The Solution to the Racial Problem: Nationalism/Assimilation in the Three Pillars of White Supremacy

Jaime Dienst Law E 561 A: Critical Race Theory Winter 2014

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Introduction Andrea Smiths Three Pillars of White Supremacyi have become an influential framework for understanding racism in the Critical Race Theory movement. By breaking racism down into three key dimensions, Smith finds a balance between inclusion and simplicity that allows for both theoretical and practical applications of the pillars in explaining the logic of American racism across its many forms. Because of these dual strengths, the three-pillar model enables antiracist organizers to reveal the common vein that fuels all racial oppression and to overcome the differences between racial experiences. But the pillars are incomplete. Certain situations of racism do not translate effectively into the framework or seem to hang between multiple pillars, despite the race-specific boundaries accorded to each pillar. Smith mentions but does not fully address the connections between her racial groupings, leaving readers to wonder whether or not the pillars are applicable in situations of greater complexity where the racial identity of the oppressed does not match up with the most applicable pillar. Further questions arise when Smith explains the concept of oppression Olympicsii but does not center this phenomenon within the logics of the three pillars. Without an anchor in the given logics, Smith seems to imply that the behaviors that the pillars do not address are simply illogical. The model requires something more to serve its full explanatory purpose. I argue that Smiths three pillars require two amendments in order to encompass these discrepancies and provide a complete framework for American racism: 1.) the addition of a fourth pillar of nationalism/assimilation and 2.) the revision of Smiths strict race categorizations per pillar to allow multiple pillars to affect an individual of colors racial

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experience. This paper will first explore how the existing pillars logics do not explain many phenomena of racism and thus exclude the real experiences of many people of color. Next, I will lay out the two proposed additions, the fourth pillar and the intersectionality component, and explain how each suggestion remedies the omissions and oversimplifications of the threepillar model. Finally, I will review and evaluate the additions for the brevity and functionality that distinguish the original pillars within racial discourse.

What the Existing Pillars Do Not Explain The greatest failing of Smiths pillars is the unnecessary degree of simplification in the area of non-indigenous, non-black racial experience and in intersectionality. The third pillar, orientalism/war,iii is intended to hold all people of color that do not have indigenous or African ancestry, classifying together the huge Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and Middle-Eastern communities. The single pillar alone cannot describe the breadth of racial experiences faced by these groups. As many have noted, categorization of all

Asians/Pacific Islanders together is problematic because of the vast spectrum of ethnicities, skin colors, and cultures that the continental area contains. Similar arguments are easily posed by the multi-continental regions of Latin America and the Middle East. Half the world cannot be crowded onto a single pillar. Orientalism/war is a critical factor and especially salient in light of the contemporary military-industrial complex, but it is not enough. Racism against Pacific Islanders, for example, does not cease simply because the United States is not currently at war in that area. Or consider the model minority status accorded to some Asian Americans that is

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not explained at all within the logics of the orientalism/war pillar. Something more is needed to address what Smiths existing pillars do not recognize. Additionally, Smiths designation of each racial identity to one particular pillar allows little discussion for the importance of intersectionality. She seeks to challenge the assumption that groups require similar situations before they can organize together, and for this specific purpose, her segregation of concepts according to race is marginally useful for clarity but not required. Ultimately, the discrete categorization of races restricts the pillars applicability for broader purposes more than it enables them. Smith attempts to break from these restrictions by explaining that multi-pillar racism may exist for those with mixed heritages, such as peoples who are black and Indigenous.iv But by tying the pillars to blood identity, Smiths framework alienates those whose racial experiences do not fit neatly into their assigned category. How do the processes of

gentrification of historically-black neighborhoods or of trespassing crack-cocaine drug offenders fit into the black pillar of capitalism/slavery? These phenomena more accurately reflect the colonialism/genocide pillars concepts of forced disappearance or the orientalism/war pillars demonization of nonwhites (as illustrated by the war on crime/war on drugs) although the affected persons may not have an indigenous or oriental background . Similarly, the racial experience of American latinos/as does include elements of orientalism (as illustrated by the war on illegal immigration) but also contains an important dimension of capitalist exploitation as thousands of Hispanic workers are pushed into abusive labor under the threat of deportation and economic demise.v Blood and/or heritage in no way predict the actual experience of racism.

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Smith specifies that her pillars are separate and distinct, but still interrelated,vi but she does not expand any further on what she means: Are the pillars interrelated because they sit beside each other in the toolbelt of white supremacy? Are they interrelated because of their mixed histories? Are they interdependent or just linked by racist motivation? In the current framework, the connections between pillars that form actual racism are left unexplored and obscured by the discrete categorization. And although Smith explicitly seeks to overcome the real-life disagreements that arise within movements over differences through the pillar framework,vii her logics do not explain from where these disagreements come. She discusses oppression Olympics as though it were a process that occurs outside the pillars framework from an unknown source. This approach obscures the origins of oppression Olympics that they are manufactured as a specific strategy of racism to prevent challenges to white supremacy. Organizing along racial lines is challenging not solely because of the difficulty of organization but also because white supremacy has the motivation and the tactics to actively turn people of color against each other. Though Smith presents the pillars as logics through which all racism can be understood, she does not specify the logics that lead people of color to conform to racist ideals or to exclude oppressed brothers and sisters from justice movements. These behaviors are not irrational or unexplainable but require just a few more steps to incorporate. Through two minor alterations, Smiths pillars can be expanded to cover these anomalies, leading to an expansion of inclusion that supplements the strengths of the three pillars.

Nationalism/Assimilation

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The pillar of nationalism/assimilation resolves a critical dilemma to white supremacy: the threat of the disenfranchised. Having established immovable hierarchies in the state that ensured that only whites could be the benefactors of American political, economic, and social systems, those in power then needed to protect the status quo to ensure continued reign. In this situation, people of color had two choices: an eternity of servitude, poverty, and pain, or a miniscule chance at freedom through violent resistance. The old solutions of enforced

ignorance, separation, and fear were temporary and near expiration Nat Turners infamous slave rebellion in Southampton County and James Baldwins prophecy that the intransigence and ignorance of the white world might make vengeance inevitableviii warned of the accelerating risk to white life that continued black desperation created. The solution was to devise a third option for the disenfranchised, or at least the illusion of a third option. White society mimed the opening of its arms to people of color. Whites promised to give nonwhites equal status and freedoms tomorrow if nonwhites could prove that they were true Americans. The criteria to fulfill to become a true American varies by the target ethnic group and by the environmental/historical setting, from abandonment of old culture and customs for Anglo-conformity,ix to agreement to white authority and ultimate sovereignty, or to a test of merit involving military service, academic achievement, or economic success. But the core message is always the same: demonstrate alliance to white rule to obtain functional whiteness.x The reward of inclusion comes at the price of providing whatever the machine of nationalism requires, whether it is bodies to throw at the enemies of the white state or intellectual/material capital to exploit for the good of the nation. The mythology of the true American, disseminated and enforced through film, textbooks, holidays,

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politics, etc.,xi is a terminologically race-neutral way to define racist state ideals and to classify which people of color have achieved partial inclusion. White supremacy became embedded in American culture under the rhetoric of national pride and identity, just as exclusionary racism has always been entwined with nationalism in contemporary Western historyxii. Make no mistake, it was never the intention of the ruling whites to relinquish any power or recognition to people of color. What people of color actually earn by this third option is transient or minor a step towards financial stability, for example, or acceptance into college or a job. Any benefits accrued are subject to the whims and understandings of white society, meaning that the manifestations of acceptance that the person of color receives may be uneven or erratic from one day to the next. Assimilated identity is touted as a benefit, even though it actually provides an extra outlet for racist categorization and abuse where citizenship cannot easily discriminate. Because citizenship is race-neutral and formally attainable by all populations through time, citizen distinction alone connotes a (flawed but nonetheless beneficial) degree of equality and inclusion regardless of race, whereas national or ethnic distinctions provide more lines along which to exclude.xiii Children of nonwhite immigrants, for instance, can be American citizens by birth although still be subjected to the same exclusion and subjugation as their parents if unproven to white society to be true Americans. Even those who assimilate are not safe, for the benefits of assimilation are revocable at any time and for any reason by white society. For example, while pre-9/11 relations between white society and Arab Americans were tense, the distrust exploded into open and unrestricted Islamophobia thereafter, and Arab Americans were stripped of any national acceptance they

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once had and subjected to racial profiling, surveillance, and other gross violations of civil rightsxiv. But despite the fragility and imperfection of this partial acceptance, the route of assimilation is still tempting as a short-term solution for individuals of color to survive in a world of racism. The false promise of inclusion simply provides the illusion of carrot that seems much closer and easier to obtain than the real carrot of revolution. The processes by which one may become a true American are exploitative and divisive, broadening the existing racial hierarchy and introducing a competition of sacrifice for people of color to be crowned with inclusion. At the most basic level, a person of color can improve their caste by maintaining an identity as an assimilated American national by emphasizing the American identity over its ethnic prefix. This identity shift appears benign but manifests in systemic violence against cultures. Encouraged/coerced assimilation has led to the breakdown of ethnic communities and the prioritization of white Western culture above all else. Between the arrival of Europeans in the contemporary United States and the year 2000, only 175 of the estimated 300 indigenous languages remained, though many are barely surviving.xv This process is often described using fitting terms of violence, such as language death, extinction, murder, and suicide.xvi Would-be assimilators must burn the vestiges of their race and culture before they can apply for American acceptance. Committing conventional violence is also a path to assimilation. Military participation is the primary option to demonstrate the commitment to American national identity. The military has become perhaps the most viable and emphasized method for people of color to become accepted in white society.xvii By showing solidarity and sacrifice to the white supremacist cause through the slaughter and policing of other nonwhites (and potentially their own death and

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self-removal), people of color in America can supposedly earn inclusion and representation, or at the very least, a token appearance in future military recruitment commercials as a true American to indoctrinate the next generation. The perpetuation of the American dream concept disp lays other hallmarks of having become a true American, such as a house in the suburbs, a college education, middle -class status, free time, and disposable income, yet these concepts often have a competitive aspect to the success they describexviii that has the de facto effect of barring the American dream to most people of color and all but the lowest rungs of white society. The opportunities needed to access these routes are closely guarded to prevent nonwhite occupation of civilian success. Without birth into a particular socioeconomic status or a stroke of sheer luck, nonwhites continue to strive after an American dream that they will never reach. Asian Americans, by virtue of luck and lighter skin, were able to scramble into skilled labor positions that white laborers did not have the numbers to fillxix and so became enshrined as the model minority. The status of model minority is both a result of

nationalism/assimilation and a reinforcement mechanism for white supremacy. It is uncertain if white society originally intended for Asian Americans to reach that level of integration. However, the Asian ascension was eventually co-opted by white society as a tactic of further subjugation: as a success story to justify to other nonwhites that their low status was because of their continued insufficiencies, and also as an isolation technique to break Asian Americans from nonwhite society and suppress Asian resistance. The badge of status breeds guilt that enforces Asian silence and discomfort with racial classifications. Resistance within Asian

communities or in coalitions with other groups falls apart because Asian Americans are taught

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to believe that they have no right to want more. Development of Asian American scholarship on racial issues and resistance has, until recently, been stifled through the establishment of this self-enforced gag order. By tolerating Asians with marginally-greater acceptance, white society carved out a hierarchy that broke down potential interracial organization and planted resentment along racial lines. Identity alteration for people of color is commonly utilized to fortify ones credentials for a promotion in status. The key component of identity alteration as a strategy for

assimilation is the manipulation of the way that white society perceives an outgroup minority in order to scramble into the ingroup category. The sheep wear the wolves clothing. The branding of the Human Rights Commissions campaign for marriage equality with white, middle-class, male imagery and its subsequent political victoriesxx are one example of the deployment of image alteration and the success and recognition it can bring a minority movement. By giving up transformative goals and agreeing to white supremacys rules, the outsiders can receive reluctant acknowledgement. Passing, another variety of image alteration, allows some people of color to sacrifice their membership into nonwhite group identity in order to obtain temporary or partial inclusion as an individual. For some people of color, it may be possible to pretend to possess

whiteness,xxi but many other forms of passing exist, such as the buttons worn by Chinese Americans during World War II to identify themselves apart from Japanese Americans,xxii The important element of the passing strategy is the individual-level performance to convince white society that one benefits from white hegemony and is similarly threatened by racial unrest and the other, more-dangerous minorities. Unfortunately, even when successful,

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these methods of reaching inclusion are fragile at best because of the inherent instability of identity perception. If the Chinese-designation buttons were the only things keeping Chinese Americans out of internment camps, there was nothing to protect the bearer if the button was forgotten or ignored. The goals are short-term and immediate-payoff but may disappear as quickly as they come. Manipulation of perceived identity is a risky bet. Identity alteration also works in reverse, leading to oppression Olympics where nonwhites must prove that they deserve their claim to membership in resistance. A rift opened between peoples of color in America when individuals began to break away from their communities to seek inclusion into white society. Just as the assimilators resented the

nonassimilators because of the inescapable association by race, the nonassimilators came to resent the assimilators as race traitors unwilling to work for justice.xxiii This rift remains today and bisects minorities into adversarial factions. Those who manage to achieve financial stability or academic success for themselves, even if not in deliberate pursuit of assimilation, may also be estranged from their racial community, reducing the cultural/material resources and the manpower available to resistance movements. Coalitions break down and begin to fight among themselves. This division is an enforcement mechanism similar to that of the model minority categorization but cuts along intra-group rather than inter-group lines. White supremacy has found a way to seep into the faults and secretly break down dissidence from within. The pillar of nationalism/assimilation is white supremacys powerful answer to the threat of revolution. By co-opting individuals and dividing them from their racial communities, white society is able to prevent organized resistance and sow silence and distrust among the disenfranchised. Those who have the most to gain from transformative change subsequently

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do not believe that long-term movement efforts are worthwhile and instead defend their oppressors in order to protect themselves. This logic is crucial to understanding the persistence of the status quo and to generate strategies to combat engineered separation.

The Importance of Intersectionality The second addition to Smiths pillars requires that each of the four pillars be opened to all people of color, in lieu of Smiths original separation o f race to a particular pillar. This expands the possibilities of real-life applications of the pillars. While certain racial groups are more likely to be affected or are affected at a greater frequency by one pillar above the others, this does not mean that the groups need be entirely restricted to that particular pillar. White society itself does not discern carefully between races in the application of racism, leading to the multitude of cases in which the race-designated pillar alone cannot fully explain the oppression at hand. If racism does not follow strict color-coding, then neither should the resistance. The pillars need improved flexibility in order to address the full impact of American racism. Discrete racial boundaries around the pillars provide no benefit except to pretend that certain varieties of racism have no foundational logic. But the logics of the pillars are sound enough to carry them across racial lines. In fact, there are contemporary or historical examples of racism fueled by the logics of any given pillar against each racial category. In addition to the aforementioned examples of the war on crime and drug trespassings orientalist and colonialist logics upon black people, indigenous peoples and Smiths other category also feel the effects of their non-assigned pillars. Indigenous tribes have faced economic exploitation through the

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introduction of alcohol and subsequent white capitalization on the addiction that ensuedxxiv and are commonly viewed as challenges to American state sovereignty, especially in the states refusal to consider indigenous claims to land or reparations despite honoring other political debts.xxv Given the tremendous breadth of Smiths third racial category, it is easy to show a variety of historical examples where this group has been affected by economic exploitation or political erasure: the slave labor extracted from the Chinese railroad workers,xxvi the similar motivations of forced disappearance in the internment of Japanese Americans and indigenous reservations,xxvii the economic slavery of Latin American immigrants,xxviii and so on. These serious instances of racism warrant attention from the pillars of white supremacy and consequently require that the pillars not be restricted by race. Besides, the proposed fourth pillar requires the inclusion of this amendment. Labelling nationalism/assimilation to a specific racial group would not make sense the oppressive capacity of the pillar itself is reliant upon the illusion of earned acceptance for all nonwhites and the resulting internal strife effected in all communities of potential resistance. Smith mentions the significance of assimilation as an alternative to more physically-violent strategies of forced disappearance against indigenous peoples,xxix but assimilation is also a central concept across all racial identities. Whereas the other pillars might specialize in affecting a particular racial group, nationalism/assimilation is a constant pressure on all peoples of color. Therefore the need for the fourth pillar is indivisible from the need for this component of intersectionality.

Keeping it Simple

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The addition of a fourth pillar and an intersectionality component does not threaten the functional simplicity of Smiths model. In building her pillars, Smith wished to emphasize the necessity of certain theoretical binaries to understanding racism multiculturalism for multiculturalisms sake obscures the centrality of the black/white binary with a s olvent of political correctness.xxx The proposed changes do not dilute the black/white binary but rather provide an outlet for mixing the dimensions of racism. While the vestiges of slavery in contemporary economic exploitation may be centrally important to white supremacy,xxxi slavery is not the only dimension that affects the lives of black communities in America and is worth exploring beyond to see how deep the blight of racism runs. It is arguable that Smiths pillars are not intended for literal application or that the most important power of these concepts is their simplicity. A topic of social complexity like racism does not easily collapse into neat theoretical categories without omitting some particulars. Some of the rhetorical devices that Smith uses in describing the pillars, like the condensed histories or the implied portrayal of white society as a unified, coherent, and conscious oppressor may indicate to some that Smith is not intending to provide full realism but instead a parable or thought experiment on racism. The purpose of Critical Race Theory, however, is to ground the theory and systemic criticisms of Critical Legal Studies within the area of race to ensure that the theory is used to accomplish social dialogue and change.xxxii In other words, the rhetoric is nothing without a real-world impact on race. Smith rejects the idea of multiculturalism as a way to be less racist ,xxxiii but this does not mean that further integration of her pillars is unwarranted. The proposed additions are not intended to make her framework less racist after all, the pillars were never intended as a

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diplomatic band-aid to soothe racism but rather created as a theoretical model for understanding the foundational logic for racism. I add the fourth pillar and intersectionality component not to invite more cultures to the movement meetings but to broaden the understanding of the ways in which racism works to oppress peoples of color in America. In pursuit of the best way to visualize the workings of white supremacy, addition to the existing framework is possible without the clutter of token inclusion. With the understanding that these additions are not simply meaningless gestures, Smith herself might welcome such a supplement to her paradigm. She builds much of her work around remedying the exclusion of indigenous peoples in racial discoursexxxiv caused by the comparative lack of indigenous scholarship and discourse in mainstream racial theory. The exclusion of indigenous peoples is analogous to the exclusion of Asians, Arabs, and Latinos/as, who, under varying degrees of the gag of privilege enacted upon non-black minorities, still have yet to bring their experience of racism into full view. Smiths goal is to locate and dismantle racism wherever it may hide. Under this mission, she would not likely oppose an amendment that could improve her own strategic capacity.

Conclusion Smiths three-pillar framework has a clarity and comprehensiveness that make it an effective tool for analyzing racism, and I wish only to perfect this function. In order to discover and eradicate racism, whether at a macro or micro level, resistance movements must be able to visualize the ways that racism is expressed. In keeping with Smiths goal of greater capacity for community organizing and activism, the pillar of nationalism/assimilation exposes the racism

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that separates and isolates people who might otherwise unite to topple white supremacy. The intersectionality component, meanwhile, makes the boundaries between pillars permeable and consequently flexible enough to accommodate the full range of racial experiences. These two amendments improve Smiths model without compromising the pillars power or efficiency. Transformative change for justice may be a long-term goal, but it moves further into the distance when communities are kept separate in compartments of inclusion and exclusion. Where do these additions lead? Further inquiry into strategies to combat nationalistic racism could provide insight into how to build movements more efficiently and protect these communities from the apathy, exhaustion, and conflicts that turn activists away from resistance and into complacence. On a personal level, the recognition of nationalistic racism within ones own behaviors and assumptions could translate into the restructuring of cultural ideals. It will take much effort to disassemble the stout mythologies of true Americans and the American dream that pervade American society. The neutral faade of G.I. Joe dolls, military recruiters in high schools, bootstrap individualism, etc. will be tough to challenge in the contemporary political climate. But confronting this seduction now is the only way to move forward.

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Notes
i

Smith, Andrea. 2006. Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy: Rethinking Women of Color Organizing in Color of violence: the Incite! Anthology. Cambridge, Mass: South End Press.
ii

Ibid. 66. Ibid. 68-69. Smith, Andrea. 2010. Indigeneity, Settler Colonialism, White Supremacy. Global Dialogue 12: no. 2. Walia, Harsha. 2013. What is Border Imperialism in Undoing Border Imperialism. AK Press. 40-47. Smith, Andrea. 2006. 67. Ibid. 66-67. Baldwin, James. 1963. The Fire Next Time. New York: Dell Press. 105.

iii

iv

vi

vii

viii

ix

Gordon, Milton Myron. 1964. Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins. New York: Oxford University Press. 85-114.
x

Note that the earning of functional whiteness draws from Cheryl Harriss argument that whiteness can be viewed as property, given the historical privileges and exclusions of the term. Harris, Cheryl I. 1995. "Whiteness as Property." Critical Race Theory: the Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edited by Kimbe al.]. Under this argument, white Americans are born possessing whiteness, although they may lose this status if they challenge the supremacy of the racial hierarchy, military, or political system.
xi

Salins, Peter D. 1997. Assimilation, American Style. New York: BasicBooks. 101-121. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. 2002. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage. 65. Ibid. 113.

xii

xiii

xiv

Elver, Hilal. 2012. Racializing Islam before and after 9/11: From Melting Pot to Islamophobia. Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems.
xv

Nettle, Daniel, and Suzanne Romaine. 2000. Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of the World's Languages . New York: Oxford University Press. 4-5.
xvi

Ibid. 6.

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xvii

Diaz-Strong, Daysi, Christina Gmez, Mara E. Luna-Duarte, Erica R. Meiners, and Luvia Valentin. 2009. Commentary: Organizing Tensions From the Prison to the Military-Industrial Complex. Social Justice 36: no. 2. 78-80.
xviii

Hochschild, Jennifer L. 1995. Facing up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation . Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. 15-19.
xix

Nakagawa, Scot. 2014. The Problem with Asian American Racial Privilege. Race Files.

xx

Agathangelou, Anna M., M. Daniel Bassichis, and Tamara L. Spira. 2008. Intimate Investments: Homonormativity, Global Lockdown, and the Seductions of Empire. Radical History Review 100. 124-126.
xxi

Harris, Cheryl I. 1995. 276-277.; Lou y, G 1993 Free at Last? A Personal Perspective on Race and Identity in America. Lu d Lo i g: E y o R c , Id i y, d Ambiv c of A imi io , di d by G d Early. New York: A. Lane/Penguin Press. 2-3.
xxii

Volpp, Leti. 2002. The Citizen and the Terrorist. UCLA Law Review 49: 1590-1591. o y: y ii g

xxiii

Loury, Glenn C. 1993. 3-8.; Peller, Gary. 1995. Race-Consciousness. i ic R c om d ov m , di d by imb The New Press. 148.

xxiv

Cleland, Charles E. 1992. Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans . Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 132-133.; Nelson, Jason C. 2006. The Application of the International Law of State Succession to the United States: A Reassessment of the Treaty between the Republic of Texas and the Cherokee Indians. Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law. 41-42.
xxv

Bradford, William C. 2004. Beyond Reparations: An American Indian Theory of Justice. bepress Legal Series: 170.
xxvi

Friday, Chris. 1994. "Asian American Labor and Historical Interpretation." Labor History. 35: no. 4. 534.

xxvii

Saito, Natsu T. 2005. Interning the Non-alien Other: The Illusory Protections of Citizenship. Law and Contemporary Problems. 183-190.
xxviii

Walia, Harsha. 2013. 40-47.

xxix

Smith, Andrea. 2006. 71. Ibid. 70. Ibid. 70.

xxx

xxxi

xxxii

Crenshaw, Kimberl. 2011. Twenty Years of Critical Race Theory: Looking Back to Move Forward. Connecticut Law Review 43: no. 5. 1288-1292.
xxxiii

Smith, Andrea. 2006. 70.

xxxiv

Ibid.; Smith, Andrea. 2010.; Smith, Andrea. 2010. The Moral Limits of the Law: Settler Colonialism and the Anti-Violence Movement. Settler Colonial Studies 2: no. 2.

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Sources Cited Agathangelou, Anna M., M. Daniel Bassichis, and Tamara L. Spira. 2008. Intimate Investments: Homonormativity, Global Lockdown, and the Seductions of Empire. Radical History Review 100. Baldwin, James. 1963. The Fire Next Time. New York: Dell Press. Bradford, William C. 2004. Beyond Reparations: An American Indian Theory of Justice. bepress Legal Series 170. Cleland, Charles E. 1992. Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Crenshaw, Kimberl. 2011. Twenty Years of Critical Race Theory: Looking Back to Move Forward. Connecticut Law Review 43: no. 5. 1253-1352. Diaz-Strong, Daysi, Christina Gmez, Mara E. Luna-Duarte, Erica R. Meiners, and Luvia Valentin. 2009. Commentary: Organizing Tensions From the Prison to the Military-Industrial Complex. Social Justice 36: no. 2. 73-81. Elver, Hilal. 2012. Racializing Islam before and after 9/11: From Melting Pot to Islamophobia. Transnational Law & Contemporary Problems. Friday, Chris. 1994. "Asian American Labor and Historical Interpretation." Labor History 35: no. 4. 524-546. Gordon, Milton Myron. 1964. Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins. New York: Oxford University Press. Harris, Cheryl I. 1995. "Whiteness as Property." Critical Race Theory: the Key Writings That Formed the Movement, edi d by imb The New Press.

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Hochschild, Jennifer L. 1995. Facing up to the American Dream: Race, Class, and the Soul of the Nation. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Loury, Glenn C. 1993. Free at Last? A Personal Perspective on Race and Identity in America. Lure and Loathing: Essays on Race, Identity, and the Ambivalence of Assimilation, edited by Gerald Early. New York: A. Lane/Penguin Press. 1-12. Nakagawa, Scot. 2014. The Problem with Asian American Racial Privilege. Race Files. http://www.racefiles.com/2014/02/05/the-problem-with-asian-americans-and-racialprivilege/. Nelson, Jason C. 2006. The Application of the International Law of State Succession to the United States: A Reassessment of the Treaty between the Republic of Texas and the Cherokee Indians. Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law. Nettle, Daniel, and Suzanne Romaine. 2000. Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of the World's Languages. New York: Oxford University Press. Peller, Gary. 1995. Race-Consciousness. ov m , di d by imb i ic R c o y: y ii g The New Press. om d

Peskin, Victor. 2009. "Courting Conflict? Justice, Peace and the ICC in Africa." African Studies Review 52: no. 3. 196-197. Saito, Natsu T. 2005. Interning the Non-alien Other: The Illusory Protections of Citizenship. Law and Contemporary Problems. Salins, Peter D. 1997. Assimilation, American Style. New York: BasicBooks. Smith, Andrea. 2006. Heteropatriarchy and the Three Pillars of White Supremacy: Rethinking Women of Color Organizing Color of Violence: the Incite! Anthology. Cambridge, Mass: South End Press. Smith, Andrea. 2010. Indigeneity, Settler Colonialism, White Supremacy. Global Dialogue 12: no. 2. Smith, Andrea. 2010. The Moral Limits of the Law: Settler Colonialism and the Anti -Violence Movement. Settler Colonial Studies 2: no. 2. 69-88. Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. 2002. Nationalism: A Critical Introduction. London: Sage. Volpp, Leti. 2002. The Citizen and the Terrorist. UCLA Law Review 49: 1575-1600.

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Walia, Harsha. 2013. What is Border Imperialism in Undoing Border Imperialism. AK Press.

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