Jean-Marc Mandosio

In the cauldron of the

negative








Table of Contents:

Introduction
Part I: The Formula for Overthrowing the
World
Part II: The System of Doctor Tarr and
Doctor Fether
Part III: Concerning Defeat and the Various
Ways It Was Dealt With
Part IV: The Labyrinth of Greater and
Lesser Mysteries
Part V: Necessary Illusions






I responded: Kind lady, as I have based my actions on
your tempting promises (like those others whom you see
there, lost in error), every time that I encountered some
artificial phantasm on such a frequented route, I was not
able to separate myself from it without learning its
hidden meaning; now that I have understood, thanks to
ingenious machines, the degree of poverty to which you
lead men whom you enchant with your sweet discourses
and magnificent promises, the reason why I crossed the
raging river and came to this forest is obvious: when I
crossed it I could not contain my laughter, for I saw how
insanely men allow themselves to be convinced
(motivated principally by the avid desire to improve their
stations in the world and to become great) not only to
wander as if they were possessed through this place that
so resembles a chaos, but to remain within it nourishing a
perpetual hope, in the expectation of obtaining what no
one has ever obtained despite long labors and great
expense.
Giovanni Battista Nazari, Della Tramutazione Metallica,
Sogni Tre (Three Dreams concerning the Transmutation
of Metals)




INTRODUCTION

The researcher closed the book he had just finished
reading. Absorbed in reading, he had not noticed the
onset of night; the darkness would soon spread its long
black fingers over him. He got up, took a few steps to
stretch his legs, looked distractedly out the window,
turned on the light and sat down again. Pensive, he once
again took up the book and opened it to the first page, in
order to re-read a passage that had intrigued him:
Having, then, to take account of readers who are both
attentive and diversely influential, I obviously cannot
speak with complete freedom. Above all, I must take care
not to instruct just anybody. The unhappiness of the
times thus compels me, once again, to write in a new
way. Some elements will be intentionally omitted; and
the plan will have to remain rather unclear. Readers will
encounter certain lures, like the very hallmark of the era.
As long as other pages are interpolated here and there,
the overall meaning may appear just as secret clauses
have very often been added to whatever treaties may
openly stipulate; just as some chemical agents only
reveal their hidden properties when they are combined
with others.
This reminded him of something, and it seemed to him
that this manner of writing was not so new. He got up
again and scanned his bookshelves for a volume that he
finally located. It was a relatively recent reprint of a text
published in Paris in 1678: The Summit of Perfection, or
the Handbook of the Perfect Teachings of the
Philosophers, by Geber. He read:

I declare, first of all, that in this Summit I have not been
able to teach our science in a coherent way, but that I
divulged it in fragments, here and there, in various
chapters. And I have done so deliberately, because if I
had arranged all of it in a coherent order, the wicked,
who would utilize it for evil purposes, would learn it as
easily as the good, which would be vile and unjust.
Secondly, I declare that where it might seem that I could
have spoken with the greatest clarity and in the most
open way concerning our science, I spoke instead in a
most obscure manner and concealed a great deal.
The words were different but they reflected the same
way of writing, called the dispersion of knowledge ever
since Geber explained its principles. Gebers book is so
misleading that the name of the author was itself a false
lead: Geber was the Latinized name of Jbir ibn
Hayyn, an Arab sage and alchemist who allegedly lived
in the 8th century A.D.; he did not write even one line,
however, and was not actually responsible for the
contents of most of the Arab texts that circulated under
his name. The Summa perfectionis magisteriiwas a Latin
text from the late 13th century whose author (perhaps a
Franciscan monk by the name of Paul of Taranto) signed
it with Jbirs name in order to confer more authority on
his doctrine. The work quickly became one of the classics
of alchemy and until the end of the 19th century it was
thought that Jbir was really its author. Even the French
translation, published anonymously in an anthology
entitled Bibliothque des philosophes chimiques,
attributed the authorship of the text to someone who
did not write it, the Englishman William Salmon, based
on the initial S that is inscribed in the work, when in
reality it stands for a doctor from Poitou named Nicolas
Salomon. The history of alchemy is full of false
attributions, decoys and fakes, and that is why the
researcher was interested in it. That is why it was not
difficult for him to discern the tutelary shadow of the
pseudo-Geber behind the first few sentences of the
Comments on the Society of the Spectacle by Guy
Debord.

This identification, however, merely led to new
problems, since The Summit of Perfection is hardly ever
read outside of a handful of erudite circles of a particular
kind, whose members are devotees of alchemy and the
occult sciences. And Debord himself, in the book in
question, clearly expressed his disdain for the profitable
daydreams of charlatans and sorcerers, propagators of
false hopes. He had never changed his views with
regard to such matters since the times of the Situationist
International, when he published articles that ridiculed
the surrealists interest in sances or the popularity that
the magazinePlante enjoyed at the time. There was a
former situationist, Raoul Vaneigem, who paid a great
deal of attention to alchemy; but when he resigned from
the SI in 1970, Debord did not refrain from harshly
denouncing his idealism and his tendency to self-
contemplative mysticism. It would therefore be hard to
imagine that Debord was an avid reader of the pseudo-
Geber, and it would be more reasonable to assume that
he stumbled across the text by accident.
In his autobiographical texts, however, Debord took
pleasure in presenting himself as a reincarnation of the
devil, even going so far as to describe the situationist
adventure as the quest for an evil Grail. The researcher
had attended a conference on this topic, whose
title, References to the Occult in Contemporary Social
Critique, had intrigued him: although he was somewhat
suspicious at firstthe conference was held at a
Dominican Monastery by a rather unsavory association
of university professorshe left the event with the
conviction that Debords relations with the diffuse mass
of doctrines known as occultism were not as simple as
they appeared at first sight; and at the same time, this
made it less implausible that Debord might have read
some of the most famous alchemical texts, beginning
with The Summit of Perfection.

After closer inspection, the researcher also noted that
alchemy had already appeared in the texts published by
Vaneigem when he was still one of the leading members
of the SI, above all in his The Revolution of Everyday
Life,1which could hardly be proven to be in flagrant
contradiction with the main theories of the situationists.
This was quite odd. Just how did alchemy fit into the
history of the SI? Was it a mere deviation that the
critiques of 1970 had purged, or did it fulfill a more basic
function in situationist theory? Perhaps the connection
that he thought he had discovered between
the Comments on the Society of the Spectacle and The
Summit of Perfection was only the tip of a very
interesting iceberg. And even if his hypothesis regarding
the use of the pseudo-Geber should prove to be
incorrectsince the absence of any bibliographical
citations renders certainty in this matter impossiblethe
question that had thus been raised seemed to merit
more in-depth investigation. But this task involved a lot
more than just a little philological inquiry concerning a
minor detail.

It was getting late, and the researcher told himself that
he would see everything more clearly when he had more
time to devote the question. For the moment, other
matters awaited his attention. He put on his coat and his
hat, turned off the light and closed the door behind him.
1.The original French edition was entitled Trait de
savoir-vivre l'usage des jeunes generations; the most
well known English translation was published under the
title of The Revolution of Everyday Life. All subsequent
references to this book in this translation will be made
to the latter title for the convenience of the English-
speaking readers [American Translators note].






Part I: The Formula for Overthrowing the
World

Anyone who wants to possess the knowledge of living
things must rely on demonstration beginning with
material things and going back towards the principle of
everything.

Michael Psellus
Quaestionum Naturalium

1

The situationists attempted to formulate as coherently as
possible a radical critique of the contemporary world,
defined as a spectacular-commodity society dominated
and unified by the economy. In a society of this type, all
authentic life is rendered impossible by the falsification
of human relations, which are experienced exclusively in
accordance with the model of separation. This consists
in the separation of social roles whose concrete
expression is the division of labor; a division that is not
limited to the sphere of traditional economic exchange
but is extended to every form of specialization of activity
(productive, artistic, intellectual, political), none of
which can be said to escape the influence of the
economy. A separated activity, then, is necessarily an
alienating activity, one that makes the person who
exercises it an instrument, a mere cog in a system of
generalized commodity exchange. The separation of
roles leads to the reification of individuals, who are
reduced to the status of commodities, transformed into
things by the same process that makes them believe that
they are autonomous subjects. Separated from each
other, they are also separated from themselves. Social
classification, by defining the individual on the basis of
his function, consummates his dissolution into the
universal exchangeability of commodities, like a bar
code, without which no value can be attributed to the
product on the checkout line.
The ruling ideology makes separation appear to be the
natural, and therefore legitimate, condition of human
society: its acceptance as an unavoidable destiny
engenders its endless reproduction. The different kinds
of partial critique only result in a reinforcement of
separation, because they do not attack the root itself of
the distinction of social roles, but only this or that
consequence of those roles. Only a unitary critique that
reveals the concealed resources that make separation
possible can clear the way for a global transformation of
society. The only revolution that is possible must be
total; every attempt at partial subversion entails an
acceptance of separation, an acceptance that allows it to
remain intact. Revolutionary actions that do not have the
goal of the complete liquidation of this society finally
only lead to giving it the means to perpetuate itself by
means of its modernization.
Having learned from history, the situationists established
the principle that the revolution cannot aim at the goal
of substituting the power of one group for another. In
such a case, power changes hands but it is not abolished
as such; that is why the Jacobins and the Bolsheviks did
not carry out real revolutions. The only model of social
organization that the situationists accepted was the
system of workers councils, which they considered to be
the only truly democratic system. The main weakness of
this model lies in the fact that it has never been
successfully established for any significant period of time
because, due to the absence of specialization and
hierarchy, it was a very fragile system when faced with
repression or recuperation, and was more susceptible
than any other system to internal decomposition. Its
victory, making a place for itself in history, almost
ineluctably gives way to its end. Debord himself
emphasized this fact in 1966 (Contribution to a
Councilist Program in Spain, I.S., no. 10):
Councilist power cannot itself survive for very long
without staking and winning its bet on the total
transformation of all existing conditions and the
immediate liberation of life.
Now that capitalism has gradually transformed the entire
world, except for a few aspects, into one vast
spectacular-commodity society, the revolutionary
perspective cannot be inscribed in a national framework.
The nation, regardless of the basis upon which it claims
to be founded (ethnic, religious, linguistic, or some other
type) is only one of the forms of separation that the
revolution must specifically aim to abolish, since it unites
some people (the citizens) in order to separate them
from all other people.
In view of the fact that the revolution is directed against
a social system whose influence extends throughout the
entire world and the fact that this social system must be
abolished without allowing any part of it to survive,
destroying this society is the same thing as destroying
the world, or this world. Such an expression cannot but
evoke the language of the millenarians, and the
situationists themselves emphasized their kinship with
the prophets of the apocalypse who preached, in the
most ancient times, rebellion against the powers that be,
which were considered to be the concrete
manifestations of the kingdom of Satan. In both cases the
destruction of the world as it currently exists is the
precondition for the advent of a better world; for the
situationists, of course, the prince of this world is
obviously not the devil, who is just as non-existent as
God, but the economy.
It was from this conception of society as a totality
paradoxically unified by a principle of generalized
separationthat the opposition between the (present)
world of separation and the (future) world of a finally
realized unity was derived. If the revolution does not
pose this realization as its goal, it cannot be considered
to be a complete reversal of perspective. Is such a
reversal possible? Is it even conceivable? This is the
question for which Vaneigem sought to provide a
positive response in The Revolution of Everyday Life, and
in order to do so he resorted to the metaphorical armory
of alchemy.

2

The Revolution of Everyday Life, completed in 1965, was
published in 1967, the same year as The Society of the
Spectacle. These two works were quite different with
regard to both their style as well as their overall
structure. Debord, as he was to say in his 1979 Preface,
elaborated a historical and strategic conception of the
society of the spectacle considered as a whole.
Vaneigem, for his part, situated himself on the terrain of
tactics, addressing the question from a subjective point
of view, enumerating the possibilities for the concrete
transformation of everyday life that are offered to
individuals. The later disavowal of Vaneigem by the SI
tends to cause the differences, and even the opposition,
between the two books to stand out in retrospect.
Nonetheless, the theses expounded in The Revolution of
Everyday Life were precisely those of the SI at the time
the book was published, and both texts were conceived
to be read as the two complementary sides of a single
unified theory.1

The Revolution of Everyday Life was presented as a
contribution to the recreation of the international
revolutionary movement. It was based on the
opposition between the perspective of power, which
rules todays world in all its aspects, and the perspective
of its overthrow [renversement], which necessarily
proceeds by way of a reversal [renversement] of
perspective.2 Thus, the description of the negative
founds the positive project and the positive project
confirms negativity.
Todays world is absolutely negative. In it, everything
that characterizes authentic life is negated: the
participation, communication and realization to which
human beings aspire are impossible, since they are only
accessible in a falsified form. Because these things
constitute the real and permanent aspirations of
individuals, everything converges to contribute to make
them believe that they have the possibility to obtain
them, if they work hard, just as children are promised
candy if they behave. The simulacra of participation,
communication and realization, presented as if they
were the real things, allow individuals to forget that they
are totally deprived of them, and that the only real
activity that they are permitted is consumption. The
illusion of life disguises the reality of survival, so that the
guarantee that we will not die of starvation is bought by
accepting the risk of dying of boredom. Commodity
exchange not only conditions all the other forms of
exchange; it alters them in their very essence. In the
reign of the quantitative, the living is identified with the
mechanical, the human with the commodity. Everything
that is presented as qualitativeincluding the cultural
dose of soulis a veil covering the quantitative, the
outer shell whose purpose is to make it acceptable.
The positive project of the revolution consists in
abolishing everything that stands in the way of real
participation, communication and realization. In other
words, it means the abolition of separation. The
revolution has no other content or program, of a political
or any other kind. It is easy, however, to point out that
this project is more ambitious than any other program.
The situationists did not distinguish, unlike most other
theoreticians of the revolution, between two stages in
the revolution: a negative stage (destruction of the
existing order) and a positive stage (construction of a
new order). For the situationists, the abolition of this
negation of life that defines the spectacular-
commodity organization of the world is itself the
positive moment, if we define the positive, following the
logicians and Hegel, as the negation of the negation.
Positive and negative have two opposed meanings
depending on whether we situate ourselves upon the
perspective of power or of its abolition: contemporary
society considers everything that contributes to
strengthening it to be positive, while everything that
contributes to weakening it, the negative in action, is
positive for the situationists.
The role of the revolutionary organization known as the
SI did not consist in leading or planning the revolution, or
in elaborating utopias. The energy devoted to detailed
predictions concerning the configuration of the world of
the future is so much energy lost for the task of
destroying the world of the present, and reality always
assumes responsibility for ruining the best-laid plans.
Besides, the situationists were busy excluding the actual
utopians from their ranks, such as the science-fiction
urbanist Constant. They did, however, preserve a very
distinct sympathy for Charles Fourier, insofar as his
utopianism, behind the combinational formalism that
constitutes its most apparent feature, basically had no
other real program than the free expression of the
passions; moreover, the system of the passions described
by Fourier, with its variability and its innumerable
possible combinations, could be considered as a
forbearer of thegame from which the situationists
derived their very name: the construction of situations
(Constructed situation: A moment of life concretely and
deliberately constructed by the collective organization of
a unitary ambience and a game of events., I.S., no. 1).
In order to supersede and abolish the stage of
separation, it is necessary for this phenomenon not to be
inherent to human society as such, since it would
otherwise effectively possess that character of
inevitability that would make it insuperable. The
situationists therefore claim that separation has a
historical origin. For Vaneigem, separation arises from a
basic separation which precipitates and determines all
the others: the social distinction between masters and
slaves. This origin, lost in the mists of time, dates to an
era long before the period (which was quite recent)
when the bourgeoisie came to power, but the
bourgeoisie laid bare the social and material character
of separation, so that by the close of the eighteenth
century the fabric was rending in all directions as the
process of decomposition began to speed up. Debord
saw, for his part, in the transition from pastoral
nomadism to sedentary agriculture the historical
moment when labor replaced lazy liberty without
content; from then on, the social appropriation of
time, the production of man by human labor, develops
within a society divided into classes.
The supersession of the world of survival and separation
is conceivable because there is, in this same world, a
vague aspiration for a completely different kind of life.
For socialization has not yet completely stifled the will to
live. The latter is all the more violently manifested the
more it is repressed; thus, the suppression of the sexual
urges only makes them more insistent: Puritanism
creates Jack the Rippers the way cheese breeds worms.
Within the individuals themselves a battle is waged
between the forces of submission and those of freedom,
a battle that is nothing but the struggle between
subjectivity and what degrades it. The dynamism of life,
muzzled and distorted but not extinguished by the social
organization that perpetuates domination, is constantly
attempting to force its way to the light of day just as a
sprouting weed cleaves the hardest pavement.
Separation is therefore not the natural condition of
humanity, but a state that is maintained by coercion: the
coercion exercised by institutions against individuals,
who in turn strive to resist that coercion; and the
coercion that individuals, alienated in every sense of the
word, exercise against themselves.
The tactical weapon of the reversal of perspective
is dtournement [diversion], which Vaneigem defined
as a sort of anti-conditioning, not conditioning of a new
type, but playful tactics, or, in the terms used by
Debord, the language of contradiction, which is the
fluid language of anti-ideology. Propagandapolitical,
commercial, journalistic, cultural, recreationalis based
on the distortion of individual desires and aspirations,
which it channels and recuperates for the benefit of the
existing social organization. Just as the revolution is the
negation of the negation, dtournement permits, among
other things, the reversal of the process of recuperation
for the benefit of subversion.3
The tactic is playful, since play is an essential dimension
of revolution. Since alienation prevails in the everyday
life of individuals, it is in everyday life that the revolution
must take shape, because otherwise the revolution is not
a force of life, but of death. The antithesis of
commodified reification is found in the gratuitousness of
play, which proceeds without consideration of the profit
requirements of the world of the economy. Whatever is
gained in the game of life is just so much time wasted in
a society in which time is only worth the money that it
allows one to accumulate or spend; and labor time is a
succession of instants that individuals lose forever.
Against the calculation of the indices of profitability and
interest rates is opposed the qualitative, which is
embodied in individual creativity. The later abuse of this
termpopularized, among other sources, by Vaneigems
bookmakes it necessary to specify that we are not
talking here about that creativity as it is understood in
the art market and the cultural entertainment industry,
and much less that creativity that the specialists of
advertising propaganda are always bragging about.
Creativity as the situationists understood the term is not
the exercise of any particular separate activity,
susceptible to fostering social recognition and earning
money, but the unmediated experience of subjectivity,
the direct communication of the essential: in short, the
emergence of spontaneity.
3

Although at the risk of giving rise to certain
misunderstandingswhich indeed did not fail to arise
Vaneigem called the practical realization of spontaneity,
its concrete result, poetry. Poetry, in the situationist
sense of the term, is not a literary activity (there is no
situationist poetry in the way that there is, for example, a
surrealist poetry). Poetry is the organizer of creative
spontaneity to the extent that it reinforces spontaneitys
hold on reality. In other words, the practical effect of
the eruption of lifewhich is by definition spontaneity
in the world of survival, to the extent that this eruption
helps make the existing order of the world tremble, this
is poetry, which is thus at the same time the fulfillment
of radical theory, the revolutionary act par excellence
and the act which engenders new realities. True poetry
is not written or read: it is revolution, in power and in
action; that is, the destruction of the existing world.
Why, then, use this term, poetry? In order to
emphasize the fact that the SI considered itself to be the
continuation, the consequence and the supersession of
the different artistic and poetic vanguards of the 19th
and 20th centuries, from Baudelaire to Lettrism, via Dada
and the early surrealists. Debord himself says in
his Panegyric:

After all, it was modern poetry, for the last hundred
years, that had led us there. We were a handful who
thought that it was necessary to carry out its programme
in reality, and in any case to do nothing else.
If we consider the evolution that led to the SI, the choice
of the word poetry is completely justified. The
situationists took the declarations of Isidore Ducasse very
seriouslyPoetry must be made by all, not by one,
Poetry must have practical truth as its goalalong with
the ideas of the surrealists concerning the power of
poetry, from which the surrealists were either unable or
unwilling to draw all the conclusions. Vaneigem, in his A
Cavalier History of Surrealism (written in 1969 under the
pseudonym of Jules-Franois Dupuis,4 but not published
until 1977), points out that surrealism had attempted to
formulate, so faithfully yet so maladroitly, the essential
problem: that of the total human being's self-realization
under the sign of freedom. It devolved upon the
situationists to realize the potentials, which had been
perceived but not realized by the surrealists, of this
radioactive radical nucleus.
This is where alchemy comes into the picture. In The
Second Manifesto of Surrealism, Andr Breton devoted a
long section to the alchemy of the word. This
expression, utilized by Rimbaud in A Season in Hell, was
first used at the end of the Middle Ages by certain
alchemists who wrote under the name of Ramon Llull
(the real Llull, who was hostile to alchemy, was not the
author of any of the numerous alchemical treatises
attributed to him) and ultimately served as a
metaphorical designation, beginning in the 16th century,
for rhetoric and later, by extension, for poetry. At the
beginning, however, it had a very different meaning.
The alchimia verborum, literally the alchemy of words,
originated in the Arab theory known as the balance of
letters, which has been associated with the name of
Jbir ibn Hayyn. The balance, that is, the equilibrium,
is a theory of the universal measure, which seeks to
make all the data of human knowledge the object of an
exact science. The balance of letters is an intellectual
construct of the letters of the alphabet (which cannot
but evoke the Jewish Kabbalah) which consists above all
in establishing a correspondence between these letters
and the elemental qualities, the natures, whose
combinations lie at the basis of all the bodies in the
physical world. The combinations of these natures can
thus be translated into combinations of letters and, for
that reason, quantified and measured, since each letter
also corresponds, in this theory, to a number. The
identification of letters, numbers and natures
originated in the fact that, for the Greeks, one word was
used to designate the elements of the physical world and
the letters of the alphabet, since they considered the
latter to be the constitutive elements of language, and
in the fact that they used letters to designate numbers.
Neither Rimbaud, nor Breton, nor even the authors of
the pseudo-Llullian alchemical treatises possessed a clear
understanding of this relation. For the latter, the
alchemy of the word instead referred to the Divine
Word, the Fiat thanks to which God, according
to Genesis, created light and all the other things of the
world. The connection between alchemy and poetry
proceeded from the creative power thus attributed to
the word (poetry comes from the Greek word,
poisis, which strictly designates the act of creation, of
production, of making, and the work, poetic or any
other kind, that results from this act of creation).
Breton, for his part, declared: alchemy of the word: this
expression which we go around repeating more or less at
random today demands to be taken literally. This task
was at first sight quite difficult. Because he did not know
exactly what the alchemy of the word could mean, but
as he was convinced that it meant somethingand in
this respect he proceeded just as the generations of
alchemists who preceded him had, limited to conjectures
with respect to the meaning of all the deliberately
obscure texts that constitute the alchemical corpus
Breton confessed:
Everything happens in our epoch as if a small handful of
men had just taken possession, by supernatural means,
of a unique volume resulting from the collaboration of
Rimbaud, Lautramont, and a few others, and that a
voice said to them, as the angel said to Flamel: Come,
behold this book; you will not understand a line in it,
neither you nor many others, but you will one day see
therein what no one could see.
(Here he is referring to the Exposition of the
Hieroglyphical Figures supposedly written by Nicolas
Flamel in the 14th century, but Flamelwho really
existednever wrote any alchemical works. This legend
dates back to the Renaissance, and its falsehood was
demonstrated in 1758 by tienne-Franois Villain. But as
in the previously-mentioned case of Ramon Llull, or of
Basil Valentinean alleged alchemist monk from the
15th century whose texts were actually written after the
time of ParacelsusBreton, a tributary of the history of
alchemy as he had found it in the works of the occultists
Eliphas Lvi and Grillot de Givry, as well as other fake
historians like Louis Figuier or Albert Poisson, accepted
all the legends concocted by the alchemists themselves
as authentic.)

A man like Breton could not allow himself to be deterred
for very long by a you will not understand a line, even if
it was delivered to him by an angel, so he proceeded
immediately to revelation:
I would appreciate you noting the remarkable analogy,
insofar as their goals are concerned, between the
surrealist efforts and those of the alchemists: the
philosophers stone is nothing more or less than that
which was to enable mans imagination to take a
stunning revenge on all things, which brings us once
again, after centuries of the minds domestication and
insane resignation, to the attempt to liberate once and
for all the imagination by the long, immense and
reasoned derangement of the senses, and all the rest.
Alchemy of the word: one can equally regret that the
word, verbe, is taken here in a somewhat restrictive
sense, and Rimbaud, moreover, seems to recognize that
outmoded poetics hold too important a role in this
alchemy. The word is more, and, for the cabalists, it is
nothing less, for example, than that in the image of
which the human soul is created; everyone knows that
this concept goes all the way back to the first example of
the cause of causes;5 that is why the word is as much
present in what we fear as in what we write, or in what
we love.
For Breton, therefore, the function of alchemy was to
restore the primacy of the imagination and abolish the
reign of domestication and resignation. In this respect it
does not really matter very much whether or not this
corresponds to the real goal that was proposed by the
alchemists; what matters is the fact that Breton provided
the alchemy of the word with a meaning that went far
beyond the outmoded poetics: it now involved,
according to Rimbaud, the transformation of life. With
this incentive, the situationists, who also took Rimbauds
and Bretons formulations literally, made poetry itself
responsible for bearing the transmutative power that
was once conferred by the philosophers stone, obtained
through the alchemy of the word. Hence the definition
of poetry as the organizer of creative spontaneity to the
extent that it reinforces spontaneitys hold on reality,
the conclusion of the stunning revenge of the
imagination that Breton had glimpsed.



4

Just as the alchemists issued exhortations not to confuse
the vulgar substances mercury and sulfur with the
mercury and sulfur of the philosophers, which were
the mysterious substances concerning which they spoke,
the situationists understood poetry to mean something
very different from vulgar poetry. And in his attempt to
explain the possibility of the birth of the revolutionary
transformation in the world of separation, or, which
amounts to the same thing, the realization of practical
truth by way of poetry, Vaneigem compares the
revolution with an alchemical transmutation.
The alchemists proposed to transform any metal into
gold or silver. This seemed possible to them, and even
indisputable, because they thought that all the metals
were composed of a single substance that could assume
forms of different degrees of maturity: the base or
impure metals (lead, iron, copper, tin) are those metals
in which this substance is still unrefined and mixed with
impurities; silver is the substance that is almost perfect,
and gold represents its absolutely perfected state. For
gold is not altered by either the passage of time or by the
action of fire. The process that nature conducted very
slowly in the bowels of the earth, the alchemists strove
to carry out in their laboratories, artificially accelerating
the maturation process of the substances of metals. In
order to do so, however, these metals had to be reduced
to their prima materia[primal matter], which was the
only way to make them susceptible to the action of the
elixirin the form of powder, liquid or solid (the
philosophers stone)by virtue of which the base metals
could be conducted to their perfection, that is,
transmuted into silver or gold. After the 13th century it
was widely believed that the elixir was capable not only
of perfecting metallic bodies but that it could also purify
the human body of all its imperfections, curing all
illnesses and prolonging ones lifespan (hence, the elixir
of eternal youth).

Thus, Vaneigem declares that, the laboratory of
individual creativity transmutes the basest metals of daily
life into gold through a revolutionary alchemy.
Subjectivity is the crucible within which this
transmutation must take place. What must be
transmuted is everyday life, which must be conducted
from its current state of impurity (survival) to the perfect
realization of its essence (life, properly speaking).
The prima materia that is susceptible to undergoing this
transmutation is individual creativity; the latter is the
absolute weapon that everyone possesses but only
rarely wields in everyday life, with the help of certain
privileged moments. Vaneigem is explicitly evoking
Paracelsus, for whom the prima materia was
simultaneously visible and invisible to ordinary mortals:
the ignorant walk all over it with their feet every day
without noticing it. (This idea, by the way, was not
invented by Paracelsus, but had already appeared in
numerous alchemists who preceded him.)

For the alchemists, the prima materia was the selfsame
substance that composed the chaos before the creation
of the world by God in Genesis, who is identified with the
demiurge of Platos Timaeus: it is something without any
particular form, and for that reason susceptible to
adopting any form. Likewise, for Vaneigem, individual
creativity is the source of all creation; from it
everything, being or thing, is ordered in accordance with
poetrys grand freedom. What the alchemists literally
understood to apply to the matter of the physical world,
Vaneigem seems, at least at first sight, not to endorse,
except as a metaphor that graphically describes a process
of psychological transformation. But insofar as this
creativity is the manifestation of the life force that
animates individuals, it could and must also be extended
as a power of creation in the literal sense: the ability to
give life. The quintessence that was sought by the
alchemists of the Renaissance was the same thing as the
world spirit, a substance that could be found in a
concentrated state in the sap of plants and in the sperm
of animals, as well as in deposits of metal ore. This world
spirit, which was not entirely made up of soul or entirely
of body, was what disseminated life, and Vaneigem did
not understand it in any other way.

The alchemists proceeded via the dissolution and
coagulation of matter. In revolutionary alchemy, one
must dissolve slave consciousness, consciousness of
impotence, by releasing creativitys magnetic power as
creative energy surges forth, genius serene in its self-
assurance. The individuals discovery of his creative
possibilities is the elixir that transforms alienated
consciousness into revolutionary subjectivity. The
reversal of perspective is this transformation that takes
place in the consciousness of the individuals themselves
is the place where one may find the positive in
negativity, the fruit which will burst out of the old
worlds bud.




5

In the situationist view, what induces this revolutionary
transformation is the conscious action of individuals,
rather than, as in vulgar Marxism, the mere modification
of the economic base, since for the situationists it is a
matter of abolishing the economy itself as a whole. The
abolition of the state and of the economy must be
carried out immediately; otherwise it will never happen,
as is demonstrated by its postponement ad calendas
graecas by Marxist counterrevolutionaries. If the
revolution is not animated by the spirit of play (which is
radically opposed to economic reification), it will only
lead to another form of the organization of survival. This
spirit must therefore be distilled drop by drop in the
alembic of subjectivity in order to acquire its power.
Vaneigem identifies what he calls a third force, called
upon to play an essential role in the revolutionary
process, similar to that of the quintessence of the
alchemists, although this analogy is not explicitly
elaborated in The Revolution of Everyday Life. This force
covers the whole extent of everyday life, just as the
quintessence, according to the alchemists of the
Renaissance, is everywhere, in a higher or lower
concentration. The quintessence was the agent that
would allow bodies to attain perfect health, overcoming
their imperfections; in the same way, the third force is
what radicalizes contradictions and leads to their
supersession, in the name of individual freedom and
against all forms of constraint. It is born in the form of
an irrepressible upsurge of individual desires, in all
conflicts between opposing sides. It is what radicalizes
insurrections, denounces false problems, threatens
power in its very structure. This force is the will to live.
It is called the third force because it constitutes the
middle term between the two antagonistic forces of the
positive and the negative. It is this force which introduces
the violence of the negative to destroy the apparent
equilibrium of todays world, this negativity that is
transformed into positivity when it is considered from
the perspective of the supersession of this world. The
third force is also the means by which the conflict finds
its resolution, not so much in the form of a synthesis that
supersedes the two antagonistic forces by absorbing
them (as in the Hegelian dialectic) as in the form of a
process of maturation whose oppositional power is
reinforced by revolutionary radicalization, which wants
one of these forces to triumph over and destroy the
other. For Hegel, supersession is a negation which
supersedes in such a way as to preserve and maintain
what is superseded, and consequently survives its own
supersession,6 whereas for the situationists, there is not
much worth preserving or maintaining from todays
world. (We shall see in the next chapter that in reality
they preserved a lot more of it than they would have
liked to admit.)

Vaneigem specifies that the will to live can appear as a
force of decompression when it is crushed or
recuperated by power, which constantly aspires to
manipulate and control the conflicts that break out in
society:
Under the process of decompression, antagonists who
seemed irreconcilable at first sight grow old together,
become frozen in purely formal opposition, lose their
substance, neutralize and moulder into each other.
While the revolutionary perspective accelerates the
maturation of antagonisms by driving them towards a
final conflict,7 the perspective of power organizes the
degradation of these antagonisms by hiding real
contradictions, marshalling unresolved antagonisms in
order to foster the seeds of their future coexistence for
the purpose of shackling mans most irreducible desire,
the desire to be completely himself. Decompression is
the third force that in Hegel takes the form of the
abstract negation of supersession,8 and which in the
falsifications of the glassblowers (the false alchemists)
stands opposed to real alchemy. For the alchemists, the
quintessence, the active principle, is the life force when it
is used correctly, but it can be converted into a force for
death if one does not know how to use it: it is the same
substance that was thought to compose the sperm of
animals and the venom of serpents. As the ancient
Greeks said long ago, the poison and the remedy
comprise a unity; the antidote is extracted from the
venom.

Every failure is derived from this error. The sterilization
of the will to live by power is the reason why not even
once in history has an absolute confrontation been
carried through; so far the last fight has only had false
starts. In the same way, no alchemical transmutation
has ever succeeded (although some illuminati persist in
believing otherwise). The alchemists who witnessed their
attempts fail one after another were not discouraged by
this; they did not perceive their disappointments as
proofs of the vanity of their quest but as so many
confirmations of the extreme difficulty of the divine and
sacred art, whose secret, they believed, had been
carefully concealed by previous alchemists in such a way
that it would be inaccessible to the uninitiated. With
every failure of the revolution as well as of the Great
Work, everything must be resumed from scratch.
1.As late as April 1970, Debord notified the other
situationists of his intention to produce a film version
of The Revolution of Everyday Life.
2.The French word renversement, in the English
language editions of The Revolution of Everyday Life, is
translated as reversal in the context of the reversal
of perspective [Note of the American Translator.]
3.Predictably, however, once its initial shock wore
off, dtournement, too, ended up being absorbed by
advertising; just like all other modes of expression, by
the way.
4.This was the name of Lautramonts landlord.
5.An allusion to The Gospel According to John: In the
beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God,
and the Word was God.
6.This is the definition, in The Phenomenology of the
Spirit, of Aufhebung, a term whose translation by the
word, supersession is more clear than the literal, but
less explicit term, suppression.
7.Vaneigem uses the word revolution in an
ambiguous way, in order to designate both the period
of confrontations prior to the final struggle (defined as
the long revolution) as well as the final struggle itself.
8.In abstract negation, the middle term collapses
into a lifeless unity which is split into lifeless, merely
immediate, unopposed extremes; and the two do not
reciprocally give and receive back from each other
consciously, but leave each other free only
indifferently, like things (Hegel, The Phenomenology of
the Spirit).












Part II: The System of Doctor Tarr and Doctor
Fether

In the same way, by way of F, D is transformed into E, so
that everything can return to B, which, in its circulation,
must be turned into E, from which one must derive F. In
our teachings, this corresponds to the place of Aqua Vitae
and the malodorous spirit, because in this way F has the
power to transform D and H by way of the preservation
of their forms. They then possess in their activity
everything that was potential in the work of nature,
thanks to the best intermediaries, due to and by virtue of
the extremities, since in F and D, F, G and H are active,
having been distilled, purified and dissolved with force,
thanks to the intelligence of the wisdom of nature. It is
therefore necessary to extract and separate a part of D
and a part of E; one will thus obtain F, which will imitate
nature in the work of art in the best ways, with the help
of C and D, which come from H and F, which descend
from H to B. B produces F, which is transformed into G,
following the course of nature in our teachings. And this
G is the nearest approximation of the raw material, with
which we produce our perfect remedy, which is the
fermentation of the elixir.
Pseudo-Ramon Llull, Testament
1

After having quietly fermented for several years,
the prima materia began to froth in May 1968,
disseminating the radioactive radical nucleus in all
directions. The SI saw this explosion as a confirmation of
its theory against all those who, arguing on the basis of
their common sense, sought to prove the impossibility
that such an almost spontaneous revolt could take place.
The situationists participated in this revolt to the fullest
extent of their abilities, attempting to radicalize the
occupations movement. As they related almost
immediately afterwards, however, in Enrags and
Situationists in the Occupations Movement, the collapse
of an attempt at direct democracy at the Sorbonne was
already evident on May 17, and was only the prelude to
the main failure of the movement.

Nonetheless, since at the time they preferred to opt for a
more optimistic analysis, the situationists wanted to see
the occupations movement as the beginning of an era.
It must be pointed out, however, that the temperature of
the crucible only diminished over the course of the
months and years that followed, despite all their
voluntaristic proclamations to the contrary. Faced with
the decline of the movement, the SI went on to attempt
to put their own house in order, a stage characterized by
a process of self-criticism that led, as was previously the
case, to expulsions and resignations. This self-critique,
however, was only partial, since it led the last members
of the SI to employ it exclusively against Vaneigem, a
critique which, if they had only conscientiously examined
it, applied to them as well.
In a 1970 text that was included in The Veritable Split in
the International(Communiqu of the S.I. concerning
Vaneigem), Vaneigem is accused of not being anything
but a contemplative. The radicality of the theses
elaborated inThe Revolution of Everyday Life served
Vaneigem as a pretext to spare himself all the fatigues,
and all the historical risks, of the realization. The goal
being total, it is only envisaged in a pure present: it
is already there as a whole, as far as one believes one can
make it believed, or else it remained purely inaccessible:
one did not succeed in doing anything to define it or to
approach it.

The general formulation of the most total revolutionary
program was degraded into a mysticism and bluff
from the moment when its practical implementation
evaporated before the discourse of the prayer, the litany
of the quest for the absolute: What has been declared
perfect, will thus one day have to be declared totally
non-existent.

As early as 1966, Debord had already criticized as a pre-
Hegelian manifestation of idealism the attitude that
consisted in attributing to the members of the SI an
immediate intuition of the totality that would allow its
adepts to discourse superbly about everything (Report
of Guy Debord to the 7th Conference of the S.I. in Paris,
extracts from which are reproduced in The Veritable
Split). For this form of abstraction grants those who
cultivate it the certainty of not being subject to
refutation by concrete experience, since all practical
realizations will fall far short of their sublime aspirations;
and the constant invocation of practice does not affect
this. The search for perfect positivity, purged of all
conflict, is illusory because it lacks precisely the negative,
which the test of events cannot help but introduce. And
when this test, in its bitter reality, dissolves the fragile
castles in the air, the pure gold is turned into base lead.1
It might seem strange that, even though they had
expressed anticipations about the unreality that
underlies such discourses for such a long timeeven
before the publication by Gallimard of The Revolution of
Everyday Lifethe situationists had to wait until 1970 to
discover that Vaneigem was one of those pre-Hegelian
idealists already anathemized by Debord. Up until then, it
would seem that they had become accommodated to
him, since in 1969 Vaneigem had published a very
idealist and hardly-dialectical profession of faith: his
Notice to the Civilized concerning Generalized Self-
Management (I.S., no. 12), whose title implicitly refers
to a text by Fourier.

In this text Vaneigem poses the two terms of a choice: on
the one hand, generalized self-management, defined
as a new society of abundance; on the other hand,
insurrectional chaos, characterized by social
disintegration, pillage, terrorism and repression. The
former is just as beautiful and as harmonious as the
latter is horrible. It is easy to see that such a neat
cleavage between revolution-as-fairy-tale and
revolution-as-nightmare is anti-dialectical, since it
excludes in advance any manifestation of the negative
within the absolute positivity of the new golden age. It is
excluded because otherwise the revolution would have
to be viewed as an incessant struggle with the
contradictions that must inevitably arise in historical
reality; and this would amount to admitting that the
revolution can be tarnished with impurities. In a text of
this kind, duly praised by the situationistsunless you
think that the confusion of the post-68 period led them
to publish just anything in the 12th issue of their
journalutopia appears in its truth as a rejection of
history, as the dream of a finally discovered unity, an
eternal and magical reconciliation of opposites, in which
sea water would suddenly lose its salty taste and become
(in accordance with the prediction of Fourier) a delicious
lemonade.
2

The surrealists had proclaimed in 1924: We have to
create a new declaration of the rights of man (La
Rvolution surraliste, no. 1).2 In Notice to the
Civilized, Vaneigem gave this program, which up until
then had been quite vague, a more explicit content:
The new rights of maneveryones right to live as they
please, to build their own house, to participate in all
assemblies, to arm themselves, to live as nomads, to
publish what they think (to each his or her own wall-
newspaper), to love without restraints; the right to meet,
the right to the material equipment necessary for the
realization of desires, the right to creativity, the right to
the conquest of nature, the end of commodity time, the
end of history in itself, the realization of art and the
imagination, etc.await their antilegislators.
One cannot help but observe in this list, besides the end
of history in itselfwhich Vaneigem opposed with the
pleasure of history for itself (formulations that do not
at all mitigate the pre-Hegelian idealism that the whole
text expresses)two rights that merit closer
examination: the right to the material equipment
necessary for the realization of desires and the right to
the conquest of nature. The first is explained in more
detail as follows:
The councils will naturally distinguish between priority
sectors (food, transportation, telecommunications,
metallurgy, construction, clothing, electronics, printing,
armament, health care, comfort, and in general whatever
material equipment is necessary for the permanent
transformation of historical conditions); reconversion
sectors, whose workers consider that they can detourn
them to revolutionary uses; and parasitical sectors,
whose assemblies decide purely and simply to suppress
them. (administration, bureaucratic agencies, spectacle
production, purely commercial industries).
This situationist revolutionary program sketched by
Vaneigem makes almost no changes in the existing
structure of production; it lacks neither
telecommunications nor electronics (sectors which are
moreover very closely linked), which he designates as
priority sectors. The administrative, bureaucratic, etc.,
superstructures are the only ones that he considers to be
parasitic, and therefore slated for abolition. Vaneigem
also says:
Only the councils offer a definitive solution. What
prevents looting? The organization of distribution and
the end of the commodity system. What prevents
sabotage of production? The appropriation of the
machines by collective creativity. What prevents
explosions of anger and violence? The end of the
proletariat through the collective construction of
everyday life. There is no other justification for our
struggle than the immediate satisfaction of this project
than what satisfies us immediately.
Here we can see, as in other situationist texts (by
Vaneigem, Debord and others) the acceptance as such of
the Marxist idea that all that is necessary is to place the
structures of production in other hands, transferring
them from those of the capitalists to those of the
proletarians, in order to qualitatively transform the
nature of factory work. The appropriation of the
machines by collective creativity will perform this
transmutation. The idea that the system of needs
established by industry must be reconsidered in its
entirety as something intrinsically alienating, regardless
of whose hands operate it, did not occur to Vaneigem. In
his view, what must be abolished are the parasitic
superstructures, not the system of production as such.
Here we touch upon the weak point of the theory of the
spectacle, which in the last analysis is only a partial
critique, although of course a very seductive one, of
industrial society. That which constitutes its seductive
quality is also the source of its weakness: this theory
formally preserves the Hegelian-Marxist schema of
supersession and is fully inscribed within the ideology
of progress, converting by magical arts the negativity of
the alienated world into the positivity of a liberated
world as the workers councils seize the factories. The
maintenance of the program of the conquest of
naturewhich must not be limited by anything, since it
is a rightclearly illustrates that there is no break with
the industrial system:3 the theory of the spectacle draws
no conclusions from the fact that the spectacle-
commodity society is also, indissociably, an industrial
society.

In his famous text from 1966 on the Watts Riots (The
Decline and Fall of the Spectacular-Commodity
Society, I.S., no. 10), Debord wrote:
the Los Angeles blacks take modern capitalist
propaganda, its publicity of abundance, literally. They
want to possess now all the objects shown and abstractly
accessible, because they want to use them. In this way
they are challenging their exchange-value, the
commodity reality which molds them and marshals them
to its own ends, and which has preselected everything.
Through theft and gift they rediscover a use that
immediately refutes the oppressive rationality of the
commodity, revealing its relations and even its
production to be arbitrary and unnecessary. The looting
of the Watts district was the most direct realization of
the distorted principle: To each according to their false
needsneeds determined and produced by the
economic system which the very act of looting rejects.
But once the vaunted abundance is taken at face value
and directly seized, instead of being eternally pursued in
the rat-race of alienated labor and increasing unmet
social needs, real desires begin to be expressed in festive
celebration, in playful self-assertion, in the potlatch of
destruction. People who destroy commodities show their
human superiority over commodities. [] Looting is a
natural response to the unnatural and inhuman society
of commodity abundance. [] now for the first time the
problem is not to overcome scarcity, but to master
material abundance according to new principles.
Mastering abundance is not just changing the way it is
shared out, but totally reorienting it. This is the first step
of a vast, all-embracing struggle.
How can this critique of false needs and of the so-called
society of abundance be made to accord with the
words of Vaneigem concerning pillage and sabotage,
which are said to lack any object in the new society of
abundance because of the organization of distribution
and the end of the commodity system and the
appropriation of the machines by collective creativity?
Because Debord only criticized the society of
abundance from the perspective of the abundance of
commodities, not as an industrial society. The products
of this society are not condemned as product[s] of
human labor of a particular type, but only as
commoditie[s] with the magical property of having to be
paid for. Debords text, although it does lay stress on
the potlatch of destruction, does acknowledge the
possibility that these industrial products might lend
themselves to a use that immediately refutes the
oppressive rationality of the commodity (a mere
refrigerator or rifle a passive, inanimate object,
subject to anyone who comes along to make use of it)
from the moment when they cease to be produced in a
spectacular-commodity society, because they cannot
be essentially distinguished, by their mode of production,
from any other product of human labor. It would thus
be possible for a non-commodified industrial society to
exist, and the industrial base is, at least in theory, ready
to be appropriated by collective creativity. It is true
that this implies not just changing the way it is shared
out, but totally reorienting it but this merely involves,
once and for all, mastering abundance in accordance
with hypothetical new principles, and not turning our
backs on abundance itself and the industrial mode of
production that makes abundance accessible to only a
tiny part of the worlds population. The rapid transition
in Western Europe during the fifties from poverty to
material abundance played a great role, of course, in the
conviction, then shared by everyone, of the permanent
nature of this abundance, considered in a way as an
irreversible achievement of progress.4

In The Society of the Spectacle, Debord claims that
capitalist abundance has failed, and that the new
proletarian assault against class society will be led by
lost children following the banners of a new General
Ludd who, this time, urges them to destroy the
machines of permitted consumption. This does not
mean, however, that for Debord material abundance is
itself an illusion: it is capitalist abundance that has
proven to be incapable of realizing its promises; the
possibility that these promises could be realized with a
qualitatively different kind of abundance is not at all
excluded. Hence the new society of abundance
foreseen by Vaneigem, which will transform the world
into one big luxurious paradise. The progressivism of the
situationists prevented them from seeing that
abundance cannot be indefinitely extended, and that it
presupposes in itself (and not because of its inessential
commodity form) the alienation of the few who benefit
from everything, at the same time that they suffer from
it, and the poverty and slavery of the majority.
This inability to perceive the nature of industrial society
is accompanied, not at all surprisingly, by a similar
blindness with regard to the question of automation. In
Basic Banalities (I.S., no. 8), Vaneigem declared:
With the extension of automation, the workers,
instead of supervising machines, could devote their
attention to watching over the cybernetic specialists,
whose sole task would be to increase a production that,
through a reversal of perspective, will have ceased to be
the priority sector, so as to serve the priority of life over
survival.
The program of generalized self-management that he
would later propose would be strictly linked with this
extension of automation, which was supposed to allow
for a considerable reduction in labor time. And in his A
Cavalier History of Surrealism, he once again announces:
a society in which the fantasy world of dreams would
have at its disposal, for the purpose of its material
actualization, the entire technical armamentarium which
under present conditions serves only to destroy those
prospects.
These assertions, which make one laugh today, and
which only hyper-alienated cyborgs or Internet
libertarians wrapped up in fiber optic cables could
possibly take seriously, stand in a direct line of descent
from the oldest texts of the SI, beginning with Asger
Jorns essay entitled, The Situationists and Automation,
published in 1958 (I.S., no. 1), from which we shall select
a few extracts:

Yet automation is now at the heart of the problem of
the socialist domination of production and of the
preponderance of leisure time over labor time. The issue
of automation is bursting with positive and negative
possibilities. [] The various avant-garde currents all
show a defeatist attitude in the face of automation. At
best, they underestimate the positive aspects of the
future that is being so suddenly revealed by the early
stages of automation. [] Automation thus contains two
opposing perspectives: it deprives the individual of any
possibility of adding anything personal to automated
production, thus representing a fixation of progress, yet
at the same time it saves human energies by massively
liberating them from reproductive and uncreative
activities. The value of automation thus depends on
projects that supersede it and open the way for the
expression of new human energies on a higher plane. []
The idea of standardization is an attempt to reduce and
simplify the greatest number of human needs to the
greatest degree of equality. Its up to us whether
standardization opens up more interesting realms of
experience than it closes. Depending on the outcome, we
may arrive at a total degradation of human life or at the
possibility of perpetually discovering new desires. But
these new desires will not appear by themselves within
the oppressive context of our world. There must be a
collective action to detect, express and fulfill them.
Jorns text must be compared with another text, entitled
The Struggle for the Control of the New Technologies of
Conditioning (I.S., no. 1), in which the situationists spoke
of a race between free artists and the police to
experiment with and develop the use of the new
techniques of conditioning. On the one side, the
perspective of the appearance of passionate and
liberating environments; on the other, the
reinforcementcontrollable scientifically, smoothlyof
the environment of the old world of oppression and
horror, whichever comes first. Already, in these two
texts one may discern their vacillations before the
question of automation, which is still relevant today with
the eternal media bombardment concerning neo-
technology, presented simultaneously as a great step
forward and as a factor of increasing alienation.
Although these texts from the late 1950s are presented
as reflections on a question that was still open, the
power of attraction of the fundamentally progressive
idea of supersession, and therefore the fear of
adopting a position that might seem reactionary
identifying with the forces of the pastin fact led the
situationists to take the side of modernity:
The situationists place themselves at the service
of forgetting. The only force capable of doing anything is
the proletariat, theoretically without a past, which in
Marx's words is revolutionary or it is nothing. When will
it be thennow or never? This question is of the utmost
importance: the proletariat must realize art.
There is much that could be said about this reference to
a proletariat that is allegedly without a past, which is
used as a master argument in favor of forgetting. In
any event, the choice made at the beginning (we must,
however, point out that this choice was not made
without certain misgivings) in favor of technological
progress would be translated in the following period into
increasingly more optimistic declarations regarding this
question. Thus, in 1960, a Situationist Manifesto (I.S.,
no. 4) presents the automation of production as one of
the organizational perspectives of life in a society which
authentically reorganizes production on the basis of the
free and equal association of the producers. And in The
Society of the Spectacle, when Debord addresses the
question of automation, the most advanced sector of
modern industry as well as the model which perfectly
sums up its practice, Debord says that it consists of the
technical equipment which objectively eliminates labor
and that, as a result, if the social labor (time) engaged
by the society is not to diminish because of automation
then new jobs have to be created. Vaneigems texts
quoted above, in which automation is presented as an
emancipatory force, are therefore the results of a
completely consistent process.

As everyone knows, however, the situationists never
ceased to belabor the cyberneticians with their
sarcastic remarks. We could view this as a kind of
intellectual shortcut that serves to reinforce the idea of
the revolutionary transmutation of everything:
cybernetics, like industry, art, etc., is bad insofar as it
belongs to present-day society; once this society is
abolished, cybernetics will become good, or at least it
could become good. Once again the Fourierist
transformation of seawater into lemonade.
In Edgar Allan Poes short story entitled, The System of
Doctor Tarr and Doctor Fether, the inmates of a
madhouse rebel against their warders, nurses and
doctors, and replace them. If this special case is viewed,
with a few small changes, through the lens of situationist
analysis, the suppression of the representatives of the
medical institution, whose very existence implies the
idea of the madhouse (the insane only exist because
there are doctors who define insanity), then the result
would have to be the disappearance of the madhouse
itself: once the perspective has been reversed, its nature
is radically transformed and it ceases to be a madhouse.
Poes story reveals the fallacy of this kind of reasoning: a
madhouse is still a madhouse even though the inmates
believe they are no longer insane because they have
transformed themselves into the real subjects of history.
In the same way, industrial society will still be alienating,
for that is its nature, even when, by some miracle (or
alchemical transmutation), it should cease to be a
spectacular-commodity society. The situationists were
perfectly well aware of the fact that the substitution of
one class for another in power does not fundamentally
alter the nature of the existing social relations (in Poes
story, the madmen in power did not do anything but
perform a grotesque parody of the doctors, and,
furthermore, the narrator of the story did not
immediately notice that the doctors were madmen), but
they do not appear to have fully grasped the fact that the
appropriation by the revolutionary proletariat of an
apparatus of production that cannot be redirected in
any way actually poses the same kind of problem.
The above-cited examples show that some of Vaneigems
most unsound theses are based on ideas that were
already present, at least in embryo, in the older texts of
the SI, which helped make them acceptable, when they
were formulated, to his situationist comrades. In fact, in
the critique of Vaneigems idealist deviations, in 1970,
the authors were careful to distinguish between the
good Vaneigemthe one who wrote The Revolution of
Everyday Life and the articles published in the journal
from the bad Vaneigem; but the theoretical defects for
which he was condemned were common to both the
good and the bad Vaneigem.


3

The unattainable characterutopian in the strict sense
of the termof the situationist program was not derived
solely from Vaneigems idealist tendency. It was also
the result, as we have just seen, of a progressivism that
incited a desire to save industrial society and at the
same time abolish the civilization of the commodity, as
well as of a structural defect of the situationist system of
thought, which made it necessary for the situationists to
resort to the alchemical metaphor of transmutation in
order to account for the revolutionary reversal of
perspective.
This alchemical metaphor possesses a somewhat strange
status in the situationist corpus. It performs a central
role, although it is not given a great deal of emphasis (so
that one might see it as nothing but a rhetorical flourish
that does not have to be taken very seriously); something
like the blind spot of the theory or, as Marx said, its
rotten side. It is nonetheless indispensable for the
coherence of the system. But can we even speak of a
system with regard to the situationist theses?
The SI, from the very beginning, addressed the problem
of situationism, which they defined in the following
way (I.S., no. 1):
A meaningless term improperly derived from the above
[situationist]. There is no such thing as situationism,
which would mean a doctrine for interpreting existing
conditions. The notion of situationism is obviously
devised by antisituationists.
The fear of seeing the situationist theses degraded into
an ideology (as had taken place with Marxism, for
example, or with surrealism) is the origin of this mistrust
towards the very idea that there could be a situationist
doctrine. However, to the extent that the situationists
attempted to formulate a coherent and unitary critique
of society, it is not illegitimate to try to isolate this
coherence and this unity. Moreover, everyone knows
that even a hallucination has a logical structure; so there
might not be a situationism but there is of course a
situationist system of thought, which was enriched and
became more precise with the passage of time.
In order to demonstrate the coherence (or the
incoherence) of a system of thought, the best and indeed
the only way to do so is to address it more geometrico,
according to the method of geometry, as exemplified
by Euclid, Descartes or Spinoza. One of the advantages of
this method is that it makes it much easier to perceive
errors of reasoning, stripping the writing of all rhetorical
adornments and penetrating to the essence. Its
disadvantage is that it compels one to reformulate the
theses that one is examining, at the risk of distorting
their meaning; but the advantage evoked above allows
one to perceive with equal facility this type of distortion.
And the spirit of geometry does not rule out, or at least it
is to be hoped that it does not, a certain spirit of subtlety,
which in this matter constitutes a precautionary
measure.5 This treatment will be applied here to a
particular question, but one that bears a decisive
importance according to the situationists themselves: the
theory of revolution. Such an examination might seem
anti-situationist, insofar as it reveals what we could call
a logic of the impossible.
(Authors Note: In order to make the following
presentation easier to read, the definitions and
postulates have been arranged in a sequence of
propositions. Propositions 5, 11, 13 and 21 are
definitions; propositions 2 and 3 are postulates.)
PROPOSITION 1
A phenomenon called separation or alienation exists.
This proposition cannot be demonstrated by reason; it is
not, however, properly speaking, a postulate, since the
reality of alienation can be confirmed by individuals in
their everyday experience.
PROPOSITION 2
Separation is not a phenomenon that is inherent to all
human societies; it has a historical origin.
This proposition is neither demonstrable by reason nor is
it verifiable by experience; it is therefore a postulate.
PROPOSITION 3
The cause of separation resides in a certain form of social
organization.
This proposition seems to be derived from the one
immediately preceding it, but it is actually a postulate.
PROPOSITION 4
If this social organization disappears, separation will not
exist.
This proposition is derived from the previous one.
PROPOSITION 5
The state in which individuals find themselves when
separation does not exist is called freedom.
Freedom thus defined does not need to be given a
positive content.
PROPOSITION 6
The existence of separation exercises negative effects on
the lives of individuals.
In effect, these individuals only have two choices in this
matter:
A) Accept alienation; this behavior is paid for with the
deprivation of freedom and a certain number of
afflictions that are directly linked to this acceptance
(occupational illnesses, madness, accelerated aging), not
to mention the misery of the condition that results from
it.
B) Reject alienation; this behavior is paid for with death
or various punishments that tend to cause individuals to
choose, either voluntarily or by necessity, choice A.
PROPOSITION 7
The suppression of separation exercises a positive effect
on the lives of individuals.
This proposition remains unproven; it does, however,
possess a certain degree of probability, to the extent that
it is demonstrated (according to the previous
proposition) that alienation exercises such negative
effects that its suppression is desirable, regardless of the
consequences of freedom.
PROPOSITION 8
The suppression of separation should be actively pursued.
This proposition derives from the two previous ones.
PROPOSITION 9
In order to abolish separation, the social organization
that produces it must be abolished.
This proposition derives from propositions 3 and 4.
PROPOSITION 10
In order to abolish the social organization that produces
separation, there must be a certain number of individuals
who refuse to collaborate in its preservation.
The condition expressed in this proposition is necessary,
but not sufficient; its practical implementation is
incompatible with alternative B of proposition 6.
PROPOSITION 11
The violent refusal on the part of a certain number of
individuals to collaborate in the preservation of the social
organization that produces separation is called
insurrection; the victory, even if it is only temporary, of
these individuals, is called revolution; in other words, the
suppression, even if it is only temporary, of that social
organization.
The revolution thus defined does not need to be given a
positive content.
PROPOSITION 12
The revolution is freedom.
This proposition derives from propositions 5, 9 and 11. It
is only valid if the abolished social organization is not
immediately replaced by another form of organization
that produces separation (see the following proposition).
PROPOSITION 13
A revolution that does not bring freedom is a
counterrevolution.
If the abolished social organization is replaced
immediately by another form of social organization that
produces separation, it is not a revolution but a
counterrevolution.
PROPOSITION 14
Nothing indicates that such a revolution cannot endure.
This proposition is self-explanatory.
PROPOSITION 15
If freedom is impossible in the world of separation and if
separation can only be abolished by way of revolution, it
is impossible for anyone to be free before this revolution
has taken place.
This proposition is self-explanatory.
PROPOSITION 16
The aspiration for freedom is the middle term that allows
one to conceive the step from the state of separation to
the state of freedom; what it does not by any means
imply is that this step has to take place at any particular
time.
This proposition is self-explanatory. The existence of the
aspiration for freedom derives from propositions 5, 6 and
7.
PROPOSITION 17
If freedom is opposed to separation, freedom must
consist in unity.
This proposition is self-explanatory. For if freedom were
not to imply the realization of unity, separation could
coexist with the revolution; which is impossible, since
(according to proposition 11) the revolution is defined as
the suppression of the social organization that produces
separation. Since the preservation of separation is
incompatible with freedom, the revolution is necessarily
the realization of unity.
CORROLARY
If separation subsists despite the suppression of the
social organization which is supposed to produce it, then
it can be deduced that either (according to proposition
13) we are not speaking of a revolution but of a
counterrevolution, or else that the postulates
(propositions 2 and 3) upon which the theory is based
are false. In this latter case:
A) separation does not have a historical origin, but is
inherent to human society as such (contrary to
proposition 2); or,
B) separation has a historical origin, but it does not result
from the social organization that is supposed to have
produced it (contrary to proposition 3).
However, because we are dealing here with postulates,
that is, propositions that can neither be proven nor
refuted, it is impossible to definitively provide an answer
to this question.
PROPOSITION 18
A war, in order to be waged, implies the existence of
separation within each army.
This proposition cannot be demonstrated by reason, but
is verified by experience. An insurrection can be
spontaneous, that is, it does not imply any repressive
organization; but a war has never been waged without
any form of division of labor, hierarchy and coercion.
PROPOSITION 19
If the revolution is not carried out all at once, but takes
place in a more or less extended stage of confrontations
between two sides, it is no longer a revolution but a war,
which implies the preservation or the reestablishment of
separation.
This proposition derives from the preceding one.
PROPOSITION 20
If the revolution is the realization of unity, that is, of
freedom, it requires a global qualitative change in order
to proceed, without any transition or more or less
extended stage of confrontations, from generalized
separation to generalized freedom.
This proposition is self-explanatory.
PROPOSITION 21
A total and immediate qualitative change is a
transmutation; alchemy is the art of deliberately
provoked transmutations.
PROPOSITION 22
The revolution is like an alchemical transmutation.
This proposition derives from the two previous ones.
PROPOSITION 23
An alchemical transmutation is something whose
realization is impossible.
This proposition is born out by experience.
PROPOSITION 24
The revolution is something whose realization is
impossible.
This proposition derives from all the previous
propositions.
Q.E.D.
1.The famous verse from the Athalie by Racine, How
has pure gold become base lead?, is quoted in The
Communiqu of the S.I. concerning Vaneigem.
2.This was Louis Aragons idea. It was recently
disinterred (with lamentable results) by the last
vestiges of the French Communist Party in an electoral
campaign to address the question of the new rights.
3.Vaneigem aspires, paraphrasing Fourier, to a unitary
passional and industrial society. In the same issue of
the journal (no. 12), the article by Eduardo Rothe (The
Conquest of Space in the Time of Power) goes even
farther with regard to its demand for the right to
conquer nature, speaking of the entire universe
pillaged for the workers councils.
4.See, for example, the text by Alexander Trocchi
entitled, Technique du coupe du monde (I.S., no. 8):
Clearly, there is in principle no problem of production
in the modern world. The urgent problem of the future
is that of distribution, which is presently (dis)ordered in
terms of the economic system prevailing in this or that
area. This problem on a global scale is an administrative
one and will not finally be solved until existing political
and economic rivalries are outgrown.
5.The distinction between the spirit of geometry and
the spirit of subtlety is taken from Blaise Pascal. See
his Penses, section 512 (Note of the Spanish
Translator). [In W.F. Trotters English translation of
the Penses, the section explaining this important
distinction, translated as the difference between the
mathematical and the intuitive mind, is the very first
section of the book
(see: http://oregonstate.edu/instruct/phl302/texts/pas
cal/pensees-a.html#SECTION%20I) (Note of the
American Translator).]




Part III: Concerning Defeat and the Various
Ways It Was Dealt With

After wasting a lot of time and money, you see these
old men, burdened by their years, dressed in rags,
starving, reeking of the odor of sulfur, covered with black
soot from coal, paralyzed by their constant handling of
mercury, rich only in the amount of snot dripping from
their noses and furthermore so miserable that they would
sell their soul for four pennies. They undergo themselves
the metamorphosis that they sought to produce in
metals, transformed from alchemists into melancholics,
from doctors into beggars, from soap-makers into the
haunters of taverns: the targets of the peoples jibes.
And often, compelled by poverty, they are reduced to the
practice of detestable arts, counterfeiting and other
frauds.

Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa, De incertitudine et vanitate
scientiarum atque artium declamatio invectiva (1527)
(Declamation Attacking the Uncertainty and Vanity of
the Sciences and the Arts)



1

In his Report to the 7th Conference of the SI in Paris, in
1966, Debord claimed that the theory of the SI is clear
at least on one point: one must make use of it. To what
use it was put by Vaneigem and Debord himself over the
course of the next few years is the topic that we shall
now examine, in order to discover how they overcame, if
indeed they did overcome, the contradictions and
weaknesses evoked in the previous chapter. Before we
do so, however, it will be necessary to reexamine the
way the SI considered its past theory at the moment of
its final crisis.

Two of the SIs members who remained in the
organization after the orientation debate of 1970 and
the resulting wave of resignations and expulsions,
Debord and Gianfranco Sanguinetti, harshly denounced
(in the Communiqu of the S.I. concerning Vaneigem)
the myth of the admirable perfection of the SI, in order
to counteract the sterile admiration that this myth had
aroused among the stupid external spectators who did
nothing but passively consume the situationist
publications. In 1972, in the text that announced the
dissolution of the organization (Theses on the
Situationist International and Its Time), published in The
Veritable Split, they call for applying the critique that
the SI had so correctly applied to the old world to the SI
itself. To imagine that the SI had produced a perfect
theory1 is an idealist pretension that can only support
itself through a dogmatism that is always already
doomed to defeat, and dogmatism is always already the
inaugural defeat of such thought. Far from considering
that the SI had constantly demonstrated the most
extreme coherence, they insisted, paraphrasing Marx, on
the fact that the SI has always known how to scoff
pitilessly at the hesitations, weaknesses, and failings of
its first efforts, while showing at every moment the
hypotheses, oppositions, and ruptures that have
constituted its history. The theory of the SI is not fixed
in a doctrine for interpreting existing conditions,
established once and for all, precisely because it is linked
to a practice that is under constant development.
Furthermore, this theory continued to undergo changes
after 1968. The Theses of 1972 take ecological
questions into account for the first time:
Whether it is a question of the chemical pollution of the
air we breathe or of the adulteration of foodstuffs, of the
irreversible accumulation of radioactivity by the
industrial use of nuclear energy, or of the deterioration
of the water cycle from the subterranean springs to the
oceans, or of the urban leprosy that is continuing to
spread out in place of what were once the town and the
countryside, or of the population explosion, of the
increase in suicides and mental illnesses, or of the
threshold approached by noise pollution.
These facts are testimonies, each in its own field, to the
impossibility of going any further (which is more or less
urgent and more or less mortal according to the
individual case) along the road of industrial
development. The situationists thus included in their
field of vision a category of considerations that they had
previously disdained, compensating to some degree for
their backwardness. For they began to show concern for
these issues at a time when the publications devoted to
the various forms of pollution and the problems they
cause began to proliferate,2 which revealed a mass of
reflections formulated in the sixties outside of the
vanguardist and revolutionary milieus.3 A very severe
critique, which was certainly relevant, was directed
against the partial nature of the knowledge
accumulated by the scientists regarding these questions:
However, such a science, the servant of the mode of
production and limitations of the thought that it has
produced, cannot conceive of a true reversal of the
course of things. It does not know how to think
strategically, which nobody asks it to do anyway; no
more does it possess the practical means of intervening
in it. It can only talk about its expiration, and about the
best palliatives that would postpone this expiration if
they were firmly applied. Thus, this science shows to the
most ridiculous degree the uselessness of knowledge
without means of use and the nullity of nondialectical
thought in an era carried away by the movement of
historical time. Thus, the old slogan Revolution or Death
is no longer the lyrical expression of consciousness in
revolt; it is the last word of the scientific thought of our
century.
In order for the knowledge of general degradation not
to be translated into general powerlessness, it will
necessarily have to incorporate the (situationist) theory
of the revolution, and thus discover a coherence and
above all a practical use. This knowledge also confirms
that theory, since the last word of scientific thought
from now on is: Revolution or Death.

But this is where the problems begin. For this
information that the situationists will from now on have
to take into account implies the idea of the irreversibility
of the processes that are underway, explicitly
emphasized with the example of the nuclear industry. It
is therefore necessary to put an end to this industry as
soon as possible, along with most other industries,
which, translated into situationist terms (imitating
Marxist rhetoric), implies:
The relations between production and the productive
forces have finally reached a point of radical
incompatibility, because the existing social system has
bound its fate to the pursuit of a literally unbearable
deterioration of all the conditions of life. The brutal
downfall of prehistoric production, which only the social
revolution of which we are speaking can bring about, is
the necessary and sufficient condition for the beginning
of an era of great historical production; the indispensible
and urgent renewal of the production of man by
himself.
The situationists of 1972 present the brutal downfall of
prehistoric production as a simple update to their
theory. For if the question is only framed from
adescriptive point of view, the previous positions of the
SI are indisputably confirmed:

The universal development of the commodity has been
completely verified as the realization of political
economy, in other words, as renunciation of life. At the
moment when everything has entered the sphere of
economic goods, even spring-water and the air of towns,
everything has become economic sickness. This
admirable coincidence appears with the new era:
revolution is desired in a total form at the very moment
when it can only be accomplished in a total form, and
when the totality of the functioning of society becomes
absurd and impossible outside that accomplishment.
If, however, we view the matter from the practical point
of view, that is, if we ask ourselves how they will arrange
the revolution to transform the world within the new
conditions that were just described, we can confirm that
the latter actually contradict the previous theses of the
SI. It will be recalled that these theses were largely based
on an allegedly disalienated utilization of automation and
the existing system of production, since these two
conditions make it possible to foresee a substantial
reduction of labor time in the future society. It was, so to
speak, change within continuity: all that was necessary
was to reverse the perspective and all the rest would
follow later. For the theory of the spectacle granted a
central role to the subjective perception of reality, and
that is why the subjectivism of The Revolution of
Everyday Life accorded quite well with the ideas of
Debord (the notion of the spectacle, in the situationist
sense of the term, only had any meaning in relation to
subjectivity: Everything that was directly lived has
moved away into a representation., etc.). From that
point on, the situationists declared (Notes To Serve
towards the History of the SI from 1969 to 1971):
one cannot make revolutionary theory while
neglecting the material foundations of the existing social
relations. It is this critique of modern capitalism as it
really is that separates the SI from all leftism and also
from the lying lyrical sighs of the various Vaneigemists.
We had to recommence the critique of political economy
in understanding precisely and in combating the society
of the spectacle. And assuredly we had to continue this
critique because this society, since 1967, has pursued its
movement of decay in an accelerated manner.
The new importance that was conceded to the material
foundations of the existing social relations was
confirmed by a sibylline passage from the Theses on the
Situationist International and Its Time:
The basic fact is not so much that all the material means
exist for the construction of a free life in a classless
society; rather, it is that the blind under-employment of
these means by class society can neither interrupt itself
nor go any further.
The formula that all the material means exist, etc.,
corresponds to the situationist discourse of the period
between 1958 and 1969 as it was expounded in the
journal and in Vaneigems book, The Revolution of
Everyday Life. This discourse no longer coincided with
the basic fact, because it is simply incompatible with
the brutal downfall of prehistoric production that is
now announced (although in a relatively discreet way
and, as we have seen, almost in a sibylline manner). But
the situationists did not want to say this explicitly, or at
least they never did so. They contented themselves at
the time with saying that the blind under-employment
of these means by class society can neither interrupt
itself nor go any further. In other words, class society
finds itself in a dead end; a situation that can only be
resolved, the situationists say, by way of revolution. It
was assumed, however, that this revolution was the
supersession of the present situation; the question
that then arises is: can a dead end [impasse] be
superseded [dpasse]? Evidently not. You have to turn
around and go in another direction. But in that case one
no longer supersedes anything; one departs from the
progressivist logic and then it is necessary to address
different questions of a practical order which are
precisely the questions that the situationists do not ask:
how can that brutal downfall of prehistoric production
be reconciled with the material abundance that up until
now had been taken for granted? To what extent is it
compatible with the suppression of alienation, with the
suppression of labor, etc., etc.? By defining the industrial
mode of production as the blind under-employment of
these means, it was suggested that they could be
utilized more effectively if they were not wasted in the
intensive production of useless objects, which squander
the available natural resources without providing any
benefits. But could they really be utilized with
discernment? A brutal downfall of prehistoric
production means exactly the death of the industrial
system based on productivity. By turning their backs on
this system, they make the entire apparatus of
production and distribution tremble and necessarily
replace abundance with scarcity, which returns the
question of material survival to the highest plane. (This
question, which abundance, the daughter of industry,
allows us to ignore, was precisely the question that pre-
industrial societies had to permanently face.) Thus, what
must be reconsidered is the whole situationist theory. In
order to avoid devoting themselves to such a revision,
the situationists, in 1972, restricted themselves to
formulating their last theses without drawing the
requisite conclusions from them, and preferred to act as
if these theses were themselves a supersession of the
theory of the SI, which thus abolishes in such a way that
it maintains and preserves what is abolished.
In this way, the coherence of the theory was preserved,
but only in words. (One example: this class society,
which, by pursuing its current mode of functioning, can
neither interrupt itself nor go any further, is confronted
by a contradiction which by definition assumes that it will
be resolved by the revolution, since the latter is the
supersession of contradictions or, to express it in the
Marxist-situationist style, the real movement that
surpasses existing conditions. But this formal
supersession is still a petitio principii insofar as it does
not pose the question of how this state of affairs will be
surpassed: unless one thinks, as Vaneigem does, that the
democracy of the workers councils will solve all
problems, and that it is therefore pointless to address
them before the revolution. This way of avoiding the
disturbing questions is a defect to which numerous pro-
and post-situs would succumb.) In reality, the
situationists, who had the merit of taking a step forward
in the sense of a drastic revision of their thesesa
revision that the leftists would never carry out, or that
they would undertake much later and less consistently
but who had stopped at the threshold of this revision,
found themselves precisely in the same situation as class
society, a situation that they had so accurately
characterized: their theory can neither interrupt itself
nor go any further. Then all that was left was to dissolve
the SI, which is another way of leaving the problem
unresolved, but this time, definitively.

The process of development through conflict that made
the SIs journal so stimulatingits ability to [show] at
every moment the hypotheses, oppositions, and ruptures
that have constituted its historyis interrupted,
because the new stage in the evolution of situationist
theory is no longer of the same order as the previous
ones; this time it involves a change of course that was
not carried out. In these conditions, even though it
continues to claim that its theory is not perfect and that
it must be criticized, the SI in fact considers its theory,
from then on, as if it were something finished and
immutable, even going so far as to say (at the end of the
Communiqu of the SI concerning Vaneigem) that the
historians will only confirm the judgment of the SI. With
this sleight-of-hand, the situationists in fact favored
dogmatism and the narcotic certainties of ideology
that it professed to combat. The SI offered its readers
an intrinsically contradictory theoryas before, as we
proved in the previous chapter, but henceforth in a yet
more flagrant formpresenting it, despite all the
rhetorical denials that might be marshaled in its defense,
as the most admirable thing in the whole world.4 Like
transubstantiation or the philosophers stone, it is
something incomprehensible, it seems impossible, yet
you have to believe in it; since the power of the tone and
the style employed is such that it exercises a role of
hidden persuasion which makes a cold and objective
reading impossible.5

It would be erroneous, however, to perceive this as a
deliberate maneuver, a Machiavellian manipulation on
the part of the situationists. It is just that they are
obsessed with the question of organization, which they
consider to be fundamental in the very theory of
revolution, and they devote their most serious attention
to the critique of the pro-situs and the Vaneigemists.
There are blind spots in their theory, which they are thus
unable to discern, just as they do not see that their new
contributions to situationist theory do nothing but
exacerbate that theorys contradictions. But maybe they
sensed this in a confused way, which would explain their
insistence on recalling that they had not sought to
elaborate a definitively coherent and worked-out
system, and that with regard to their theory, whoever
helps the age in discovering what it can do is no more
shielded from the blemishes of the present than he is
innocent of the most deadly things that might occur.
They therefore anticipated in advance a critique that, in
the final analysis, would not take place. And Debord, as
we shall see below, would do nothing but replace one
discourse with another without ever reconsidering the
various contradictions that he had previously evoked.
2

After his resignation from the SI, Vaneigem first passed
through a stage of escalated radicality, followed after
1979 by a second stage distinguished by renunciation of
the very idea of revolution.
In 1972, in Terrorism or Revolution (Vaneigems
Introduction to Pour la rvolution, an anthology of texts
by a 19th century revolutionary, Ernest Coeurderoy) and
above all in A Toast to Revolutionary Workers, which
was added as an afterword to the new edition of The
Revolution of Everyday Life, he undertook, utilizing a
profusion of detourned formulas from Marx, a critique of
the radical critique represented by situationist theory.
While the latter carried out an analysis of the old world
and through practice in which the analyst negates him or
herself as separated consciousness, it must now either
realise itself in the practical activity of the revolutionary
masses or betray itself by becoming a barrier to that
activity; for without the criticism of arms, the arms of
criticism are but weapons of suicide. The subjective
expression of the situationist project, which in 1968
reached its highest point, the most advanced practical
thought of a proletarian sector with no access to the
levers of the commodity process, then experienced its
lowest ebb when it became only the object of an
intellectualised reading. Thus, the main theses of the
Trait de savoir-vivre must now find corroboration of a
concrete sort in the actions of its anti-readers. in the
shape of total revolution, replacing the theoretical
what is to be done? with the revolutionary act.
Vaneigem therefore accused the situationists of the post-
1968 period of practical impotence, whereas the
situationists, in the Communiqu of the SI concerning
Vaneigem, had characterized Vaneigems position as a
permanent refusal to envision a real historical
development. In their view, as they pointed out in 1972
in On the Decomposition of Our Enemies (included
in The Veritable Split), the new texts by Vaneigem are
only a kind of pseudo-revolutionary logorrhea in which
the most hollow formulae, and the long series of
concepts without use, accumulate in a slap-dash manner,
in what seems to be a bad pastiche of the Vaneigem of
1962.

For Vaneigem, the functioning of the SI, which should
have representedaccording to the terms of The
Revolution of Everyday Lifea model of organization that
mediates between the increasingly disorganised old
society and the new society yet to be built, had proven
incapable of finding a way to harmonise inter-subjective
agreements and differences. Vaneigem henceforth
rejected all organizational model[s] in favor of the
spontaneous organization of the insurgent workers in
wildcat strikes and revolts. The worker is now the only
reader capable of drawing the practical conclusions of
the theses of The Revolution of Everyday Life, whereas
during the period when it was being written it was
directed at any reader ready to re-experience the life
that it contained; what the situationists were now
reproaching Vaneigem himself for, on the other hand,
was not having known how to do this. All-too-marked by
the ideas of the SI and not having been written
specifically for the insurgent workers, The Revolution of
Everyday Life is not adapted to Vaneigems new
orientation, which is why Vaneigem published in 1974,
under the pseudonym of Ratgeb,6 a book entitled From
Wildcat Strike to Total Self-Management. Published in a
paperback edition (10/18)7 and presented as a practical
manual, it ran no risk at all of being subjected to an
intellectualised reading, all the more so insofar as it
adopted a clumsy pedagogical style that was addressed
exclusively to revolutionary workers, since they are the
only people who can break the bonds of commodity
domination. The revolutionary theory of total self-
management delineated by Vaneigem during the period
when he was a member of the SI (to which he does not
refer, because of the pretense that this book was not
written by Vaneigem) is here reintegrated in the
movement it came from, the insurrectionary movement
of the workers. Despite his use of a pseudonym, the
very title of the book already smacks so much of
Vaneigem that we may ask ourselves if it found any
readers who did not notice this.

Ratgeb sets forth, in much more detail than Vaneigem
had provided in The Revolution of Everyday Life and in
the Notice to the Civilized, a model of what total self-
management might be like, and of a society based on the
satisfaction of individual desires and passions. This
model owes much, as always, to Fourier: social
equilibrium results from the harmonization of the
passions. Among the four sections that comprise a total
self-management assembly there is also
a harmonization section, charged with coordinating
passional offers and requests, harmonizing the plurality
of desires, and facilitating the fulfillment of particular
caprices. The author, a self-declared enemy of
bureaucracy and of all organizational models,
ultimately conceives, without even being aware of this, a
typically bureaucratic organization, with that
harmonization section that is simultaneously a
research institute, a planning center and an office for the
management of human resources. It will be recalled that,
as far back as 1963, in Basic Banalities, Vaneigem
imagined that one day the workers would devote their
attention to watching over the cybernetic specialists,
whose sole task would be to increase production in a
society in which the extension of automation would be
the rule. Ratgeb takes the utopianism of the Vaneigem of
the situationist era to the point of caricature by
radicalizing it even further. Ratgeb, however, defends
himself from the accusation that he is a utopian. He
thinks (just like Fourier) that his contributions can be
put into practice without delay. The dreamed-of
reconciliation of theory and practiceone of his articles
for the journal is entitled: Aiming for Practical Truth
(I.S., no. 11)once again comes to grief.8

Now we come to the second stage in Vaneigems literary
career. As if to confirm the prediction of the SI
concerning him (What one has affirmed to be perfect,
one must one day affirm to be totally nonexistent),
Vaneigem, after having waited for several years for a
revolution that never took place, undertook, beginning
with The Book of Pleasures (1979), to subject his past
errors to harsh criticism, replacing the word
revolution, which he now only used reluctantly, with
the word emancipation. From then on, the individual
quest for salvation is what will allow for the attainment
of the goal, always demanded, of globally subverting
society. It is true that daylight has not yet dawned on
real life; however, behind all you shadowy figures, it is
pushing through, under my very feet. In this book, as in
all those that would follow, Vaneigem explains that the
reversal of perspective is no longer a hypothetical
future event but is taking place under my very feet; it
heralds the end of the economic era and introduces
universal self-management, which is just around the
corner. The ultra-radical who exhorted the insurgent
workers to revolution has been transformed into a
teacher of wisdom who preaches love with an artificial
serenity, halfway between Lanza del Vasto and Paulo
Coelho. Some examples taken at random:

The key is within each of us. No instructions come with
it. It is entirely up to us to invent our own lives. We
waste so much energy in living vicariously, it is really hard
work, when it would be enough, if you love yourself, to
apply this energy to the achievement and development
of the incomplete being, the child within. At any one
moment, my 'me' is to be found tightly tangled in the
detritus of what oppresses me; heated debate erupts in
the attempt to disentangle the twisted filaments and
liberate utterly the sexual impulse as the breath that
gives life perpetually. It ought never to be stifled.
And also:
With attractive ease as the most natural thing in the
world, our common desire for autonomy will bring us
together to stop paying, working, following orders, giving
up what we want, growing old, feeling shame or
familiarity with fear. We will act instead on the pulse of
pleasure, and live in love and creativity.
The revolutionary subjectivity of which he had been an
ardent apostle is now in his view the main obstacle to the
emancipation of life. His critique is directed, obviously, at
his old comrades of the SI. It is all the more interesting
insofar as it totally accords with what the SI had
pronounced against him. He was accused of not having
sufficiently taken the negative into account; and he
accuses the men of denial for having been satisfied
with an excessively critical attitude, as if they were the
district attorneys of the revolution, self-appointed
arbiters of radicality, hucksters of merit and demerit.
Far from being the explorers of the world of the future,
they are armour-clad in neurosis and the worst
enemies of freedom: their hatred for this world is merely
a projection of the disgust they feel at themselves,
since they are attempting to change society and never
cease to dissimulate, by exorcizing it, the old world that
they bear within themselves.9 Here, the effort to
understand the dialectical relation of the positive and the
negative that was reflected in The Revolution of Everyday
Life yields to a fixed separation of the two aspects (which
had already been anticipated in Notice to the Civilized):
on the one side, the idealism of a doctrine of the
alchemy of the I; on the other, the nihilism of the
worshippers of the negative.

If there is one thing that Vaneigem did not abandon it is
the reference to his favorite themes, already fully
displayed in The Revolution of Everyday Life, which are
the will to live and alchemy. The Book of
Pleasures specifies what Vaneigem means by life, a
notion that was characterized up until this time,
according to his own testimony, by a certain imprecision.
This is a force or an energy without goal or purpose,
defined as that which escapes the economy and will
destroy it with gratuitousness. Against it, the economy
stands as a power of death: the market is a dead
civilization, a state of inversion in which death battens
on life, in which death is what the dominant world
thinks about. As opposed to a society which reduces
life to a production of dead things in a process that
inexorably tends towards self-destruction, Vaneigem
posits a society based upon the individual will to live,
animated by the constructive energy of life. That is why
life becomes strange and new when it is manifested
within a moribund society, upon the threshold of the
unlivable, filled with compensatory nostalgia for a past
that never was but inseparable from a history based
upon the degradation of the will to live.

The alchemy of life, the central theme of the Adresse
aux vivants sur la mort qui les gouverne et l'opportunit
de s'en dfaire, published in 1990,10 emerges directly
from this conception of life. Since life is the opposite of
the economy, the alchemy of life, which produces (not
in an uncertain future, but here and now) the
philosophers stone that is capable of transmuting
market society, is nothing but the grace of love and of
being friendly [that] dispenses with all this waiting for
favors from anyone or anything, which brings about
the fundamental agreement between life and nature.
This is the secret of the Great Work.
By an enchantment that has come into its prime in our
time, an alchemical relationship has elaborated itself,
timidly, between these two beings, taken over by the
radically new state of being they enter together, a
relationship where the transmutation of a primal nature
implies the simultaneous trans- formation of the
operator of that transmutation.
The realization of this alchemy proceeds via the childs
second birth: it involves an attempt to rediscover not
a wounded childhood, as in psychoanalysis, but a
blooming childhood, wealth of being the morning of
desire. This is therefore a revelation: the creation of
the living is revolutionary. Long and picturesque
explanations ensue in which he addresses the
development of the fetus in the maternal athanor (the
athanor is the furnace of the alchemists) and the
alchemical quest, which is a quest in search of
happiness. The alchemy of the I is the conscious
creation of individual destiny, that is, the stubborn
urge to desire endlessly.11 There is no reason to go any
more deeply into the details of this discourse, which
rehashes many of Vaneigems old formulations by
adapting them to a kind of New Age philosophy. It will
suffice to point out that, by means of an effect of magical
transfiguration that not even Fourier would have
dreamed of, the transmutation of the I contains the
transmutation of the world, [because] each individual is
the whole of the world, with its disasters, prosperity,
massacres, births, wars and peaceful havens, seasons,
climate, intemperateness, cyclones, earthquakes, and
humid, dry, cold, sultry, and temperate zones.
As in the Emerald Tablet attributed to Hermes
Trismegistus, that which is below is like that which is
above and that which is above is like that which is
below. The harmony of microcosms and macrocosms
(to feel yourself to be in agreement with everything
living) in the body on its quest for psychosomatic
plenitude is the only authentic medicine, which allows
one to learn how to hijack and divert the effects of
death. In short, the ubiquity of the living is reborn in
the new symbiosis in which the individual founds the
unity of human nature and terrestrial nature on
enjoyment. The Age of Aquarius is not far off, and we
float in a daydream; the full title of the book is Address to
the Living concerning the Death that Rules Them and the
Opportunity to Free Themselves from It.

Even in The Revolution of Everyday Life, one of the
effects of revolution must be the abolition of death, or at
least its considerable postponement, by means of an
unprecedented reinforcement of the will to live.12 Thus,
however disturbing they might be, the later works of
Vaneigem are nothing but further developments of what
his situationist writings already contained. This explains
why we have spent so much time here with the avatars
of Vaneigemism.13

The Vaneigemist conception of the will to live is largely
inspired by the ideas of Schopenhauer, who had
conceptualized the will to live in The World as Will and
Idea (sometimes translated as The World as Will and as
Representation) (1818). The series of passages that
follow, at the same time that they allow us to understand
just what Schopenhauer means by the will to live, will
also clearly show the similarity between his works and
Vaneigems (some of his sentences sound like pure
Vaneigem):

the answer to the riddle is given to the subject of
knowledge who appears as an individual, and the answer
is will. This and this alone gives him the key to his own
existence, reveals to him the significance, shows him the
inner mechanism of his being, of his action, of his
movements.
every kind of active and operating force in nature is
essentially identical with will .
In us also the same will is in many ways only blindly
active: in all the functions of our body which are not
guided by knowledge, in all its vital and vegetative
processes, digestion, circulation, secretion, growth,
reproduction. Not only the actions of the body, but the
whole body itself is, as we have shown above,
phenomenon of the will, objectified will, concrete will. All
that goes on in it must therefore proceed through will,
although here this will is not guided by knowledge. The
will, considered purely in itself, is devoid of knowledge,
and is only a blind, irresistible urge, as we see it appear in
inorganic and vegetable nature and in their laws, and
also in the vegetative part of our own life. the will is the
thing-in-itself, the inner content, the essence of the
world.
Thus our knowledge, bound always to individuality and
having its limitation in this very fact, necessarily means
that everyone can be only one thing, whereas he can
know everything else.
the satisfaction of the sexual impulse goes beyond the
affirmation of one's own existence that fills so short a
time; it affirms life for an indefinite time beyond the
death of the individual. procreation is only the
expression, the symptom, of his decided affirmation of
the will-to-live. the will-to-live, the kernel and essence
of that world.
Nature, always true and consistent, here even nave,
exhibits to us quite openly the inner significance of the
act of procreation. Our own consciousness, the intensity
of the impulse, teaches us that in this act is expressed
the most decided affirmation of the will-to-live, pure and
without further addition. procreation is only the
expression, the symptom, of his decided affirmation of
the will-to-live. The genitals are the life-preserving
principle assuring to time endless life. The pleasure that
accompanies procreation is a higher power of the
agreeableness of the feeling of life. The act of
procreation is further related to the world as the solution
is to the riddle. Thus the world is wide in space and old in
time, and has an inexhaustible multiplicity of forms. Yet
all this is only the phenomenon of the will-to-live; and
the concentration, the focus of this will is the act of
generation. Hence in this act the inner nature of the
world most distinctly expresses itself. Therefore that
act, as the most distinct expression of the will, is the
kernel, the compendium, the quintessence of the world;
it is the solution to the riddle. Accordingly, it is
understood by the tree of knowledge; for, after
acquaintance with it, everyone begins to see life in its
true light. No less in keeping with this quality is the fact
that it is the great Unspeakable, the public secret which
must never be distinctly mentioned anywhere, but is
always and everywhere understood to be the main thing
as a matter of course, and is therefore always present in
the minds of all. For this reason, even the slightest
allusion to it is instantly understood. The principal role
played in the world by this act and by what is connected
with it, because everywhere love-intrigues are pursued
on the one hand, and assumed on the other, is quite in
keeping with the importance of this punctum saliens of
the world-egg.

As you can see, Freud invented nothing. The transition
from the will to live to the alchemy of life is easily
explained in the light of these texts, and Schopenhauer
himself used alchemical metaphors (quintessence, the
world-egg); but for Vaneigem they are not metaphors:
it is assumed that the alchemy is really as he describes it.
Vaneigem distorted Schopenhauers ideas with respect
to their original meaning, because Schopenhauer is a
total pessimist and Vaneigems ecstatic reveries
concerning the happy childhood and the wealth of
being would have made him burst into laughter. For
Schopenhauer, the will to live is the worst evil, and the
only way to escape this misfortune is to flee from desires
by leading an ascetic life. Animated by a diametrically
opposed intention, in The Revolution of Everyday Life,
Vaneigem reworked Schopenhauers ideas about
boredom, which he used to characterize the subjective
perception of survival:

The basis of all willing, however, is need, lack, and
hence pain, and by its very nature and origin it is
therefore destined to pain. Hence its life swings like a
pendulum to and fro between pain and boredom, and
these two are in fact its ultimate constituents. This has
been expressed very quaintly by saying that, after man
had placed all pains and torments in hell, there was
nothing left for heaven but boredom.
(Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Idea)

One last observation to conclude our examination of
Vaneigem. In 1995, he was kind enough to write the
Afterword for a book written by Alain Mamou-Mani that
was published by Albin Michel, whose titleAu del du
profit: comment rconcilier Woodstock et Wall
Street (Beyond Profit: How to Reconcile Woodstock and
Wall Street)tells you all you need to know about its
contents. In this book we find the whole future program
of the alter-globalization movement, and even a
precocious debut of the most famous of its slogans:
Another world is possible if civil society, consumers
associations and stockholders play the role of pressure
groups by using democracy and the market. All the
individuals who live on this Earth are structured as one
vast planetary brain, a world civil society, a network of
citizens, a global consciousness. This new
consciousness will unite the values of the East with those
of the West, the masculine and the feminine values, the
values of the economy and efficiency, with the values of
ecology, of respect for oneself and for ones neighbor.
Worldwide television, like world music, based on
cultural fusion, reduces the mental distance between
continents, peoples and civilizations: it contributes to the
emergence of this planetary consciousness, of common
challenges.
Vaneigem appears in this work as the guru of capitalism
with a human face:
Like Raoul Vaneigem, we see14 that the message of
business provides sufficient clarity for elucidating the
destiny that you desire for yourselves. We must give
priority, therefore, to environmental remediation, to the
marketing of quality goods, to the coordination of the
regional and the international, to the critical processing
of information, to the suppression of work and to the
promotion of creativity, to the reconversion of parasitic
industries, to the development of so-called natural or
alternative energy, to the emergence of a gay science, to
a non-state controlled collective of producers and
consumers, to individual autonomy, to the defense of the
rights of life, to the construction of a human
environment, to the introduction of new energy
technologies in the third world, to the peaceful
reconversion of military technologies, to the gradual
replacement of penal sanctions by a policy of atonement
for the harm caused. Isnt this a beautiful program, and
well-designed to awaken even more enthusiasm than the
enthusiasm that was aroused for a few months during
the economic upheavals of 1789 and 1917?.
In his Afterword, entitled Brief Observations on the
Ethical Stage, Vaneigem declares that the ethical
stage,15 a legitimate weapon of neo-capitalism, is the
prelude to the reconciliation of consciousness and the
body:

Are there no reasons to be satisfied with a
transformation in which the economy that is
extinguished in the systematic looting of the planet
discovers a new youth in the profitable reconstruction of
a devastated natural environment and an everyday life
ruined by survival? Besides the fanatics of a profit that
feeds on death, who would regret the fact that ethanol
distilleries and solar collectors replace the nuclear power
plants, that fauna and the flora escape programmed
massacre, that the free range chickens should call for a
boycott of the chickens that are raised in gigantic
factories?.... The struggle that capitalism has been
waging since 1968 against its archaicand still
dominantforms is nothing but, in the convergence of
its contraries, a revolution: one that is engendering a
new era and that nothing can stop. If critique only wants
to perceive in neo-capitalism the old system with a new
look, it is condemned to the blather and the tacit apology
for the old world. Furthermore, it does nothing but
perpetuate the separation of consciousness and the
bodythe fundamental space of the territory that must
be liberatedif it contents itself with approving the
humanist ethic, which is the legitimate weapon of neo-
capitalism against the barbarism of an economic system
whose death throes make the death throes of the earth
profitable.
We hear the same old song in A Warning to Students of
All Ages, published in the same year:
On the other hand, if the same steps taken obey the
solicitations of a Neocapitalism searching out in
ecological investments a weapon against the property
speculation of an ownership without imagination, all
that'll be lacking will be a change of consciousness for a
guaranteed salary and a reduced-time workday for the
path of free creation and the leisure to find and to be
oneself, at last, to be opened for everyone.
Thus, twenty-five years after leaving the SI, Vaneigem
comes to explain to us that, once all modesty is cast
aside, a real revolution finally did take place after 1968,
but that it did not come from where it was expected; it is
neocapitalism, at war against its archaic forms, which
is responsible for bringing about this prodigy. This time
the hour of emancipation has really arrived. There is no
longer any need to appeal to the insurgent workers:
capitalism is spontaneously oriented towards a collective
change of consciousness that will allow for the
establishment of a guaranteed salary and a reduced-
time workday that will make possible the advent of the
long awaited realm of the qualitative.
(The Curtain Falls.)

3

After the dissolution of the SI, Debord, too, gradually
renounced, although in a very different way than
Vaneigem, the situationist perspective of the revolution.
While Vaneigem increasingly expressed his taste for
positivity, Debord did exactly the opposite, presenting
himself as the incarnation of the negative.
In 1978, in his film In Girum Imus Nocte et Consumimur
Igni, Debord speaks ironically of those who expect the
advent of a permanent paradise, a total revolution,
a happy, eternally present unity. Similarly, in 1979, in
his Preface to the Fourth Italian Edition of The Society of
the Spectacle, he recalls that life cannot be conceived,
for the sole reason that it would be pleasant for us, as
a trouble-free and evil-free idyll: it is not possible to
abolish with the touch of a magic wand the dimension of
conflict, which is the very substance of history
dialectically conceived. The Communiqu of the SI
concerning Vaneigem, discussed above, quoted Hegel,
who said that contradiction is the source of all
movement, of all life, since it is only to the extent that
a thing includes within itself a contradiction that it shows
itself to be active and alive. In order to distinguish
himself even more clearly from Vaneigem, Debord points
out that he had set forth in The Society of the
Spectacle a conception which is historical and
strategic, and that the book
gives no kind of assurances about the victory of the
revolution or the duration of its operations or the rough
roads it will have to travel, and still less about its
capacitysometimes rashly boasted ofto bring perfect
happiness to everyone.
With this declaration, which confirms the change of
course initiated in the Theses on the Situationist
International and Its Time, the situationist theory of the
revolution (with all of its Vaneigemist baggage) is
definitively abandoned. It is true that Debord was still
proclaiming that the days of this society are numbered
and that its inhabitants are divided into two sides, one
of which wants this society to disappear, but there will
be blood, sweat and tears.
Paradoxically, although he distances himself from the
illusions of the SI of the sixties, he nonetheless renders,
so to speak, one last homage to them, in a passage that
is undoubtedly the most utopian of his entire oeuvre:
the revolution that wants to create and maintain a
classless society can begin easily enough wherever
autonomous proletarian assemblies abolish the
separation of individual, the commodity economy and
the State. But it will only triumph by imposing itself
universally, without leaving a patch of territory to any
form of alienated society that still exists. There we will
see again an Athens or a Florence that reaches to all the
corners of the world, a city from which no one will be
rejected.
In The Society of the Spectacle, the paragraph devoted to
the Renaissance had already demonstrated Debords
fascination with the Italian cities of the 15th century:
The new possession of historical life, the Renaissance,
which finds its past and its legitimacy16 in Antiquity,
carries with it a joyous rupture with eternity. Its
irreversible time is that of the infinite accumulation of
knowledge, and the historical consciousness which grows
out of the experience of democratic communities and of
the forces which ruin them will take up, with Machiavelli,
the analysis of desanctified power, saying the
unspeakable about the State. In the exuberant life of the
Italian cities, in the art of the festival, life is experienced
as enjoyment of the passage of time. But this enjoyment
of passage is itself a passing enjoyment.

Besides the elegance of a well-constructed formula, we
can ask ourselves just what an Athens or a Florence that
reaches to all the corners of the world, in which
separation has been abolished, would look like. It is
actually nothing but the generalization over the whole
planet of direct democracy, which would necessarily
assume the form of a federation of cities, since direct
democracy can only function (as Jean-Jacques Rousseau
understood) in small-scale communities; this democracy,
which was first assayed in the Greek city-states and later
in the Italian cities, will be fully realized by the
democracy of the workers councils.17 Debord later
added, in his 1979 Preface to the Fourth Italian Edition
of The Society of the Spectacle, that the revolution, after
having brought down all its enemies, would surrender
itself joyously to the true divisions and never-ending
confrontations of historical life. In this brief evocation of
the ideal city, Debord emphasizes conflict, in complete
opposition to the Fourierist harmony praised by
Vaneigem (a variation on the theme of the invisible
hand that is supposed to miraculously reconcile
individual desires with the good of the collectivity).
Employing the same comparison with Athens and
Florence at the conclusion of his Truthful Report on the
Last Chances to Save Capitalism in Italy, first published
under the name of Censor, Sanguinettiwho had
terminated the adventure of the SI together with
Debordstill insisted, in 1975, on the conflictive
dimension of the adopted model:

the most cultivated of our adversaries find the rough
outline of their model in Pericles Athens or pre-Medici
Florencemodels that they must confess are quite
insufficient, but nevertheless worthy of their real project,
because they display to the most caricatural degree the
incessant violence and disorder that are its very
essence.
The Debord of 1979 is in complete agreement with the
Sanguinetti of 1975, who nonetheless at the time
seemed to be prone to an exaggerated and ironic form of
expression. The revolution will not abolish violence and
disorder; it will not be the end of history but its real
beginning, since it will make humanity exit (as Marx said)
prehistory. The revolution, however, is still conceived, in
the situationist manner, as a total revolution (although
in 1979 Debord no longer uses this expression) that must
be universally imposed or else not exist, since it is
based on the abolition of separation. But this is precisely
what makes it totally unrealizable. And that is why
Debord no longer considers it to be imminent but
relegates it to an indefinite future; for example, in In
Girum he does not rule out the possibility that we might
someday manage to abolish classes and the state.
If we look carefully, we can find some formulations in
Debord with which Vaneigem would not disagree. In In
Girum, for example, he declares that the situationist
program promised nothing more than an autonomy
without rules or restrictions. There is also a fleeting
allusion to a harmonious society that was capable of
controlling all its forces. But outside of these few
excursions into positivity, Debord was preferentially
devoted to highlighting the negative dimension of his
past and present activity. In In Girum, he summarizes the
situationist project in the following terms:
[We were devoted] quite simply to totally destroying
this hostile world in order to rebuild it, if possible, on
other bases.
The destruction of this hostile world is still an
indisputable goal, insofar as its reconstruction on other
bases is presented, with notable casualness, as
something vague and uncertain. The situationist theory,
considered in its broadest outlines (see above, Part I,
Section 2), identified destruction and reconstruction as
two aspects of a single process, and not as two distinct
phases. But the SI was marked, in its historical
development, first of all by diverse propositions
concerning unitary urbanism and the realization of
art, and later by Vaneigems program of generalized
self-management. The positive part of the situationist
enterprise became for Debord accessory, imprecise,
almost insignificant. Because he did not want to
recapitulate it, he considered it to be non-existent, and
thus practiced a kind of repression, in order to only
subsist in the negative part, the only valid one in his
view.
Without openly saying so, Debord admitted that the
situationist project could not lead to any effective action
that did not involve destruction, which he now presented
as the only practical contribution of the SI to the
revolutionary movement, the only one, at least, that was
crowned with success. This new, almost
nihilist,18 perspective, was retroactively transformed
into the truth of the SI. Debord described the
situationists as knights who went in search of an evil
Grail, which is obviously the revolution:
We did not seek the formula to overthrow the world in
books, but in wandering. It was a derive on great days, in
which nothing was like the day before, and never
stopped. We found surprises, considerable obstacles,
great betrayals, enchanting dangers, nothing was lacking
in this quest for the other evil Grail that no one had
wanted.
The quest for the Grail, which constitutes the theme of
several medieval romancesknown as Arthurian
romances because their plots are situated in the
legendary epoch of King Arthur and the Knights of the
Round Tablethat were written in the 12th century,
such as Perceval le Gallois [published in English
translation as: Perceval, the Story of the GrailAmerican
Translators Note], by Chrtien de Troyes. Perceval
attempted to cross a Desert Land whose king was
known as the Fisher King, but was thwarted. The
Desert Land would never be fertile until the King was
cured thanks to the Graila sort of cup which later
authors identified with the chalice that contained the
blood of Christ collected by Joseph of Arimatheaand
the Bleeding Lance, also identified later with the lance
that a Roman soldier had thrust into the side of Christ at
Calvary. While staying as a guest at the castle of the
Fisher King, Perceval sees a strange procession pass by in
which these two objects are featured. Amazed by this
marvelous apparition, he misses his chance to seize the
objects so he can cure the Fisher King. He subsequently
discovers his error, and devotes the rest of his life to
trying to locate the Grail Castle; but the opportune
moment has passed and will no longer return. Later, in
various sequels to the romance of Chrtien de Troyes,
various Knights of the Round Table (Lancelot, Gawain,
Bors, Galahad, etc.) depart in search of the Grail, meeting
with various adventures. The constant motif in all these
adventures is the fact that this Grail is surrounded by a
veil of mystery, and those who seek it do not really know
what they expect to find; they even see it without
recognizing it. They go to meet adventure, at random,
without any plan to guide them, so that their wanderings
possess all the features of a situationist derive. Some of
them see the Grail, others do not, but none of them can
possess it; the cup is content to appear and disappear
without anyone knowing how or why. Modern students
of the occult will identify it with the Cauldron of
Abundance of the Celts or the philosophers stone.
It is obvious that Debord is quite familiar with this
literature. Various allusions to the Desert Land crop up
in In Girum. The modern world appears in this film as a
vale of desolation, a wasteland where new sufferings
are disguised with the name of former pleasures (an
obvious reference to the illness of the Fisher King). But
Debord inverts the meaning of the legend: the Grail, a
divine object possessing the power to cure, becomes
evil, and Debord explicitly transforms it into a diabolic
object.

Did we eventually find the object of our quest? There is
reason to believe that we obtained at least a fleeting
glimpse of it; because it is undeniable that from that
point on we found ourselves capable of understanding
false life in the light of true life, and possessed with a
very strange power of seduction: for no one since then
has ever come near us without wishing to follow us. We
had rediscovered the secret of dividing what was
united.
Just as the serpent tempted Adam and Eve with the fruit
of the tree of life, that is, knowledge, the Grail allowed
one to be capable of understanding false life in the light
of true life; it conferred a power of seduction that
evokes one of the main characteristics of Satan, the
tempter, the seducer par excellence; and transmits the
secret of dividing, which brings us to the devil, the
Prince of Division. Such an interpretation might seem
forced if we were not to see it fully confirmed in another
passage of In Girum:

We brought fuel to the fire. In this manner we enlisted
irrevocably in the Devils partythe historical evil that
leads existing conditions to their destruction, the bad
side that makes history by undermining all established
satisfaction. If you dont fall in line with the deceptive
clarity of this upside-down world, you are seen, at least
by those who believe in that world, as a controversial
legend, an invisible and malevolent ghost, a perverse
Prince of Darkness. We thus became emissaries of the
Prince of Division he who has been wrongedand
undertook to drive to despair those who identified with
humanity.19
The identification of the devil with the negative of
Hegel and Marx is obvious here, in accordance with
Goethes definition of Mephistopheles in Faust (the
spirit of perpetual negation). We need only compare the
above passage with the following extract from the
Theses on the Situationist International and Its Time,
where certain identical formulas are employed, taken
from Marx:

The SI has only succeeded by expressing the real
movement that surpasses existing conditions and by
knowing how to express it. In other words, it has known
how to make its own unknown theory understood from
the subjectively negative aspect of the process, from its
bad aspect. This aspect of social practice, although
initially unaware of it, creates this theory. The SI itself
belonged to this bad aspect.
The definition of the devil as he who has been wronged
is taken from Baudelaires The Flowers of Evil (The
Litany of Satan):
O Prince of Exile, you who have been wronged
And who vanquished always rise up again more strong,
O Satan, take pity on my long misery!
Thus, the formula that Debord would employ, some
years later, in Panegyric, acquires its full meaning (After
all, it was modern poetry, for the last hundred years, that
had led us there): the poetic modernity invoked by the
Lettrists and later by the situationists was born with
Baudelaire, who published The Flowers of Evil in 1857,
exactly one hundred years before the founding of the SI.
The diabolical Grail is also a theme that was already
featured in surrealism.20In 1950, Michel Carrouges, in a
chapter of his book, Andr Breton et les donns
fondamentales du surralisme [Andr Breton and the
Basic Concepts of Surrealism], entitled The Appeal to
the Powers of Darkness, evoked that mad quest for a
new castle of the Graila black Grailwherever it may
be, which animated the surrealists. Furthermore,
Vaneigem himself, during the period when he was a
member of the SI, had described the surrealists as those
latter-day knights wandering between the devil of total
freedom and the death of culture (A Cavalier History of
Surrealism).21 Thus, in this sense as well, Debord
elaborated and reformulated the themes and proposals
of the old artistic vanguards.

The expression, the formula to overthrow [renverser]
the world evokes the reversal [renversement] of
perspective advocated in The Revolution of Everyday
Life (a work that Debord, as we saw above, was always
careful to distinguish from Vaneigemism, which is the
transformation of Vaneigems situationist ideas into an
ideology). And when Debord says that we had
rediscovered the secret of dividing what was united, he
is referring not only to the Prince of Division but also to
alchemy, a Vaneigemist theme where it appears, but
reversing the meaning that Vaneigem gave it. Vaneigem
insisted on the positive dimension of this art, on the vital
principle that acted in the alchemical process; Debord,
for his part, emphasized its destructive, bad side. The
phase of dissolution clearly interested him more than
that of coagulation. By way of his constant practice of
exclusions and breaks, Debord, in the final analysis, was
doing nothing but practicing a kind of alchemy, one of
the traditional definitions of which was the art of
separating the pure from the impure. (In view of the
facts discussed above, it is not impossible that the
similarity between the beginning of the Comments on the
Society of the Spectacle and the passage from The
Summit of Perfection by the pseudo-Geber mentioned at
the beginning of this book was deliberate.)
Whether we are speaking of the Grail or the
philosophers stone, the gold concerning which we are
interested here is nothing but that of dreams, and the
quest is destined never to be consummated. In the era of
the SI, however, this theory is presented as the most
rational theory that can be conceived, and even as the
only possible rational perspective (even if it seemed
extravagant to vulgar thinkers) as opposed to the suicidal
madness of this upside-down world. Debord would
repeat this in In Girum, and would not cease to do so
thereafter: there is no greater madness than the
present organization of life. In theComments on the
Society of the Spectacle of 1988, however, he no longer
considered that the situationist revolutionary perspective
had been as rational as the SI had claimed it to be, but he
instead emphasizedas always, as was his custom, with
veiled expressionsthe intrinsic contradictions with
which it was replete:

It is generally believed that those who have displayed
the greatest incapacity in matters of logic are precisely
those who proclaim themselves revolutionaries.
Protesters have not been any more irrational than
submissive people. It is simply that in the former one
sees a more intense manifestation of the general
irrationality. They have given themselves diverse
obligations to dominate logic, even strategy, which is
precisely the entire field of the deployment of the
dialectical logic of conflicts; but, like everyone else, they
are greatly deprived of the basic ability to orient
themselves by the old, imperfect tools of formal logic. No
one worries about them; and hardly anyone thinks about
the others.
Those who proclaim themselves revolutionaries,
among whom we obviously have to include the
situationists, were neither more rational nor more
irrational than submissive people; they were exactly
like them, at least in that respect. The goals that they set
themselves, and the method they followed to attain
those goals, were condemned to failure, so it is normal
that they never achieved those goals. But Debord had
already demonstrated ten years before that the
situationists were just like knights errant: the revolution
was merely a pretext, what they were really more or less
consciously seeking was their own derive (the true taste
of the passage of time). From this point of view, it
cannot be said that they failed, or that they succeeded;
they were what they were, and that is all. Thus, as
Debord says in In Girum, there has been neither success
nor failure for Guy Debord. Theory, as the strategic
formulation of consciously pursued goals, only has in the
final accounting a secondary importance: while Debord
magnified the existential adventure of the Lettrists, he
abandoned situationist theory in the name of historical
inevitability (theories are only made to die in the war of
time). In his Panegyric (1989), Debord insists at length
on the vanity of human actions, even quoting
Ecclesiastes (another, earlier contemner of the world,
who said that he had been a king in Jerusalem): since
there is never anything new under the sun, all
revolutionary whims are condemned in advance to
failure.

Debord therefore ended up making a total break with
situationist theory. In 1972, he and Sanguinetti claimed:
The theory, the style, and the example of the SI have
today been adopted by thousands of revolutionaries in
the principal advanced countries. What are known as
situationist ideas are merely the first ideas of the period
of the reappearance of the modern revolutionary
movement. Youth, as a passing stage, is not what is
threatening the social order; it is, rather, the modern
revolutionary critique in acts and theory that is
increasing every year and taking off from a historical
point of departure that we are now living through. It
begins momentarily among youth, but it will never grow
old. The phenomenon is in no way cyclical; it is
cumulative.
This revolutionary critique that will never grow old
becomes in In Girum a caput mortuum, and in
the Comments not even the slightest trace of it remains:
[Those who practice surveillance are] surveilling,
infiltrating and influencing an absent party: that which is
supposed to want the subversion of the social order. But
where can it be seen at work? Because conditions
certainly have never been so seriously revolutionary, but
it is only governments that think so. Negation has been
so thoroughly deprived of its thought that it was
dispersed long ago.

What happened to those thousands of revolutionaries,
and that revolutionary critique that is increasing every
year on the basis of situationist theory and practice,
which consecrates the forceful return of the negative on
the world stage? They had to disappear under the effect
of an enchantment, since sixteen years later, negation
has been so thoroughly deprived of its thought that it
was dispersed a long time ago. In 1979, however,
Debord thought he could still affirm that the inhabitants
[of this society] are divided into two sides, one of which
wants this society to disappear. But in 1988 this party
that is supposed to want the subversion of the social
order had become an absent party. Thus, what the SI
had considered to be the beginning of an era was
actually nothing but a flash in the pan, perhaps even an
illusion; for nothing, after all, disappears so easily as
something that had never existed in the first place. All
that remained was the memory of a handful of knights
errant, modern Don Quijotes who sallied forth to the
assault on a hostile world within the guise of
ammunitionthe dreams aroused by modern poetry,
and wearing simple barbers basins on their heads. In any
event, this is how it was depicted by Debord, who
abandoned a situationist perspective that was
unsustainable over the long- as well as the short-term;
and, with more mediocre intellectual and literary
resources, so did his comrade Vaneigem.22

In one last about-face, Debord even came to suggest (in a
note dating from 1989 that was published as an appendix
to the new edition of the journal Internationale
Situationniste in 1997) that the only truly vital
conclusions of situationist theory were contained in
the most mysterious of all the documents to come out
of the SI, the Hamburg Theses (1961), which exhibited
the strange feature of never really having existed:
It in fact involved the conclusions, intentionally kept
secret, of a theoretical and strategic discussion
concerning the whole of the SIs conduct. Deliberately,
with the intention of letting no trace that might give rise
to an observation or exterior analysis filter outside the SI,
nothing was ever put into writing concerning this
discussion or what it concluded. It was then agreed that
the simplest summary of these rich and complex
conclusions could be reduced to a single phrase: Now,
the SI must realize its philosophy.23 This phrase itself
was not written down. Thus, the conclusion was so well
hidden that it has remained secret until now.
What at first sight might seem to be a mystification, was
nonetheless taken very seriously by Debord, and he saw
this as one of the most decisive formal innovation[s] of
the SI:
to only consider the experimental originality, that is
to say the absence of any publication of the Theses, the
later socio-historical application of this formal innovation
is also entirely remarkable: afterwards, of course, it
underwent a complete reversal. Indeed, a little over
twenty years after, the process could be seen to meet
with an unusual success for the higher authorities of
numerous States. We now know that a number of truly
vital conclusions, whose authors are reluctant to enter
them into computer networks, tape or telex records, and
who are even distrustful of word processors and
photocopiers; after having been most often written in
the form of manuscript notes, are simply committed to
memory, the draft immediately destroyed.
We shall for the present disregard the excessive
influence attributed to these Hamburg Theses in order to
simply point out that, contrary to Debords claims, the
procedure he describes is not at all novel. Thus, at the
beginning of the modern era, one of the most famous
literary scams of European history, the Treatise of the
Three Impostors, an anti-religious work that presented
Moses, Jesus and Mohammed as vulgar con artists who
manipulated the masses, was cited, described and even
condemned on many occasions before anyone even
decided to finally write it. Similarly, when around 1610 a
manifesto entitled Fama fraternitatis des lblichen
Ordens des Rosencreutzes (written by Johannes
Valentinus Andreae) was anonymously distributed, at
first in manuscript form, and later as a printed book, in
order to reveal to the world the machinations of a
mysterious Brotherhood of the Rosy Cross, the vehicle
of a no less enigmatic project of universal reform, all of
Europe went in search of the members of this secret
society, which only existed in the imagination of its
author. Only when, much later, real brotherhoods of
Rosicrucians were actually formed, did the fiction
become a reality. And the claim that the most vital
conclusions of a theory are precisely the ones that,
because they must remain absolutely secret, cannot be
revealed to the uninitiated, has for many centuries been
one of the central themes of the literature of alchemy,
which leads us back to that dispersion of knowledge
advocated by the pseudo-Geber in The Summit of
Perfection, and to Debords analogous caveat situated at
the beginning of Comments on the Society of the
Spectacle.

The lateand even posthumousinsistence on the
importance of the Hamburg Theses would tend to place
the entire situationist enterprise in the category of the
parodic-serious, to borrow an expression coined by
Wolman and Debord (A User's Guide
to Dtournement, Les Lvres nues, no. 8, 1956), and is
particularly similar to that pataphysics which the
situationists (I.S., no. 6, 1961) saw as a religion in the
making. Furthermore, it cannot but remind us of the
mystery of the magician depicted on the Marseilles tarot
card, which Debord chose for the cover of his 1994 book
(if you can call it a book) entitled, Des contrats. Such a
retrospective jape tempts us to apply to all this business,
as an epitaph, the judgment that Giovanni Battista Nazari
issued in 1572 against the charlatans who practiced
sophistical alchemy:
Raging fits, vain illusions,
drunken dreams, false and lamentable thoughts,
deceitful inventions far removed from duty:
such are the false hopes of the alchemists.
1.This is what Vaneigem seemed to think, as the
Communiqu of the SI directed at him points out: At
the 7th Conference of the S.I., in 1966, we had to argue
for two hours against a strange proposition from
Vaneigem: he held for certain that our coherence
would always indicate in no matter what debate on a
practical action to be undertaken, and after a thorough
discussion, the sole right path, univocally recognizable
in advance. Similarly, Vaneigem claimed in his Notice
to the Civilized that only the councils offer a
definitive solution for all problems.
2.For example, this is what one may read in the first
pages of the book by Maurice Pasquelot, La Terre
Chauve: Aliments Pollues (1971): Before man can
enter the 21st century, it is possible that nature will
have taken revenge for the devastation that man has
inflicted upon it. The seas, the oceans and the rivers are
decomposing, the sky is turning black and the air is
unbreathable; the land, or at least what remains of it, is
polluted. The environment will not be able to support
life. Now, nothing we eat is natural. Our foods are not
only contaminated by external factors but their
manufacture creates chemical compounds that cause
cancer, madness, leukemia and death.
3.There are many books on the history of ecology, to
which the interested reader is referred for more
details.
4.The reader thus finds himself between a rock and a
hard place: he is admonished to admire a discourse at
the same time that he is prohibited from admiring it.
5.Debord and Sanguinetti were still feverishly
employing the tone of incisive pride characteristic of
situationist expression in the same text in which they
declare that this tone has stopped being convenient.
6.Jrg Ratgeb, already mentioned by Vaneigem in
Terrorism or Revolution, was a 16th century German
painter who sided with Thomas Mntzer and the
peasant rebels, for whom he served as a military
advisor; he was drawn and quartered in Pforzheim in
1526 (Vaneigem, La Rsistance au christianisme,
1993). See Maurice Pianzola, Peintres et vilains: les
artistes de la Renaissance et la grande guerre des
paysans de 1525 (1962); andThomas Munzer ou la
guerre des paysans (1958), republished in 1997 with an
introduction by Vaneigem.
7.Vaneigem had first solicited Champ Libre to publish
the book, which refused to do so (see the text at the
end of Chapter 5 of the Correspondance of Champ
Libre, Vol. I, 1978).
8.Concerning Ratgeb, see also the chapter devoted to
him in Jaime SemprunsPrcis de rcupration (1976).
9.The Spanish translation of most of these passages
from The Book of Pleasures that appear in this
paragraph are so different from the English translation I
consulted that I have in some cases translated directly
from the Spanish rather than utilized the existing
English translation, where the latter seemed suspect;
the passages in question in the English translation I
consulted (which may be viewed online
at http://libcom.org/library/book-of-pleasures) are as
follows: Freedom has no worse enemy than these
cure-all panaceas which claim to transform society. For
these veils of exorcist ritual simply serve to smuggle the
old world back in. Lawyers for the revolution or sniffers
of radical chic, whatever pedigrees these grocers have,
they are our adversaries, armour-clad in neurosis, and
will bear the full brunt of the violence of those who live
without restraint. I know well the wise men who
denigrate survival, having in many ways been one of
them. Under the cassock of that high-brow criticism
moves the secular arm of far more pernicious
inquisitions. But they merely project the disgust they
feel at themselves towards others. [Note of the
American Translator.]
10.The decomposition of his thought is accompanied by
the decomposition of his writing style: this Adresse is
faulty even in its very title, which is a clumsy
recuperation of the Appel aux vivants (1979) by the
Stalino-Islamist Roger Garaudy.
11.Vaneigem would later publish a book entitled Nous
que dsirons sans fin(We Who Endlessly Desire,
1996).
12.In his most recent book (Le Chevalier, la Dame, le
Diable et la mort), Vaneigem points out that he is not
really saying that the human being, by acceding to real
life in a harmonious society, will not age and will not
die, but that this must be understood in a
metaphorical sense.
13.He nonetheless has his admirers: two eulogistic
works devoted to him, by Pol Charles and Grgory
Lambrette, were published in 2002; and Philippe Sollers
himself is now singing the praises of Vaneigem.
14.The quotation is taken from Vaneigems Lettre de
Staline ses enfants enfin rconcilis de lEst et de
lOuest (1992).
15.A concept taken from Kierkegaard, who
distinguishes, in Stages on Lifes Way, the esthetic
stage, the ethical stage and the religious stage, the
highest of which is the latter.
16.A few pages earlier, Debord recalled that the Greek
city had constituted the first outline, although
imperfect (since it was based on the separation
between different cities and, within each city, the
separation between masters and slaves), of a
historical time [become] conscious, but not yet
conscious of itself, as opposed to the despotic State.
17.Similarly, in his In Girum, the veiled allusion to
Athens and Florence (today we would be astonished
to see the sudden reappearance of a Donatello or a
Thucydides) seems to suggest that a certain kind of
individual genius is only possible in a social organization
of the type of the democratic city. This is an absurd
thesis, refuted by innumerable examples as well as by
the idea, implicit in all of Debords works, that he is
himself a genius of this type; but he considers himself
the exceptionthe negativethat proves the rule.
18.This civilization is on fire; the whole thing is
capsizing and sinking. What splendid torpedoing! And
what has become of me amid this appalling collapse
this shipwreck which I believe was necessary, and
which it could even be said that I have worked for,
since it is certainly true that I have avoided working at
anything else?
19.This last formulation was inspired by the screenplay
written by Jacques Prvert for the Marcel Carn
film, The Night Visitors (1942), which opens with these
words: Thus, on this beautiful day in May of 1485, His
Majesty the Devil sent to the earth two of his creatures
for the purpose of making humans lose all hope.
20.We also find it in a disciple of the occultist Aleister
Crowley, Kenneth Grant (Aleister Crowley and the
Hidden God, 1973), but in a context of sexual magic
that has nothing to do with our topic: the diabolical
Grail designates the anus, as opposed to the
unqualified Grail, which according to Crowley is the
feminine sex.
21.The image also crops up in Le Chevalier, la Dame, le
Diable et la mort: What was accomplished by the
knights wandering and the devil who led him astray
and enlightened him, since Lucifer showed him the
black light of his own dissolution.?.
22.Of the numerous books devoted to the ideas of
Debord, the best is undoubtedly the one by Anselm
Jappe, published in Italy in 1993 and published in an
English-language edition in 1999. Most of the other
books about Debordespecially those by Jean-Marie
Apostolids, Christophe Boursellier, Antoine Coppola,
Shigenobu Gonzalvez, Ccile Guilbert, Vincent
Kaufmann and Frdric Schifferare no good.
23.See above: The proletariat must realize art.




















Part IV: The Labyrinth of Greater and Lesser
Mysteries

Everything I had seen up until that moment was nothing
compared to what they promised that I would see.
However, it was not hard for me to take consolation
when I reflected on this Celestial Empire, in which the All-
Powerful appears seated on His Throne surrounded by
Glory and Cherubims, Seraphims, Thrones and Rulers.
There we shall see what the eye has never seen and we
shall hear what the ear has never heard, since that is
where we must experience an eternal happiness that God
Himself has promised all those who strive to become
worthy of it, since we have all been created to participate
in this Glory.

Pseudo-Bernard of Treves (Franois Alary), The Green
Dream





The Great Work is, together with the squaring of the
circle, the example par excellence of the vain quest for
the impossible. Why, then, did the situationists refer to
alchemy, which at first glance would appear to be the
worst model a revolutionary theory could adopt,
regardless of how little it is concerned with efficacy? This
question requires two complementary answers.
1

The first reasonand the most obvious onefor the
choice of alchemy as the pivot of a revolutionary theory
is linked to the interpretation given by psychoanalysis
and surrealism to the Hermetic art. If alchemy, as a
practical activity, led to the resultsor more correctly,
the absence of resultswith which we are familiar, in
the 20th century, by virtue of having become a privileged
expression of depth psychology, it recovered the credit
that it had lost in times past on the material terrain of
the transmutations of bodies. This interpretation is based
on the way the esoterics and occultists of the 19th
century viewed alchemy. Beginning in the late 1700s,
since no one could seriously believe in material
transmutation, the neo-alchemists tended to fall back on
a psychological or spiritual conception of
transmutation (whose origins lay in certain tendencies
already present in alchemy in the 16th century);1 the
operations that pertained to matter were translated to
the level of the soul of the adept. The practitioners
continued to manipulate substances in the laboratory
but their real goal was of a different kind. The alchemical
texts effectively could be easily used for this kind of
interpretation, given the polyvalent character of their
language and the wide variety of possible readings
(operative, moral, religious) to which they could be
subjected. The practical failure of alchemy might have
then been perceived as something secondary and
superficial compared to its real objective: the
transmutation of the old, imperfect man into a new man,
like gleaming gold. The author of The Revolution of
Everyday Life was absolutely convinced of this. And not
long ago he once again reaffirmed this belief (in Le
Chevalier, la Dame, le Diable et la mort), by defining
alchemy as the process of evolution that is leading us
from the animal to the human that lies within us.
The surrealists, as Vaneigem explains in A Cavalier
History of Surrealism, also saw alchemy as an
exploration of human limits and potentialities whose
objective was a cosmic unity divested of all
anthropocentrism where the forces of the mineral,
vegetable and human worlds all had their parts to play.
But surrealist alchemy erred, Vaneigem continues,
because it strayed into a mystical vision, an absolute
objective idealism ruled by the principle enunciated by
Ren Guenon and approved by Breton according to
which historical facts have no value save as symbols of
spiritual realities. In such a case, the experimental
approach to the human was replaced by a purification of
the ego by virtue of the alchemical Great Work and
concrete problems of subjectivity became problems of
being. This ontological shift, modeled on the initiatory
program of the so-called traditional sciences (in the
Guenonian sense of the word), prevented, according to
this interpretation, the surrealists from noticing the fact
that alchemy, as the experimental approach to the
human, could lead to the revolution of everyday life of
the kind formulated later by the situationists. Vaneigems
alchemy is intended to be a supersession of that of the
surrealists: like the latter, it is about man himself and not
material substances (metals, etc.), but it does not aspire
to transmute the human spirit by purification in the
name of a transcendence that the situationists did not
acknowledge; its purpose was instead to transmute
everyday life in its most concrete aspects, considered
as the only really existing human universe, and therefore
the only real framework within which it was possible to
test human limits and potentialities. (Later, as we have
seen, Vaneigems alchemy would rediscover the cosmic
unity of the micro- and macro-cosmos, but this was not
yet the case in his situationist period.)

The reduction of alchemy to psychology or to a
spiritual dimension paved the way for a rehabilitation
of the alchemical thematic in the context of surrealism.
For Andr Breton, alchemy represented the revenge of
the imagination against the domestication of the spirit by
rational thought. This point of view must be understood
in the context of the surrealists interest in the
unconscious and Freuds doctrine. In an article
entitled Freud de lAlchimiste lHyginiste[Freud: From
Alchemist to Hygienist], published in 1924 in the
journal, Le Disque vert, and republished in the book, Mon
corps et moi, Ren Crevel subjects psychoanalysis to an
alchemical reading: according to him, the psychoanalytic
cure is an alchemical operation because it allows for the
rediscovery of pure and simple instinct by ridding the
individual of the neuroses that keep him separated from
himself and prevent him from acting in a spontaneous
way. By purifying the material of metals, alchemy leads
them to perfection; in the same way, psychoanalysis
restores to the individual the key of his own original
essence. Just as it does for Vaneigem, transmutation for
Crevel consists in the liberation of the individual from the
social conditioning that imprisons him and prevents him
from acting and expressing himself freely; unlike Crevel,
however, the situationists thought that psychoanalysis
had by no means succeeded in achieving this liberation.
For them it is, to the contrary, a tool for the maintenance
of the social order, since all the help it brings to the
individual consists in making him accept the necessity of
conditioning, internalized as a fundamental law. Indeed,
Freud affirmed that the abandonment of the pleasure
principle in favor of the reality principle constitutes
the basis of all social life; that is why he thought
happiness was impossible, except as a transitory
experience (Civilization and Its Discontents). Influenced
by Henri Lefebvre, the situationists postulated, in
complete opposition to Freud and Schopenhauer, that
the exceptional moments of life can become, thanks to
the conscious construction of situations, the substance
of a new life, one from which frustration and boredom
have been expelled. This is what they called authentic
life, as opposed to the simple survival that
psychoanalysis and all the other forms of psychosocial
conditioning assumed as a function to legitimate. The
situationist perspective differs from that of Creveland
from that of the surrealists more generallyin that
creative spontaneity is not conflated by the situationists
with unconscious automatism, but rather with the
conscious domain of the abilities of the individual. To see
all good in the unconscious and all evil in reason, as the
surrealists did, amounts to prohibiting any reconciliation
of these two domains. For the situationists, the
opposition between the conscious will and the
unconscious passions is an effect of separation; once
the latter is abolished, the conscious goals of individuals
must logically (if one admits that postulate) no longer be
opposed to their unconscious drives. To celebrate the
unconscious to the detriment of reason is therefore to
serve the maintenance of separation, preventing the
individual from recognizing himself as a whole. Only the
revolution will permit the individual to concretely resolve
the internal conflict that afflicts him, which can only be
abolished by abolishing the cause that produces it. The
revolution is this elixir that transforms the dross of the
neuroses into the pure gold of subjectivity.

In Le Chevalier, la Dame, le Diable et la mort, Vaneigem
willingly admits that he has embraced a somewhat
shallow understanding of alchemy, one that is, however,
more than sufficient for the purpose of delimiting the
various stages of a process in accordance with which he
sought to live each day:

I accept the three stages, distinguished by Hermetic
tradition. These are, viz., the black Work: putrefaction,
dissolution, dereliction, desperation; the white Work:
treatment of the negative, resurrection; the red Work, or
rubifaction: philosophers stone, the powder of
projection or of sympathy, youth or the abolition of
age.
I continue to return to everyday alchemy, which consists
in subjecting the negative accumulated in unwholesome
strata to the heat of this athanor that constitutes the
body, in order to proceed from the black Work to the red
Work and then to the philosophers stone.
One of the leading authorities on the Hermetic
tradition to which Vaneigem refers is the esoterist
Eugne Canseliet (who was a friend of Vaneigem),2 along
with Fulcanelli and Ren Alleau. Vaneigem had also read
the dissident psychoanalyst Carl Gustav Jung, whose
psychological interpretation of the alchemical texts and
imaginary is very much appreciated by the esoterists. In
his Dictionnaire de citations pour servir au divertissement
et lintelligence du temps (1998), he quotes a passage
taken from Psychology and Alchemy, in which Jung
clearly sets forth his perspective:

while working on his chemical experiments the
operator had certain psychic experiences which
appeared to him as the particular behaviour of the
chemical process. He experienced his projection as a
property of matter; but what he was in reality
experiencing was his own unconscious.
According to this interpretation, when the alchemists
spoke of metals or worked with them, they only really
saw them with their own unconscious, which they
projected onto matter.3 Such a psychologizing of
alchemy, based on the frequently aberrant analyses that
Jung made of texts and images removed from their
historical context and which sometimes actually had
nothing to do with alchemy,4 in our time constitutes for
many people the truth of the alchemical tradition. If
the modern esoterists have given it a warm welcome,
this is because it presents many points in common with
their own view of alchemy.
The Jungian theory of archetypes that structure the
collective unconscious allegedly proves what in reality it
assumes; that is, the existence of precisely a collective
unconscious that is always the same in every era and
which can easily be discovered, under the thin shell of
cultural, historical and geographical variations, by
resorting to analogy as the general principle of
interpretation. In other words, history has no importance
at all; it is nothing but the inessential unfolding of a time
which does not really modify the basic characteristics of
the human soul. Jungs disciples did not refrain from
compiling vast catalogs of symbols from all eras and
countries, or, in the apparently more scientific form of
the structuralist model, charting the anthropological
structures of the imaginary. The relationship between
this kind of focus and that of the esoteristswhich is
moreover completely deliberate, and is even proclaimed
by Jung and his emulators, with Gilbert Durand at their
headis due to the fact that the esoterist interpretations
of alchemy are always based on the idea that alchemy
has no history: according to them, it is a traditional art
that had arisen fully formed from the head of Hermes
Trismegistus, and that it has been preserved as such,
since time immemorial, by way of a secret transmission,
following the form of the chain of initiates (for the
esoterists, furthermore, alchemy is joined with astrology,
the Kabbalah and magic as just one part of the vast
whole of the secret or occult sciences, which
comprise a totality and which must be studied together).
This ahistorical view of alchemy did not emerge out of
thin air. It was adapted from the image that the
alchemists sought to confer upon their own doctrine:
already in the very earliest days of alchemy, in the
Hellenized regions of Egypt, in the 3rd and 4th centuries
of the Christian era, alchemical texts were attributed
with a false antiquity and were signed with prestigious
names (Democritus, for example) or even purely
fictitious names. The same thing was true of the magical
texts, as well as many other types of writings; in an era
when individual originality aroused mistrust this was a
way of guaranteeing the validity of the doctrines that
were being promoted. This fabrication of apocrypha was
not necessarily due to frauds in the sense that we
understand that term today: at that time it seemed
natural to confer merit on a doctrine that was taken to
be true, and which furthermore was not claimed to have
been a recent invention, with the authority that its
attribution to a prestigious author would confer. Hence
the profusion, especially among the Arabs, of alchemical
treatises attributed not only to Jbir, but also to Plato,
Aristotle, Hermes Trismegistus. In one of the most
famous texts of medieval alchemy, theTurba
Philosophorum (The Assembly of the Philosophers), an
Arabic compilation whose complete text has only been
preserved in Latin, the Greek philosophersThales,
Pythagoras, Parmenides, etc.meeting in an assembly,
deliver speeches one after another in order to explain
their conception of alchemy.

The elimination of real history from this art in favor of a
legendary history, based on the fiction of an immutable
doctrine that goes back to the depths of antiquity, was so
successful that it is today very difficult to date some of
the texts. When it is possible, the esoterists ignore it and
continue to believe, despite the evidence, in the
authenticity of the writings of Llull, Flamel or Basil
Valentine. They are still persuaded, against all the
evidence, that the Emerald Tablet of Hermes
Trismegistus is the oldest of all alchemical texts, and that
it contains in a deliberately cryptic form the totality of
the doctrine to which subsequent authors only added
commentaries. This supposedly ancient Greek text,
however, is in reality an Arab text dating from the 9th
century, and it was only recently proven that when it was
composed it was not even an alchemical text, but a text
of talismanic magic, interpreted alchemically a posteriori.
Alchemy was never a complete doctrine; like all the arts,
sciences and traditions, it evolved at the whim of
different eras, places and milieus.

We could ask ourselves if it was advisable on the part of
Vaneigem to take a tradition that is essentially
presented as a negation or rejection of history as a
model for that historical transformation known as the
revolution. The alchemical tradition appeared to him, like
the millenarian tradition or the resistance against
Christianity to which he devoted a book, as the
testimony of the subterranean persistence of the will to
live, necessarily assuming (or distorting) the
philosophical or religious means of expression of the
culture of its time, but basically opposed to separation;
in short, a primitive form of social revolt. Such a
representation is historically false: to the contrary,
numerous alchemical texts justify secrecy by the need to
preserve the existing social order, which would be ruined
if gold were to lose its value by becoming easy to
produce; there would then be no rich or poor, no one
would want to work, authority would collapse. The
practice of alchemy was sometimes prohibited in one
place or another, in the Middle Ages or the Renaissance,
by the civil or ecclesiastical authorities, not because they
considered it dangerous in itself (the alchemists were
neither sorcerers nor revolutionaries), but because most
of those who passed themselves off as alchemists and
offered their services to princes were actually
counterfeiters. It was only after the time of Paracelsus
and, later, the Rosicrucians (and before that, marginally,
certain Franciscan groups), that alchemy was inscribed in
a program of political and religious reform that was really
subversive. In both cases, however, alchemy did not
constitute anything but a secondary element of the
universal reform that was advocated.
2

There is a second element of the answer, somewhat less
evident than the previous one, to the question why
alchemy was chosen as the model for a revolutionary
transformation of society. The alchemists elaborated
over the course of the centuries and in various forms a
theory of qualitative change that constituted, indirectly,
one of the sources of the Hegelian dialectic, and which
also nourished the sources of the Marxist theory of the
revolution. Since every theory creates its precursors, we
can retrospectively read the alchemical literature as an
attempt (expressed metaphorically or allegorically) to
dialectically conceive the transformations of matter by
way of the relations between the world considered as an
organic totality, and the elements of which it is
composed. In any case, it is not hard to discover in Hegel
or in Marx analogies with what we could call the
primitive dialectic that is present in the alchemical
texts (not to speak of the recurring comparisons Marx
made between capitalism and alchemy).5

Alchemy functions in situationist theory, as Vaneigem
explains it, as a metaphor for the
revolutionary transformation, in conjunction with the
dialectical model. The notion of supersession is
combined in this theory with that of transmutation,
which is an alchemical term. The synthesis of these two
ideas can in a way be traced back to the origins of the
Hegelian dialectic. For the source of the latter is not to be
found only in the conceptions of the dialectic elaborated
by the philosophers since Plato,6 but also in the mystical
writings of Jakob Bhme, who was very much influenced
by Paracelsus. Hegel took from Bhme the idea of the
convergence of opposites, which goes back, before
Bhme, to a very old theological (exemplified especially
by Nicholas of Cusa) and alchemical tradition. For the
alchemists, the philosophers stone miraculously
reunited the opposed qualities that were assumed not to
exist in a body at the same time; according to the
principles of Aristotelian logic and physics, a body, for
example, is cold or hot, or it is dry or wet, but cannot
simultaneously possess these two qualities in actuality.
This convergence of opposites is translated in the
alchemical texts by expressions that associate
contradictory properties, which are called oxymorons in
rhetoric: the stone that is not a stone, the water that
does not make your hands wet, virgins milk,7etc. This
kind of formula made it possible for the imagination to
grasp something that could not be rationally described.
Thus, a non-existent thing seems to find a principle of
realization in the mere fact that it is possible to explain it
with words. In this sense, the rhetoric and imaginary of
alchemy played a role that Plato had assigned to myth (in
the Timaeus): when with regard to any particular issue
we are not able to give notions which are altogether
and in every respect exact and consistent with one
another, it is necessary to resort, if we do not want to
remain silent, to a tale which is probable.

The convergence of opposites is for Hegel the essential
characteristic of the dialectic. In the The Philosophical
Propaedeutic, he explains:

Reason is negative or dialectical, when it indicates the
passage from a determination of being (on the plane of
consciousness) to the opposed determination. Usually,
the dialectic is presented as the attribution to a single
subject of two opposed predicates. In its purest form, it
consists in showing how a determination that pertains to
a predicate is, in itself, also its own opposite; and
therefore how it abolishes itself in itself.

We can therefore say that the philosophers stone is the
imaginary expression of a dialectical reality, or the
dialectical formulation of an imaginary reality. On the
other hand, the Great Workfor which the philosophers
stone is simultaneously the instrument and the goal
(insofar as, once it has been obtained, all the rest must
follow from it with great ease)is a process: it involves
the creation of a qualitative change in time, which is the
same goal that is addressed by the dialectic of Hegel as
well as that of Marx. Even though the Great Work is
impossible to concretely realize, it is entirely possible to
conceive it theoretically; that is why, towards the end of
the 18th century, the theoretical possibility of the
transmutation of metals was still being debated.
The coup de grce was only delivered by the new
chemistry of Lavoisier, which led to the collapse of what
was left of the conceptual apparatus that made the
problem conceivable.

The theory of transmutation was based essentially on
two ideas: that of the prima materia and the Aristotelian
concepts of potentiality and actuality. The alchemical
concept of the prima materia had emerged from the
fusion of two old cosmogonic myths: the creation of the
cosmos from chaos by the demiurge in Platos Timaeus,
and the creation of the world by God according to the
account in Genesis. For the alchemists of the Middle Ages
and the Renaissance, this account was not a mere myth:
its authenticity was not subject to any doubt; it told
about the way the world had really begun (the similarity
of the Platonic myth and the Biblical account provided a
supplementary testimony in favor of the latter). In the
little world of the laboratory, the alchemist tried to
find the prima materia of the metals, called chaos by
analogy, reversing the process followed by God in his
creation of the world from that prima materia that was
the original chaos. Since the world had arisen from
chaos, the latter must potentially contain, that is, in its
latent, hidden state, the qualities that the divine
creation had worked on in actuality, that is, in a manifest
way.
From there the alchemists, like the majority of the
philosophers of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,
proceeded to a series of analogies that allegedly clarified
the process of creation: plant and animal reproduction
(the seed contains in embryo, latently, the future being);
fermentation (the transmutation of grains, of milk and of
grapes into bread, cheese and wine), in turn identified
with pregnancy; digesting (the transmutation of food
into flesh and blood); and transubstantiation (the
miraculous transmutation of the sacred host into the
flesh of Christ). The transmutation of base metals into
silver or gold was not, after all, either more implausible
or less mysterious than those processes we have just
enumerated, all of which are clearly authentic or
assumed to be authentic and, except for
transubstantiation, all of them are completely natural.
That is why the author of one of the most famous
pseudo-Paracelsian texts, the Philosophia ad
Athenienses, could write, in order to explain the content
of the prima materia:

The prima materia of all things is the great mystery.
Just as babies are born from the mother, it is from the
great mystery that all things are born, with or without
sense, and also all other things, without exception. The
great mystery is the only mother of all mortal things.
Here we are confronted by an explanation by analogy
(which is not really an explanation, properly speaking)
which is perfectly circular. For the great uncreated
mystery that is the original chaos, analogous to a womb
fertilized by the divine light during the course of the act
of creation, then serves to clarify and explain the
different particular mysteries that are the productions
of new substances (cheese, worms.) from other
substances (milk, rotten meat), which are like the
grandchildren of the original great mystery. Thus, the
great mystery is the model of all reproduction and,
reciprocally, the particular mysteries help us to
understand how the primeval great mystery could have
taken place. In reasoning by analogy, the different orders
of reality refer to each other and serve to mutually
confirm each other. Similarly, in his work entitled
Paragranum (1530), Paracelsus affirmed:
Nature is so subtle and so meticulous that one can
only win its favors through a great art. It yields nothing in
a finished state; it is up to man to complete it: this
process of completion is called alchemy. The alchemist is
the baker who bakes the bread, the vintner who
ferments the wine, the weaver who weaves the fabric.
Thus, an alchemist is the one who allows everything that
nature causes to arise for the use of man to reach the
point that nature has ordained for it. In order for its
medicine to take effect,8 nature itself will show the way
by which you must conduct your efforts. Just as the
summer causes the pears and the grapes to ripen, its
medicine must be administered slowly. The medication
that you prescribe is prepared by the stomach, that is,
the alchemist.

By defining the baker, the vintner, the weaver and,
finally, all men (who have stomachs) as alchemists, it
becomes much easier to consider alchemy as something
plausible; the mystery of its operations is no different
in any respect than the one that is presented every day
by these transmutations, whose familiarity leads us to
overlook their profoundly incomprehensible nature,
which is what artisans do when they transform a prima
materia into a qualitatively distinct product, and which is
also carried out, without us being aware of it, by our
internal alchemist: the stomach.

The texts of Paracelsus, taken as a whole, are dizzying
and almost impossible to translate without simplifying.
The repetitive, confused and apparently contradictory
nature of his writings is due to the fact that he attempted
to convey the meaning of complex realities and
processes that are impossible to rationally explain, and
which can only be expressed by way of analogies and
metaphors that are necessarily only approximations. And
this is the nature of that primitive dialectic that we
shall encounter, with various nuances, in most of the
alchemical texts. We can see that the poetic and image-
filled language of these texts does not possess a merely
ornamental function, nor does it serve exclusively
(although this is indeed one of its aspects) to transmit in
a cryptic form, inaccessible to the vulgar, information
pertaining to chemistry in the modern sense of the term:
the processes of qualitative transformation, the
paradoxical properties of the philosophers stone or of
the prima material surpass the descriptive potential of
ordinary language.

Unlike the dialectic of Hegel or Marx, the alchemical
proto-dialectic is not inscribed in a linear temporality,
in which one proceeds by means of successive
suppressions and supersessions. The processes
described by the alchemists are not cumulative: each
attempt to carry out the Great Work, with the inevitable
failure that it entails, begins a self-enclosed cycle, one
that reproduces the cycle of the history of the world,
inaugurated with the creation and destined to be
completed with the resurrection of the flesh; time only
flows within the Great Work, where one must respect
the time required for fermentation, cooking, ripening,
etc. (which is furthermore almost never clearly
indicated). From this point of view, it can be said that
alchemy does not have a history. Although he stubbornly
aspires to understand what his predecessors did, each
alchemist is alone with himself when he works, without
having any other guide than the enigmatic descriptions
of the mysterious transformations (natural or artificial) of
matter. That is why the alchemical model, which is
certainly suggestive for the imagination, annihilates the
revolutionary perspective from the moment we examine
the discourse it utilizes from the point of view of its
logical coherence.
Alchemy nonetheless preserves with the Hegelian-
Marxist dialectic a formal similarity that merits further
scrutiny. The different alchemical theories have in
common the idea that the metals are formed in the same
way, which enables one to speculate concerning their
final return to the unity they exhibited prior to the
historical accident that constituted the separation of
the prima materia into various species (iron, copper,
lead, etc.). In the same way, the dialectical triad (thesis,
antithesis, synthesis) always presupposes an initial unity
or affirmation, ineluctably shattered by the negative
stage of separation before the return to a positive unity
at a higher level, which has, so to speak, reabsorbed
within itself the multifarious and the negative; this unity
constitutes in turn the starting point for a new cycle,
distinguished by the appearance of separation and the
negative, etc. Although the alchemical cycle differs from
the dialectical cycle due to its non-cumulative nature (the
end of the cycle does not inaugurate the beginning of
another, later cycle), the postulate of initial unity is
shared by both forms of thought and governs the general
conception of the process. Likewise, for the situationists,
the idea that separation is not inherent, in one form or
another, to every human society, and that there once
existed, as Engels had already believed, a primitive
communism, or at least, according to the formula of
Debord, an initial state of lazy liberty without content,
permits the conception of the supersession of the state
of separation by way of the return to a freedom of a
higher order. If the effective realization of this
revolutionary supersession is not guaranteed, its
possibility, on the other hand, seems to be certain by
virtue of the metaphysical assumption according to
which all historical processes are subject to a dialectical
law. But there is nothing to indicate that separation,
once a certain qualitative threshold of the irreversibility
of the material (ecological) modifications of the world
and of the ensuing transformations of the human species
has been reacheda threshold that theory does not
allow itself to anticipate, but which is only revealed
empirically once it is attainedcan still give way to a
positive supersession. This is the intuition that the
situationists had in 1972, in The Veritable Split, an
intuition that was necessarily fatal for the theory that
they had previously elaborated.

1.Contrary to what many people believe, it seems that
spiritual alchemy did not emerge until quite late in
the history of alchemy. The spiritualist
interpretations of the visions of Zosimus of Panopolis
(late 3rd century-early 4th century A.D.) by Carl Gustav
Jung are erroneous, and those of the Arabic alchemical
texts by Henry Corbin, who saw them above all as
mystical exercises, must be taken with a pinch of salt,
since they quite likely reflect the esoteric assumptions
of the author. The Medieval Latin alchemical texts, in
any event, have nothing spiritual about them, and
the same is true of most of the alchemical texts of the
Renaissance. It was, more than any other factor, the
Paracelsian and, later, the Rosicrucian authors, who
would elaborate a spiritual conception of alchemy.
2.Eugne Canseliet, whose amiability was equal to his
vast erudition, confirmed that the makers of gold lived
in material poverty. He assured me, between laughs,
that the alchemist could obtain, at the end of an
operation that demanded considerable patience,
attention and time, enough pure gold to manufacture a
small nugget, which he could have purchased for one-
tenth the money that it cost to make (Le Chevalier, la
Dame, le Diable et la mort).
3.Just like sublimation, projection is an alchemical
term (the powder of projection) that acquires a
psychological meaning for psychoanalysts. They were
immediately stunned to find it in alchemical texts, and
they have never ceased to see it, taking cause for
effect, as the proof that alchemy was nothing but a
kind of primitive psychoanalysis.
4.The basic principleand the fundamental
methodological errorof the Jungian interpretation is
that any text or image of a mystical or alchemical
kind can and must be interpreted exactly in the same
way as the relation of a dream provided by a patient
lying on the couch of the psychoanalyst. Interpreting
some features in the light of others, it was easy for Jung
to recognize in the former the archetypes that he
thought he could discover in the latter, and vice versa,
thus constructing a theory which by virtue of its
circularity is rendered unscientific.
5.An Italian author, Luciano Parinetto, devoted an
entire book, entitled Faust et Marx (1989), to
alchemical metaphors in their relation with the
critique of political economy. Some pertinent
observations in this book are buried under an
avalanche of more or less untenable analogies. See
also, by the same author, Alchimia e utopia (1990).
6.In Plato, the dialectic consists in subdividing a
problem into pairs of contraries for the purpose of
precisely determining the essence of a thing (Pierre de
la Rame would rediscover and generalize this
dichotomous method in the 16th century). Plato also
distinguished between an ascending dialectic, which
rose from the sensory to the Idea, and a descending
dialectic, which started from the Idea in order to arrive
at sensory objects. It is possible to see in the two
methods of distillation distinguished by the medieval
alchemists (ascendant and descendant) an application
of the Platonic dialectic to the analysis of the
constitution of physical bodies: the volatile substances,
designated with the name of soul, rise from the
earth (where the fixed substances remain, called
bodies) to the heaven of the alembic, while
condensation causes the spirits, in the form of a
liquid, to descend within the container made for that
purpose. Ascendant distillation and descendant
distillation were practiced in apparatuses
called ascensum and descensum, respectively.
7.These expressions initially served to describe the
paradoxical properties of mercury (which made it hard
to classify according to the customary logical and
physical categories), identified with the prima
materia of the metals, and therefore with the
philosophers stone. In the 16th century, the debunkers
of alchemy in turn used this rhetorical device, defining
alchemy as an art without art.
8.Paracelsus was only interested in medical alchemy
and rejected the alchemy of metals.


Part V: Necessary Illusions

The art of alchemy was a very ingenious investigation of
the natural philosophers, and of no minor importance: for
by means of this art, many wonderful inventions have
been obtained, which have been crucial for the
improvement of the world and of considerable benefit to
craftsmen. For it was from this art that the art of
glassblowing arose, which is in truth the most beautiful of
all the worlds arts, and indispensable for the comforts of
life and for all peoples. From this most ingenious art there
also arose the art of painted enamels, the subliminates,
cinnabar, arsenic, purple, and many other beautiful
inventions held in the highest esteem, not to mention the
numerous types of medicinal oils and liquids; so that not
only is it a benefit, but a great ornament for medicine
and surgery. Later the method of producing brass was
discovered, from which all kinds of objects were made
that were almost the equal of gold. They also discovered
by means of this art the method by which objects may be
plated with the purest gold and an infinite number of
other beautiful, useful and pleasant things.

Leonardo Fioravanti, Dello specchio di scientia
universale (On the Mirror of Universal Knowledge)
By favoring the manipulation of the most various
substances thanks to an important ad hoc equipment
(alembics, athanors, etc.), the quest for the Great Work
allowed the alchemists to invent numerous products
that were useful for humanity. This notion, that was a
clich of the positivist thought of the late 19th century,
was already a commonplace in the Renaissance. It was
the object of a consensus, whether or not one believed in
the possibility of transmutation. Thus, the text quoted
immediately above, extracted from a work published in
1564, was written by a doctor of the empirical school,
who in addition to boasting of having obtained the
philosophers stone, marketed a supposedly sovereign
remedy for the plague. Even Leonardo da Vinci had
claimed, at the end of the previous century, that the
works of the old alchemists deserve infinite praise, due
to the usefulness of the things that they discovered for
the use of men. This did not, however, prevent him
from being convinced that the project of artificially
creating, not the least noble of natures products, but
the most excellent, that is, pure gold, was doomed to
failure; for he believed that man is incapable of equaling
nature, neither by chance nor by deliberate
experiments.

The authors who perceived alchemy as an ingenious
investigation of the natural philosophers rather than as
a divine and sacred art usually attributed to the
alchemists certain discoveries for which they were not
responsible, among others that of glassblowing, which
had already existed in the Roman world (this attribution
can be explained by the presence, in various medieval
texts, of digressions devoted to glass, which is considered
as the example of a successful transmutationthe
artificial transmutation of opaque and hard sand into a
fragile and transparent, and therefore qualitatively
distinct, substancewhich might point out the way to
the transmutation of metals). The question is not to
know who was right and who was wrong but to show
that the legitimization of alchemy as an experimental art,
regardless of whether or not one supported its
theoretical formulations or its practical goals, constituted
a means for overcoming the simple opposition between
success and failure in order to enter a domain
susceptible to more nuanced considerations.
Furthermore, the very name of alchemy1 referred to a
theoretical-practical set of assumptions that was quite
diverse, one that included metallurgy, natural
philosophy, medicine, pharmacology, magic and
counterfeiting, and was all the more difficult to define
with precision as the alchemists defined themselves as
philosophers after having long been considered as
mechanicals, that is, simple artisans without the least
degree of social or intellectual prestige. Examined from
the perspective of its historical development and the
multiplicity of its fields of application, alchemy is much
more complex than the more or less inspired a
posteriori reconstructions of esoterism, psychoanalysis or
surrealism would lead us to believe.2

If the alchemists, by vainly attempting something that
was impossible, finally ended up discovering other things
that were as real as they were useful, we can discern in
their efforts a concrete manifestation of what Hegel
called the ruse of reason; just as, expecting to arrive in
Asia, Christopher Columbus discovered an unknown
continent in his path. But the ruse of reason can only
be seen in action retrospectively, and its vagaries are
unpredictable. Thus, the medieval alchemists were
incapable of imagining that their investigations
concerning matter would one day serve to elaborate a
theory of archetypes of the human soul, or to translate
into metaphors an ideal revolution. And who would have
thought in the decade of the 1870s that an unknown
named Ducasse would exercise on posterity a much
greater influence than so many glorious names of the
time, whose posthumous survival seemed obvious but
who no longer mean anything to anyone?
What now appears to be the main weakness of the
situationist textsespecially those of Vaneigemwas
hardly discernable thirty years ago; moreover, it was
precisely this weakness that in its time seemed to be one
of its greatest strengths: the ability (of an exclusively
rhetorical order) to enable one to see and almost to
grasp in ones hands certain ineffable goals and to dazzle
by way of a magical solution of contradictions in an
unprecedented supersession of the objective
conditions. This power of seduction was translated in
1968 by the surge of slogans taken directly from The
Revolution of Everyday Life. Such enthusiasm, which is so
hard to share today, was not due only to the qualities
inherent in Vaneigems text, but also to the fact that it
was inscribed in a moment of history in which the young
generations at which the book was explicitly directed
were animated by a passionate desire to change
life; The Revolution of Everyday Life had the precise
objective of transforming this vague aspiration into a
conscious revolutionary will. Nothing seemed to be
impossible in the eyes of those young people, all the
more so since they thought that the problem that had
obsessed all previous societies, that of material survival,
was finally on the verge of being solved thanks to
progress in technology and industrial organization. While
it is true that there were still workers in the factories and
exploited persons all over the world, sooner or late
machines would replace men in order to perform the
most distasteful tasks and liberate individual and
collective time. Thus, this vanguard of the future world
known as the young generation could devote its main
efforts to exploring the possibilities of human life that
had been repressed up until that time, experimenting
with all the possible forms of liberation: personal,
sexual, psychological (it was assumed that drugs would
open up the doors of perception) or artistic (rock n roll
and its derivatives, made possible by electricity,
represented a true aural revolution and symbolized a
way of life that recapitulated all the other liberations).
Far from refuting this spirit of the time, The Revolution of
Everyday Life endorsed it by radicalizing it.

In such a context, the program of total revolution
formulated by Vaneigem did not seem to be so
impossible, and the social upheavals then underway
appeared to confirm its relevance at the time. The
illusions cherished by the situationiststhe greatest of
which was that of the final advent of an era of
abundance that would be the material basis for the
future societywere all the less likely to be perceived as
such the more they were accompanied by the
demolition, which was for a long time the monopoly of
the SI, of diverse contemporary illusions, among which
the Chinese cultural revolution was one of the most
famous. The situationists were convinced that they
possessed the central point around which everything
revolved, and this correspondence of partial analyses,
often very good and well-documented, with the totality
of a global critique, conferred a particular power upon
their writings and radically distinguished them from the
diversely ingenuous fantasies that flourished at the time.
It is fair to point out that if the situationists had
demonstrated more consistency and lucidity in every
domain, including the question of material abundance
and automation, they would have forfeited a large part
of their power of attraction, while the perspective of
supersession, which was not a mere defensive attitude
but implicitly contained the promise of a better future,
would have lacked the power of seduction. Mere lucidity
has never caused a sensation; that is why no one ever
pays any attention to logical Cassandras. As Theodore
Kaczynski was capable of perceiving in Industrial Society
and Its Future, an ideology, in order to gain enthusiastic
support, must have a positive ideal as well as a negative
one; it must be FOR something as well as AGAINST
something. Thus, the innumerable reports, articles and
books published since the end of the fifties that
announcednot only as something possible or probable
but as something that was absolutely certainthe
coming ecological catastrophe and the suicide of
industrial society did not lead to any kind of generalized
accession to consciousness, nor to any shock with a real
effect. They engendered, to the contrary, a diffuse
anxiety, more or less serious; and in reality, it was not
these discourses or their arguments that by themselves
produced this result, but their subsequent confirmation
by reality. This anxiety leads to impotence and passivity,
due to the very nature of the proposed remedy: if the
road that humanity has followed with industrialization is
truly catastrophic, then deindustrialization, for its part,
will restore the question of material survival to its
previous status as the most important question,
especially in all those regions of the world and for all
those social classes for whom abundance had been
transformed into a reality precisely by virtue of industrial
society. Faced with this perspective, those who find
themselves in those regions and belong to those classes
will always prefer to preserve, even if only for one more
day, their advantages, rather than willingly renounce
them. And when the catastrophe finally affects them
personally, they are scandalized by the fact that no
measures were taken (by whom?) to prevent it.
Thus, the deaf ears turned towards lucid predictions and
rational analyses are not at all surprising. This is notat
least not always or necessarilya sign of stupidity, but
derives rather from what Giacomo Leopardi called
necessary illusions. No one, he wrote in his Zibaldone,
can renounce these illusions: life and the total absence
of illusion, and therefore of hope, are mutually
contradictory. Although the illusion of progress upon
which industrial society has been nourished is slowly
killing us, it still preserves at least a small part of its
power of seduction or consolation (in this respect it is
similar to religion), in the face of the depressing absence
of promises apparently entailed by the very idea of
deindustrialization. Again according to Leopardi, the
greatest misfortune is exacerbated and ends up being a
veritable hell when we are deprived of that shadow of
illusion that nature always tends to grant us. We may
therefore have good reason to fear that the catastrophes
that are taking place will not lead to any salutary higher
level of awareness:

Illusions, even when they are undermined and
unmasked by reason, nonetheless still exist in the world,
and form the essential part of our life. And it is not
enough to understand them into order to rid ourselves of
them, even if we understand their vanity. Once lost,
however, a strong rootstock always remains and, as we
go on living in this way, they sprout despite the
experience and understanding that we have acquired.
The same thing happens to all those philosophers who
write about and examine the miserable truths of our
nature and who, however free of illusions they may be,
never cease to create others with their works and take
advantage of the illusory benefits of life.
When the objective conditions worsen, the attraction of
illusion is not diminished; quite the contrary. We have
thus seen most of the myths of the sixties, almost in the
same form, emerge in todays cyberculture, a vast
swindle that has no other function than to add the
charms of contestation to the elixir of youth of an
allegedly dematerialized capitalism. It is not just a
coincidence that the adepts of this culture should profess
a kind of worship for Timothy Leary, the apostle of LSD,
nor that one of the pioneers of cyberspace, John Perry
Barlow, was also a member of the Grateful Dead, the
famous psychedelic rock band from San Francisco. For all
those people, mostly young people, who support the
values of cyberculture, we are living in marvelous
times.3 We might find some of them in the alter-
globalization movement, which proclaims that, another
world is possible. They, too, are immersed in an
ideology, the most nebulous ideology possible, of course,
but one that precisely for that reason allows them to be
optimistic. Against the inextinguishable power of the
desire for illusion, we may affirm with Leopardi that, to
fight against illusions in general is the most obvious sign
of a very imperfect and insufficient knowledge, and of an
obvious illusion.

If illusions are not only inevitable, but also necessary, and
survive every attack, even their assassination, then a
goal that is based on mere reason, such as the objective
(which is furthermore quite vague) of deindustrialization,
has little chance of attracting the support of a
numerically significant part of our society. And a re-
enchantment of the world that would grant this
program a new seductive power, by way of the creation
of new myths, will run up against the difficulty that was
already encountered by the surrealists in their day, to
which Vaneigem called attention in A Cavalier History of
Surrealism: one cannot artificially force the birth, in an
era when hardly the least vestige of pre-industrial
societies remains, of
the great myth of the unitary society of old, where the
individual trajectory of even the humblest of men was
inextricably bound up with the cosmic in a mass of
fictional realities and real fictions, an atmosphere in
which every event was a sign and every word or gesture
magically sparked off mysterious currents of mental
electricity.
But we must not concede too much weight to illusion
and its power of seduction. Thus, the revolutionary
illusions of the period after May 68 collapsed under their
own weight after a few years, because they could not
find any kind of basis in reality (regardless of what the
miserable radicals may think, who are still fingering the
beads of their revolutionary rosary). Maybe illusion is
necessary, but it is not necessarily effective. If an anti-
industrial consciousness should nonetheless take shape,
it will not assumeof this at least we may be surethe
form of the situationist revolutionary theory. There is
therefore no need to desire its rehabilitation, and we can
allow the alchemists to rest in peace in their tombs.
It is by no means certain, however, that the absence of
illusions will be totally deprived of its power of seduction,
even if only because such an absence of illusions is itself,
according to Leopardi, an illusion. So all hope is not lost.
And as Baudelaire, with whom this history commenced
and with whom it is therefore fitting that it also come to
a close, said: The curtain has risen, and I am still
waiting.
Translated in February 2014 from the Spanish translation.
Source: Jean-Marc Mandosio, En el caldero de lo
negativo, tr. Javier Rodrguez Hidalgo, Pepitas de
Calabaza, La Rioja, 2006.
Original French-language edition published by ditions de
lEncyclopdie des Nuisances in 2003 under the
title, Dans le chaudron du ngatif.
1.This word is merely the Arabized form, with the
addition of the prefix, al-, of the Greek word of
Egyptian origin, chemeia. Chemistry [chimie] in the
modern sense of the word began to really be separated
from alchemy [alchimie] during the 18th century.
2.Not to mention the attempts at a radical analysis of
alchemy. For example, on the Internet web page
of Nemesis one can read, in a text entitled The Rise
and Fall of Alchemy (1997), published under the name
of Urbain Bizot, that alchemy, a popular heretical
hope, whose origins go back to the iron age, was a
strange unconscious synthesis of the most obsolete
archaisms, which had arisen from the collective
mysticism of the misty beginnings of time, and the
individualist adaptation to rising bourgeois society, or
even its anticipation, and that it above all aspired to
obtain the Peace of the subject. The author could
very well have been inspired by meditating, before
writing this piece, on the warning that John Dee
included at the beginning of his Monas
Hieroglyphica (1564): He who does not understand,
should either remain silent or learn.
3.See Aprs leffondrement: notes sur lutopie
notechnologique, pp. 139-141.