[33]

T
he intensification of anti-Semitism in the
Arab world over the last years and its reap-
pearance in parts of Europe have occasioned a
number of thoughtful ref lections on the nature
and consequences of this phenomenon, but also
some misleading analyses based on doubtful
premises. It is widely assumed, for example, that
anti-Semitism is a form of racism or ethnic xeno-
phobia. This is a legacy of the post-World War II
period, when revelations about the horrifying
scope of Hitlers final solution caused widespread
revulsion against all manifestations of group ha-
tred. Since then, racism, in whatever guise it ap-
pears, has been identified as the evil to be fought.
But if anti-Semitism is a variety of racism, it is a
most peculiar variety, with many unique character-
istics. In my view as a historian, it is so peculiar
that it deserves to be placed in a quite different cat-
egory. I would call it an intellectual disease, a dis-
ease of the mind, extremely infectious and mas-
sively destructive. It is a disease to which both
human individuals and entire human societies are
prone.
Geneticists and experts in related fields may ob-
ject that my observation is not scientifically valid.
My rejoinder is simple: how can one make scientif-
ic judgments in this area? Scientists cannot even
agree on how to define race itself, or whether the
category exists in any meaningful sense. The im-
mense advances in genetics over the last half-cen-
tury, far from simplifying the problem, have made
it appear more complex and mysterious.* All that
scientists appear able to do is to present the evi-
dence, often conf licting, of studies they have un-
dertaken. And this, essentially, is what a historian
does as well. He shows how human beings have be-
haved, over long periods and in many different
places, when confronted with the apparent fact of
marked racial differences.
The historical evidence suggests that racism, in
varying degrees, is ubiquitous in human societies,
so much so that it might even be termed natural
and inevitable (though not irremediable: its behav-
ioral consequences can be mitigated by education,
political arrangements, and intermarriage). It often
takes the form of national hostility, especially when
two countries are placed by geography in postures
of antagonism. Such has been the case with France
and England, Poland and Russia, and Germany
and Denmark, to give only three obvious examples.
The degree of this hostility can increase or di-
minish as a result of historical change. Thus, the
The Anti-Semitic Disease
Paul Johnson
Paul Johnson is the author of Modern Times, A Histo-
ry of Christianity, and A History of the Jews, among
many other books.
* This is vividly brought home in one recent study, Race: The Real-
ity of Human Differences, by Vincent Sarich and Frank Miele (West-
view, 320 pp., $27.50). The book was dismissively reviewed in the
(London) Times Literary Supplement (February 25, 2005) by Jerry
Coyne, a professor in the department of ecology and evolution at
the University of Chicago.
johnson 0605.qxp 5/5/2005 12:40 PM Page 33
Scots and the French were natural allies and on
very friendly terms when they had a common
enemy in the English; but after the union of Scot-
land with England, the Scots absorbed the broad
anti-Gallicism of the British nation. Similarly, the
creation of the European Union has diminished
cross-border nationalist hatred in some cases (es-
pecially between France and Germany) while in-
creasing it in a few others (Germany and Den-
mark).
By contrast, anti-Semitism is very ancient, has
never been associated with frontiers, and, although
it has had its ups and downs, seems impervious to
change. The Jews (or Hebrews) were strangers
and sojourners, as the book of Genesis puts it,
from very early times, and certainly by the end of
the 2nd millennium B.C.E. Long before the great
diaspora that followed the conf licts of Judea with
Rome, they had settled in many parts of the
Mediterranean area and Middle East while main-
taining their separate religion and social identity;
the first recorded instances of anti-Semitism date
from the 3rd century B.C.E., in Alexandria. Subse-
quent historical shifts have not ended anti-Semi-
tism but merely superimposed additional archaeo-
logical layers, as it were. To the anti-Semitism of
antiquity was added the Christian layer and then,
from the time of the Enlightenment on, the secu-
larist layer, which culminated in Soviet anti-Semi-
tism and the Nazi atrocities of the first half of the
20th century. Now we have the Arab-Muslim layer,
dating roughly from the 1920s but becoming more
intense with each decade since.
W
hat strikes the historian surveying anti-
Semitism worldwide over more than two
millennia is its fundamental irrationality. It seems
to make no sense, any more than malaria or
meningitis makes sense. In the whole of history, it
is hard to point to a single occasion when a wave
of anti-Semitism was provoked by a real Jewish
threat (as opposed to an imaginary one). In Japan,
anti-Semitism was and remains common even
though there has never been a Jewish community
there of any size.
Asked to explain why they hate Jews, anti-Sem-
ites contradict themselves. Jews are always show-
ing off; they are hermetic and secretive. They will
not assimilate; they assimilate only too well. They
are too religious; they are too materialistic, and a
threat to religion. They are uncultured; they have
too much culture. They avoid manual work; they
work too hard. They are miserly; they are ostenta-
tious spenders. They are inveterate capitalists;
they are born Communists. And so on. In all its
myriad manifestations, the language of anti-Semi-
tism through the ages is a dictionary of non-se-
quiturs and antonyms, a thesaurus of illogic and
inconsistency.
Like many physical diseases, anti-Semitism is
highly infectious, and can become endemic in cer-
tain localities and societies. Though a disease of the
mind, it is by no means confined to weak, feeble,
or commonplace intellects; as history sadly records,
its carriers have included men and women of oth-
erwise powerful and subtle thoughts. Like all men-
tal diseases, it is damaging to reason, and some-
times fatal.
Irrational thinking is common enough in each of
us; when anti-Semitism is added in, irrational
thinking becomes not only instinctual but systemic.
An experienced anti-Semite constantly looks for
evidence to confirm his ide fixe, and invariably
f inds itjust as a Marxist, looking for proof,
constantly uncovers events that confirm his diag-
nosis of how the world works. (Not surprisingly,
anti-Semitic theory as evolved by the young
Hegelians played a major role in the evolution of
Marxs methods of analysis.)
Anti-Semitism is self-inf licted, which means
that, by an act of will and reason, the infection can
be repelled. But this is not easy to do, especially in
societies where anti-Semitism has become com-
mon or the norm. What is in any case clear is that
anti-Semitism, besides being self-inf licted, is also
self-destructive, and of societies and governments
as much as of individuals.
An important instance of this historical law is the
expulsion of the Jews (along with the Moors) from
Spain in the 1490s, and the subsequent witchhunt
of New Christians, or converted Jews, by the In-
quisitiona process that took place at precisely the
moment when Spains penetration of the New
World had opened up unprecedented opportunities
for economic expansion. The effect of official anti-
Semitism was to deprive Spain (and its colonies) of
a class already notable for the astute handling of fi-
nance. As a consequence, the project of enlarging
the New Worlds silver mines and importing huge
amounts of silver into Spain, far from leading to ra-
tional investment in a proto-industrial revolution
or to the creation of modern financial services, had
a profoundly deleterious impact, plunging the hith-
erto vigorous Spanish economy into inflation and
long-term decline, and the government into re-
peated bankruptcy.
The beneficiaries of Spanish anti-Semitism, in
the near term, were the northern (Protestant) areas
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of the Netherlands, where an inf lux of Jewish
refugees settling in Amsterdam and Rotterdam led
to the accelerated development of the mercantile
and f inancial sectors and the establishment for a
time of Dutch global economic supremacy. In the
longer term, the benef iciaries were England and
the United States of America. England ceased to
practice institutional anti-Semitism in the mid-
17th century, when Jews, who had been expelled
from the country in 1290, were permitted to re-
settle there (and practice their religion) without the
need for special privileges. This pattern was re-
peated in the English colonies in America, so that
the new republic became, ab initio, an area where
anti-Semitism never had any force in law.
By the end of the 18th century, the worlds first
industrial revolution was an accomplished fact in
Britain, and by the end of the 19th century the
United States had emerged as the worlds leading
industrial and financial power, which it remains to
this day. Theorists of comparative economic effi-
ciency, like Max Weber and R.H. Tawney, used to
point to the role of Protestantism (especially
Calvinist salvation panic) in the development of
Anglo-Saxon industrial supremacy. The trend
now is to stress the role of immigration, with Jews
playing a significant role.
I
n the evolution of modern Europe in the 19th
and 20th centuries, anti-Semitism once again
proved self-destructive. The occupation of Alsace-
Lorraine by Germany after the Franco-Prussian
war of 1870 led to a significant exodus of local Jews
to Paris and the rapid growth of anti-Semitism in
a country already long harboring the disease. One
consequence was the Dreyfus affairthe Dreyfus-
es were an Alsatian familywhich convulsed
France for the better part of two decades.
The ensuing cultural civil war weakened France
in a number of ways, not least militarily, and in the
early years of the 20th century helped to persuade
the Germans that France would prove an easy tar-
get, as indeed it was in 1914. A longer-term effect
of the Dreyfus affair was felt in the French collapse
and capitulation to the Nazis in 1940, as well as in
the character of the subsequent Vichy regime.
Another outstanding case was Czarist Russia.
Under Catherine II, the early elements in what was
to become a complex system of anti-Semitic laws
were introduced in the late 18th century after the
partition of Poland, which gave Russia a large Jew-
ish minority for the first time. Thereafter, prohibi-
tions and restrictions were constantly enlarged and
made more stringent, and were reinforced by offi-
cial encouragement of popular pogroms. The re-
sult was a large-scale migration of Jews to the
West, particularly to Britain and the United
Statesagain to the economic and cultural benefit
of the Anglo-Saxon powers. Russia was corre-
spondingly weakened, not only by the loss of talent
but also by the immense increase in administrative
corruption produced by the system of restrictions.
The country was damaged in another way, too.
The legal enforcement of Russian anti-Semitism
became a model for the subsequent Soviet system
of internal control, which can be understood as an
extension to the population as a whole of laws that
once oppressed Jews only. The aftereffects, includ-
ing rampant corruption, are still to be felt at all lev-
els of Russian society today.
But the most notable victim of anti-Semitism
was Germany under Hitler. Among historians, it is
still considered morally essential to demonize
Hitler and to condemn unreservedly everything he
and the Nazis did. But there are compelling rea-
sons, quite apart from the interests of objective
scholarship, why this should end. Hitler was not a
demon but a human being, just as were Attila and
Barbarossa, Luther and Wallenstein, Frederick the
Great and Bismarck.
Though from a humble background and poorly
educated, Hitler possessed a fierce intelligence, a
strong artistic imagination, and great powers of ar-
ticulation. His career as a soldier in World War I
testified to his courage, and everything he caused
to happen afterward showed a strength of will rare
at any time. To this he added formidable organiza-
tional powers, the capacity to inspire loyalty, strate-
gic clarity balanced by tactical flexibility, and ora-
tory of a high order, spiced with a valuable talent
for making people laugh. His creation, virtually
from scratch, of a nationwide mass political party
that he drove forward to electoral victory in what
was then perhaps the best-educated country in the
world, all in little over a decade, has few parallels
in the history of politics.
All this bears witness to Hitlers abilities. As for
his criminal defects and deformations, we are
rightly aware of them: his inveterate thuggishness
and brutality, his narrow chauvinism, his seeming-
ly unappeasable lust for conquest and domination.
And, above all, his anti-Semitism, which, while ex-
acting its toll in millions of innocent human lives,
in the end proved fatal to his own world-conquer-
ing ambitions.
It is not clear from the record exactly how, why,
and when Hitler became a strident anti-Semite.
What is clear is that by the early 1920s, he was al-
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ready a violent hater of Jews. As time went on, his
anti-Semitism grew until it took entire possession
of his intellect and became the dominant factor in
all his strategies and decisions.
It is often assumed that Hitlers anti-Semitism
helped pave his way to office. I have never seen any
convincing attempt to prove this with detailed, sta-
tistical arguments. In Austria and parts of southern
Germany, anti-Semitism was indeed widespread.
But in central and northern Germany, Jews were
well assimilated and performed obvious services;
there, anti-Semitism had to be incited. My own be-
lief, considering Germany as a whole, is that
Hitlers anti-Semitism, along with the street-brawl-
ing to which it led, was rather an obstacle to elec-
toral victory. It repelled more voters than it at-
tracted, and diverted attention from the four poli-
cies that undoubtedly put him in a position to win
large numbers of votes: his absolute opposition to
the terms of the Versailles treaty; his radical call for
an end to the Weimar economic system, which had
promoted hyperinflation and so stripped the mid-
dle class of its savings; his equally radical proposals
for ending mass unemployment; and, not least, his
vehement hostility to Communism, which most
Germans hated and feared.
If Hitler achieved power not because of but de-
spite his anti-Semitism, once he was in power his
unrelenting obsession with the Jews corroded his
judgment at every turn. His increasingly violent
persecution of Jews also alienated other nations
whose publics might otherwise have been won over
to at least some of his aggressive demands in foreign
policy. So central was anti-Semitism to his view of
the world that the repugnance of others merely
confirmed, for him, the existence of the very Jew-
ish conspiracy against which he had warned for
many years. It was this same conspiracy, he threat-
ened, that would be to blame for any war that might
break out, and this war would in turn provide both
occasion and justif ication for implementing his
final solution to the Jewish problem.
Anti-Semitism thus led Hitler to fight a needless
war against Britain and France and then, military
dominance having been effectively achieved in
mainland Europe, to extend the war in such a way
that he could not possibly win it. He invaded the
Soviet Union, his formerly compliant and quies-
cent ally, thereby giving Germany a war on two
frontsprecisely the configuration he once argued
had been fatal to Germanys chances in World War
I. Then, when Japan attacked the United States in
December 1941, he made the totally irrational de-
cision to declare war on America. Both these acts
of madness bore the marks of a collapse of judg-
ment brought on by the intellectual disease of anti-
Semitism, the first of them pursued in order to ex-
tend the final solution eastward and the second
out of the lunatic notion that the rulers of the
United States were themselves a key component of
the Jewish world conspiracy. At the beginning of
1941 Hitler had been in a position of enormous
global power; at the end of it, his countrys eventu-
al defeat and his own annihilation were certain.
A
s an example of the self-destructive force of
anti-Semitism, the case of Hitler and Nazi
Germany is paralleled only by what has happened
to the Arabs over the course of the last century.
The year 1917 saw both the issuance in London
of the Balfour Declaration, authorizing the cre-
ation of a Jewish national home in Palestine, and
the wartime British occupation of Jerusalem, fol-
lowed thereafter by an international mandate to
govern the country. In the Balfour Declaration the
British pledged to use their best endeavors to
further the national-home project, but without
prejudice to the rights of the existing inhabitants.
At this stage, many Zionists themselves did not
necessarily envisage a sovereign Jewish state
emerging in Palestine. Thus, Chaim Weizmann,
the prime mover behind the Declaration, imagined
that Jewish immigrants, whose ranks included a
growing number of scientific and agricultural ex-
perts as well as many entrepreneurs, would play a
key role in enabling the Arabs of the Middle East
to make the most effective use of their newly de-
veloping oil wealth.
Had Jewish-Arab cooperation been possible
from the start, and had money from oil been cre-
atively invested in education, technology, industry,
and social services, the Middle East would now be
by far the richest portion of the earths surface.
This has been one of historys greatest lost oppor-
tunities, comparable, on a much greater scale, to
Spains mismanagement of its silver wealth in the
16th century. Anti-Semitism, helped by an inge-
nious forgery, was the key to the disaster.
In the 1890s, the Czarist secret police, anxious
to prove the reality of the Jewish threat to Rus-
sia, had asked its agent in Paris (then, with Vienna,
the world center of anti-Semitism) to provide cor-
roborating materials. He took a pamphlet written
by Maurice Joly in 1864 that accused Napoleon III
of ambitions to dominate the world; re-wrote it,
substituting the Jews for Napoleon and dressing up
the tale with traditional anti-Semitic details; and ti-
tled it The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. It resurfaced
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Commentary June 2005
johnson 0605.qxp 5/5/2005 12:40 PM Page 36
in Russia after the 1917 coup by the Bolsheviks,
who were widely believed by their White Russian
opponents to be Jewish-led, and thence made its
way to the Middle East. When Weizmann arrived
in Jerusalem in 1918, he was handed a typewritten
copy by the British commander, General Sir Wyn-
dham Deedes, who said: You had better read all
this with care. It is going to cause you a great deal
of trouble in the future.
In 1921, after a full investigation, the London
Times published a series of articles exposing the
origins of the tract and demonstrating beyond all
possible doubt that it was a complete invention.
But by then the damage that Deedes had warned
about was done. Among those who read, and be-
lieved, the forgery was Adolf Hitler. Another was
Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, head of the biggest
landowning family in Palestine. Al-Husseini was al-
ready tinged with hatred of Jews, but the Protocols
gave him a purpose in life: to expel all Jews from
Palestine forever. He had innocent blue eyes and a
quiet, almost cringing manner, but was a dedicated
killer who devoted his entire life to race-murder. In
1920 he was sentenced by the British to ten years
hard labor for provoking bloody anti-Jewish riots.
But in the following year, in a reversal of policy for
which I have never found a satisfactory explana-
tion, the British appointed a supreme Muslim reli-
gious council in Palestine and in effect made al-
Husseini its director.
The mufti, as he was called, thereafter created
Arab anti-Semitism in its modern form. He ap-
pointed a terrorist leader, Emile Ghori, to kill Jew-
ish settlers whenever possible, and also any Arabs
who worked with Jews. The latter made up by far
the greater number of the muftis victims. This pat-
tern of murdering Arab moderates has continued
ever since, and not just among Palestinians; we see
it in Iraq today.
When Hitler came to power in 1933, the mufti
rapidly established links with the Nazi regime and
later toured occupied Europe under its auspices.
He naturally gravitated to Heinrich Himmler, the
official in charge of the Nazi genocide, who shared
his extreme and violent anti-Semitism; a photo
shows the two men smiling sweetly at each other.
From the Nazis the mufti learned much about
mass murder and terrorism. But he also drew from
the history of Islamic extremism: it was he who
first recruited Wahhabi fanatics from Saudi Arabia
and transformed them into killers of Jewsanoth-
er tradition that continues to this day.
Over the last half-century, anti-Semitism has
been the essential ideology of the Arab world; its
practical objective has been the destruction of Is-
rael and the extermination of its inhabitants. And
this huge and baneful force, this disease of the
mind, has once again had its customary conse-
quence. Just as Hitler ended his life a suicide, hav-
ing failed in his mission of destroying the Jewish
people, so 100 million or more Arabs, marching
under the banner of anti-Semitism, have totally
failed, despite four full-scale wars and waves of ter-
rorism and intifadas without number, to extinguish
tiny Israel.
In the meantime, by allowing their diseased ob-
session to dominate all their aspirations, the Arabs
have wasted trillions in oil royalties on weapons of
war and propagandaand, at the margin, on os-
tentatious luxuries for a tiny minority. In their
f light from reason, they have failed to modernize
or civilize their societies, to introduce democracy,
or to consolidate the rule of law. Despite all their
advantages, they are now being overtaken decisive-
ly by the Indians and the Chinese, who have few
natural resources but are inspired by reason, not
hatred.
Yet still the Arabs feed off the ravages of the dis-
ease, imbibing and spreading its poison. Even as
they keep alive the Protocols itself, now published in
tens of millions of copies in major Arab capitals,
they have embellished its lurid fantasies with their
own, homegrown mythologies of Jewish wicked-
ness. Recently the Protocols was made into a 41-part
TV series, f ilmed in Cairo and disseminated
throughout the Muslim world. Turkey, once a bas-
tion of moderation, with a thriving economy, is
now a theater of anti-Semitism, where hatred of Is-
rael breeds varieties of Islamic extremism. At a
time when at long last there is real hope of democ-
racy taking root in the Arab and Muslim world, the
paralysis continues and indeed is spreading.
I
n Europe, too, anti-Semitism has returned after
being supposedly banished forever in the late
1940s. Fueled by large and growing Muslim mi-
norities, whose mosques and websites propagate
hatred of Jews, it has also been nourished by in-
digenous elements, both intellectual and political.
It has even penetrated mainstream parties anxious
to garner Muslim votesNew Labor in Britain
being a disturbing example.
No less worrying, to my mind, is a related Euro-
pean phenomenonnamely, anti-Americanism. I
say related because anti-Semitism and anti-
Americanism have proceeded hand in hand in
todays Europe just as they once did in Hitlers
mind (as the unpublished second half of Mein
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Kampf decisively shows). Like hatred of Jews, ha-
tred of Americans can similarly be described as a
form of racism or xenophobia, especially in its
more vulgar manifestations. But among academics
and intellectuals, where it is increasingly prevalent,
it has more of the hallmarks of a mental disease,
becoming more virulent, widespread, and in-
tractable ever since the United States began to
shoulder the duties of the war against internation-
al terrorism.
After all, to hate Americans is against reason.
For centuries, and never more so than at present,
the U.S. has harbored the poor and persecuted
from the entire world, who have found freedom
and prospered on its soil. America continues to re-
ceive more immigrants than any other country; its
most recent arrivals, including the Cubans, the Ko-
reans, the Vietnamese, and the Lebanese, have be-
come some of the richest groups in the country and
are enthusiastic supporters of its democratic norms.
Indeed, since American society is now a vibrant mi-
crocosm of the human race, I would say that to
hate Americans is to hate humanity as a whole.
That anti-Americanism shares many structural
characteristics with anti-Semitism is plain enough.
In France, as we read in a new study, intellectuals
muster as many contradictory reasons for attacking
the U.S. as for attacking Jews.* Americans are ex-
cessively religious; they are excessively materialis-
tic. They are vulgar money-grubbers; they are vul-
gar spenders. They hate culture; they are pushy in
promoting their own culture. They are aggressive
and reckless; they are cowardly. They are stupid;
they are exceptionally cunning. They are unedu-
cated; they subordinate everything in life to the
goal of sending their children to universities. They
build soulless megalopolises; they are rural imbe-
ciles. As with anti-Semitism, this litany of contra-
dictory complaints is fleshed out with demonic car-
icatures of particular individuals like George W.
Bush. Just as 14th-century Christians once held the
Jews responsible for the Black Death, Americans
are blamed for all the ills of todays world, starting
with (real or imaginary) global warming. Particu-
larly among French intellectuals, such demoniza-
tion has become almost a culture, a way of life, in
itself.
Especially disturbing is the spread of the cult in
Germany. There, in the 1920s, anti-Semitism was
a feature of the social demoralization produced by
defeat in World War I. Germany is now becoming
demoralized again, for a variety of reasons: ap-
pallingly high unemployment; falling living stan-
dards relative to the U.S., Britain, and other ad-
vanced nations; declining population figures, giv-
ing rise to anxiety about the future of the work-
force and the security of the pension system; and
the inability of the countrys leaders to address any
of these problems.
In the post-World War II period, ironically,
Germany prospered mightily by looking to the
U.S. for entrepreneurial inspiration as well as po-
litical and military leadership. For the past quarter-
century, it has fallen increasingly under the spell of
France and the French fantasy of a European su-
perstate that will rival America. Precisely during
this period of French hegemony, Germany has en-
tered upon an accelerating economic decline, al-
ready relative and soon to be absolute.
For Germany now to turn on America as the
source of its woes makes no sense at all. But then a
country in the grip of a disease of the mind cannot
be expected to behave rationally. Despite all its ef-
forts, Germany, it seems to me, has not learned the
essential lesson of its Nazi past, namely, to flee the
plague of unreason. Looking at Europe as a whole,
and at the continuing malaise of the Middle East, I
suspect we are approaching a new crisis in the
pathology of nations. Once again, America is the
only physician with the power and skill to provide a
cure, and one can only pray the hour is not too late
for the patient to be revived.
[38]
Commentary June 2005
* The American Enemy: the History of French Anti-Americanism by
Phillipe Roger, University of Chicago Press, 536 pp., $35.00.
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