhdan and Nancy Patterson-7ev8enko, Sabas, ODB III, 1823.
102
Patrich, Sabas, 57-66. See also Vailh, Simon Le monastre de Saint-Sabas, chos
dOrient 2 (1898-1899), 332-41; chos dOrient 3 (1899-1900), 18-28 and 168-177.
103
Life of Sabas, Chapter 32, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 117-118; Patrich, Sabas, 72-75.
104
Life of Sabas, Chapter 18, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 102; Patrich, Sabas, 69-72.
105
For plans of the monastery, see Patrich, Sabas, 60 fig. 8, 69 fig. 12, and 78 fig. 22.
106
Patrich, Sabas, 72.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

59
that is, as long as it takes to anoint the brethren with holy oil.
107
The Slavic
pilgrim, Abbot Daniel (c. 1106-1108), notes that

!"#$ %& 3 '&()*+, #" &-#$ .(/01
-*2#3./ !3*4 5/-(&6+7 '&()*+8 #79
#(+8, *63:&& /#1 *&:+)+2 -3%&;$ 4.
, &-#$ #&(&<&'$ ;36 .(/0/<1 -*2#3./
!3*4; "=+;&;/ )(3-;/.
108

There are three churches hereand
between the three churches is the
tomb of St. Sabas, about four fathoms
[7.3 m] from the great church, and
there is a beautifully executed chapel
over the tomb.
109

Denys Pringle notes that the identity of the third church that he [Abbot
Daniel] mentions, however, is uncertain.
110

The required positions of the Lavra included those of priest
(>?@ABCD@?EF),
111
deacon (GHIJEKEF),
112
and canonarch (JLKEKI?MNF)
113

who also served as sacristan and guardian of church vessels and vestments
(J@HONPHI?MNF).
114
Various other functionaries (EQ JPN?HJER) included
monks to announce the beginning of services with the symandron and to
light the candles (JLKGNPI>DN?).
115
In one case during a famine, St. Sabas
ordered the canonarch to send the prosphora baker (>?EASE?I?HEF) to
Jerusalem to sell certain church vessels or vestments on Friday in order
that the services of Saturday and Sunday might be held with the necessary
bread and wine.
116
That such a day trip to Jerusalem was even possible
shows the close proximity and contact between the Palestinian
monasteries and the city of Jerusalem.

107
PHDLK@CEO@K TU@?MVO@KEH @WF DX Y@VJDHADEK... ZL[ \>@J@]A@ \>@?MVO@YL @WF DXK KLXK
DE^ _?EG?VOE` aIPPEKDLH ADHMN?I, >P. B _?ESbDL Jb?Ù c?HADE^, dVUL, Y@EDEJREK
efRL >L?YgK@ hL?RL, O@RijK \ffgPjK \K@G@RMYNF, DXK >EHNDkK fl? DmK n>IKDjK
TBIADLALF DL]F AL]F \fJIPLHF...aIPPEKDLH Go DL^DL \?fmF GHl DX GRGEAYLH pfHEK qPLHEK
DE]F \G@PSE]F \>X DrF T>HAJga@jF >L?l DE^ sfEÒgKE` t DE^ Q@?gjF PLOBIKEO@K Go
DE^DE TK Du \?HAD@?v >LPIOw JL[ M?HVO@YL GHl DrF G@UHxF DX OgDj>EK JL[ DkK JL?GRLK.
Dmitrievskii, O!"#$%&' III, 21-22.
108
y/%6&;+& +."<&;3 z3;++:3, ed. and trans. G.M. Prokhorova, in (")*"+,'-$
*",'.$,/.0 1.'2%'3 4/#", vol. 4: XII 2'-, ed. D.S. Likhacheva, L.A Dmitrieva, A.A.
Alekseeva, N.V. Ponyrko (St. Petersburg: {3")3, 1997), 60.
109
Translation following Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom II, 259. See also Wilson,
Abbot Daniel, 34.
110
Pringle, Churches of the Crusader Kingdom II, 260.
111
Life of Sabas, Chapters 44 and 88, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 88 and 196.
112
Life of Sabas, Chapter 73, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 178.
113
114
115
Patrich, Sabas, 187.
116
Life of Sabas, Chapter 58, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 159-160. For more on the
administration of the Lavra of St. Sabas and the various offices and duties of the monks,
see Patrich, Sabas, 169-195.

CHAPTER II

60
Because the main goal of the Life of Euthymius and the Life of Sabas is
to portray the organization of the powerful movement of Chalcedonian
monasticism in the Judean wilderness,
117
it is easy to forget the strong
opposition to Chalcedon and certain Origenist leanings among Palestinian
monks.
118
Verhelst suggests that this is one of the reasons why certain
Palestinian monastic foundations were excluded from the stational liturgy
of Jerusalem.
119
Despite these glimpses into monastic life in the Judean
desert after the Arab conquest, our knowledge of the ninth through
eleventh centuries is lacunose.
120

1. 7. 1. Greek Monasti ci sm

The primary liturgical language of most Palestinian monasteries
was Greek. Thus, what is said generally of monasticism applies equally to
Greek-speaking monasticism. However, the same multilingualism that
Egeria witnessed in the fourth century is also reflected in monasteries.
121

For example, in the Life of St. Sabas we read that Armenian monks were
permitted to serve the canonical hours (!"# $%&'()*%# +%,-,%)
122
in their
own language (!. !/, 01'2,*3, )4%&5+!(), but were to join the Greeks
for the Divine Liturgy,
123
indicated here by the term 6178+7'4)9.
124

Contrary to what one might assume, the Lavra of St. Sabas in
Palestine became the centre of a Greek intellectual revival after the Arab
conquest. This revival influenced not only Jerusalem and Palestine but

117
Flusin, Palestinian Hagiography, 210.
118
Lorenzo Perrone, La chiesa di Palestina e le controversie cristologiche: dal concilio di Efeso
(431) al secondo concilio di Costantinopoli (553) (Brescia: Paideia, 1980), 89-202; Flusin,
Lhagiographie palestinienne, 26-27. For more on this question, see also Cornelia B.
Horn, Asceticism and Christological Controversy in Fifth-Century Palestine: The Career of Peter the
Iberian (Oxford Early Christian Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Aryeh
Kofsky, What Happened to the Monophysite Monasticism of Gaza? Christian Gaza in Late
Antiquity, ed. Bruria Bitton-Ashkelony and Arieh Kofsky (Jerusalem Studies in Religion
and Culture 3, Leiden: Brill, 2004), 183-194. See also note 30, on page 48 above.
119
For more on this question, see section 1.6, note 84, on page 56 above.
120
Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 69; K.A. Panchenko, :;<=>?@AB>C?D E<?FG>@?FH?D I;<CGFJ,
KL 21:472.
121
For more on bilingualism among Palestinian monks, see Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 65-66.
122
For an explanation of this term, see A.A. Dmitrievskii, MNG N?CG; +%,O, !"#
$%&'3)*%#, N?C H;<PQCG =EGBAH?;BRS FT UAVH;GEA>?HiA E<;EGQ. W?FFR
X>FDY;HH?ZG? !"#$%$&'(%$ &)* '+),'#-./ 01'(23+4 38 (1889), 69-73.
123
[, !\ +%41\ !"# ]2*%# 6178+7'4)"# ^1_28]%4 '2!` !/, a&&b,48!%1*3, +%c !/, ]2*3,
'2!%&%'de,24, 'f8!b1*3,. Life of Sabas, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 117.
124
For an explanation of the term 6178+7'4)9, see Stefano Parenti, Nota sullimpiego del
termine 6178+7'4)g nelleucologio Barberini gr. 336 (VIII sec.), Ephemerides Liturgicae 103
(1989), 406-417; Pavlos Koumarianos, Prothesis and Proskomide: A Clarification of
Liturgical Terminology, Greek Orthodox Theological Review 52:1-4 (2007), 63-102, especially
68-72.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

61
also had an impact upon Constantinople and the rest of the Byzantine
Empire, where a decline in literary production had been felt since the time
of the Emperor Heraclius (d. 641).
125
The monastery served as the home of
great hymnographers and theologians, although some of them only spent
a part of their creative careers at the monastery, often leaving because of
ordination to the episcopate, or in order to carry out some other
appointments assigned them by the patriarch.
126
The most notable include
St. Sophronius, later patriarch of Jerusalem (c. 560-638);
127
the composer of
the Great Canon, St. Andrew, bishop of Crete (d. July 4, 740), formerly a
monk of St. Sabas and of the Anastasis in Jerusalem;
128
the hymnographer
and apologist St. John of Damascus;
129
John of Damascus adopted brother,
Cosmas, bishop of Maiouma (c. 675-752), and composer of hymnographic
canons for Palm Sunday, the Nativity of Christ, the Dormition, Exaltation,
and Holy Week;
130
the polemicist Theodore Ab! Qurrah, bishop of Haran;
131

Michael Synkellos (c. 761-846), hieromonk of the Lavra, and grammarian
and homilist, as well as emissary of Patriarch Thomas to Rome and
Constantinople;
132
and Mark, bishop of Otranto (9
th
-10
th
c.) and
hymnographer.
133

The presence of a calligrapher ("#$$%&'()*+), the Galatian monk
Eustathius,
134
and numerous biblical and patristic citations in the writings
of Cyril of Skythopolis, suggest the presence of a significant library at St.
Sabas already in the fifth century.
135
Two libraries, one on the south side

125
Mango, Greek Culture in Palestine, 149.
126
For a general overview of the literary work of the residents of St. Sabas Lavra, see
Archbishop Aristarchos Peristeris, Literary and Scribal Activities at the Monastery of St.
Sabas, in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 171-194.
127
Christoph von Schnborn, Sophrone de Jrusalem: vie monastique et confession dogmatique
(Paris: Beauchesne, 1972); Aristeides Papadakis, Sophronios, ODB III, 1928-1929.
128
Alexander Kazhdan, Andrew of Crete, ODB I, 92-93.
129
See section 1.3, note 40, on page 50 above.
130
Alexander Kazhdan and Nancy Patterson-,ev-enko, Kosmas the Hymnographer, ODB
II, 1152.
131
See section 1.3, note 42, on page 50 above.
132
Robert Browning and Alexander Kazhdan, Michael Synkellos, ODB II, 1369-1370;
Mary B. Cunningham, The Life of Michael the Synkellos: Text, Translation and Commentary
(Belfast Byzantine Texts and Translations 1, Belfast: Belfast Byzantine Enterprises, 1991).
133
P.G. Nikolopoulos, ./'"*+. 0123"*1*+ 45'*678*+, 9:; 8:759; Paolo Cesaretti, Da
Marco dOtranto a Demetrio. Alcune note di lettura su poeti bizantini del Salento,
RSBN 37 (2000), 183-208.
134
135
For an index of Cyril of Skythopoliss sources, see Schwartzs index, SC, 254-256;
Bernard Flusin, Miracle et histoire dans luvre de Cyrille de Skythopolis (Paris: tudes
augustiniennes, 1983), 43-73; Cirillo di Scitopoli, Storie monastiche del deserto di Gerusalemme,
trans. Romano Baldelli and Luciana Mortari (Abbazia di Praglia: Edizioni Scritti Monastici,
1990), 409-417; Patrich, Sabas, 189-192; Cynthia Jean Stallman-Pacitti, Cyril of Skythopolis. A
Study in Hagiography as Apology (Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1991).

CHAPTER II

62
of the monasterys Great Church and the other in the Tower of Justinian,
existed at the monastery and contained all the books of the Lavras
Jerusalemite metochion of the Archangels. Many of the most valuable
manuscripts and church objects were, however, destroyed by fire nearly
260 years ago.
136

1. 7. 2. Syri an Monasti ci sm

A reference to the practice of multiple, multilingual services is
repeated in a twelfth-century redaction of the founders Typikon of St.
Sabas Lavra, considered the will and testament of St. Sabas (439-532)
himself. The description of the liturgical services within the monastery is
as follows:

!" #$%&' () *+,-./0' 123% 3,45
678905, 123% 3,45 :;9,-5, < 3,45
=9>??,-5 @%&3,-9?/0' 3%@%/0' A,&%B'
*' 30C5 *DD@8./0&5 0E3F', G@@H
.-'0I9,&J,1K',-5 *' 0E30B5 L>@@%&'
3H5 M905 D0C 3H 3-A&D>, G'0?&'N.D%&'
() 3O' PAQ.3,@,' D0C 3O RE0??K@&,' 3S
T(/U (&0@KD3V, D0C 1%3H 30W30
%T.K9$%.I0& %T5 3"' 1%?>@8' *DD@8./0'
D0C 1%30@017>'%&' 1%3H A>.85 3X5
G(%@YQ383,5 3F' I%/Z' D0C G$9>'3Z'
D0C JZ,A,&F' 1-.389/Z'.
137

Nor shall it be permitted that the
Iberians [Georgians], or the Syrians, or
the Franks celebrate a complete liturgy
in their churches. Let them instead
gather over there, and sing the
canonical hours and Typika in their
own language, and read the Apostle
and the Gospel as well, and then go to
the Great Church and take part in the
divine, undefiled, and life-giving
sacraments together with the whole
brotherhood.
138

Until the twelfth century, at least for major feasts, the Liturgy of the
Eucharist that the monastic brotherhood would celebrate in common in
the Lavras Great Church, dedicated to the Annunciation, was probably
still JAS.
139
The reference to Franks may be a later interpolation into a

136
For a brief survey of the scribal production of the Lavra, see Simon Vailh, Les
crivains de Mar-Saba, chos dOrient 2 (1898-1899), 1-11 and 33-47; Archbishop
Aristarchos Peristeris, Literary and Scribal Activities at the Monastery of St. Sabas, in
Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 171-194, here 175-177.
137
Sinai Gr. 1096 (12
th
c.), fol. 148r; Dmitrievskii, !"#$%&'(, I, 222-223.
138
English translation from Gianfranco Fiaccadori, 42. Sabas: Founders Typikon of the
Sabas Monastery near Jerusalem, BMFD IV, 1316. I have corrected Fiaccadoris
translation of 3H 3-A&D> as selected verses from the psalms with Typika, the
liturgical office. My thanks to Dr. Vassa Larin for this suggestion.
139
A9F3,5 [ \?&,5 ]>DZ7,5 [ G(%@YQI%,5 ^5 A9F3,5 G9$&%903%;.05 3X5
_%9,.,@-1&3F' `DD@8./05 A09K(ZD% 3"' I%/0' a%9,3%@%.3/0', b3&5 A09c d1B' G?',%B30&,
A09H () 3,B5 _%9,.Z@-1/30&5 D0C 3,B5 e0@0&.3&'0/,&5 *'%9?%B30& *' 30B5 1%?>@0&5 f,930B5.
Theodore Balsamon, Canones Sanctorum Patrum qui in Trullo Imperialis Palatii Constantinopoli

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

63
much older, original text. However, it should be noted that Latin-speakers
were present in Jerusalem both as pilgrims and permanent monastics. The
priest Gabriel of the Anastasis, as attested by the Life of Euthymius, was
fluently trilingual in Latin, Greek, and Syriac,
140
and there were monks
from the West on the Mount of Olives.
141

Syrian served as the unifying designation for speakers of
Christian Palestinian Aramaic and Arabic in Palestine until the ninth or
tenth century.
142
From the time of Egeria until the twelfth century, Syriac
had a prominent place in the daily life of Jerusalem, as witnessed by
another directive of St. Sabass testament:

!"#$ %& '()*)")+)$ %,-.)/#0 1/ 2,30
"*)4#+*56#6+ 27/ 89):.;/</ #=>(,6+
%#+4</-,0 ?,$ 62@6#+0 A/,*B"2#+/ 27/
%B) 9C<667/, .#2,DE F<.,-</ 2#
'G.$ ?,$ HB*</, 1? .;6): 2I
6?@/%,C)/ 1D#C,B/)/2#0, %+)*+JK.#(,
.G%;/, 27/ HB*</ A"K 9# 2)L /L/ 2M0
2)L 89):.;/): 1"+N,-/#+/ A*4M0,
)=?)/K.):0 %# ?,$ %)4#+,*-):0 ?,$ #=0
2O0 C)+"O0 %+,?)/-,0 "*)2+.P6(,+ 2)E0
HB*):0 ?,$ %+,2,22K.#(, ?,$
A")%#4K.#(,, Q0 A/:62+?<2;*):0
R/2,0 ?,$ %*,62+?)E0 1/ 2,30
",2*@(+)6+/ ,S27/.
143

Since in the act of the nomination of
the superiors pernicious demons are
accustomed to raise disagreements and
divisions between the two languages (I
mean between Romans [i.e.
Byzantines] and Syrians), in order to
get rid of this scandal, we ordain that
no Syrian should be appointed to the
office of superior; but we both decide
and accept that Syrians, being more
efficient and practical in their native
country, should be preferred for the
stewardship and treasurership as well
as for other ministries.
144

Despite their efficiency and practicality, Syrians were never
permitted to be abbots in these monasteries and, thus, Syriac never held
liturgical primacy within the multilingual monastic communities of
Palestine or the Jerusalem cathedral. One rare example of a Melkite
liturgical manuscript in both Greek and Syriac is Sinai Gr. N.E. X 239 (12
th
-
13
th
c.), which contains CHR.
145
Despite this, very few Syriac liturgical
manuscripts show a clear connection to the Orthodox Patriarchate of
Jerusalem. The lack of Syriac and Arabic liturgical sources is also explained

Convenerunt, PG 137:621B. Charon provides an erroneous reference for this citation. See
Charon, Le rite byzantin, 495.
140
T.,(#/ U*(70 C,C#3/ 2# ?,$ 9*@'#+/ ?,2@ 2# 2V/ F<.,-</ ?,$ WCC5/</ ?,$ HB*</
'</5/. Life of Euthymius, in Schwartz, Cyril of Skythopolis, 56.
141
McCormick, Survey of the Holy Land, 206-207.
142
Leeming, The Adoption of Arabic as a Liturgical Language, 240-241.
143
Sinai Gr. 1096 (12
th
c.), fol. 149v; Dmitrievskii, !"#$%&'( I, 224.
144
English translation from Gianfranco Fiaccadori, 42. Sabas: Founders Typikon of the
Sabas Monastery near Jerusalem, BMFD IV, 1317.
145
Nikolopoulos, )*+ ,-./0+1+ 123 4567, 224; Brock, Manuscrits liturgiques, 278.

CHAPTER II

64
by the fact that not all Syriac- and Arabic-speaking Christians were
Chalcedonian Melkites who shared the faith promoted by
Constantinople.
146
The majority of sources reflect the East and West
Syrian liturgical traditions, which had closer ties to Antioch.
147
Because of
the liturgical limitations imposed on the various linguistic communities,
Arabic liturgical texts are generally limited to lectionaries, such as Sinai Ar.
72 (A.D. 897), Sinai Ar. 54 (9
th
c.), Sinai Ar. 74 (9
th
c.), Sinai Ar. 70 (9
th
-10
th
c.),
Sinai Ar. 97 (A.D. 1123/4).
148
Another similar source, the NT codex Vatican Ar.
13 (9
th
c.), was also used among Arabic monks in a multi-lingual
environment such as St. Sabas or Mount Sinai.
149

Although the provenance of the extant liturgical manuscripts is
very difficult to determine,
150
colophons of most Syriac Melkite liturgical
manuscripts indicate they were copied in parts of Syria and Cappadocia
within the Antiochene Patriarchate, not Jerusalem. Regarding liturgical
content, most contain CHR or BAS and very few contain JAS.
151
Thus, it
becomes difficult to situate them within the environs of Jerusalem.

1. 7. 3. Georgi an Monasti ci sm

As noted above, Georgians had a significant presence in Palestine
from the fifth century, and St. Sabas Lavra was its primary base. Between
the eighth and tenth centuries, this monastery was the focal point of
Georgian scribal activity outside the Caucuses. It was here that the first
redaction of the Georgian Bible, known as that of St. Sabas
(!"#"$%&'()&, sabacmiduri), was formed.
152
After 980, Georgian scribes

146
Nadia El Cheikh and C.E. Bosworth, R!m, Encyclopaedia of Islam 8, 601-606; Sidney H.
Griffith, The Church of Jerusalem and the Melkites: The Making of an Arab Orthodox
Christian Identity in the World of Islam (750-1050 CE), Christians and Christianity in the
Holy Land. From the Origins to the Latin Kingdoms, eds. Ora Limor and Guy G. Stroumsa
(Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2006), 175-204; Johannes Pahlitzsch, Griechisch Syrisch
Arabisch. Zum Verhltnis von Liturgie- und Umgangssprache bei den Melkiten
Palstinas im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert, Language of Religion Language of the People.
Medieval Judaism, Christianity and Islam, ed. Ernst Bremer et al. (Mittelalter Studien 11,
Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 2006), 37-47.
147
Sebastian Brock, Liturgy, GEDSH, 248-251.
148
149
Francesco DAiuto, Graeca in codici orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana, in Perria, Tra
oriente e occidente, 227-296, here 241-245 and tab. 1-3. See also Joshua Blau, A Melkite
Arabic Literary lingua franca from the Second Half of the First Millennium, Bulletin of
the School of Oriental and African Studies (University of London) 57 (1994), 14-16.
150
"ev#enko, Manuscript Production.
151
Sebastian P. Brock, Catalogue of Syriac Fragments (New Finds) in the Library of the Monastery
of Saint Catherine, Mount Sinai (Athens: Mount Sinai Foundation, 1995), especially 57-59;
Philothe, Nouveaux Manuscrits Syriaques.
152
Tarchnishvili, Geschichte, 62-63.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

65
abandoned the Lavra and moved to Sinai, where Georgians were known
already since the late sixth century.
153

The most notable Georgian figure in Palestine in the tenth century
is the scribe John Zosime.
154
Little is known of his early life, and some have
speculated that he was born around 920 and became a novice at the
monastery of !atberdi in Georgia around 940.
155
Various manuscript
colophons preserved at Sinai show that he lived at St. Sabas Lavra around
962
156
and then moved to the Monastery of St. Catherine on Sinai where he
resided between 973
157
and 986,
158
dying shortly thereafter. John Zosimes
familiarity with a variety of liturgical traditions in Palestine and Sinai
allows Fryshov to consider him, along with Nikon of the Black Mountain
(c. 1025-1100/1110)
159
one century later, a precursor to Comparative
Liturgy in our time.
160

Unlike the Arabic sources, extant Georgian liturgical manuscripts
from the ninth century on contain more than just lectionaries. A great
number also contain JAS and various euchological prayers of Palestinian
origin no longer extant in Greek sources. How this is possible in the
Greek-dominated monastic liturgical environment raises several questions.
Nevertheless, the very existence of these sources explains their great
importance for the study of hagiopolite liturgy in this period.
161

*
* *

153
The earliest mention is under the name bessas in the Itinerarium of Antoninus of
Piacenza (c. 570). See Antonini Placentini Itinerarium, ed. J. Gildemeister (Berlin: Reuthers,
1889), 37:27 (Latin), 56 n. 48 (German). For a more recent edition, see Antonini Placentini
Itinerarium, ed. P. Geyer (CCSL 175, Turnhout: Brepols, 1965), 148 (37, V 184.4). This is
equivalent to the !"##$% from the Life of Theodosius the Cenobiarch (BHG 17766). See
section 1.2, note 33, on page 48 above; Tarchnishvili, Geschichte, 62, 69.
154
Tarchnishvili, Geschichte, 109-114; Garitte, Calendrier palestino-gorgien, 16; B. Outtier,
Langue et littrature gorgiennes, Christianismes orientaux. Introduction ltude des
langues et des littratures, ed. M. Albert et al. (Initiations au christianisme ancien, Paris:
ditions du Cerf, 1993), 263-296, here 289. The most recent and complete biography of
John Zosime is in Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 217-230.
155
Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 221. For more on the Monastery of !atberdi, founded
by Gregory of Khandzta in the ninth century in Tao-Klard&eti, Georgia, see V. Silogava
and K. Shengelia, Tao-Klardjeti (Tbilisi: Caucasus University Press, 2006).
156
Sinai Geo. O. 34 (10
th
c.); Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 220.
157
Sinai Geo. O. 35 (A.D. 973); Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 219.
158
Sinai Geo. Tsagareli 92 (A.D. 986); Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 219.
159
Alexander Kazhdan, Nikon of the Black Mountain, ODB II, 1484-1485.
160
Zosime fut ainsi, en compagnie de Nicon de la Montagne-Noire un sicle plus tard, un
prcurseur la Liturgie compare de notre temps. Fryshov, LHorologe gorgien II, 230.
161
See Metreveli, Manuscrits liturgiques gorgiens.

CHAPTER II

66
Such was the general situation in the Jerusalem Patriarchate before
the Arab conquest. The Jerusalem Church was flourishing, monasticism
was thriving, and new hymnography and literature were being composed.
Conflicts and theological disputes did disrupt Church life, but
Chalcedonian Christians were still in the majority and controlled the holy
sites. The worst was yet to come.

2. HAGIOPOLITE DECLI NE

That the Persian conquest of Jerusalem (A.D. 614-630) inflicted
significant destruction upon the city cannot be denied. The advancing
Persian army also swept nomadic Bedouin raiders toward Palestine. These
massacred monks at the Great Lavra a week before the Persians seized
Jerusalem.
162
However, a building program was immediately initiated
under Patriarch Modestus of Jerusalem (d. 634).
163
Nonetheless, rather
than being a restoration of the status quo, this was simply the calm before
another storm.

2. 1. Isl ami c Occupati on

The defining event of the period of Byzantinization, which has
implications for the history of Jerusalem even until today, is the capture of
the Holy City by the Muslim forces of Caliph Umar in A.D. 638. Jerusalem
was thereafter no longer within the same Christian empire as
Constantinople, and Orthodox Christians found themselves a powerless
majority ruled by a minority of another religion and culture. The
Christian perspective of the occupation of Jerusalem varied from one
group to another. The monks of St. Sabas believed that the preceding fall
of Palestine to the Persians in 614 was punishment for the sin of
Monotheletism and separation from Constantinople.
164
At the other
extreme, Michael I the Syrian (1126-1199),
165
Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch,
believed God had sent the Arabs to deliver Palestine from the tyranny of
the Romans (i.e. Byzantines).
166
This topos was repeated in post-Florentine
reactions to the fall of Constantinople in 1453.
167

162
Antiochus, Epistula ad Eustathium, PG 89:1421-1428; Dauphin, Palestine byzantine II, 357.
163
!"#$%&'(), *+ 21:413. For more on this question, see section 2.5, on pages 75-77
below.
164
F. C. Conybeare, Antiochus Strategos, The Capture of Jerusalem by the Persians in 614
AD, English Historical Review 25 (1910), 502-517.
165
Sidney H. Griffith, Michael I the Syrian, ODB II, 1362-1363.
166
Michael the Syrian, Chronicle II, 431-432 (11:8). For more on anti-Byzantine sentiment,
see Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 58.
167
See Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, 568.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

67
Chalcedonian authors also employed literary topoi to describe the
events surrounding the arrival of the Muslim invaders.
168
St. Maximus the
Confessor writes of a civilization-destroying barbarous nation of wild
beasts that only resemble humans in physical appearance,
169
and St.
Sophronius of Jerusalem compares the events he witnessed to the
apocalyptic abomination of desolation from the prophecy of Daniel.
170

Certainly, parallels between the biblical battle of the Israelites and
Philistines (1 Sam 17:1) and that of the Byzantine and Muslim armies
taking place before their very eyes, were tempting. But according to
Dauphin, the invading Arabs did not carry out any systematic massacres.
Their invasion was more a war of usury and siege, than of military
invasion.
171
As established by archaeological and demographic studies, the
Palestinian population decline of the Arab period had already begun
during the Byzantine period.
172

Despite diverging perceptions of the event, it is clear that the Arab
occupation of Palestine ushered in a long period of cultural, social,
political, but especially liturgical transition. A key figure at the beginning
of this period was Patriarch Sophronius of Jerusalem (c. 560-638) who
witnessed the Arab takeover of Jerusalem. It was Sophronius, and not any
military or civil leader, who negotiated the treaty with Caliph Umar that
led to Jerusalems submission.
173
The role of Sophronius as a kind of
ethnarch suggests the rise of importance of Jerusalems hierarchy in this
period and the increased development of a top-down model of
leadership.
Sophronius was also the chief hymnographer in the new phase of
hymnographic composition found in the Iadgari.
174
Hymnographic
development was a local hagiopolite phenomenon, but subsequent
changes to Jerusalems liturgy were clearly provoked by Islamic and Latin
occupation, as well as Byzantine influence. These changes, however,
cannot be fully explained by contextualization, showing that the

168
Dauphin, Palestine byzantine II, 360.
169
St. Maximus Confessor, Ep. XIV, PG 91:540.
170
St. Sophronius of Jerusalem, Homilia in Theophaniam, 10:24-31 (January 6, 637); id.,
!"#$% &'% () *#+$, -./(+012, in A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, !"#$%&'( )%*+,+$-./'0&12
3'(45+$+67(2, vol. 5 (St. Petersburg: Kirschbaum, 1898), 151-168, here 166. See also Daniel
9:27, 11:31, 12:11; 1 Maccabees 1:54, 6:7; Matthew 24:15.
171
Dauphin uses the term guerre dusure. See Dauphin, Palestine byzantine II, 363-368.
172
Ibid., 371-372.
173
Theophanis Chronographia, 339; Turtledove, Chronicle of Theophanes, 39. See also Daniel J.
Sahas, The Face to Face Encounter Between Patriarch Sophronius of Jerusalem and the
Caliph Umar ibn al-Kha!!"b: Friends or Foes? The Encounter of Eastern Christianity with
Early Islam, ed. Emmanouela Grypeou, Mark N. Swanson, and David Thomas (History of
Christian-Muslim Relations 5, Brill: Leiden, 2006), 33-44.
174
Fryshov, Early Development, 144; Aleksidze, Catalogue of Georgian Manuscripts, 367.

CHAPTER II

68
phenomenon of liturgical change must be explained by the methods of
comparative liturgy, as we shall see in the subsequent chapters.
In the first years of Muslim occupation, little changed in terms of
demographics and civil administration; and relations between Muslims
and Christians were good. Cities remained Christian, while Muslims
established new towns and villages or occupied houses abandoned by
Christians who had fled with the Byzantines. The Omayyad dynastys
founder, Mu!wiya (ruled 661-680), retained the existing civil tax
infrastructure administration established under the Byzantines, adding
only a new personal (!izya) and territorial (har"!) tax, so that only the
ruler governing and receiving the taxes changed. Churches and
monasteries not only remained open, but new ones with visible external
crosses could be constructed in newly established Muslim towns.
175

Although the Omayyads preferred not to involve themselves in
Christological controversies, they were forced to oversee strained inter-
Christian relations.
176
Conflicts between Chalcedonians, Monophysites,
and Monothelites were intensified because the Orthodox Chalcedonians,
no longer the established Church, were occasionally viewed with suspicion
by Muslim authorities,
177
while non-Chalcedonians received preferential
treatment due to their opposition to Constantinople and their support of
the occupation.
178

With time, the initial tolerance of the occupiers for the adapting
Christian majority began to fade, as the antithesis between Arab and non-
Arab disappeared, so that between Muslim and non-Muslim was
sharpened.
179
This antagonism coincides with the reign of the Abbasid
dynasty (c. 750-1258), and particularly from 959, the rule of Fatimid
caliphs from Egypt, who were known for their severity towards
Christians.
180
Their attitude turned Jerusalem into the setting for the
martyrdom of the Melkite new-martyrs and for theological debates.
181

Despite these difficulties, there was still freedom of movement and
contact between Jerusalem and the other Patriarchates. One of the better-
known figures in this period, Patriarch Thomas of Jerusalem, was initially
a doctor and deacon in Jerusalem who then became a monk at the Lavra of
St. Sabas in 797. After serving as hegoumenos of the Old Lavra, Thomas

175
Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 40-43.
176
Ibid., 209-210.
177
Ibid., 54.
178
Ibid., 39.
179
Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects, 3.
180
Vittorio Peri, La Grande Chiesa Bizantina. Lambito ecclesiale dellOrtodossia (Brescia:
Queriniana, 1981), 146.
181

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

69
became Patriarch some time before 807.
182
It was this same Patriarch
Thomas who sent his secretary, Michael Synkellos,
183
to Rome via
Constantinople in 815. Resources permitted Thomas to restore the
Anastasis, even without the permission of the caliph after the death of
Harun al-Rashid (d. 809).
184
Contact between the Judean monasteries and
the patriarchate were also maintained at this time. There were many
cases of hegoumenoi of St. Sabas Lavra being promoted to the episcopate,
both within the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, and elsewhere. Theodore Ab!
Qurrah was a monk of St. Sabas, then hegoumenos, and eventually bishop
of Edessa within the Antiochene Patriarchate, until he returned to St.
Sabas Lavra, where he died.
185
Thus, a fluid exchange existed between St.
Sabas and areas beyond the Jerusalem Patriarchate.
Jerusalems foreign contacts were not limited to the other Eastern
Patriarchates. In 808, after hearing of suffering and poverty, Charlemagne
(c. 742-814) sent a delegation to the Holy Land to assess the financial
situation of the Church there and provide support.
186
Their report reveals
162 personnel, including 60 ordained clergy, attached to the Holy
Sepulchre complex alone,
187
comparable to the Church of Blachernai in
Constantinople, but far smaller than the 600 clergy at Hagia Sophia in
612.
188
The total patriarchal budget that the delegation calculated was
comparably small, around 1,660 solidi, or 7.06 kg of gold.
189
From this
amount came the salaries for all the clergy, which the patriarch
distributed after Matins on Holy Thursday
190
and also during the Foot
Washing later in the day.
191
The choice of day is intriguing, considering

182
BHG 1670; De S. Stephano Sabaita Thaumaturgo Monacho (AASS Julii, tomus III), 588, 136
(July 13). BHG 1200; Martyrium SS. XX Patrum Sabaitarum (AASS Martii, tomus III), *2-*14,
here *5, 24 (March 20). For additional supplemental, edited folios from the passion of the
twenty martyrs, see Robert P. Blake, Deux lacunes combles dans la Passio XX
Monachorum Sabaitarum, AB 68 (1950), 27-43.
183
See section 1.7.1, note 132, on page 61 above.
184
Eutyches, Patriarch of Alexandria, Annales, pars 2 (CSCO 51, Beirut: Typographeo
Catholico, 1909), 55-56; K.A. Panchenko, "#$%&'()*&+', -$'./&('.0', 1#$+/.2, 34
21:470.
185
For more on Theodore Ab! Qurrah, see section 1.3, on page 50 above.
186
McCormick, Survey of the Holy Land, xiii.
187
Ibid., 31 tab. 2.3.
188
Ibid., 24-25.
189
Ibid., 16.
190
56 7897: ;<= 7> ?;@A BCD=A EF;G9GH I J87=HK=LMN (GON) 7P6 QRS=F6 7T6 EU;86 8V7W6
FX7YN CG7< 7P ZJFR[\8H I ]=^=FN. ZRRK_GH Q8` Q8â\GH GON 7P bDQ=G7(F6) Q8` cF=Gd 7P
eCFcU=HF6 8V7F[ Q8` GV^fN ZRRKgFh6 Fi Hj Z=L(HG=GdN) Q8` J8=8\7aQFh6 8V7k, Q8H
l=_G78H EF;G9GH6 8V7W6 JK67Y6 5CjK^CYN Q8` Q87< 7K_H6. Papadopoulos-Kerameus,
Anastasis Typikon, 99.
191
...Q8` [I J87=HK=LMN] cHRm 7P6 JUn8 Q8@ n@nGH oQK\7p 8V7W6 ZJP 6FC@\C87FN.

CHAPTER II

70
the theme of Judass love of money in the hymnography.
192
Thus,
Palestine and Jerusalem were certainly hospitable, relatively safe, regions
if St. Stephen the Younger suggested they were better as havens for the
persecuted Iconophile monks of Constantinople.
193

2. 2. Mi grati ons

Despite the apparent stability of the Church of Jerusalem in the
early ninth century, Byzantine accounts paint a decidedly different
picture. Only a few years later, in 812/3, the monastic chronicler
Theophanes (d. 818)
194
describes the situation:

!" #$ %&!' (!)* +,--,. !'/ 0%!1
2%-%*3!4/5/ 67*3!*%/'/ 8,/%9,. 0%.
-%:0,. 0%. ;0 +<35= >?74%= !@/ AB+7,/
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0%K,-*0L= 0%!%39,B35= >?74%/ 0%.
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P+$ %&!,Q= J79R/, ES/,* !) 0%. J7+%F%4
0%. 8,*9)T%*, J3C-F)*%4 !) 0%. +O3%*
+7<U)*= K),3!?F)T= ;/ 0V8%*= 0%.
+S-)3* P+W !,X K),-C3!,? (K/,?=
%&!'/ ;+7<!!,/!,, ,Y !) 0%!1 !@/
ZF4%/ 67*3!,X !,X K),X [8H/ +S-*/
3)D<38*,* !S+,* !L= ZF4%= J/%3!<3)H=,
!,X 07%/4,? 0%. !'/ -,*+'/
;D)D5-VK53%/. \8,4H= #] 0%. %^ 0%!1
!@/ (758,/ #*%DS5!,* -%X7%* !,X ZF4,?
6%74!H/,= 0%. !,X ZF4,? ><D%, 0%. !1
-,*+1 8,/%3!R7*% 0%. %^ ;00-534%*
_758VK53%/. 0%. ,^ 8]/ J/`7CK53%/
8%7!?7*0'=, ,^ #] !@/ AB+7,/
0%!C-%D,/ 0%. ;0 !%B!5= !W a?b</!*,/,
,c= d*9%R-, \ )&3)D@= D%3*-)B=, 0%.
e*05ES7,=, \ ZF*V!%!,= +%!7*<795=,
E*-,E7S/H= ;UC/*3%/. !,T= 8]/ F17
;-K,X3*/ ;/ !L +S-)* 8,/%3!R7*,/
In this year many Christian monks and
laity from Palestine and all Syria
reached Cyprus, fleeing the boundless
evil of the Arabs. For general anarchy
had seized Syria, Egypt, Africa, and
their entire empire: in villages and
cities their people, cursed by God,
murdered, robbed, committed adultery
and acts of licentiousness, and did all
sorts of things hateful to God. The
revered sites in the vicinity of the holy
city of Christ our God, the Anastasis,
Golgotha, and others, were profaned.
In the same way, the famous lavrai of
Sts. Chariton and Sabas in the desert,
as well as other churches and
monasteries, were devastated. Some
men became martyrs; others got to
Cyprus, and from there to Byzantium.
The Emperor Michael and the holy
patriarch Nikephoros kindly
entertained them. Michael helped
them in every way. He gave the men
who entered the city a famous
monastery, and sent a talent of gold to
the monks and laymen still on

192
See Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Anastasis Typikon, 96 ff.
193
Stephanus Constantinopolitanus Diaconus, Vita Sancti Stephani Junioris, Monachi et
Martyris, PG 100:1120.
194
Turtledove, Chronicle of Theophanes, viii-ix; Alexander Kazhdan, Theophanes the
Confessor, ODB III, 2063.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

71
!"#$%&'( !)*+,$-.', .'/0 )1 2-.3 .4(
56"+'( !(-"'&7#(-$8 &'(-9'/0 .7 2-:
;-<2'/0 .=;-(.'( 9+>$#'> ?"@$.78;7(,
2-: "-(.'#*0 .'6.'>0 !A7+="7>$7(.
195

Cyprus.
196

It is generally accepted that the great migrations of Christian
monks and laity described by Theophanes were of an intellectual lite
fleeing Monotheletism, as well as Persian and Arab invasions in the
seventh century, and then iconoclasm in the eighth and ninth centuries.
But of course the picture was not that simple. Just as the persecution of
Christians in the early Church did not continue without interruption but
went in fits and spurts in tandem with periods of peace, so too was the
situation for Christians in Palestine. The Byzantine recapture of Syrian
territories in the late tenth century subjected the region to pillaging and a
scorched earth policy, as well as psychological pressure designed to
disrupt unity among the non-Chalcedonian Christian population.
197
The
chronicles of the period, especially those of Michael the Syrian (d. A.D.
1199)
198
and Bar Hebraeus (c. 1226-1286),
199
suggest that Jacobite Christians
moved north and east, toward Militene and Edessa, rather than toward
Constantinople and Southern Italy, where numerous new dioceses and
monasteries were established during the late tenth and early eleventh
centuries. Byzantine attempts to submit the Jacobites to Chalcedonian
Orthodoxy failed, most notably after the delegation of the Jacobite
Patriarch John VIII Bar Abdun (d. 1057) and his bishops to Constantinople
in 1029.
200
It should be noted that the exiled Chalcedonian Patriarch Elias
of Antioch was consecrated in Constantinople on April 1, 1030, and most
probably remained there. However, his signature did not appear on the
acts of excommunication of John VIII bar Abdun and his bishops until
1032,
201
perhaps because he did not approve of the Byzantine tactic of
forced reunion, as Dagron suggests.
202

However, certain members of the Palestinian intellectual lite
did arrive in Southern Italy and made a significant impact on the Church
there. Patriarch Orestes of Jerusalem (reigned 986-1005), whose sister was

195
Theophanis Chronographia, 499.
196
Translation adapted from Turtledove, Chronicle of Theophanes, 178, and Griffith, Holy
Land in the Ninth Century, 232.
197
Dagron, Limmigration syrienne, 183-185.
198
Michael the Syrian, Chronicle III, 130.
199
Bar Hebraeus, Chronicon ecclesiasticum, vol. 1, trad. Joannes Baptista Abbeloos and
Thomas Josephus Lamy (Leuven: Peeters, 1872-1877), 412 and 418.
200
Ibid., 430-432.
201
Confirmation du tome prcdent contre les Jacobites. Grumel, Regestes I.2, 255 (n. 840,
April 1032). For Patriarch John (YuBanon) VIII bar Abdun, see GEDSH, 443.
202
Dagron, Limmigration syrienne, 203.

CHAPTER II

72
the wife of the fifth Fatimid Caliph al-Az!z (reigned 976-996)
203
and whose
brother Arsenius became Patriarch of Alexandria in 1000, spent most of
his time as patriarch outside of Jerusalem, accompanying Byzantine
ambassadors in voyages to Arab-occupied lands. He died in
Constantinople after four years there.
204
Orestes was also familiar with
Southern Italy and wrote vitae of three Sicilian saints: St. Sabas
205
and Sts.
Christopher and Macarius.
206
Southern Italian contact with such figures as
Patriarch Orestes, as well as earlier contact between Palestinian and
Southern Italian monasticism,
207
explains how certain Middle Eastern
prayers, such as the prayer for presenting bread and wine, found in
Alexandria BAS, made their way to Southern Italy and Constantinople.
208

Since, however, similar Palestinian influence is already found in the oldest
surviving Byzantine Euchologion, Barberini Gr. 336, from the eighth
century,
209
this process must have begun long before Patriarch Orestes.

2. 3. Byzanti ne Contact

In response to the persecution of the Melkites, Constantinople
attempted to regain Jerusalem several times. The military campaign of
John I Tzimiskes (reigned 969-976)
210
liberated Nazareth, Mount Tabor, and
Caesarea in 975, while that of Emperor Basil II (976-1025)
211
only reached
Baalbek.
212

203
Ya"y# al-An$ak!, Cronache, 190; M. Canard, al-Az!z Bill#h, Encyclopaedia of Islam 1,
823-825.
204
Ya"y# al-An$ak!, Cronache, 227.
205
BHG 1611 and 1611b.
206
BHG 312. Andr Jacob and J.-M. Martin, Lglise grecque en Italie (v. 650-v. 1050),
Histoire du Christianisme des origines nos jours, vol. 4: vques, moines et empereurs (610-1054),
ed. Gilbert Dagron, Pierre Rich, and Andr Vauchez (Paris: Descle, 1993), 347-371; Lidia
Perria, Vera von Falkenhausen, and Franceso DAiuto, Introduzione, in Perria, Tra
oriente e occidente, ix.
207
A. Gallico, Su una citazione di Teodoreto nel bios di San Nilo: trace del cristianesimo
siro-palestinese in Calabria, Chiesa e Societ nel Mezzogiorno. Studi in onore di Maria Mariotti,
vol. 2 (Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 1998), 35-45.
208
Heinzgerd Brakmann, Zu den Fragmenten einer griechischen Basileios-Liturgie aus
dem koptischen Makarios-Kloster, Oriens Christianus 66 (1982), 118-143, here 127-130;
Vino e olio nelle liturgie bizantine, in Parenti, A Oriente e Occidente di Costantinopoli, 54.
209
For example, the Rite of Foot Washing on Holy Thursday and the Prayer of the
Cathedra. See Parenti-Velkovska, Barberini 336, 205-208 (222-225); 60 and 73 (7 and 26),
respectively. See also Parenti, Preghiera della cattedra.
210
Alexander Kazhdan and Anthony Cutler, John I Tzimiskes, ODB II, 1045.
211
Charles M. Brand and Anthony Cutler, Basil II, ODB I, 261-262.
212
According to the letter from Tzimiskes to Ashot III Bagratuni, preserved by Matthew of
Edessa. See Canard, La destruction de lglise de la Rsurrection, 43.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

73
The recapture of Antioch in 969 provided a second pole for the
Byzantine Empire, a virtual capital of the Roman Orient.
213
But the rise of
Antioch did not go unchecked by Constantinople, at least in ecclesiastical
matters. Subsequent candidates for Patriarch of Antioch, such as the
monk Theodore in the tenth century, were subjected to an examination by
the synod prior to their enthronement.
214
Later on, Patriarch Agapius of
Antioch (reigned 978-996) was urged by the Emperor to resign as Patriarch
of Antioch in exchange for a monastery in Constantinople
215
and a salary.
He was replaced on October 4, 996, by John, who had been chartophylax at
Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. According to Ya!y" al-An!ak", Patriarch
John was to bring order (rattaba) to the church of Cassian in Antioch,
based on the model (mith!l) of St. Sophia in Constantinople.
216
The
church of Cassian (al-Qusy!n in Arabic) was not the same as the Great
Church of Antioch, but had assumed the status of the citys cathedral,
perhaps as early as the sixth century.
217
In the eleventh century, Abbot
Elias of the monastery of the star brought back books from Antioch to
Ab"d in Samaria, present-day Palestine,
218
for use there. This community
was a Chalcedonian stronghold and the region is a source for many other
liturgical manuscripts.
219
As noted above,
220
Vatican Syr. 19 (A.D. 1030) is
one such liturgical book, showing the strong influence of Byzantine
liturgical practice on the Antiochene Patriarchate.
Although John Tzimiskes and Basil II were able to recapture
Antioch, neither was able to recapture Jerusalem, and it would take the
Crusaders from the West to conquer the Holy City in 1099.

2. 4. Arabi zati on

One of the most complex aspects of the history of liturgical
Byzantinization in Jerusalem is the shift from a Greek-speaking to Arabic-

213
Dagron, Limmigration syrienne, 205.
214
Examen synodal de laptitude du moine Thodore, dsign par lempereur pour tre
patriarche dAntioche. Grumel, Regestes I.2-3, 305 (n. 795, January 970). See also V.
Grumel, Le patriarcat et les patriarches dAntioche sous la second domination byzantine,
969-1084, chos dOrient 33 (1934), 129-147.
215
The name of the monastery is unclear, but Kratchkovsky and Vasiliev suggest it may
have been #$%&$'()*. See Janin, glises de Constantinople, 403-404.
216
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 445-446. My thanks to Dr. Jack Tannous for assistance with
the Arabic.
217
For more on the Antiochene Church of Cassian, see Wendy Mayer and Pauline Allen,
The Churches of Syrian Antioch (300-638 CE) (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 52-55, 174-182.
218
Giovanni Lenzi, 46. Lezionario dei Vangeli. Aramaico palestinese, in Vangeli dei Popoli,
230.
219
B. Bagatti, Antichi villaggi cristiani di Samaria (Jerusalem: Tip. dei PP. Francescani, 1979),
117-118; Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 240-241.
220

CHAPTER II

74
speaking Orthodox Church, something surprising at first if one considers
that the Holy Land was under increasing Constantinopolitan liturgical
influence. This problem is compounded by some scholars ideology and
their selective attempts to favour the presence of one language over
another among Orthodox in Jerusalem. For example, Korolevsky divides
liturgical developments between the Syro-Byzantine and Arab-Byzantine
periods, claiming that Arabic became a liturgical language only in the
seventeenth century.
221

More recent studies have shown that the use of Greek was revived
in the tenth century, and that Arabic became increasingly common as a
liturgical language, surpassing Syriac in most regions by the thirteenth
century.
222
The influx of Muslims into urban areas such as Homs, rather
than the exodus of Greek speakers to Constantinople and the West, is what
accelerated the process of Arabization.
223
Ninth-century Vatican Gr. 2282
has numerous marginal notes in Arabic to explain the Greek rubrics,
224

showing that while the liturgy may still have been celebrated in Greek, the
vernacular was already Arabic.
225

Because of the multilingual environment in Jerusalem and its
monasteries, it is often difficult to determine the extent to which Arabic
was in use. Nasrallah believes that Arabic was used less in Jerusalem than
in Antioch because of the fidelity to Constantinople of monasteries like the
Laura of St. Sabas.
226
Although Greek, Syriac, Aramaic, Georgian, and even
Armenian and Frankish
227
monks were residents of St. Sabas, and services
were held in several of those languages, it is believed that Arabic-speaking
monks attached themselves to the Syriac services since there was a lack of
complete liturgical texts in Arabic.
228
Recent discoveries at Sinai suggest
that Arabic liturgical texts may be extant as the underwriting of
palimpsests, written over because the liturgy that the Arabic texts
contained became out-dated in the period of liturgical transition.
229
More
study of these fragmentary new finds is required to better understand

221
Charon, Le Rite Byzantin, 27.
222
Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 158.
223
Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 43; Nasrallah, Histoire II.2, 183.
224
See Ad liturgiam antiochenam. Notulae, Novae Patrum Bibliothecae ab Ang. Card. Maio
collectae, vol. 10, part 2: Liturgica, ed. J. Cozza-Luzi (Rome: Bibliotheca Vaticana, 1905), 113-
116.
225
Charon, Le Rite Byzantin, 19; Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 70.
226
Nasrallah, Liturgie des Patriarcats melchites, 159-160.
227
!"#$% &'( #')*+$,-% &'( ./0$% 12% ,34',05'% 6'")'% 1$7 895$: ;*44', in
Dmitrievskii, !"#$%&'( I, 222-224; Nicolas Egender, La Formation et linfluence du Typikon
liturgique, in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 210.
228
Leeming, The Adoption of Arabic as a Liturgical Language, 240-241.
229
Ibid., 245.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

75
how a switch to Arabic as a liturgical language could accompany the
transition to Byzantine liturgy.
The majority of Arabic texts that do survive are lectionaries,
perhaps going back to the prescription that only the Liturgy of the Word
and the Liturgy of the Hours could be celebrated in the vernacular. On the
other hand, the Eucharistic liturgy, at least in Sabaite monasteries, was to
be celebrated only in Greek. The Typikon of the Anastasis is a witness to this
practice during Paschal Matins, reminiscent of passages from Egeria and
the founders Typikon of the Lavra of St. Sabas mentioned above:

!"# $%&'( ) *"+,-.,/0( 12+"+"- $3( +4
256&,7676, 8"# ) 9,/-:-.8767( ;<=$-
>,?2/@A$6, 8"# $%&'( B,C$+"-
96"=-6D28$-6 +7E+7 A$=.;0 F@6G
H7E I6 J=K7-( *"+,4( LAM6 [email protected]
+7E P,O272+?A7O, ;?=7( $3( +4 Q=-76
*.2/", (7R L 9,/S) TU +-( $%2$VW( 8"#
F-;?&$7( 8+;. TX&Y 7Z+@( A$+"F,.2$-
"%+76 +46 ;?=76 ) V +M6 :-"8?6@6 $3(
9,"V-8W6 =;M22"6, [2+$
*","8;0&S276+"- 7\ AW $3:?+$(
96"=-6D2(8$-6) ]@A.^8" [sic], 8"#
=K6$+"- /",_ 8"# L 9=";;K"2-( 8"# L
IOF,72560 *"6+# +` ;"`, A-8,7E +$ 8"#
A$=.;7O [sic].
230

And immediately the patriarch stands
on the synthronon and the archdeacon
says Let us attend! and immediately
begins to read this in a loud voice: Of
our father among the saints, John
Chrysostom, Homily for Holy Pascha,
(which begins) If anyone is pious and
God-loving etc.
231
Then the second of
the deacons translates the homily into
the Arabic language, so that those who
do not know how to read Greek may be
comforted and that all the people may
have joy, exultation, and merriment,
both the small and the great.

By the twelfth century, Arabic has taken the place that Syriac once held as
the liturgical vernacular among the local Palestinian population.

2. 5. Changes i n Topography

Previous attempts to periodize the liturgical history of Jerusalem,
most notably by Miguel Arranz and Alexey Pentkovsky, sought parallels
between the evolution of worship in Constantinople and Jerusalem,
dividing their liturgical history into periods based on significant events in
each citys history. Arranz proposed the Persian invasion of Jerusalem on
May 5, 614, and the destruction of the Anastasis by Fatimid caliph al-

230
231
St. John Chrysostom, Sermo catecheticus in pascha, CPG 4605; PG 59:721-724; Arabic
version: Sinai Ar. 455 (12
th
c.), f. 90-92; Paris B.N. Ar. 262 (15
th
c.), f. 189v (no. 17). See Grard
Troupeau, Catalogue des manuscrits arabes. Premire partie: Manuscrits chrtiens, vol. 1 (Paris:
Bibliothque Nationale, 1972), 228.

CHAPTER II

76
!"kim biAmr All"h (reigned 996-1021)
232
on September 28, 1009, to be
cataclysmic events that immediately disrupted liturgical practice and
ushered in a new type of liturgy.
233
Pentkovsky focused more on the
destruction of the Anastasis in 1009 and noted that after this time the
authentic liturgy of Jerusalem was lost and replaced by that of
Constantinople.
234
While such significant threshold dates can be useful, closer
examination of archaeological evidence requires a nuancing of these views.
Much of the destruction of churches and holy sites attributed to the
Persians in 614 and to the Arabs in the years immediately following 638
actually occurred in the ninth century.
235
Despite pillaging and burning
the Anastasis and numerous other churches in Palestine, as described by
Antiochus Strategos,
236
the Persians subsequently funded the complete
restoration of the Anastasis, which was initiated by Patriarch Modestus
(reigned 630-634).
237
Robert Schick believes that more churches were
restored during the early years of the Muslim conquest than during the
brief period of Byzantine recovery under Emperor Heraclius (reigned 610-
641). This is due to the lack of evidence of building activity.
238

Descriptions of the destruction of other churches, such as the Nea Church
of the Theotokos,
239
were actually projections by historians of more recent,
ninth-century events onto the murky past.
240

232
M. Canard, al-!"kim Bi-amr All"h, Encyclopedia of Islam 3, 76-82, especially 77-78 for a
list of al-!"kims policies toward Christians.
233
Arranz, Grandes tapes.
234
Pentkovsky, #$%$&'()*+,-* (&./0-.
235
Bieberstein, Gesandtenaustausch. For new seventh-century sources see Laurent
Blancs, Autour de quelques textes chrtiens concernant les premiers temps de la
conqute musulmane, Byzance et ses priphries. Hommage Alain Ducellier, ed. Bernard
Doumerc and Christophe Picard (Toulouse: CNRS Universit de Toulouse-Le Mirail,
2004), 41-55.
236
Frederick C. Conybeare, Antiochus Strategos, The Capture of Jerusalem by the
Persians in 614 AD, English Historical Review 25 (1910), 502-517; Alexander Kazhdan,
Antiochus Strategos, ODB I, 119-120.
237
1*2(&/'34, 56 21:413.
238
Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 65-66.
239
Nahman Avigad, The Nea: Justinians Church of St. Mary, Mother of God, Discovered
in the Old City of Jerusalem, Ancient Churches Revealed, ed. Yoram Tsafrir (Jerusalem:
Israel Exploration Society, 1993), 128-135.
240
Bieberstein, Gesandtenaustausch, 159. See also Sidney Griffith, What has
Constantinople to do with Jerusalem? Palestine in the ninth century: Byzantine
Orthodoxy in the world of Islam, Byzantium in the Ninth Century: Dead or Alive? Papers
from the Thirtieth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies, Birmingham, March 1996, ed.
Leslie Brubaker (Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 1998), 181-194. For a new perspective on
the destruction of Jerusalem by the Persians, see Renata Salvarani, Il modello
gerosolimitano: continuit e trasformazione nella liturgia di Gerusalemme, Liturgie e
culture tra lta di Gregorio Magno e il pontificato di Leone III. Aspetti rituali, ecclesiologici e

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

77
From the perspective of the liturgical historian, such threshold
dates raise the question of the connection of a liturgical rite to a liturgical
space. This is precisely because these dates often do not correspond to the
variety found in the actual liturgical sources. For example, according to
the account of Arculf, the Imbomon was already without a roof around A.D.
670.
241
Would such a state affect liturgical practice? Most certainly this
would discourage any processions to this church in the stational liturgy of
Jerusalem.
242
But would it immediately alter more than just the location of
the service, rather than its internal structure? If the liturgical changes,
as Pentkovsky calls them, resulted not from internal ecclesiastical and
canonical regulation but from external circumstances in the local
environment, it is not surprising that diversity and variation are present
within the liturgical sources. Baumstarks third principle of the method of
comparative liturgy, that the development of liturgy is but a series of
individual developments and the history of the liturgy consists not in
one progressive unilinear growth of entire rituals as single units, but via
distinct developments of their individual components,
243
certainly
supports such a conclusion.

2. 6. Destructi on of the Anastasi s

Many authors consider 1009 to be the most significant date in the
process of Byzantinization, a date that marked the Holy City forever,
leaving it a barren wasteland.
244
Yet a closer examination of the events
surrounding the destruction and rebuilding of the Anastasis reveal that

istituzionali, ed. Renata Salvarani (Monumenta Studia Instrumenta Liturgica 64, Citt del
Vaticano: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2011), 37-55. For a map of the various holy sites of
Jerusalem, see Appendix, section 2 (Map of the City of Jerusalem, 4
th
-9
th
c.), on page 298 of
the thesis.
241
Dmitrievskii, !"#$%&'()# *+,")+"()# -./.01%2, 33.
242
This station is indicated six times in the GL. See 645, 752, 856, 890, 1126, 1279. See
also Verhelst, Lieux de station I, 22; id., Lieux de station II, 261.
243
Although Taft attributes this law to Baumstark, neither he nor Fritz West are able to
trace this reference to Baumstarks publications. See Robert F. Taft, SJ, Comparative
Liturgy Fifty Years after Anton Baumstark (d. 1948): A Reply to Recent Critics, Worship 73
(1999), 521-540, here 525; id., Anton Baumstarks Comparative Liturgy Revisited, in
Liturgy Fifty Years after Baumstark, 198. My thanks to Robert Taft and Fritz West for their
consultation on this question.
244
Arranz and Pentkovsky are just a few liturgists who include it as a crucial date in their
general studies of Byzantine liturgy. See Arranz, Grandes tapes; Pentkovsky,
!"#"$%&'()*+( &$,-.+. See also the proceedings of a 2009 conference held on this
topic, Konflikt und Bewltigung. Die Zerstrung der Grabeskirche zu Jerusalem im Jahre 1009, ed.
Thomas Pratsch (Millennium Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n.
Chr., Band 32, Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011).

CHAPTER II

78
this date may not be so much a watershed, as an unnuanced landmark
date in the process of Byzantinization in Jerusalem.
Before discussing the destruction of the Anastasis, it should be
noted that the church we are familiar with today is not the original Holy
Sepulchre. This structure dates to the reconstruction after the fire of 1808,
and was preceded by three other structures, the first being that of
Constantine the Great in the fourth century.
245
Following numerous sacks
and sieges, the Anastasis complex underwent several repairs throughout
the seventh to tenth centuries. The church complex suffered extensive
damage on May 28, 966, when it was burned, and Patriarch John VII
(reigned 964-966) was brutally murdered and his body burned in the
atrium of the Martyrium.
246
Patriarch Christodoulos II (reigned 966-969)
began restoration. Work continued under Patriarchs Thomas II (reigned
969-979), Joseph II (reigned 980-984), Agapius (reigned 984-985), Orestes
(reigned 986-1006) of Jerusalem, and Patriarch Arsenius of Alexandria
(reigned 1000-1010).
247
Ibn al-!amm"r, a Jacobite Christian, funded
restoration under Patriarch Thomas II, while synkellos #adaqah Ibn Bi$r
supervised its completion under Patriarchs Joseph II and Orestes, so that it
was restored to its pristine splendour.
248

The rule of Caliph al-!"kim from 996 to 1021 ushered in an era of
particular animosity toward Christians, despite the fact that his mother
was a Melkite. His persecutions ranged from random arrests and
executions in 1001 to banning the celebration of Pascha and Epiphany in
1004.
249
He also forbade the use of wine during the celebration of the
Eucharist, forcing the clergy to use the residue from raisins soaked in
water.
250
According to the account of Ibn-al-Qal"nis%, al-!"kim ordered
the destruction of the Holy Sepulchre complex in the Islamic year 399

245
Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 66-68. For a plan of the Anastasis complex, see
Appendix, section 1 (Plan of the Anastasis Complex, 4
th
, 11
th
, 12
th
c.), on page 297 of the
thesis.
246
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History I, 708; Ya&y" al-An'ak%, Cronache, 114-115; Fedalto, Liste
vescovili del patriarcato di Gerusalemme, 17.
247
Cf. Patriarchae Hierosolymitani. 98.1.2 Hierosolyma, Aelia Capitolina, Urusalm, al-
Quds, Yaru$alaym, Jerusalem, Gerusalemme, in Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis II,
999-1005 for varying names and dates of the patriarchs in this period.
248
il tetto della chiesa di san Costantino fu portato a termine ed essa venne restituita al
suo prstino splendore: fu allora che la chiesa fu completata in ogni sua parte, poco tempo
prime dellultima distruzione abbattutasi su di essa nel mese di !afar dellanno 400
dellegira. Ya&y" al-An'ak%, Cronache, 115-116; Ya!y" al-An!ak", History I, 708; Ousterhout,
Rebuilding the Temple, 69-70.
249
Al-!"kims life and his numerous campaigns against Christians are recorded in Ya!y"
al-An!ak", History II, 450-520.
250
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 503; Ya&y" al-An'ak%, Cronache, 257. See also M. Canard, al-
!"kim Bi-amr All"h, Encyclopedia of Islam 3, 77-78 for more on al-!"kims policies toward
Christians.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

79
(anno hegirae, September 17, 1007, to September 4, 1008).
251
The account of
the destruction of the Anastasis is also found in the history of Ya!y"-ibn-
Sa!d of Antioch.
252
The account describes the destruction of churches in
Egypt and Syria ordered by al-"#kim, and then describes the scene in
Jerusalem:

Il [al-"#kim] fit galement crire en
Syrie Yaroukh, gouverneur de
Ramlah, quil ait dmolir lglise de la
Sainte-Rsurrection, de faire
disparatre ses emblems (chrtiens),
den arracher les traces et souvenirs.
Alors Yaroukh envoya son fils Yousout
et al-Housn-ibn-Thahir-al-Wazzan en
compagnie dAbou-l-Fawaris-ad-Dhaf,
qui se saisirent de tout le mobilier qui
sy trouvait; et aprs quoi (lglise elle-
mme) fut abattue jusquaux
fondements lexception de ce quil
tait impossible de dtruire et difficile
arracher enlever. Puis le Cranion,
Calvaire lglise de Saint-Constantin
et tous les autres difices renferms
dans leur enceinte furent dtruits, et
les vestiges sacrs (saintes reliques)
furent compltement ananties. Ibn-
Abou-Zhahir, seffora denlever le
Saint-Spulchre et den faire
disparatre la trace, en brisa et dmolit
la plus grande partie. Il y avait dans le
voisinage (du saint-Spulchre) un
monastre de religieuses, connu sous le
nom de monastre das-Sari, qui fut
galement dmoli. La ruine de (lglise
de la Rsurrection) fut commence le
mardi cinquime jour de afar de lan
400. Tous ses domains et legs pieux
He [al-"#kim] also wrote to Yaroukh in
Syria, governor of Ramlah, that he
must demolish the church of the Holy
Resurrection, to make its (Christian)
symbols disappear, and to rip out its
traces and memory. Then Yaroukh
sent his sons Yousout and al-Housein
ibn Thahir al-Wazzan, in the company
of Abou l-Fawaris ad-Dhaf, who seized
all the moveable property found there,
after which (the church itself) was
destroyed down to the foundations,
except for that which was impossible to
destroy and too difficult to seize and
carry away. Afterwards the Cranion,
Calvary, the church of St. Constantine
and all the other buildings in their
vicinity were destroyed, and the sacred
remains (holy relics) were completely
annihilated. Ibn Abou Zhahir
attempted to remove the Holy
Sepulchre and to make any trace of it
disappear by breaking it and
demolishing the greatest part. There
was a monastery of nuns in the
neighbourhood (of the Holy
Sepulchre), known by the name of the
monastery of as-Sari, which was also
demolished. The destruction (of the
church of the Resurrection) began on
Tuesday, the fifth day of afar in the

251
History of Damascus, 363-555 a.h. by Ibn al-Qalnisi from the Bodleian Ms. Hunt. 125 being a
continuation of the history of Hill al-Sbi, ed. H.F. Amedroz (Leyden: Brill, 1908), 67-68 and
15 (English summary); Canard, La destruction de lglise de la Rsurrection, 26, 28, 30-
34, 42. Canards comparison of the various historical sources shows that the role of the
miracle of the Holy Fire as al-"#kims motivation to destroy the Holy Sepulchre is unclear.
252
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 490-493; Ya$y# al-An%ak!, Cronache, 246-253.

CHAPTER II

80
[waqf] furent saisis, ainsi que tous les
vases et objets sacrs et les pieces
dorfvrerie.
253

year 400. All its possessions and
property [waqf] were seized, including
the vessels, sacred objects, and
jewellery.

Only that which was too difficult to destroy was spared. This action was
accompanied by other anti-Christian decrees, including the confiscation
and destruction of all other churches in Palestine and the banning of
processions. Fortunately the Patriarch was warned, giving him time to
hide all the precious relics, gold, silver, and vestments, before al-!"kims
order could be carried out.
254
Lazarus of Mount Galesion personally
witnessed the destruction of the Anastasis and decided it was safer to
return to Anatolia because of the persecution of Christians surrounding
this event.
255

That such destruction had a devastating impact on worship in
Jerusalem is without question. Yet within two years, during the reign of
the more tolerant local Bedouin emir, Al-Mufarri# Ibn al-$arr"%,
256

Christians were permitted to rebuild the Anastasis and were given a new
patriarch, Theophilus I (reigned 1012-1020), previously bishop of !ib"l
near al-Karak, to execute the order.
257
The emir issued an edict of
protection for the complex in 1020, referring to it as the Church of al-
Qiy"ma (Resurrection),
258
and Ya!y"-ibn-Sa&d notes that parts of the
church were restored to their ancient splendour according to the means
and resources of Al-Mufarri#.
259

The death of al-!"kim in 1021 under mysterious circumstances
pacified the situation, allowing a treaty to be signed in 1030 between
Byzantine Emperor Romanos III Argyros (reigned 1028-1034)
260
and al-
!"kims son, Daher. This permitted a more complete reconstruction of
the Anastasis at Byzantine expense, although reconstruction was delayed

253
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 491-492; Ya%y" al-An'ak&, Cronache, 249-250.
254
Canard, La destruction de lglise de la Rsurrection, 20-24.
255
BHG 979; De Sancto Lazaro Monacho in Monte Galesio (AASS Novembris, tomus III), 515
(November 7, 19, D-F); Alice-Mary Talbot, Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land from
the Eighth to the Fifteenth Century, in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 97-110, here 101.
256
M. Canard, !J!arr""ids or Banu l-!j!arr"", Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, 482-485, especially
483.
257
Ya%y" al-An'ak&, Cronache, 258.
258
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 505; Ya%y" al-An'ak&, Cronache, 259; Ousterhout, Rebuilding
the Temple, 69-70.
259
Ya!y" al-An!ak", History II, 505; Ya%y" al-An'ak&, Cronache, 259.
260
Charles M. Brand and Anthony Cutler, Romanos III Argyros, ODB III, 1807.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

81
until 1042, already after an earthquake destroyed virtually all the
remaining churches in Jerusalem in 1033 or 1034.
261

The Byzantine emperor who initiated construction of the second
Holy Sepulchre around 1042 was Constantine IX Monomachos (1042-
1055).
262
Constantine IX aspired to greatness, imagining himself a second
Constantine the Great and Justinian, both as a defender of the faith and
patron of monumental architectural projects. His on-site intermediary
was Ioannes Karianitis, a Byzantine nobleman who had retired to
Jerusalem, and who monitored the work of the two teams of Byzantine and
local Palestinian craftsmen directed by a chief architect from
Constantinople.
263
Even though the Jerusalem Church was becoming
gradually more Arab, it still looked to Constantinople for both spiritual
and financial support.
The resulting building was impressive by contemporary standards.
Constructed from Roman and Byzantine spolia, the structure of the
rotunda of the Anastasis followed the original fourth-century plan. Its
twenty-one-metre span, colossal for that time, may have caused concern
for the builders, who covered it with a wooden roof. The courtyard was
retained and lined with chapels relating to events from Christs Passion, as
well as to St. James and OT saints. It should be noted that no pastophorion
was included in the design, an omission common in Byzantine plans until
the sixth century.
264
One major aspect of the Golgotha complex that was
not rebuilt was the five-aisled basilica of the Martyrium.
265
However, the
abandonment of the basilica plan and the spatial reduction of churches
were both quite common in this period, suggesting an approach to the
rebuilding programme consistent with Byzantine architectural practices
of the time.
266

Although Byzantines played an important role in the
reconstruction process, the final result was an amalgam of Byzantine and
local Palestinian styles and methods, something found in other artistic

261
Ya!y" al-An#ak$, Cronache, 373-374; Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 70. Tritton,
The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects, 55, states the Muslim party agreed to the
rebuilding on condition that a mosque be restored in Constantinople.
262
Charles M. Brand and Anthony Cutler, Constantine IX Monomachos, ODB I, 504.
263
Ex Historia Guillielmi Tyrensis RHC Occ. I, 19 (943), in Donatus Baldi, O.F.M., Enchiridion
Locorum Sanctorum (Jerusalem: Typis PP. Franciscanorum, 1955), 653; Ousterhout,
Rebuilding the Temple, 70-71, 76.
264
Patrich, Transfer of Gifts, 342-343.
265
Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 70-72.
266
An example of this is Hagia Sophia in Thessalonike, a basilica converted into a
centrally planned, smaller church. See Cyril Mango, Byzantine Architecture (Milan: Electa
Editrice, 1978), 89-90; Kalliopi Theoharidou, The Architecture of Hagia Sophia, Thessaloniki:
From its Erection up to the Turkish Conquest (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988).

CHAPTER II

82
disciplines of the same period.
267
Certain masonry sections were built
according to the hallmark Byzantine recessed-brick technique, while
others used the Muslim-influenced flat-brick method. Execution of the
vaults, usually groin vaults in series, also reveals local workmanship in the
thoroughly Byzantine plan. It is unclear if the Byzantines began the
project and left it to the Palestinians to finish, or if the two teams worked
side by side.
268
In any case, Krautheimer has suggested that the
collaboration of Byzantine and Islamic architectural schools on the Holy
Sepulchre project may have influenced subsequent Byzantine domed-
octagon church plans in the eleventh century.
269
Likewise, the twin-
domed plan of the Anastasis is reflected in the Komnenian dynastys (1081-
1185) mausoleum at the Pantokrator Monastery Church of St. Michael,
suggesting another example of hagiopolite influence on Byzantine
architecture.
270

At the same time, other churches were rebuilt and new
foundations established in the time between the destruction of the
Anastasis and the arrival of the Crusaders. One of the most notable is the
Holy Cross Monastery, built by the Sabaitic Georgian monk, Giorgi
Proxore (d. 1066), around the year 1030.
271
King Bagrat IV of Georgia
(1027-1072) funded the monastery, which eventually became the focus of
Georgian monastic activity in Palestine and a centre for the whole
Jerusalem Patriarchate.
272

The new Holy Sepulchre was rededicated only 39 years later in
1048
273
and adorned with opulent gifts from Emperors Michael VI
Stratiotikos (reigned 1055-1057)
274
and Michael VII Doukas (reigned 1071-
1078).
275
In the fifty-one years from the rededication to the capture of

267
V. N. Zalesskaia, !"#$%$&'" (")*#+%,#+" -./0%1+#+ 2-23 44., 56 29 [92] (1987),
137-142.
268
Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 73-76.
269
Richard Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (Harmondsworth:
Penguin Books, 1965), 244; Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 78.
270
Ousterhout, Sacred Geographies, 108-109.
271
Tarchnishvili, Geschichte, 75.
272
Nino Khutsishvili, !"#$%&'!(!% )*#!% (+,&%-#!% (!.&/(0'+1"'+1&
%&2"#/*"'+3! [Holy Cross Monastery of Jerusalem. Georgian Land Ownership] (Tbilisi:
Artanuji Publishers, 2006), 141.
273
Willelmi Tyrensis Archiepiscopi, Chronicon I.6 (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio
Mediaevalis 63, Turnhout: Brepols, 1986), 112-114; translated into English as William,
Archbishop of Tyre, A History of Deeds Done Beyond the Sea, vol. 1, ed. and trans. Emily
Atwater Babcock and A.C. Krey (New York: Columbia University Press, 1943), 69-71. Ya7y8
al-An9ak:s history ends in 1033, thus he does not describe the completed restoration of
the Anastasis.
274
Charles M. Brand, Michael VI Stratiotikos, ODB II, 1366.
275
Charles M. Brand and Anthony Cutler, Michael VII Doukas, ODB II, 1366-1367;
Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 77 n. 40.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

83
Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099, Ousterhout sees a rearrangement of
the reliquary chapels around the Anastasis reflected in certain liturgical
actions in the Typikon of the Anastasis, particularly the events of Good
Friday and the procession with the Holy Cross.
276
Once the Crusaders
replaced the courtyard and chapels of the Anastasis with a single domed
transept and pilgrims choir dedicated in 1149, the authentic stational
character of the Golgotha complex was lost, turning the church into a kind
of concentrated Byzantine microcosm of the life of Christ.
277
Only in 1099
did the Orthodox Patriarchate loose control of the Anastasis to the Latin
hierarchy accompanying the First Crusade. This reduced the Greek
language to a secondary role in services at the Holy Sepulchre for the first
time since its construction by Constantine.
278

This closer look at the events surrounding 1009 explains why the
liturgical books examined above do not always fall neatly into the
historical periods delineated by some liturgists and do not themselves
reveal a drastically different rite immediately after the year 1009.

2. 7. Eccl esi asti cal Reorgani zati on

The fact that Christianity was no longer the official state-
sponsored religion of the Holy City had a great impact on church
structures and administration in the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
This is reflected in several organizational changes made after the Arab
conquest. Previously, diocesan boundaries paralleled those of Byzantine
civil administrative divisions, and Muslim authorities generally preserved
such existing administrative structures. But the Muslim occupation saw
the emigration of a significant portion of the population, particularly in
the eighth and ninth centuries. Urban centres such as Damascus, Antioch,
Emessa, and Jerusalem retained their Christian identity and population in
the first century of the Hegira,
279
but regions that saw heavy fighting, such
as Caesarea and the coast north of Ars!f, witnessed the displacement of
the indigenous Christian population by Muslim inhabitants.
280
All these
factors, along with the devastating earthquake of 749, showed the need for
a reorganization of the hierarchy in the Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
The primary source for this adjustment is the ninth-century work
by Basil of Ialimbana entitled "#$%& '()*+,-.(/+& 012 34%50#052

276
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Anastasis Typikon, 144-147; Ousterhout, Rebuilding the
Temple, 78.
277
Ousterhout, Rebuilding the Temple, 78; Taft, Liturgy of the Great Church, 66.
278
For accounts of liturgical services at the Anastasis shortly after the arrival of the
Crusaders, see Wilson, Abbot Daniel, 77-78. See also the entire 667 106 (2008) dedicated to
the millennium commemorations of Abbot Daniels pilgrimage.
279
Nasrallah, Histoire II.1, 43.
280
Levy-Rubin, The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 218-220.

CHAPTER II

84
!"#$%"$&'( (Order of the Episcopal Placement of the Venerable
Patriarchs).
281
Basil copied previous works but updated them, showing
great knowledge of Palestine, as well as the Arabic and Syriac languages.
The work provides a list of twenty-five archbishoprics within the
Patriarchate of Jerusalem, some of them having been raised from the
status of suffragan bishoprics, or synkelloi, of the Patriarchate.
282
This was
presumably done to facilitate church administration at a time when
contact and activity had become more difficult.
Analysis of the list shows a change in focus from pastoral care for
the flock of the local Church to an interest in preserving holy sites. Of the
four major archbishoprics attached to the Patriarchal court in Jerusalem
and considered Patriarchal synkelloi, three were connected to holy sites
without communities: Diospoleos () *%+,!-./01), Neapolis (2 3/4!+.%1),
and the Jordan River () #+5 678+9 :+$;4(+9 !+#"<+5); and only Joppa ()
:-!!=1) was exclusively responsible for pastoral care.
283
As seen in the
Byzantine period, the importance of holy sites was again stressed as the
main reason for the existence of the Jerusalem Patriarchate. For this
reason Theodore the Stoudite wrote to Patriarch Thomas of Jerusalem that,
although only fifth in the order of the Orthodox Patriarchates, his see
should be counted first among the Patriarchates (>? !$'#+1 !"#$%"$&'(,
@A( !/(#4B+%1 #C D$%E<C) because it was on its holy sites that Christ lived,
died, and was buried.
284

With a decreasing number of ordinary faithful, the responsibility of
caring for these holy sites passed almost exclusively to monks. The
Archbishopric of the Holy River Jordan, second only to the Patriarchate
and entrusted with the duties of the patriarchal protosynkellos
(!$0#+,F7@/..+1) and antiprosopos (D(#%!$-,0!+1), became responsible
for both the Jordan holy sites and the Judean monastic communities.
285

Likewise, the centre of the Jericho diocese was moved to the Monastery of
St. John the Evangelist on the banks of the river Jordan after the
earthquake of 749. This showed that monasteries were favoured in a time
when the Orthodox Christian population was struggling.
286
Where the
earthquake of 749 had completely destroyed whole dioceses, as at

281
Gregorios Palamas, !"#$%$&'()*+ ,-$. /0.-$(1+ 2%-$#)* -3+ 45)*+ 06&"7+ !"#$'%*&8(
(Jerusalem: G9!+7$"H/8+9 #+5 I. G4H+9, 1862), 378-382; E. Honigmann, Die Notitia des
Basileios von Ialimbana, Byzantion 9 (1934), 208-211; V. Laurent, La Notitia de Basile
lArmnien, chos dOrient 34 (1935), 459-471; Levy-Rubin, The Reorganisation of the
Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 199-202.
282
A full list is presented in Levy-Rubin, The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of
Jerusalem, 203.
283
Levy-Rubin, The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 221.
284
St. Theodore of Stoudios, Epistolarum Liber Secundus, PG 99:1160-1161.
285
Themelis, GJ G"@#%@4, 82.
286
Levy-Rubin, The Reorganisation of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 217.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

85
Skythopolis and Petra, the bishop moved to Jerusalem, becoming a titular
bishop residing at the Patriarchal court.
287
With the administration of
Bethlehem, Emmaus, Thecoa, Hebron, and Ab!d all within the diocese of
Jerusalem left to senior priests of the Patriarchate,
288
the hagiopolite
patriarchal court became the centralized locus of power and influence in
Orthodox Palestine, and the point of contact with other Orthodox
Patriarchates, including Constantinople. Any changes or developments in
the liturgy made at the Patriarchal court would easily be spread to the rest
of its territory.

2. 8. The Fi rst Crusade

Persecution of Christians continued after the destruction of the
Holy Sepulchre. Theodore Prodromoss Life of Meletius of Myoupolis (c. 1070-
1073) describes Christians being persecuted and tortured at the hands of
Arabs in Jerusalem.
289
Such news, along with the desire to ward off Muslim
advances into Anatolia, motivated Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (reigned
1081-1118)
290
to appeal for help to Pope Urban II (reigned 1088-1099)
291
at
the synod of Piacenza in March 1095. Alexios was a shrewd diplomat and
knew how to exploit the Western Churchs interests in relics and the Holy
Land. By highlighting the presence of the exiled patriarchs of Jerusalem,
such as Patriarch Euthymius (c. 1083), in the Constantinopolitan Imperial
Court, Alexios made it clear that Constantinople and Jerusalem were to be
considered as one: any attack on the Byzantine Empire would also be an
affront to the Holy City.
292

The arrival of the First Crusade in 1099 initially did little to
alleviate the situation for the Church of Jerusalem. The first years of the
Latin Kingdom were marked by massacres of non-Latins both Christians
and Muslims because the earliest Crusaders were unable to distinguish
between the two groups. After the First Crusade, Byzantine pilgrimage
accounts make no reference to any difficulties experienced because of

287
Ibid., 220. For a map of the territory of the Jerusalem Patriarchate, see Appendix,
section 3 (Map of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem, 8
th
-9
th
288
Themelis, "# "$%&'%(, 84.
289
V.G. Vasilevskii, !"#$%&$' ()"*#+)$' ,-./012 #34 5-$6/7$' 8$9 :7$67+;$' *'<<73=>?0
8@2 AB C#38$03-817D6$2 ED$" ,-%-8D$' 8$9 0>$' ())* 17 [6.2], St. Petersburg: )+,-./0,-1.2
),02/341/5.2 6782/3-., 1886), 46 (Greek) and 127-128 (Russian). For more accounts of
the period of the First Crusade, see John Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 1099-1185
(London: Hakluyt Society, 1988).
290
Charles M. Brand, Philip Grierson, and Anthony Cutler, Alexios I Komnenos, ODB I, 63.
291
Alexander Kazhdan, Urban II (Odo of Chtillon), ODB III, 2143-2144.
292
P. Gautier, Le Typikon de sbaste Grgoire Pakourianos, REB 42 (1984), 6-145, here
131; Peter Frankopan, The First Crusade: The Call from the East (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap
Press of Harvard University Press, 2012), 92, 95.

CHAPTER II

86
Muslims, suggesting the situation had improved for the local Christian
population.
293
The holy sites were now preserved from destruction and
desecration, but this did not mean that local Orthodox Christians had
access to, or control of, them.
294
In fact, the Orthodox Church was subject
to the hierarchy of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
295
According to
David Jacoby, St. Sava of Serbia (1175-1235),
296
who had close ties to Mount
Athos, the Empire of Nicaea, and Serbia, may have established the
monastery of St. Sabas in Acre 1230 for the purpose of promoting
pilgrimage to the Holy Land from all Orthodox lands in order to enhance
the Orthodox presence in the Latin Kingdom.
297
However, by the time of
Latin King Guy de Lusignans (d. 1194) loss to Saladin (1138-1193)
298
at the
Battle of Hattin on July 4, 1187, which ultimately led to the fall of
Jerusalem to Saladins forces,
299
Christians had already adapted to their
Arab environment and their liturgical practices, which had been in flux
during this period of transition, began to consolidate and take form.

3. CRISIS AND CONTACT

Within a century of the Arab conquest of Jerusalem, crisis also
struck the Church of Constantinople in the form of Iconoclasm. Such
turmoil brought together the like-minded monks of St. Theodore Stoudite
and the monks of St. Sabas Lavra, setting in motion what is now known as
the Stoudite-Sabaite synthesis.
300

3. 1. Byzanti ne Iconocl asm and Its Impact on Pal esti ne

It is widely held that Palestinian monks were united in opposition
to iconoclasm and focused much of their energy on combating this
Byzantine phenomenon. The Synaxarion of Constantinople attributes to

293
Alice-Mary Talbot, Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land from the Eighth to the
Fifteenth Century, in Patrich, Sabaite Heritage, 97-110, here 101.
294
Wilson, Abbot Daniel, 77-78; Jonathan Phillips, The Latin East, 1098-1291, The Oxford
History of the Crusades, ed. Jonathan Riley-Smith (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999),
113-115.
295
Bernard Hamilton, The Latin Church in the Crusader States. The Secular Church (London:
Variorum Publications, 1980), 159-171 and 179-187.
296
Robert Browning, Sava of Serbia, ODB III, 1847.
297
David Jacoby, Three Notes on Crusader Acre, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palstina-Vereins
109 (1993), 83-96, here 87.
298
Charles M. Brand, Saladin, ODB III, 1830.
299
De Expugatione Terrae Sanctae per Saladinum [The Capture of the Holy Land by Saladin],
ed. Joseph Stevenson (Rolls Series, London: Longmans, 1875); James Brundage, The
Crusades: A Documentary History (Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1962), 153-159.
300
Taft, Byzantine Rite, 58.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

87
Sts. John of Damascus and Cosmas of Maiouma not only the composition of
hymnography, but also highlights the defence of icons against the
iconoclasts, suggesting this was perhaps the main subject of their
writings.
301

Certainly the opposition of the Eastern patriarchs to
Constantinopolitan iconoclasm was unanimous. In the year 764 (annus
mundi 6255), with common will and unity of purpose, Theodore the
patriarch of Antioch, Theodore of Jerusalem, Kosmas of Alexandria, and
the bishops under them, each in his own city, anathematized him
[Emperor Constantine V Kopronymos (718-775)] on the day of holy
Pentecost after the reading of the holy gospel.
302
They also sent letters to
the Pope of Rome, which were read at the Lateran Council in 769.
303
Yet
the involvement of Palestinian monks in the debate over icon veneration
in Constantinople, may be somewhat exaggerated. Auzpy suggests a
Palestinian lobby promoted John of Damascus and exonerated certain
Palestinian monks who were indifferent to icon veneration, such as
Stephen the Sabaite, after the second wave of iconoclasm in
Constantinople.
304

After painstaking analysis of literary and archaeological evidence,
Robert Schick concludes that iconoclasm as it manifested itself in the
Byzantine Empire is fundamentally different from what appears in
Palestine, where images of ordinary people and animals, and not just icons,
were destroyed. This makes it difficult to accept any claim that the
damage [to Palestinian mosaic floors] was inspired by the iconoclastic
practices of the Christians in the Byzantine Empire.
305
The motivation for
this destruction and then near-immediate repair is unclear.
Archaeological evidence suggests that Christians carried out the
destruction under duress, perhaps in response to the iconoclast edict of

301
! "#$ %&'() *+,$$-) ./ .0$ 123+$ 45.(6 78$,"9' :4; .4<) .0$ 3=4>0$ &(>4<)
?@(79AB9&' @19<&.4 &.-1'.9C&4) .D$ 78&&9EF .0$ 9G:($(",H+$ 4I=9&'$ :4; @(11J
&833=,""4.4 :4.4191('@K).... Delehaye, Synaxarium, 279.
302
!! "#$!! !"#$% &'()*+,-, . /01+23+45- 6"12,4'70-, 809 &'()*+,- :'+,;,<=$*", 809
!"#$%& '()*+,-.)/+& #0, 1"2& 34% !"#$%& '()*+,($)& #! !"#$% &'( )*+,( -./&0123&'(
!"#$ #%& '&()&*+,& !"# $%&"' ()*%%(+&"' ,-"./0123 41(5(-6!78*1 !!"#$%& !"$' $()
!"#$%& '()*+. Theophanis Chronographia, 434; Turtledove, Chronicle of Theophanes, 123. The
letter of their anathemas is preserved in the acts of the Seventh Ecumenical Council. See
Norman J. Tanner, SJ, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, vol. 1 (London: Sheed & Ward,
1990), 137-138; Concilium Jerosolymitanum in causa sacrarum imaginum, Mansi XII,
679-680.
303
Mansi XII, 720B-D, XIII 720B-722C; Pope Hadrian, Epistola ad Beatum Carolum Regem de
Imaginibus, PL 98:1256B-1257A.
304
Auzpy, De la Palestine Constantinople, 191-192.
305
Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 213.

CHAPTER II

88
the Umayyad caliph Yaz!d II (reigned 720-724) from 721 to 723.
306

Accusations of idolatry from Muslims and Jews certainly motivated
destruction of icons. Later on, however, Chalcedonians repaired these
icons, perhaps in order to distinguish themselves from Monophysites and
Nestorians, who were indifferent to icon veneration. Theodore Ab"
Qurrahs treatises on icon veneration clearly show an attempt to dispel
Chalcedonian deference to unorthodox views on icon veneration, whether
of Muslim, Jewish, or other Christian origin.
307

3. 2. Stoudi te Monasti c Reforms

Although Stoudite monasticism never reached Palestine, the
monastic reform attributed to St. Theodore Stoudite (759-826)
308
had an
immeasurable impact on the whole Byzantine liturgical tradition. What
monastic practice among the Stoudites was before Theodore is impossible
to know because of the absence of any sources.
309
As Thomas Pott
acknowledges, the Studite reform, prior to being a reorganization of
Byzantine monastic life, sought to be a spiritual reform of monasticism
itself.
310
Theodore was interested in preserving monastic tradition,
renewing the life that brings salvation by a return to the ancient way of
life,
311
which he believed was represented by the Palestinian monks of St.
Sabas. But the monks of St. Sabas, responding to Theodores call for help
in response to the synod of 809 surrounding the second marriage of
Emperor Constantine VI (771-805),
312
did not immediately bring a
Palestinian monastic liturgy with them. There is no evidence that

306
H. Lammens and Kh. Y. Blankinship, Yaz!d (II) b. Abd al-Malik, Encyclopaedia of Islam
11, 311; Schick, Christian Communities of Palestine, 219.
307
Thodore Abuqurra: Trait du culte des icnes, ed. Ignace Dick (Patrimonie arabe chrtien
10, Jounieh: Librarie Saint-Paul; Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1986), 88; Theodore
Ab" Qurrah, A Treatise on the Veneration of the Holy Icons, trans. and ed. Sidney H. Griffith
(Eastern Christian Texts in Translation 1, Louvain: Peeters, 1997). For more on Theodore
Ab" Qurrah, see section 1.3, note 42, on page 50 above. See also Schick, Christian
Communities of Palestine, 219.
308
Alexander Kazhdan, Theodore of Stoudios, ODB III, 2044-2045.
309
Julien Leroy, La rforme studite, Il monachesimo orientale. Atti del Convegno di studi
orientali, 9, 10, 11 e 12 aprile 1958 (OCA 153, Rome: Pontifical Oriental Institute, 1958), 181-
214; Pott, Byzantine Liturgical Reform, 116.
310
Pott, Byzantine Liturgical Reform, 142.
311
...#$%&' ()* %+' ,-./%01 23%$45.' %6'7 809:(6.', ;'. -+ <=>?3-.6, @ :(5.' @
<':43=5'$', %+' A/'.-B'$' <'.'(C2.2:.6 %+' 23%9460' =0?6%(5.' D.E FA0=06G2.6 D.E
(H%.D%G2.6 ID.2%. J-&' ()* %K <4L.M0' 2LG-. D.E =0?5%(/-., %01 D.'0'6D&* D.E
,''>-3*, N* O=0P.5'0/26' .Q %&' :(53' =.%B43' 858?06.... St. Theodore of Stoudios,
Great Catecheses 25, in A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, !"# $%&"' ()"*+,"' -"# .-"'*&-"' /)0123
45-673%89 (St. Petersburg: Kirschbaum, 1904), 173; Pott, Byzantine Liturgical Reform, 120.
312
Paul A. Hollingsworth, Moechian Controversy, ODB II, 1388-1389.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

89
anything changed in the liturgy among the Stoudites when the Palestinian
monks arrived in Constantinople between 809 and 818.
313
Neither does
this seem to have been the case in 799, when some of the Stoudite
monastic brotherhood moved from the Sakkoudion monastery in
Bithynia
314
to the Stoudios Monastery in Constantinople.
315
Thus,
Theodore was already familiar with some form of the Palestinian monastic
Horologion before any conscious effort was made to implement
Palestinian monastic liturgical practices. These hagiopolite practices may
have arrived in Bithynia via Palestinian monks migrating north from Syria
and Palestine to the south.
316

Nevertheless, upon his arrival in Constantinople Theodore did
initiate certain reforms that would set in motion what is known as the
Middle-Byzantine synthesis.
317
Taft has described the resulting hybrid
Studite office as a Palestinian Horologion with its psalmody and
hymnody grafted onto a skeleton of litanies and prayers from the
Euchology of the Great Church.
318
The most significant elements for this
study included the codification of disparate collections of liturgical
hymnography, originally in books based on hymn genre, into books of
liturgical seasons. The results were the Oktoechos (!"#$%&'()
319
in the
eighth century, and the Triodion (#)*+,*'-)
320
and Menaion (.%-/0'-)
321
in
the tenth century.
322
None of this, however, adequately explains the place
of the sanctoral or lectionary within the Stoudite synthesis.
By the end of the tenth century, the centre of influence shifted
from the Jerusalem Patriarchate to Mount Athos. This was especially felt
within Georgian monasticism and visible in Georgian scribal activity at the

313
St. Theodore of Stoudios, Letter 555 (A.D. 809-811), Letter 277 (A.D. 818), Letter 278 (A.D.
818). See Theodori Studit epistul, vol. 2, ed. Georgios Fatouros (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter,
1991-1992), 849-852, 412-415, 415-418.
314
B. Menthon, Une terre de legends. LOlympe de Bithynie. Ses saints, ses couvents, ses sites
(Paris: Bonne Presse, 1935), 21.
315
Alexander Kazhdan, Alice-Mary Talbot, Anthony Cutler, Stoudios Monastery, ODB III,
1960-1961.
316
Julien Leroy, Le cursus canonique chez saint Thodore Studite, Ephemerides Liturgic
68 (1954), 5-19, here 13; Pott, Byzantine Liturgical Reform, 128.
317
Taft, Byzantine Rite, 61.
318
Ibid., 58.
319
Robert F. Taft and Nancy Patterson-1ev2enko, Oktoechos, ODB II, 1520; Fryshov,
Early Development.
320
Momina, 3 4567896:;<=77 >5<?<8@6A B576;7; Robert F. Taft, Triodion, ODB III,
2118-2119.
321
Robert F. Taft, Menaion, ODB II, 1338.
322
For more on the development of liturgical books, see the discussion of the Iadgari in
Chapter I, section 2.3, on pages 7-11 of the thesis.

CHAPTER II

90
Iveron Monastery on Mt. Athos.
323
Despite this decisive move and the use
of the Stoudite Hypotyposis (!"#$%"&'()) by Athanasius of Athos (925-
1001),
324
Georgian liturgical sources still evidenced their hagiopolite origin
and identified the Typikon of St. Sabas as the order and typikon of the
Greek Church.
325
The shift from Jerusalem to Athos also resulted in two
redactions of the text of the Bible, the pre-Athonite Georgian text
326
and
the new Georgian translation, which help to date the contents of liturgical
manuscripts.
327

4. CONSTANTINOPOLITAN HEGEMONY

Following the Iconoclast controversy and the rise of Byzantine
monasticism to dominance, the balance of influence began to shift from
Palestine and its Sabaitic monks, who had come to the aid of the Stoudites,
to Constantinople as the centre of imperial and religious power. It was in
Constantinople that the Orthodox patriarchs of Jerusalem sought refuge
from depredations in an increasingly hostile, Muslim-controlled Palestine.

4. 1. Pol i ti cal Ideol ogy and Moti vati on

While Chalcedonian Orthodoxy had already come to be identified
with allegiance to the Byzantine Empire in Palestine since the diffusion of
the term Melkite, this was not necessarily so within the Byzantine
Empire. According to Dagron, the Syrian migrations on the frontier

323
Kekelidze, !"#$%&$'()*+( &%$,"-)*+( ./01#-"*", 478; Grgoire Peradse, Lactivit
littraire des moines gorgiens au monastre dIviron, au Mont Athos, RHE 23 (1927),
530-539; Taft, Mount Athos, especially 184-186; Alice-Mary Talbot and Anthony Cutler,
Iveron Monastery, ODB II, 1025-1026; Tamara Grdzelidze, Georgian Monks on Mount Athos.
Two Eleventh-Century Lives of the Hegoumenoi of Iviron (London: Bennett and Bloom, 2009).
324
George T. Dennis, 11. Ath. Rule: Rule of Athanasios the Athonite for the Lavra
Monastery, BMFD I, 205-231; Taft, Mount Athos, 183; Alexander Kazhdan and Nancy
Patterson-*ev+enko, Athanasios of Athos, ODB I, 219.
325
!"! #!"$ %& '&('!)&* "&)& #+$%$"&* &," )!,-./$. Kekelidze, 2/-3-/%4, 37. See
also Peradse, Liturgiegeschichte Georgiens, 74-75.
326
See section 1.7.3, on pages 64-65 above. This text is also available online: Novum
Testamentum georgice e codibus praeathoniensibus. The Old Georgian Four Gospels: Pre-Athonian
Redaction, ed. Elguja Giunashvili, Manana Machkahneli, Sophio Sarjveladze, Zurab
Sarjveladze, Darejan Tvaltvadze, and Jost Gippert (Tbilisi and Frankfurt-am-Main:
Fundamentals of an Electronic Documentation of Caucasian Languages and Cultures
ARMAZI [Alternative Resources, Materials, Applications and Zipped Information] Project,
1999-2007). Web, 30 January 2012. http://titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/etca/cauc/ageo/
nt/cinant/ cinan.htm.
327
Mzekala *ani,e, Remarques au sujet de la bible gorgienne, BK 41 (1983), 105-122;
Daredshan Twaltwadse (Darejan Tvaltvadze), Aus der Geschichte der bersetzung der
Tetraevangelien ins Georgische, Georgica 31 (2008), 107-119.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

91
reinforced Byzantine self-identification with Orthodoxy, so that
Orthodox received a political designation the Roman [i.e. Byzantine]
religion (!" #$ %&'()&* +,-./01!*#02) that became the definition of
romanitas.
328
An example of this view in practice is the treatment of
Jacobites by Emperor Romanos II Argyros.
329
Another example of external
ecclesiastical intrusion into the affairs of Christians in the East came in the
year 937, during the rule of Patriarch Theophylact of Constantinople
(reigned 933-956).
330
Patriarch Theophylact sent a decree to the Patriarchs
of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem asking them to commemorate the
Patriarch of Constantinople by name in their prayers and liturgies,
something that had not been done since the time of Omayyad rule (c. 661-
750). Eutychius of Alexandria (877-940)
331
recounts that the reaction to
this request was positive and that the Eastern patriarchs complied with
Constantinoples request.
332

Numerous such examples exist, but there has been very little
analysis of the implications for such policies on the liturgy. Christian
Hannicks provocatively titled article, Annexions et reconqutes
byzantines: Peut-on parler duniatisme byzantin?, has been the only
study to address the question of Byzantine hegemony in areas beyond its
control.
333
Focusing on the period between the seventh and eleventh
centuries, Hannick traces several historical events that demonstrate the
extension of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and liturgical practices beyond
their natural borders, and tendencies toward unification that erased local
particularities. In examples from Southern Italy,
334
Kievan-Rus3,
335
and the
Caucasus,
336
Hannick concludes that there was no consistent

328
les orthodoxies, impuissants contenir cette invasion de lintrieur, reoivent une
designation purement politique: !" #$ %&'()&* +,-./01!*#02. LOrthodoxie demeure,
en dernier ressort, la definition de la romanit. Dagron, Limmigration syrienne, 214.
329
Ya4y5 al-An6ak7, Cronache, 341-342. For more information on Romanos III Argyros, see
section 2.6, note 260, on page 80 above.
330
Alexander Kazhdan, Theophylaktos, ODB III, 2068.
331
Sidney H. Griffith, Eutychius of Alexandria, Encyclopdia Iranica, vol. 9 (New York:
Columbia University, 1999), 77-78.
332
In quello stesso anno Teofilatto, patriarca di Costantinopoli, mand un proprio messo
ai patriarchi di Alessandria e di Antiochia chiedendo loro di menzionarne il nome nelle
loro preghiere e nelle lore messe, dato che cio non si faceva pi dal tempo degli Omayyadi.
Accolsero di buon grado la sua richiesta. Eutichio, Patriarca di Alessandria, Gli Annali,
trans. Bartolomeo Pirone (Studia Orientalia Christiana Monographiae 1, Cairo: Franciscan
Centre of Christian Oriental Studies, 1987), 436. The context of the account suggests
Jerusalem also received this request. See K.A. Panchenko, 89:;<=>?@<A=B
C:=DE<>=DF=B G9:AEDH, IJ 21:472.
333
Hannick, Annexions et reconqutes byzantines.
334
Ibid., 452-455.
335
Ibid., 456-464.
336
Ibid., 464-474.

CHAPTER II

92
implementation of Constantinoples Orthodox Christianity as a policy of
the Byzantine Empire. Constantinople was only interested in regulating
Greek liturgical texts, if at all, and had no interest in Slavonic or Armenian
sources, at least not systematically. Jurisdictional disputes were also
never resolved systematically, and depended heavily on oikonomia.
337

But the liturgical influence of Constantinople on Jerusalem may
also be explained by the desire of the hagiopolite Church to adopt
Byzantine liturgical practices, rather than simply by the motivation of
Constantinople to impose them upon others. Georgian anti-Armenian
religious polemics arose in response to tense political Georgian-Armenian
relations during the ninth and tenth centuries.
338
Georgian taxeis for the
reintegration of heretics were often extremely harsh to Armenians, while
Greek sources were more lenient.
339
This rise in Georgian orthodoxy and
fundamentalism also corresponds to the period in which the Georgian
liturgy was Byzantinized, suggesting that adopting another liturgy or
changing ones own liturgical tradition was completely acceptable if it
served as a sign of Orthodoxy.

4. 2. Theodore Bal samon and the Ri te of Constanti nopl e

A century after the reply of Athonite hegoumenos Euthymius
Mtacmideli (d. 1028) to correspondence regarding the acceptability and
authenticity of JAS,
340
Theodore IV Balsamon (1186-1203), absentee
Patriarch of Antioch residing in Constantinople,
341
replied to similar
questions about JAS from Patriarch Mark of Alexandria. But while
Euthymius emphasizes the continuity of JAS with BAS and CHR, thereby
legitimizing and acknowledging the Byzantinization of the Georgian
liturgy,
342
Balsamon takes a different position.
What exactly this position is, however, depends upon which
edition of Balsamons responses one follows. The most commonly cited
version is the !"#$%&'() *+,-,(*+( in Patrologia Graeca, based on
editions of Johannes Leunclavius (d. 1593) and Georgios A. Rhalles (1805-
1883), and chosen for its completeness and greater number of questions

337
Ibid., 474.
338
Bernadette Martin-Hisard, Le discours des Gorgiens sur leur orthodoxie, RSBN 47
(2010), 195-264.
339
Ibid., 260-264.
340
Peradse, Liturgiegeschichte Georgiens, 77. See also Verhelst, Liturgie melkite de
saint Jacques, 230-232; Parenti, La vittoria, 31. See also Chapter III, section 1.1, on
pages 139-143 of the thesis.
341
Alexander Kazhdan, Balsamon, Theodore, ODB I, 249; Charon, History of the Melkite
Patriarchates III.1, 16.
342
Verhelst, Liturgie melkite de saint Jacques, 237.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

93
and responses.
343
The first question posed by Patriarch Mark to Balsamon
deals specifically with the legitimacy of JAS:

!" #$%& '( )*%+ ',- ./$0123%$41- 51&
'62 7$%898/:);2 <21=>2;95?)$21>
/$>'8@%=41>, 51& /$=?)$21>
9@==%1A,2'1> #1%( '62 B=4;2
<#89'?/;2, C15DE8@ '8F <3$/A8G*8@,
51& HI%58@, 3$5'14 $J9> 'K B=4L
51G8/>5K M55/+94L, N 8O;
344

Concerning the liturgies read in the
regions of Alexandria and Jerusalem,
and said to have been written by the
holy Apostles, James the Brother of the
Lord and Mark, are they received by
the holy catholic Church, or not?

Balsamon replies that while canon 32 of the Council in Trullo (A.D. 692)
does admit the Apostle James as the author of JAS, MK is questionable.
Despite this acknowledgement, however, Balsamon says neither liturgy is
acceptable because the Holy Ecumenical Throne of Constantinople has not
accepted them.
345
Thus, all Churches of God should follow the practices of
New Rome and celebrate according to the tradition of St. John Chrysostom
and St. Basil the Great.
346

The other redaction of Balsamons correspondence is found in the
oldest manuscripts of the library of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in
Constantinople
347
and was edited by Manuel Gedeon.
348
This version is
shorter both because it has fewer questions and its responses are more
succinct. The same first question appears in Gedeons version thus:
Ought one to serve liturgy with the scrolls [of the liturgies] of St. James
and St. Mark?
349
Grumel indicates that the word 582'154;2 here refers to
a roll containing liturgical texts,
350
rather than the hymnographic
composition by the same name. Balsamons response here repeats much
of what was stated above, but rather than dismissing the celebration of JAS,
he suggests an examination and study of its texts by the Holy Synod.
351

The honour accorded to Jerusalem here is more in keeping with

343
PG 138:952-1012; Grumel, Les Rponses canoniques, 324; Nasrallah, Liturgie des
Patriarcats melchites, 163.
344
PG 138:953A.
345
P+A>Q?)$G1 8R2 )S $T21> 3$5'(- 1U'I-. PG 138:953C. See also The Council in Trullo
Revisited, ed. George Nedungatt and Michael Featherstone (Kanonika 6, Rome: Pontifical
Oriental Institute, 1995), 106-110.
346
V>I '8> '8F'8 51& WA$4/8@9> #X91> 1" M55/+941> '8F Y$8F <58/8@G$Z2 '[ \G$> ',-
2*1- ]6)+-, ^'8> ',- _;29'12'>28@#?/$;-. PG 138:953D.
347
Grumel, Les Rponses canoniques, 324.
348
Balsamon, !"#$%& '() *+,& -(./0+%&.
349
`%S )$'( '62 582'154;2 "$%8@%=$Z2 '8F B=48@ C15DE8@ 51& '8F B=>8F HI%58@;
Balsamon, !"#$%& '() *+,& -(./0+%&, 135.
350
Grumel, Les Rponses canoniques, 325. See also Parenti, LEucologio slavo del Sinai, 6-9.
351
Balsamon, !"#$%& '() *+,& -(./0+%&, 137.

CHAPTER II

94
Balsamons comments elsewhere,
352
acknowledging the possibility of
celebrating JAS for certain feasts, similar to the way BAS was celebrated in
Constantinople and is still celebrated in the Byzantine Rite today.
353

Thus, the ideological dominance of Constantinople over the liturgy
of other Churches and Patriarchates, elevating its rite to the status of a
ritus praestantior, as it were, began at Trullo, but it came to impact the
Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem only when its chief Eucharistic liturgy,
JAS, began to be questioned. This attitude reaches its height with Symeon
of Thessalonike (d. 1429),
354
who often critically compares seemingly
questionable hagiopolite monastic or Armenian practices with those of the
Great Church of Constantinople.
355
By the time of Symeon, however,
Jerusalem had lost its authentic traditions and JAS was no longer
celebrated.

4. 3. Excursus: Patri archal Li sts

The absence of a trustworthy list of the hierarchy of the
Patriarchal See of Jerusalem is another obstacle in studying the
relationship between Constantinople and Jerusalem from the eleventh
through fourteenth centuries. Even a cursory examination of some
primary sources from this period shows that the standard lists compiled
by Grumel
356
and Fedalto
357
must be consulted with caution.
A primary source of this period, the eleventh century Typikon of
Gregory Pakourianos for the Monastery of the Mother of God
Petritzonitissa in Ba!kovo, present-day Bulgaria, dated December 1083,
reveals that the monasterys patron, Gregory Pakourianos, signed it along
with Patriarch Euthymius of Jerusalem to guarantee and confirm that all
that has been written is the same, since [Patriarch Euthymius] happened
to be here [in Bulgaria] by order of our mighty and holy Emperor
requiring him to be in Thessalonike for peace with the hateful Frank and
on his return again arrived here with us at my estates at Philippoupolis.
358

352
Theodore Balsamon, Canones Nicn Prim Sanct et cumenic Synodi, PG 137:261.
353
Parenti, La vittoria, 47.
354
Alice-Mary Talbot, Symeon, ODB III, 1981-1982.
355
See PG 155:277D-280C, 701, 908. I thank Fr. Steven Hawkes-Teeples, S.J., for help with
this question.
356
Grumel, Chronologie, 451-452; V. Grumel, La Chronologie des patriarches grecs de
Jrusalem au XIII
e
sicle, REB 20 (1962), 197-201.
357
Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis II.
358
Typikon de Grgoire Pacourianos pour le monastre de Ptritzos (Ba!kovo) en Bulgarie, ed.
Louis Petit ("#$%&'#()*#( "+,-,&&#*, "#$%&'()*( +, XI -&./, no. 1, St. Petersburg:
0$1&2#34*5 6.1(#3-&7+&8 9+3:(.*$ ;3/+,, 1904), 557. A new English translation and
analysis is found in Robert Jordan, 23. Pakourianos: Typikon of Gregory Pakourianos,
BMFD II, 507-563.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

95
The text of the patriarchs signature is as follows: I, Euthymius, by the
mercy of God Patriarch of Jerusalem, the city of the Holy Resurrection of
Christ our God, have signed with my own hand the present typikon.
359

This signature is the only information with which to date the reign of
Patriarch Euthymius.
360

However, not all liturgical sources are as easily dateable or reliable
as sources for a chronology of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem. The Typikon
of the Anastasis mentions a Nicholas as Patriarch of Jerusalem in one
litany.
361
While the colophon of the manuscript indicates the date 1122,
Dmitrievskii insists that the reign of Nicholas as patriarch dates from 932
to 945 or 947 and that he was not the current Patriarch of Jerusalem at the
time the manuscript was recopied in 1122.
362
Fedaltos lists simply include
Nicholas as patriarch in 1122 without further corroboration.
363

Perhaps one of the more complete sources for the hierarchy of the
Patriarchate of the Jerusalem comes from Hagios Sabas Gr. 153 (A.D. 1275),
fol. 77-103, edited by Papadopoulos-Kerameus.
364
Although the editor calls
the text the !"#$%&' $() *+ ,-./0/123/") *4415067), in view of the
nature of the text it appears to be more of a service (84/1/%967) for the
joint commemoration of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem. The names of the
patriarchs are given within hymnography preceded by rubrics indicating
the tone in which it is to be sung. No date is given for the celebration of
this feast in the edited text itself, but we know from significantly earlier
hagiopolite sources that it fell on May 17 or 18.
365
Despite the numerous
names provided, this source is problematic because it does not indicate
dates for any of the hierarchs, and there is no certainty that it includes the
names of all the patriarchs or that it preserves their names in order.
Byzantine histories, such as that of Theophanes the Confessor, are of little
help here because they lose track of the hierarchy of the Church of
Jerusalem after the Arab Conquest.
366

359
Ibid. See also Chrysostomos A. Papadopoulos, !"#$%&' #() *++,-".') !/%0"0,1234
(Jerusalem-Alexandria: :7$."7.&"4;) <%#/=.7>-6/) ?1-@7+A.-67), 1910), 368-369.
360
See Typikon de Grgoire Pacourianos, 560 n. 70; Grumel, Chronologie, 452.
361
362
Dmitrievskii, 56789:;<=7 >?@6=?6<=7 ABCBDE9F, 101, 109. See also Bertonire, Easter
Vigil, 13-14.
363
See Fedalto, Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis II, 1003, III, 419; id., Liste vescovili del
patriarcato di Gerusalemme, 17.
364
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, !"#$%&' $() *+ ,-./0/123/") *4415067), G4H,/+#'
!/%0"0,12-#&+() I#'JK0,0L.') 1 (St. Petersburg: Kirschbaum, 1891), 124-143; Kenneth W.
Clark, Checklist of Manuscripts in the Libraries of the Greek and Armenian Patriarchates in
Jerusalem Microfilmed for the Library of Congress, 1949-1950 (Washington, D.C.: Library of
Congress, 1953), 11.
365
GL 982; Garitte, Calendrier palestino-gorgien, 232, 227-228, 400; Verhelst, Lieux de
station I, 56-57.
366
Theophanis Chronographia, 339; Turtledove, Chronicle of Theophanes, 39.

CHAPTER II

96

4. 4. Constanti nopol i tan Exi l e

Several sources provide information on the life of the Patriarchs of
Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem in Constantinopolitan exile, although
they are certainly not as abundant as those for the patriarchs of the
imperial capital. No register has survived for any of the Eastern
Patriarchates and most of what is known comes from Byzantine sources.
Generally, the exiled patriarchs were held in high esteem and were
involved in the liturgical life of Constantinople. Because of the paucity of
sources, we will examine, alongside the life of Leontius of Jerusalem, the
case of Athanasius II of Alexandria as an example of how exiled Eastern
patriarchs functioned in Constantinople.

4. 4. 1. Leonti us of Jerusal em

A significant figure of the Komnenian dynasty (1081-1185) is
Leontius of Jerusalem (c. 1110-1185). His Life, written by Theodosius
Goudeles probably after 1204, is one of the few vitae that survive from the
period. As Patriarch of Jerusalem, he is perhaps the only one to have
visited his see while in Constantinopolitan exile.
367
Born in Strumvitza
(!"#$%&'(")*), Macedonia, between 1110 and 1115,
368
he later became a
monk (c. 1130-1132) and subsequently hegoumenos (c. 1157-1158) on
Patmos where he was renowned for his ascetical life and humility. During
several visits to Constantinople he behaved as a holy fool.
369
In an unusual
change of affairs, he became the oeconomos of Patmos, which required him
to make a trip to Constantinople in order to restore property taken from
his monastery.
370
There he met Emperor Manuel I Komnenos (1143-
1180)
371
who, after restoring the monasterys property, was so impressed
with Leontiuss knowledge of Scripture and his piety that he decided to
ordain him bishop.
372
Leontius declined both the recently vacated sees of
Kiev (+,-) and Cyprus (.%/#$-), declaring that God had destined him to be

367
For other contemporary saints and their vitae, see Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 2 n. 5.
Tsougarakis believes Leontius voyage to Jerusalem, described below, lasted between ten
to twelve months around 1178. See Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 205.
368
Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 34.
369
For more on this phenomenon, see Alexander Kazhdan, Fools, Holy, ODB II, 795.
370
The amount of 700 modioi of wheat was exchanged for two pounds of gold by imperial
decree. See Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 193 n. 5.
371
Charles M. Brand, Alexander Kazhdan, and Anthony Cutler, Manuel I Komnenos, ODB
II, 1289-1290.
372
Life of Leontios, 106, 63:30-33.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

97
patriarch.
373
With the death of Patriarch Nicephorus II sometime between
July 1173 and 1177,
374
Leontius was named Patriarch of Jerusalem (!"#$%"&'
()* +$,-...()* .%"/01'234... (/5 6"7-/0 ()* 48("9* :'1;- (;-
<==281$;-) by the emperor, who urged him to go to Jerusalem.
375

Whether this was for reasons of devotion, as is suggested by Leontiuss
response, or for political motives, as suggested by some authors,
376
is
uncertain. Episcopal consecration during this period often included the
caveat that the newly consecrated bishop should visit his see, as witnessed
in several cases.
377

Komnenian claims to Antioch were revived after the citys capture
by the Byzantine forces of Nicephorus Phocas, John II (1138), and Manuel I
(1159). Because Jerusalem had not been in Byzantine hands since 638, the
Constantinopolitan political understanding of Palestine was different: a
Byzantine advance into Palestine would not be a restoration of its own
territories, but rather the reconquest of new lands.
378
That Manuels
delicate diplomacy employing military alliances, dynastic marriages, and
religious or ecclesiastical arrangements sought to bring Jerusalem into
the Byzantine sphere of influence is quite clear.
379

Leontius dealt with both ecclesial and political matters during his
voyage. On his way to Palestine, Leontius stopped in Cyprus at a
monastery believed to have served as a metochion of the Patriarchate of
Jerusalem.
380
Upon arrival in Palestine he passed through Akka (Acre) and

373
>($ 4% (/5 <:/0"'-?/0 @'1$2&A* :'("$B"#8- C#/-(/*, /D=/0- E <:?F%$/* <:?1=/:/-
:/$)1'$ G%GH-('$. Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 108, 65:26-28.
374
Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 108, 66; 195-196. For the reference to Patriarch
Nicephorus II see Grumel, Regestes I.2-3, n. 1126. Other lists include patriarchs between
the reigns of Nicephorus II and Leontius.
375
I:%J GK ='J :"/#%$"$16%?8 !"#$%"%L* ()* +$,-, M* %N"8('$, ='J %O* 'P(Q- !:$&-'$ :'"R
(/5 ="'(/5-(/* S:%4$4-31=%(/. Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 110, 67:12-14.
376
Rose, Saint Leontios, 254-256. Kaplan emphasizes that Leontius departed for
Jerusalem and then returned to Constantinople at the emperors express command. See
Kaplan, Leontios, 480.
377
See Luca Pieralli, Benedetto, metropolita di Seleucia negli della Guerra di Candia,
OCP 66 (2000), 395-418.
378
Kaplan, Leontios, 480-481.
379
Rose, Saint Leontios, 253. An example is the marriage of Maria Komnene to King
Amalric, whom Rose suggests Leontius may have visited during his stay in Jerusalem.
380
T'J !:B"'* :"9* (Q- 4/-3-, (Q- %O* 4$="R- !-B:'02'- (/5 :'("$'"#/5-(/* ()*
.%"/01'2Q4 #"84'"(?U/01'- Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 112, 70:4-6; 198. The identity
of this monastery or any other metochia directly belonging to the Jerusalem Patriarchate
are, unfortunately, unknown before the sixteenth century and the Patriarchal archive
has no relevant records predating the eighteenth century. For the relevant documents,
see TH:"/* in the index of Agamemnon Tselikas, !"#"$%"&' #() *%+,-(. #()
/"#%0"%+,-(. 1,%(234.567 (V%2(?/ (/5 .1(/"$=/5 ='J W'2'$/F"'X$=/5 Y"#%?/0 5, Athens:
Z/"XA($=7 [G"04' I6-$=3* \"':&U8*, 1992).

CHAPTER II

98
Nazareth, healing many.
381
His secret miracles are compared with the
works of Christ, while the termination of a drought by his intercession is
paralleled with the life of the Prophet Elias.
382
In order to avoid Latin
authorities, Leontius entered Jerusalem by night and prayed privately at
the Anastasis.
383
The absence of any account of public worship is
unfortunate, as any information would certainly provide some insight into
Orthodox liturgical practices during the period of Byzantinization.
The Life states that Leontiuss fame spread throughout Syria,
Phoenicia, among the Isaurians and Cilicians, and even reached
Constantinople, where Manuel I Komnenos began to fear for the
patriarchs safety and called him back to Byzantine territory. On the
return voyage to Constantinople, the ruler of Damascus, Saladin, received
Leontius and offered him a church and a salary if he were to stay in Syria.
Leontius declined the offer, requesting instead letters of safe passage back
to Constantinople.
From the account of Leontiuss visit to Palestine we gain some
insight into inter-ecclesial and political relations between Constantinople
and the other parties present in the Holy Land. First, the patriarchs
mission was not to all Christians of the heterogeneous population
(!"#$% &'()')*+%) of the territory of the Jerusalem Patriarchate but to
those who needed greater attention
384
and especially the pious ones
and those who depended on his arrival.
385
This was presumably the
Orthodox Melkite population, among them Palestinian monks.
386

Second, tense relations with the Latins prevented Leontius from
publicly celebrating the liturgy,
387
something that Latin Patriarch Amalric
of Nestle (1158-1180)
388
previously permitted to Armenian hierarchs. Thus,
Leontius was forced to venerate the holy sites as a simple pilgrim, and his
visit is not even recorded in any Latin sources from the period.
389
Such an
account is consistent with tense relations between Constantinople, Rome,
and the Crusader States.
390

381
Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 126-132, 80-83.
382
Ibid., 132-134, 84-85.
383
Ibid., 132, 84.
384
,-.) */0 "0.12% 32#$456% '7##$8 9:)*8;5<=82) 2>?@8 98 ?$A% 32B :#.1$8$%
-.$'C8$)% ?=% 9:)53CD.;%. Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 126-128, 80:8-9.
385
?2E?2 ?$F% .>5.G$E8?2% 32B ?=% 2>?$E 9H60?6'C8$I% &(1H.;%. Tsougarakis, Life of
Leontios, 132, 84:7-8.
386
See Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 202.
387
Ibid., 138, 88:1-6.
388
Ibid., 205; Michael le Quien, Oriens Christianus in quatuor patriarchatus digestus, vol. 3
(Paris: Typographia Regia, 1740), 1250-1251.
389
Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 205.
390
Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, 289-290. A direct example of Latin open
opposition to the reestablishment of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch is found in a

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

99
On the other hand, the generous offer of a church in Damascus
from Saladin, who is described as a believer in Muhammads
hallucinations yet only half-wicked and in many things virtuous and
honourable,
391
reflects the Ayyubid emirs willingness to use the
Orthodox as pawns in political relations between the Latins and the
Byzantines. Whether or not Saladins confirmation of Orthodox
supremacy over all other Christians in his territory, found in a decree after
his capture of Jerusalem, is true or not is unclear.
392

Although Kaplan questions the veracity of Leontiuss trip to
Jerusalem and even calls into question whether it actually occurred, he
acknowledges that it provides a unique source for knowledge of Byzantine
views of Jerusalem and of Constantinoples political and religious policy
toward Palestine and its occupying forces.
393

4. 4. 2. Athanasi us II of Al exandri a

The figure of Patriarch Athanasius II of Alexandria is complicated
due to the multiplicity of hierarchs with the name Athanasius in
thirteenth-century Constantinople. Among them are Patriarch Athanasius
of Constantinople,
394
Bishop Andronicus of Sardes who took the name
Athanasius when he donned the monastic habit,
395
and Patriarch
Athanasius II of Alexandria. The historian George Pachymeres (1242-
1310?),
396
protekdikos of Hagia Sophia and dikaiophylax within the imperial
offices,
397
knew Athanasius of Alexandria personally and corresponded

letter from Pope Alexander III to the Latin clergy of Antioch in 1178. See Epistulae
Pontificorum Romanorum ineditae, ed. Samuel Lwenfeld (Leipzig: Veit et comp., 1885), n.
287.
391
!" #$% &'()* +&,(-* .)/ !0* !12 345#,6 78,&(,94% :%,;8<=,;*...>' !;* ?% .)/ !0
71@@0 A8B&!,CD#,%1* .)/ !;#E%.... Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 136, 87:12-14.
392
See Tsougarakis, Life of Leontios, 204; Nikephoros Moschopoulos, La Terre Sainte, essai sur
lhistoire politique et diplomatique des Lieux Saints de la chrtient (Athens: N. Moschopoulos,
1956), 365; Girolamo Golubovich, Biblioteca bio-bibliografica della Terra Santa e dellOriente
francescano, vol. 4 (Florence: Collegio di s. Bonaventura, 1923), 200.
393
Kaplan, Leontios, 479, 487-488.
394
PLP, n. 415; Relations Historiques III, 122 n. 86, 157-169.
395
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques I, 171:3; II, 357:4
396
Alice-Mary Talbot, Pachymeres, George, ODB III, 1550. Pachymeress primary
historical work is the !"##$%&'()* +,-.$')*, which records the events of the reigns of
Michael VIII Palaiologos and ends abruptly in the summer of 1307, perhaps due to illness
or the death of Pachymeres. We rely upon the edition of Failler and Laurent. See
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques.
397
Protekdikos was the sixth highest office within the hierarchy of archons of Hagia
Sophia. For more on these positions, see J. Darrouzs, Recherches sur les /&&0('% de lglise
byzantine (Archives de lOrient Chrtien 11, Paris: Institut Franais dtudes Byzantines,
1970), 596 and 609; Pachymeres, Relations Historiques I, xix-xx.

CHAPTER II

100
with him. According to Pachymeres, Athanasius was a monk of Sinai who
had fled to a metochion of Sinai on Crete.
398
Of the Eastern Melkite
Patriarchs residing in Constantinopolitan exile, Athanasius II is the best-
known and most respected in Constantinopolitan sources.
399

Athanasius was greatly revered in important circles in
Constantinople and was a confidant of Emperor Michael VIII. He was
regarded as a man of culture who was well-educated, cultivated, open, and
appreciative of literature.
400
He normally received a seat to the right of the
Patriarch of Constantinople at synods, and even presided occasionally
when the Patriarch of Constantinople was absent. At the First Synod of
Blachernai, held from January 8 to 12, 1283, Athanasius presided,
representing both Alexandria as its patriarch and Constantinople in the
absence of the Patriarch of Constantinople, as John XI Bekkos (reigned
1275-1283) had been deposed.
401
Despite Athanasiuss chairmanship of the
synod, it was the blinded Galaktion the Galesiote
402
who presided at the
services of the Great Blessing of Waters for Theophany held at Saint
Sophia three days before the commencement of the Synod.
403
According
to Pseudo-Kodinos, in the absence of the Patriarch of Constantinople, one
of the Eastern patriarchs was to preside at the services of Theophany and
the Water Blessing.
404

During the fallout of the Arsenite schism
405
and anti-Unionist
activity in May 1283, the synod requested that Athanasius, along with
Empress Theodora, give a profession of faith in order to be
commemorated in the Diptychs along with the other patriarchs in
Constantinople, namely Gregory of Cyprus, Patriarch of Jerusalem (d.
1291),
406
and Theodosius Prinkips (Villehardouin), Patriarch of Antioch

398
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques IV, 633:1-16 (Book XII, 8).
399
PLP, n. 413; Alice-Mary Talbot, Athanasios II, ODB I, 219; Pachymeres, Relations
Historiques II, 407:17, II, 547.
400
Failler, Le sjour dAthanase Constantinople, 55.
401
!"#$ %&' %"()*+,'-' .*'/0-'. Pachymeres, Relations Historiques II 25:6s; VII, 7-8 (III
35); Laurent, Regestes, no. 1456; Alice-Mary Talbot, John XI Bekkos, ODB II, 1055.
402
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques II, 617:20; III, 25-27; PLP, n. 3473 (12(23%4-').
403
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques III, 31.
404
5 06 +"%7 %8' ("9%)*#:42' ;:92.+/<, "= >2%#9?#@A< "B#4.3"%29 )=3)*+"'93/<, :4'"%29
>2#C 2D%)E, "= 06 +F, >2#? %9')< %&' G%,#-' >2%#92#@&', H %)* I("J2'0#"42< H %)E
I'%9)@"42< H %)E K"#).)(L+-', M7' M'0A+&' %L@N. Pseudo-Kodinos, Trait des offices, ed.
Jean Verpeaux (Le Monde byzantin 1, Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique,
1966), 220 lines 11-17.
405
Alice-Mary Talbot, Arsenites, ODB I, 188. For more information on other figures
involved in this conflict, see Alice-Mary Talbot, Arsenios Autoreianos, ODB I, 187; Alice-
Mary Talbot, Joseph I, ODB II, 1073; Michael J. Angold, John IV Laskaris, ODB II, 1048-
1049.
406
PLP, n. 4589.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

101
(reigned 1278-1283).
407
It is worth noting that both Athanasius II and
Theodosius were monks of Sinai,
408
suggesting a close connection between
Constantinople and Sinai during this period of the Palaiologos dynasty.
Because of his refusal to take sides in ecclesiastical conflicts, Athanasius
was eventually exiled to Rhodes and then to a metochion of the
Patriarchate of Alexandria on Crete.
409

Athanasius was also dragged into a quarrel over the ownership of
the Laura of the Archangel (! "#$%#& '() *%+,-'%#'./(0 1(2.) located in
the region of "34-562,(2 or 74-562,(2 near the Bosphorus. The Church
of Alexandria had this monastery in its possessions already from the sixth
century, along with the Monastery of the Great Field (! '() 83/9:(0
*/%() 1(2.), founded by the monk Theophanes around 787 and granted
to Alexandria by Emperor Michael VIII.
410
Patriarch Athanasius of
Constantinople annexed the Monastery of the Great Field, and the
Patriarchate of Alexandria received the Monastery of Christ Evergetis in
exchange.
411

Despite this ill treatment in Constantinople, Athanasius II still
viewed Constantinople as the unifying centre of Christendom whence all
evangelization was to flow. This view is most clearly expressed in his
letter to the Church of Rus; where he acts as a proponent of Byzantine
ecclesiastical policy.
412
Like Leontius, he was even sent as an ambassador
of Constantinople, this time to Armenia, to arrange a potential marriage
between Andronicus II and the Armenian royal family. However, pirates
at Phocaea interrupted the trip and he was forced to turn back.
413

4. 4. 3. Hagi opol i te Metochi on i n Constanti nopl e?

Several examples of Palestinian monks and hierarchs in the
Imperial capital raise the question: was there a hagiopolite metochion in

407
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques III, 67-69. For more on Patriarch Theodosius of
Antioch, also known as <3(=>-,(& IV, see PLP, n. 7181; Laurent, Les regestes des actes du
patriarcat de Constantinople I, 4, Les regestes de 1208 1309 (Paris: Institut Franais dtudes
Byzantines, 1971), n. 1438; V. Laurent and J. Darrouzs, Dossier grec de lunion de Lyon (1273-
1277) (Archives de lOrient Chrtien 16, Paris: Institut Franais dtudes Byzantines, 1976),
45; P. Gautier, Le Typikon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator, REB 32 (1974), 23.
408
Failler, Le sjour dAthanase Constantinople, 54.
409
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques III, 137; Failler, Le sjour dAthanase
Constantinople, 47 and 54.
410
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques III, 229. For the Laura of the Archangel Michael, see
Janin, glises de Constantinople, 346-350; id., glises des grandes centres byzantins, 195-199.
411
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques IV, 633. The Monastery of the Great Field is known to
be the source of two manuscripts, Paris Gr. 216 (10
th
c.), a Praxapostolos, and Paris Gr. 1538
(12
th
c.). See Janin, glises de Constantinople, 198-199.
412
The whole letter is edited in Failler, Le sjour dAthanase Constantinople, 59-63.
413
Pachymeres, Relations Historiques II, 203:18-205:6.

CHAPTER II

102
Constantinople? Numerous examples mentioned above show that monks
and hierarchs were given churches for their use in New Rome. As
Theophanes wrote in his ninth-century account of monks fleeing
Palestine: The Emperor Michael and the holy patriarch Nikephoros kindly
entertained them. Michael helped them in every way. He gave the men
who entered the city a famous monastery, and sent a talent of gold to the
monks and laymen still on Cyprus. This monastery is believed to have
been the Monastery of Chora (today Kariye Camii).
414
The life of St.
Anthony the Younger (d. November 11, 865), a native of Palestine,
indicates yet another monastery in the vicinity, the metochion (!"#$%&'()
415

of All Saints, which was home to several monks from Palestine.
416
The
monastery of All Saints was a dependency of monasteries in Bithynia, not
Palestine, and the presence of Palestinian monks was too sporadic and
coincidental to suggest a whole Palestinian quarter, as Jean Gouillard
provocatively proposes and then definitively refutes.
417
Even so, no
churches or monasteries remained continuously in the hands of the
Thus, it is difficult to speak of a specific location serving as the
continuous presence of the Jerusalem Patriarchate or a point of liturgical
contact between Jerusalem and Constantinople. To summarize what has
been said above of the exiled Eastern patriarchs, their position in
Constantinople was purely honorific, although in some cases they played
the role of a replacement for the Patriarch of Constantinople. Their
identity and background were diverse, but they were usually foreigners,
with occasional connection to Sinai, although they were not themselves
necessarily from Palestine or the Middle East. The residence of the
Eastern patriarchs in Constantinople was unstable and depended on
monasteries they received from the emperor. They also relied heavily on
their metochia in other parts of the empire for their survival and upkeep.

414
Mary B. Cunningham, The Life of Michael the Synkellos: Text, Translation and Commentary
(Belfast Byzantine Texts and Translations 1, Belfast: Belfast Byzantine Enterprises, 19991),
62-63; Griffith, Holy Land in the Ninth Century, 233. For more on the Monastery of
Chora, see Janin, glises de Constantinople, 531-539 ()*&+#', #-. )/*0., 1'(2 #',);
Anthony Cutler and Alice-Mary Talbot, Chora Monastery, ODB I, 428-430.
415
Dependance eines Klosters. Trapp, Lexikon zur byzantinischen Grzitt, 1017.
416
3+#&( 4!5( 6( #7 8$9"& !"#$%&'( #:( 68;(<!=0( #;( >?=;( @A(#;( BC*'( BHG
142; Franois Halkin, Saint Antoine le Jeune et Ptronas le vainqueur des arabes en 863
(daprs un texte indit), AB 62 (1944), 187-225, here 213. For another version of the
saints life, see A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, XII. D='. E0F 8'9&#"=0 #', G+&'< H(#;(='<
#', IC'<, !"##$%& '(#()*+),-. /(0 *"1)(/-. 2%)$#$%3(. 1 (JJK 57 [19.3], St. Petersburg:
JLMNOPQMNROS JMQSPTURPVOS WXYSPTNO, 1907), 186-216.
417
Jean Gouillard Un quartier dmigrs palestiniens Constantinople au IX
e
sicle?
Revue des tudes Sud-Est Europenes 7 (1969), 73-76; Griffith, Holy Land in the Ninth
Century, 233.

HISTORICAL CONTEXT

103
The Patriarchs were caught between power struggles of Constantinople
with Latins and Muslims, or in tensions between the emperor and
patriarch in Constantinople. As hierarchs without any accountability to
their own episcopal sees, between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries,
the Eastern patriarchs were free to serve as spokesmen for Byzantine
ecclesiastical and political foreign policy, and to travel on missions
assigned them by the Byzantine emperor.

5. CONCLUSIONS

Racing through the contextual history of hagiopolite liturgy over
the course of more than six centuries and considering this mass of
information alongside the thirty-eight hagiopolite liturgical sources
described in the previous chapter, we arrive at the following conclusions:

1. The occupation of Jerusalem and Palestine by non-Christian rulers
and the destruction of holy sites weakened the stability of the
Jerusalem Patriarchate and negatively affected authentic,
hagiopolite liturgical practice. This crisis caused a decline in the
Christian population, led to neglect of the destroyed holy sites, and
instigated the reorganization of the hierarchy around the
cathedral of Jerusalem, as well as its major outlying monasteries,
and certain remaining holy sites.
2. Despite the diffusion of Arabic as the official language of the state,
Greek thrived in the multi-lingual Palestinian monasteries and
remained the official liturgical language of the Jerusalem
Patriarchate without interruption.
3. Despite the concern to maintain Orthodoxy on the part of both the
Constantinopolitan and Jerusalem Patriarchates, there is no
evidence of a concerted effort or systematic program on the part of
the Byzantine Empire to impose the Byzantine Rite in the
4. The chronological limits used in liturgical historiography to
explain changes in hagiopolite worship are not reflected in the
corresponding liturgical sources themselves. Thus, liturgical
sources show great variety and suggest that liturgical
Byzantinization was a gradual phenomenon with a transitional
phase.

Although this chapter has attempted to address the question of when by
mapping out a timeline of significant events in Jerusalem and
Constantinople, the questions of how and why liturgical Byzantinization
occurred must also look elsewhere for solutions. For an explanation of a

CHAPTER II

104
liturgical change, one must know the context but ultimately search for the
answer within the liturgical sources themselves. This will be our goal in
the following three chapters.

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE THESI S

ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................... ix

PREFACE .............................................................................................................. xxxi

INTRODUCTI ON ................................................................................................ xxxiii
1. Byzantinization ........................................................................................... xxxvi
1.1. Awareness of Two (or More) Liturgical Traditions ......................... xxxvii
1.2. Method of Comparative Liturgy ......................................................... xxxix
1.3. Liturgical Reform ......................................................................................... xl
2. History of the Question ................................................................................. xlii
2.1. Pre-Revolutionary Russian Scholarship ............................................... xliii
2.2. Twentieth-Century Western Scholarship .............................................. xlv
2.3. Response within the Patriarchate of Jerusalem Today ..................... xlvii
3. Parameters of Research ..................................................................................... li
3.1. Geographical Limits ...................................................................................... li
3.2. Chronological Limits ................................................................................... liv
3.3. Linguistic Limits .......................................................................................... liv
4. Arrangement of the Material .......................................................................... lv

CHAPTER I: THE SOURCES ...................................................................................... 1
1. Liturgical Manuscripts ...................................................................................... 1
1.1. Resources ........................................................................................................ 1
1.2. Criteria for Selection .................................................................................... 3
2. Early (Pre-Eighth-Century) Edited Hagiopolite Sources .............................. 4
2.1. Armenian Lectionary (ed. Renoux) ............................................................... 4
2.2. Georgian Lectionary (ed. Tarchnishvili) ...................................................... 5
2.3. Iadgari (Tropologion) (ed. Metreveli et al.) ................................................. 7
3. Manuscripts ....................................................................................................... 11
3.1. Sinai Gr. !.". #$ 5 (8
th
-9
th
c.) ....................................................................... 11
3.2. Sinai Gr. 210 [with additional fragments] (A.D. 861/862) ...................... 12
3.3. Sinai Gr. 212 (9
th
c.) ....................................................................................... 14
3.4. St. Petersburg RNB Gr. 44 (9
th
c.) .................................................................. 15
3.5. Sinai Gr. N.E. M$ 11 (9
th
c.) ............................................................................ 17
3.6. Sinai Geo. O. 30 and 38 (A.D. 979) ................................................................. 17
3.7. Sinai Ar. 116 (A.D. 995/6) ............................................................................. 18
3.8. Sinai Syr. M52N (9
th
-10
th
c.) ......................................................................... 20
3.9. Sinai Gr. N.E. #$ 8 (10
th
c.) ........................................................................... 21
3.10. Sinai Geo. O. 34 (10
th
c.) ............................................................................... 21

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE THESIS

106
3.11. Sinai Geo. O. 54 (10
th
c.) ............................................................................... 23
3.12. Sinai Geo. O. 63 (10
th
c.) ............................................................................... 24
3.13. Sinai Geo. O. 12 (10
th
-11
th
c.) ....................................................................... 25
3.14. Vatican Syr. 19 (A.D. 1030) ........................................................................ 26
3.15. Sinai Geo. N. 12 (A.D. 1075) ........................................................................ 28
3.16. Sinai Gr. 741 and 742 (January 25, A.D. 1099) .......................................... 29
3.17. Messina Gr. 177 (11
th
c.) .............................................................................. 30
3.18. Sinai Geo. O. 10 (11
th
c.) ................................................................................ 31
3.19. Sinai Gr. N.E. X 156 (11
th
c.) ........................................................................ 32
3.20. Tbilisi Geo. 193 (11
th
c.) ............................................................................... 32
3.21. Sinai Gr. N.E. M 35 (11
th
-12
th
c.) .................................................................. 33
3.22. Sinai Gr. N.E. M 66 (11
th
-12
th
c.) ................................................................. 33
3.23. Sinai Gr. 257 (A.D. 1101/1102) ................................................................... 33
3.24. Hagios Stavros Gr. 43 + St. Petersburg RNB Gr. 359 (A.D. 1122) ................. 34
3.25. Sinai Gr. 1040 (12
th
c.) ................................................................................. 39
3.26. Sinai Gr. 1096 (12
th
c.) ................................................................................. 40
3.27. Sinai Gr. 1097 (A.D. 1214) ........................................................................... 41
3.28. Vatican Syr. 20 (A.D. 1215) ........................................................................ 42
3.29. Sinai Gr. N.E. X 73 (13
th
c.) .......................................................................... 44
3.30. Sinai Gr. N.E. X 159 (14
th
-16
th
c.) ................................................................. 44
3.31. Misleading Manuscripts ........................................................................... 45
4. Secondary Liturgical Sources ......................................................................... 47
4.1. Catecheses by St. Cyril of Jerusalem (4
th
c.) .............................................. 48
4.2. Itinerarium by Egeria (A.D. 381-384) ......................................................... 51
4.3. Narration of the Abbots John and Sophronius (7
th
c.) .................................. 53
4.4. Mravaltavi [Polykephalon] (9
th
c.) ............................................................. 54
4.5. Melkite Calendar by al-B!r"n! (11
th
c.) ....................................................... 55
5. Theological Sources ......................................................................................... 56
6. Constantinopolitan Liturgical Sources ......................................................... 58
6.1. Kanonarion-Synaxarion ............................................................................. 59
6.2. Liturgical Typikon ....................................................................................... 60
6.3. Praxapostolos ............................................................................................... 60
6.4. Psalterion ...................................................................................................... 61

CHAPTER II: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT ........................................................... 63
1. The Jerusalem Patriarchate ............................................................................ 65
1.1. Orthodoxy ..................................................................................................... 65
1.2. The Christian Population and Its Languages .......................................... 67
1.3. Melkites: A Subgroup? ................................................................................ 70
1.4. Sacred Topography ..................................................................................... 72
1.5. Pilgrimage .................................................................................................... 74
1.6. Stational Liturgy .......................................................................................... 76


107
1.7. Monasticism ................................................................................................. 78
1.7.1. Greek Monasticism .................................................................................. 83
1.7.2. Syrian Monasticism ................................................................................. 85
1.7.3. Georgian Monasticism ............................................................................ 87
2. Hagiopolite Decline .......................................................................................... 89
2.1. Islamic Occupation ...................................................................................... 90
2.2. Migrations .................................................................................................... 94
2.3. Byzantine Contact ....................................................................................... 97
2.4. Arabization ................................................................................................... 98
2.5. Changes in Topography ........................................................................... 100
2.6. Destruction of the Anastasis .................................................................... 103
2.7. Ecclesiastical Reorganization .................................................................. 109
2.8. The First Crusade ....................................................................................... 112
3. Crisis and Contact ........................................................................................... 113
3.1. Byzantine Iconoclasm and Its Impact on Palestine ............................. 114
3.2. Stoudite Monastic Reforms ..................................................................... 115
4. Constantinopolitan Hegemony .................................................................... 118
4.1. Byzantine Political Ideology and Motivation ....................................... 118
4.2. Theodore Balsamon and the Rite of Constantinople ........................... 121
4.3. Excursus: Patriarchal Lists ....................................................................... 123
4.4. Constantinopolitan Exile .......................................................................... 125
4.4.1. Leontius of Jerusalem ........................................................................... 125
4.4.2. Athanasius II of Alexandria ................................................................. 129
4.4.3. Hagiopolite Metochion in Constantinople? ....................................... 132
5. Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 133

CHAPTER III: THE LITURGY OF ST. JAMES ...................................................... 137
1. Eucharistic Liturgies ..................................................................................... 137
1.1. Origins and History of the Liturgy of St. James .................................... 139
1.2. Byzantinization of the Liturgy of St. James ........................................... 143
2. Sources ............................................................................................................. 146
2.1. Editions of the Liturgy of St. James ........................................................ 146
2.1.1. Long and Short Versions of the Liturgy of St. James ....................... 148
2.2. Manuscripts of the Liturgy of St. James ................................................. 149
2.3. Analysis of Contents and Arrangement ................................................. 154
3. The Structure of the Liturgy of the Word ................................................. 156
3.1. Method of Analysis of Structural Units ................................................ 156
3.2. Introit ......................................................................................................... 157
3.3. Trisagion ..................................................................................................... 161
3.4. Pax .............................................................................................................. 162
3.5. Responsorial Psalmody ............................................................................. 162
3.5.1. Propsalmon ........................................................................................... 165


108
3.5.2. Hypopsalmon ........................................................................................ 167
3.5.3. Epakouston ............................................................................................. 168
3.5.4. Mesodion ................................................................................................ 169
3.6. Lection(s) ................................................................................................... 170
3.7. Alleluia ....................................................................................................... 172
3.8. Ektene .......................................................................................................... 172
3.9. Gospel .......................................................................................................... 173
4. Other Liturgy of the Word Structures ........................................................ 174
5. Liturgy of the Eucharist Structure .............................................................. 175
5.1. Chant for Hand Washing .......................................................................... 175
5.2. Chant of the Holy Gifts ............................................................................. 177
5.3. Chant for Communion ............................................................................. 181
6. Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 182

CHAPTER IV: THE LITURGICAL CALENDAR OF JERUSALEM ............................ 185
1. Structure and Characteristics of the Hagiopolite Liturgical Year .......... 186
1.1. Structure ..................................................................................................... 186
1.1.1. Beginning of the Liturgical Year ........................................................ 187
1.1.2. Octaves .................................................................................................... 189
1.1.3. Fixed and Movable Cycles .................................................................... 190
1.2. Development of the Calendar .................................................................. 192
1.3. Categories of Feasts ................................................................................... 193
2. Hagiography, Homiletics, and Hymnography ........................................... 195
2.1. Hagiography ............................................................................................... 196
2.2. Homiletics ................................................................................................... 198
2.3. Hymnography ............................................................................................ 199
3. Case Studies ..................................................................................................... 201
3.1. Saints from the Liturgy of St. James ....................................................... 202
4. Major Feasts of the Lord ................................................................................ 202
4.1. Nativity of Christ and Theophany ......................................................... 203
4.2. Encaenia and the Exaltation of the Cross .............................................. 205
5. Theotokos ........................................................................................................ 207
6. Saints ................................................................................................................ 210
6.1. St. John the Baptist .................................................................................... 210
6.2. St. James the Brother of the Lord ........................................................... 216
6.3. St. Stephen the Protomartyr ................................................................... 224
6.4. Joint Commemorations of New Testament Figures ............................. 227
6.5. Joint Commemorations of Old Testament Figures ............................... 229
6.6. Monastic Saints .......................................................................................... 231
6.7. St. Athenogenes ......................................................................................... 233
6.8. Local Palestinian Saints ............................................................................ 235
6.9. Saints from Beyond Palestine .................................................................. 236


109
6.10. New Martyrs ............................................................................................. 238
7. Sacred Objects and Places ............................................................................. 240
7.1. Precious Cross ............................................................................................ 240
7.2. Ark of the Covenant .................................................................................. 242
7.3. Church Buildings ....................................................................................... 243
8. Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 246

CHAPTER V: THE JERUSALEM LECTI ONARY SYSTEM ...................................... 249
1. Textual Criticism and Lectionary Studies .................................................. 249
1.1. Content and Variants ............................................................................... 252
2. Gospel Cycles ................................................................................................... 255
2.1. Fixed Cycle of the Liturgical Year ........................................................... 255
2.2. Moveable Cycle .......................................................................................... 256
2.2.1. Pascha and Bright Week ....................................................................... 257
2.2.2. Sunday Cycles ........................................................................................ 259
2.2.3. Pentecost (John) ................................................................................... 260
2.2.4. Matthew .................................................................................................. 261
2.2.5. Mark ........................................................................................................ 263
2.2.6. Luke ......................................................................................................... 264
2.2.7. Great Lent ............................................................................................... 265
2.2.8. Holy Week ............................................................................................... 268
3. Epistle Cycles ................................................................................................... 269
3.1. Fixed Cycle of the Liturgical Year ........................................................... 271
3.2. Moveable Cycle .......................................................................................... 271
3.2.1. Pascha and Bright Week ....................................................................... 271
3.2.2. Sunday Cycles ........................................................................................ 273
3.2.3. Great Lent ............................................................................................... 274
4. Old Testament Cycles .................................................................................... 275
4.1. Old Testament Readings at the Liturgy of St. James ............................ 275
4.2. Missing Old Testament Readings ............................................................ 276
4.3. Old Testament Readings at the Liturgy of the Hours .......................... 279
5. General Commemorations ............................................................................ 281
6. Connections of Reading Cycles .................................................................... 285
7. Mixed Cycles ................................................................................................... 287
8. Conclusions ..................................................................................................... 288

CONCLUSION ........................................................................................................ 291

APPENDI X ............................................................................................................. 297
1. Plan of the Anastasis Complex ..................................................................... 297
2. Map of the City of Jerusalem ........................................................................ 298
3. Map of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem ......................................................... 299

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