Common Sense

by

Thomas Paine
Web-Books.Com
 Common Sense

Introduction ................................................................................................................................................ 3

Of The Origin And Design Of Government.......................................................................................... 4

Of Monarchy And Hereditary Succession.............................................................................................. 9

Thoughts On The Present State Of American Affairs........................................................................15

Of The Present Ability Of America .......................................................................................................26

Appendix ....................................................................................................................................................33
 Introduction

Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not YET sufficiently
fashionable to procure them general favour; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG,
gives it a superficial appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry
in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than
reason.

As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in
question (and in Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the
Sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken
in his OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and as the good
people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an
undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the
usurpation of either.

In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal
among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof.
The wise, and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose
sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains
are bestowed upon their conversion.

The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all mankind. Many
circumstances hath, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which
the principles of all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their
Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring
War against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from
the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature hath given the Power
of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR.

P.S. The Publication of this new Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice
(had it been necessary) of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no
Answer hath yet appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for
getting such a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.

Who the Author of this Production is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object
for Attention is the DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to
say, That he is unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or
private, but the influence of reason and principle.

Philadelphia, February 14, 1776

 Of The Origin And Design Of Government

OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL. WITH

CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION

Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no

distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins.
Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former
promotes our POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter NEGATIVELY by
restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates distinctions. The
first a patron, the last a punisher.

Society in every state is a blessing, but government even in its best state is but a
necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to
the same miseries BY A GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country
WITHOUT GOVERNMENT, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish
the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the
palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the impulses of
conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver;
but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to
furnish means for the protection of the rest; and this he is induced to do by the same
prudence which in every other case advises him out of two evils to choose the least.
WHEREFORE, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably
follows, that whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least
expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.

In order to gain a clear and just idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose
a small number of persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with
the rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the world. In this
state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A thousand motives will excite
them thereto, the strength of one man is so unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted
for perpetual solitude, that he is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who
in his turn requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable
dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out of the common
period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his timber he could
not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the mean time would urge him
from his work, and every different want call him a different way. Disease, nay even
misfortune would be death, for though neither might be mortal, yet either would disable
him from living, and reduce him to a state in which he might rather be said to perish than
to die.

Thus necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants
into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the
obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to
each other; but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen,
that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound them
together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and attachment to each
other; and this remissness will point out the necessity of establishing some form of
government to supply the defect of moral virtue.

Some convenient tree will afford them a State-House, under the branches of which, the
whole colony may assemble to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that
their first laws will have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other
penalty than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right, will
have a seat.

But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at
which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to
meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations near,
and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their
consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the
whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those who
appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body would act, were
they present. If the colony continues increasing, it will become necessary to augment the
number of the representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be
attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts, each part
sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never form to themselves an
interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence will point out the propriety of having
elections often; because as the ELECTED might by that means return and mix again with
the general body of the ELECTORS in a few months, their fidelity to the public will be
secured by the prudent reflection of not making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent
interchange will establish a common interest with every part of the community, they will
mutually and naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of
king) depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS OF THE
GOVERNED.

Here then is the origin and rise of government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the
inability of moral virtue to govern the world; here too is the design and end of
government, viz. freedom and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with
show, or our ears deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest
darken our understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.

I draw my idea of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can
overturn, viz. that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and
the easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few remarks
on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for the dark and
slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world was overrun with
tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But that it is imperfect, subject
to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it seems to promise, is easily
demonstrated.
Absolute governments (tho' the disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them,
that they are simple; if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering
springs, know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and
cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the nation may
suffer for years together without being able to discover in which part the fault lies; some
will say in one and some in another, and every political physician will advise a different
medicine.

I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer
ourselves to examine the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them
to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican
materials.

FIRST - The remains of monarchial tyranny in the person of the king.

SECONDLY - The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
THIRDLY - The new republican materials in the persons of the commons, on
whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a
CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.

To say that the constitution of England is a UNION of three powers reciprocally

CHECKING each other, is farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat
contradictions.

To say that the commons is a check upon the king, presupposes two things:

FIRST - That the king is not to be trusted without being looked after, or in other words,
that a thirst for absolute power is the natural disease of monarchy.

SECONDLY - That the commons, by being appointed for that purpose, are either wiser
or more worthy of confidence than the crown.

But as the same constitution which gives the commons a power to check the king by
withholding the supplies, gives afterwards the king a power to check the commons, by
empowering him to reject their other bills; it again supposes that the king is wiser than
those whom it has already supposed to be wiser than him. A mere absurdity!
There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy; it first
excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where
the highest judgment is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the
business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts, by
unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd
and useless.

Some writers have explained the English constitution thus: The king, say they, is one, the
people another; the peers are a house in behalf of the king, the commons in behalf of the
people; but this hath all the distinctions of a house divided against itself; and though the
expressions be pleasantly arranged, yet when examined, they appear idle and ambiguous;
and it will always happen, that the nicest construction that words are capable of, when
applied to the description of some thing which either cannot exist, or is too
incomprehensible to be within the compass of description, will be words of sound only,
and though they may amuse the ear, they cannot inform the mind, for this explanation
includes a previous question, viz. HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH
THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK?
Such a power could not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH
NEEDS CHECKING, be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes,
supposes such a power to exist.

But the provision is unequal to the task; the means either cannot or will not accomplish
the end, and the whole affair is a felo de se; for as the greater weight will always carry up
the less, and as all the wheels of a machine are put in motion by one, it only remains to
know which power in the constitution has the most weight, for that will govern; and
though the others, or a part of them, may clog, or, as the phrase is, check the rapidity of
its motion, yet so long as they cannot stop it, their endeavours will be ineffectual; the first
moving power will at last have its way, and what it wants in speed, is supplied by time.

That the crown is this overbearing part in the English constitution, needs not be
mentioned, and that it derives its whole consequence merely from being the giver of
places and pensions, is self-evident, wherefore, though we have been wise enough to shut
and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been foolish
enough to put the crown in possession of the key.

The prejudice of Englishmen in favour of their own government by king, lords, and
commons, arises as much or more from national pride than reason. Individuals are
undoubtedly safer in England than in some other countries, but the WILL of the king is as
much the LAW of the land in Britain as in France, with this difference, that instead of
proceeding directly from his mouth, it is handed to the people under the more formidable
shape of an act of parliament. For the fate of Charles the First hath only made kings more
subtle--not more just.
Wherefore, laying aside all national pride and prejudice in favour of modes and forms,
the plain truth is, that IT IS WHOLLY OWING TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE
PEOPLE, AND NOT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT, that the
crown is not as oppressive in England as in Turkey.

An inquiry into the CONSTITUTIONAL ERRORS in the English form of government is

at this time highly necessary; for as we are never in a proper condition of doing justice to
others, while we continue under the influence of some leading partiality, so neither are
we capable of doing it to ourselves while we remain fettered by any obstinate prejudice.
And as a man, who is attached to a prostitute, is unfitted to choose or judge a wife, so any
prepossession in favour of a rotten constitution of government will disable us from
discerning a good one.
 Of Monarchy And Hereditary Succession

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be
destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich, and poor, may in a
great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh, ill-
sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the CONSEQUENCE,
but seldom or never the MEANS of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from
being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

But there is another and greater distinction, for which no truly natural or religious reason
can be assigned, and that is, the distinction of men into KINGS and SUBJECTS. Male
and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but
how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like
some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness
or of misery to mankind.

In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings;
the consequence of which was, there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throw
mankind into confusion. Holland without a king hath enjoyed more peace for this last
century than any of the monarchial governments in Europe. Antiquity favours the same
remark; for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs hath a happy something in
them, which vanishes away when we come to the history of Jewish royalty.

Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the Heathens, from whom
the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the Devil
ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The Heathens paid divine honours to their
deceased kings, and the Christian world hath improved on the plan, by doing the same to
their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in
the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust!

As the exalting one man so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights
of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the
Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of
government by kings. All anti-monarchical parts of scripture have been very smoothly
glossed over in monarchical governments, but they undoubtedly merit the attention of
countries which have their governments yet to form. RENDER UNTO CAESAR THE
THINGS WHICH ARE CAESAR'S is the scripture doctrine of courts, yet it is no support
of monarchical government, for the Jews at that time were without a king, and in a state
of vassalage to the Romans.

Now three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the
Jews under a national delusion requested a king. Till then their form of government
(except in extraordinary cases, where the Almighty interposed) was a kind of republic
administered by a judge and the elders of the tribes. Kings they had none, and it was held
sinful to acknowledge any being under that title but the Lord of Hosts. And when a man
seriously reflects on the idolatrous homage which is paid to the persons of kings, he need
not wonder that the Almighty, ever jealous of his honour, should disapprove of a form of
government which so impiously invades the prerogative of heaven.

Monarchy is ranked in scripture as one of the sins of the Jews, for which a curse in
reserve is denounced against them. The history of that transaction is worth attending to.

The children of Israel being oppressed by the Midianites, Gideon marched against them
with a small army, and victory, through the divine interposition, decided in his favour.
The Jews, elate with success, and attributing it to the generalship of Gideon, proposed
making him a king, saying, RULE THOU OVER US, THOU AND THY SON AND
THY SON'S SON. Here was temptation in its fullest extent; not a kingdom only, but an
hereditary one, but Gideon in the piety of his soul replied, I WILL NOT RULE OVER
YOU, NEITHER SHALL MY SON RULE OVER YOU _THE LORD SHALL RULE
OVER YOU._ Words need not be more explicit; Gideon doth not decline the honour, but
denieth their right to give it; neither doth he compliment them with invented declarations
of his thanks, but in the positive style of a prophet charges them with disaffection to their
proper Sovereign, the King of heaven.

About one hundred and thirty years after this, they fell again into the same error. The
hankering which the Jews had for the idolatrous customs of the Heathens, is something
exceedingly unaccountable; but so it was, that laying hold of the misconduct of Samuel's
two sons, who were entrusted with some secular concerns, they came in an abrupt and
clamorous manner to Samuel, saying, BEHOLD THOU ART OLD, AND THY SONS
WALK NOT IN THY WAYS, NOW MAKE US A KING TO JUDGE US, LIKE ALL
OTHER NATIONS. And here we cannot but observe that their motives were bad, viz.
that they might be LIKE unto other nations, i.e. the Heathens, whereas their true glory
laid in being as much UNLIKE them as possible. BUT THE THING DISPLEASED
SAMUEL WHEN THEY SAID, GIVE US A KING TO JUDGE US; AND SAMUEL
PRAYED UNTO THE LORD, AND THE LORD SAID UNTO SAMUEL, HEARKEN
UNTO THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL THAT THEY SAY UNTO THEE, FOR
THEY HAVE NOT REJECTED THEE, BUT THEY HAVE REJECTED ME, _THAT I
SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM._ ACCORDING TO ALL THE WORKS
WHICH THEY HAVE SINCE THE DAY THAT I BROUGHT THEM UP OUT OF
EGYPT, EVEN UNTO THIS DAY; WHEREWITH THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME
AND SERVED OTHER GODS; SO DO THEY ALSO UNTO THEE. NOW
THEREFORE HEARKEN UNTO THEIR VOICE, HOWBEIT, PROTEST SOLEMNLY
UNTO THEM AND SHEW THEM THE MANNER OF THE KING THAT SHALL
REIGN OVER THEM, I.E. not of any particular king, but the general manner of the
kings of the earth, whom Israel was so eagerly copying after. And notwithstanding the
great distance of time and difference of manners, the character is still in fashion. AND
SAMUEL TOLD ALL THE WORDS OF THE LORD UNTO THE PEOPLE, THAT
ASKED OF HIM A KING. AND HE SAID, THIS SHALL BE THE MANNER OF THE
KING THAT SHALL REIGN OVER YOU; HE WILL TAKE YOUR SONS AND
APPOINT THEM FOR HIMSELF, FOR HIS CHARIOTS, AND TO BE HIS
HORSEMAN, AND SOME SHALL RUN BEFORE HIS CHARIOTS (this description
agrees with the present mode of impressing men) AND HE WILL APPOINT HIM
CAPTAINS OVER THOUSANDS AND CAPTAINS OVER FIFTIES, AND WILL SET
THEM TO EAR HIS GROUND AND REAP HIS HARVEST, AND TO MAKE HIS
INSTRUMENTS OF WAR, AND INSTRUMENTS OF HIS CHARIOTS; AND HE
WILL TAKE YOUR DAUGHTERS TO BE CONFECTIONARIES, AND TO BE
COOKS AND TO BE BAKERS (this describes the expense and luxury as well as the
oppression of kings) AND HE WILL TAKE YOUR FIELDS AND YOUR OLIVE
YARDS, EVEN THE BEST OF THEM, AND GIVE THEM TO HIS SERVANTS; AND
HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SEED, AND OF YOUR VINEYARDS,
AND GIVE THEM TO HIS OFFICERS AND TO HIS SERVANTS (by which we see
that bribery, corruption, and favouritism are the standing vices of kings) AND HE WILL
TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR MEN SERVANTS, AND YOUR MAID SERVANTS,
AND YOUR GOODLIEST YOUNG MEN AND YOUR ASSES, AND PUT THEM TO
HIS WORK; AND HE WILL TAKE THE TENTH OF YOUR SHEEP, AND YE
SHALL BE HIS SERVANTS, AND YE SHALL CRY OUT IN THAT DAY BECAUSE
OF YOUR KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN, _AND THE LORD WILL
NOT HEAR YOU IN THAT DAY._ This accounts for the continuation of monarchy;
neither do the characters of the few good kings which have lived since, either sanctify the
title, or blot out the sinfulness of the origin; the high encomium given of David takes no
notice of him OFFICIALLY AS A KING, but only as a MAN after God's own heart.
NEVERTHELESS THE PEOPLE REFUSED TO OBEY THE VOICE OF SAMUEL,
AND THEY SAID, NAY, BUT WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER US, THAT WE
MAY BE LIKE ALL THE NATIONS, AND THAT OUR KING MAY JUDGE US,
AND GO OUT BEFORE US, AND FIGHT OUR BATTLES. Samuel continued to
reason with them, but to no purpose; he set before them their ingratitude, but all would
not avail; and seeing them fully bent on their folly, he cried out, I WILL CALL UNTO
THE LORD, AND HE SHALL SEND THUNDER AND RAIN (which then was a
punishment, being in the time of wheat harvest) THAT YE MAY PERCEIVE AND SEE
THAT YOUR WICKEDNESS IS GREAT WHICH YE HAVE DONE IN THE SIGHT
OF THE LORD, AND THE LORD SENT THUNDER AND RAIN THAT DAY, AND
ALL THE PEOPLE GREATLY FEARED THE LORD AND SAMUEL. AND ALL
THE PEOPLE SAID UNTO SAMUEL, PRAY FOR THY SERVANTS UNTO THE
LORD THY GOD THAT WE DIE NOT, FOR _WE HAVE ADDED UNTO OUR SINS
THIS EVIL, TO ASK A KING._ These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They
admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty hath here entered his protest
against monarchical government, is true, or the scripture is false. And a man hath good
reason to believe that there is as much of kingcraft, as priestcraft, in withholding the
scripture from the public in Popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the
Popery of government.

To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a
degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an
insult and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no ONE by
BIRTH could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others
for ever, and though himself might deserve SOME decent degree of honours of his
contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the
strongest NATURAL proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings, is, that nature
disapproves it, otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving
mankind an ASS FOR A LION.

Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honours than were bestowed
upon him, so the givers of those honours could have no power to give away the right of
posterity. And though they might say, "We choose you for OUR head," they could not,
without manifest injustice to their children, say, "that your children and your children's
children shall reign over OURS for ever." Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural
compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a
rogue or a fool. Most wise men, in their private sentiments, have ever treated hereditary
right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils, which when once established is not easily
removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part
shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honourable origin;
whereas it is more than probable, that could we take off the dark covering of antiquities,
and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than
the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or preeminence in
subtlety obtained the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power,
and extending his depredations, overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their
safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary
right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was
incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by.
Wherefore, hereditary succession in the early ages of monarchy could not take place as a
matter of claim, but as something casual or complemental; but as few or no records were
extant in those days, and traditional history stuffed with fables, it was very easy, after the
lapse of a few generations, to trump up some superstitious tale, conveniently timed,
Mahomet like, to cram hereditary right down the throats of the vulgar. Perhaps the
disorders which threatened, or seemed to threaten, on the decease of a leader and the
choice of a new one (for elections among ruffians could not be very orderly) induced
many at first to favour hereditary pretensions; by which means it happened, as it hath
happened since, that what at first was submitted to as a convenience, was afterwards
claimed as a right.

England, since the conquest, hath known some few good monarchs, but groaned beneath
a much larger number of bad ones; yet no man in his senses can say that their claim under
William the Conqueror is a very honourable one. A French bastard landing with an armed
banditti, and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in
plain terms a very paltry rascally original. It certainly hath no divinity in it. However, it is
needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right; if there are any so
weak as to believe it, let them promiscuously worship the ass and lion, and welcome. I
shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.
Yet I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first? The question admits
but of three answers, viz. either by lot, by election, or by usurpation. If the first king was
taken by lot, it establishes a precedent for the next, which excludes hereditary succession.
Saul was by lot, yet the succession was not hereditary, neither does it appear from that
transaction there was any intention it ever should be. If the first king of any country was
by election, that likewise establishes a precedent for the next; for to say, that the RIGHT
of all future generations is taken away, by the act of the first electors, in their choice not
only of a king, but of a family of kings for ever, hath no parallel in or out of scripture but
the doctrine of original sin, which supposes the free will of all men lost in Adam; and
from such comparison, and it will admit of no other, hereditary succession can derive no
glory. For as in Adam all sinned, and as in the first electors all men obeyed; as in the one
all mankind were subjected to Satan, and in the other to Sovereignty; as our innocence
was lost in the first, and our authority in the last; and as both disable us from reassuming
some former state and privilege, it unanswerably follows that original sin and hereditary
succession are parallels. Dishonourable rank! Inglorious connection! Yet the most subtle
sophist cannot produce a juster simile.

As to usurpation, no man will be so hardy as to defend it; and that William the Conqueror
was an usurper is a fact not to be contradicted. The plain truth is, that the antiquity of
English monarchy will not bear looking into.

But it is not so much the absurdity as the evil of hereditary succession which concerns
mankind. Did it ensure a race of good and wise men it would have the seal of divine
authority, but as it opens a door to the FOOLISH, the WICKED, and the IMPROPER, it
hath in it the nature of oppression. Men who look upon themselves born to reign, and
others to obey, soon grow insolent; selected from the rest of mankind their minds are
early poisoned by importance; and the world they act in differs so materially from the
world at large, that they have but little opportunity of knowing its true interests, and when
they succeed to the government are frequently the most ignorant and unfit of any
throughout the dominions.

Another evil which attends hereditary succession is, that the throne is subject to be
possessed by a minor at any age; all which time the regency, acting under the cover of a
king, have every opportunity and inducement to betray their trust. The same national
misfortune happens, when a king, worn out with age and infirmity, enters the last stage of
human weakness. In both these cases the public becomes a prey to every miscreant, who
can tamper successfully with the follies either of age or infancy.

The most plausible plea, which hath ever been offered in favour of hereditary succession,
is, that it preserves a nation from civil wars; and were this true, it would be weighty;
whereas, it is the most barefaced falsity ever imposed upon mankind. The whole history
of England disowns the fact. Thirty kings and two minors have reigned in that distracted
kingdom since the conquest, in which time there have been (including the Revolution) no
less than eight civil wars and nineteen rebellions. Wherefore instead of making for peace,
it makes against it, and destroys the very foundation it seems to stand on.
The contest for monarchy and succession, between the houses of York and Lancaster,
laid England in a scene of blood for many years. Twelve pitched battles, besides
skirmishes and sieges, were fought between Henry and Edward. Twice was Henry
prisoner to Edward, who in his turn was prisoner to Henry. And so uncertain is the fate of
war and the temper of a nation, when nothing but personal matters are the ground of a
quarrel, that Henry was taken in triumph from a prison to a palace, and Edward obliged to
fly from a palace to a foreign land; yet, as sudden transitions of temper are seldom
lasting, Henry in his turn was driven from the throne, and Edward recalled to succeed
him. The parliament always following the strongest side.

This contest began in the reign of Henry the Sixth, and was not entirely extinguished till
Henry the Seventh, in whom the families were united. Including a period of 67 years, viz.
from 1422 to 1489.

In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world
in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony
against, and blood will attend it.

If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have
none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage
to the nation, withdraw from the scene, and leave their successors to tread the same idle
ground. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on
the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king, urged this plea "that he may
judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles." But in countries where he is neither
a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what IS his
business.

The nearer any government approaches to a republic the less business there is for a king.
It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England. Sir William
Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the
corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, hath so effectually
swallowed up the power, and eaten out the virtue of the house of commons (the
republican part in the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as
monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding
them. For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of England
which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an house of commons from out of
their own body--and it is easy to see that when republican virtue fails, slavery ensues.
Why is the constitution of England sickly, but because monarchy hath poisoned the
republic, the crown hath engrossed the commons?

In England a king hath little more to do than to make war and give away places; which in
plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business
indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and
worshipped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society and in the sight
of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.
 Thoughts On The Present State Of American Affairs

In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and
common sense; and have no other Preliminaries to settle with the reader, than that he will
divest himself of prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his feelings to
determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or rather that he will not put OFF the true
character of a man, and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.

Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between England and America.
Men of all ranks have embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with
various designs; but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as
the last resource, decide this contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and the
continent hath accepted the challenge.

It hath been reported of the late Mr. Pelham (who tho' an able minister was not without
his faults) that on his being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his
measures were only of a temporary kind, replied "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME."
Should a thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the
name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.

The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a city, a county, a
province, or a kingdom, but of a continent--of at least one eighth part of the habitable
globe. 'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually involved in
the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings
now. Now is the seed-time of continental union, faith and honour. The least fracture now
will be like a name engraved with the point of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the
wound will enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.

By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new aera for politics is struck; a new
method of thinking hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April,
i. e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs of the last year; which,
though proper then are superseded and useless now. Whatever was advanced by the
advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the same point. viz. a
union with Great-Britain: the only difference between the parties was the method of
effecting it; the one proposing force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that
the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.

As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation which, like an agreeable
dream, hath passed away and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine
the contrary side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries
which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and
dependent on Great Britain: To examine that connection and dependence, on the
principles of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and
what we are to expect, if dependant.
I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished under her former
connection with Great Britain that the same connection is necessary towards her future
happiness, and will always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this
kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk that it
is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent
for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for I answer roundly,
that America would have flourished as much, and probably much more, had no European
power had any thing to do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself,
are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while eating is the custom of
Europe.

But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us is true, and defended the
continent at our expense as well as her own is admitted, and she would have defended
Turkey from the same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.

Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to
superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering, that
her motive was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from OUR
ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT,
from those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will always
be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the
continent, or the continent throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with
France and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover last war ought
to warn us against connections.

It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other
but through the parent country, i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the
rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very round-about way of
proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I
may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be our enemies as
AMERICANS, but as our being the subjects of GREAT BRITAIN.

But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even
brutes do not devour their young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore
the assertion, if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so
and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically adopted by the
king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the
credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent country of
America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and
religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the
tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the monster; and it is so far true of
England, that the same tyranny which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their
descendants still.

In this extensive quarter of the globe, we forget the narrow limits of three hundred and
sixty miles (the extent of England) and carry our friendship on a larger scale; we claim
brotherhood with every European Christian, and triumph in the generosity of the
sentiment.

It is pleasant to observe by what regular gradations we surmount the force of local

prejudice, as we enlarge our acquaintance with the world. A man born in any town in
England divided into parishes, will naturally associate most with his fellow-parishioners
(because their interests in many cases will be common) and distinguish him by the name
of NEIGHBOUR; if he meet him but a few miles from home, he drops the narrow idea of
a street, and salutes him by the name of TOWNSMAN; if he travel out of the county, and
meet him in any other, he forgets the minor divisions of street and town, and calls him
COUNTRYMAN, i. e. COUNTRYMAN; but if in their foreign excursions they should
associate in France or any other part of EUROPE, their local remembrance would be
enlarged into that of ENGLISHMEN. And by a just parity of reasoning, all Europeans
meeting in America, or any other quarter of the globe, are COUNTRYMEN; for England,
Holland, Germany, or Sweden, when compared with the whole, stand in the same places
on the larger scale, which the divisions of street, town, and county do on the smaller
ones; distinctions too limited for continental minds. Not one third of the inhabitants, even
of this province, are of English descent. Wherefore I reprobate the phrase of parent or
mother country applied to England only, as being false, selfish, narrow and ungenerous.

But admitting, that we were all of English descent, what does it amount to? Nothing.
Britain, being now an open enemy, extinguishes every other name and title: And to say
that reconciliation is our duty, is truly farcical. The first king of England, of the present
line (William the Conqueror) was a Frenchman, and half the Peers of England are
descendants from the same country; therefore, by the same method of reasoning, England
ought to be governed by France.

Much hath been said of the united strength of Britain and the colonies, that in conjunction
they might bid defiance to the world. But this is mere presumption; the fate of war is
uncertain, neither do the expressions mean any thing; for this continent would never
suffer itself to be drained of inhabitants, to support the British arms in either Asia, Africa,
or Europe.

Besides what have we to do with setting the world at defiance? Our plan is commerce,
and that, well attended to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because,
it is the interest of all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a
protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.

I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to shew, a single advantage that this
continent can reap, by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a
single advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe, and our
imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.

But the injuries and disadvantages we sustain by that connection, are without number;
and our duty to mankind at large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the
alliance: Because, any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain, tends directly to
involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations,
who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor
complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to form no partial connection
with any part of it. It is the true interest of America to steer clear of European
contentions, which she never can do, while by her dependence on Britain, she is made the
make-weight in the scale of British politics.

Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war
breaks out between England and any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin,
BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION WITH ENGLAND. The next war may not turn out
like the last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now, will be wishing for
separation then, because, neutrality in that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of
war. Every thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood of the slain, the
weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the
Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the
authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at
which the continent was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in
which it was peopled increases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the
discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary to the
Persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship nor safety.

The authority of Great Britain over this continent, is a form of government, which sooner
or later must have an end: And a serious mind can draw no true pleasure by looking
forward under the painful and positive conviction, that what he calls "the present
constitution" is merely temporary. As parents, we can have no joy, knowing that THIS
GOVERNMENT is not sufficiently lasting to ensure any thing which we may bequeath
to posterity: And by a plain method of argument, as we are running the next generation
into debt, we ought to do the work of it, otherwise we use them meanly and pitifully. In
order to discover the line of our duty rightly, we should take our children in our hand, and
fix our station a few years farther into life; that eminence will present a prospect, which a
few present fears and prejudices conceal from our sight.

Though I would carefully avoid giving unnecessary offense, yet I am inclined to believe,
that all those who espouse the doctrine of reconciliation, may be included within the
following descriptions. Interested men, who are not to be trusted; weak men, who
CANNOT see; prejudiced men, who WILL NOT see; and a certain set of moderate men,
who think better of the European world than it deserves; and this last class, by an ill-
judged deliberation, will be the cause of more calamities to this continent, than all the
other three.

It is the good fortune of many to live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not
sufficient brought to their doors to make THEM feel the precariousness with which all
American property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments
to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for ever to
renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that unfortunate city,
who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have now, no other alternative
than to stay and starve, or turn and beg. Endangered by the fire of their friends if they
continue within the city, and plundered by the soldiery if they leave it. In their present
condition they are prisoners without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for
their relief, they would be exposed to the fury of both armies.

Men of passive tempers look somewhat lightly over the offenses of Britain, and, still
hoping for the best, are apt to call out, "COME, COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS
AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS." But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the
doctrine of reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can
hereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire and sword into
your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only deceiving yourselves, and by
your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your future connection with Britain, whom you
can neither love nor honor will be forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the
plan of present convenience, will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the
first. But if you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house
been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face! Are your wife and
children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a parent or a child
by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched survivor! If you have not, then are
you not a judge of those who have. But if you have, and still can shake hands with the
murderers, then are you unworthy of the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and
whatever may be your rank or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit
of a sycophant.

This is not inflaming or exaggerating matters, but trying them by those feelings and
affections which nature justifies, and without which, we should be incapable of
discharging the social duties of life, or enjoying the felicities of it. I mean not to exhibit
horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly
slumbers, that we may pursue determinately some fixed object. It is not in the power of
Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she do not conquer herself by DELAY and
TIMIDITY. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or
neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment
which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will, that may be the
means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.

It is repugnant to reason, to the universal order of things, to all examples from former
ages, to suppose, that this continent can longer remain subject to any external power. The
most sanguine in Britain does not think so. The utmost stretch of human wisdom cannot,
at this time, compass a plan short of separation, which can promise the continent even a
year's security. Reconciliation is NOW a fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the
connection, and Art cannot supply her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can
true reconcilement grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep."

Every quiet method for peace hath been ineffectual. Our prayers have been rejected with
disdain; and only tended to convince us, that nothing flatters vanity, or confirms
obstinacy in Kings more than repeated petitioning--and nothing hath contributed more
than that very measure to make the Kings of Europe absolute: Witness Denmark and
Sweden. Wherefore, since nothing but blows will do, for God's sake, let us come to a
final separation, and not leave the next generation to be cutting throats, under the violated
unmeaning names of parent and child.

To say, they will never attempt it again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal
of the stamp-act, yet a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations,
which have been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.

As to government matters, it is not in the power of Britain to do this continent justice:

The business of it will soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any
tolerable degree of convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so very ignorant of
us; for if they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or
four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for an answer,
which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will in a few years be
looked upon as folly and childishness--There was a time when it was proper, and there is
a proper time for it to cease.

Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms
to take under their care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to
be perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the satellite larger
than its primary planet, and as England and America, with respect to each other, reverses
the common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different systems; England to
Europe, America to itself.

I am not induced by motives of pride, party, or resentment to espouse the doctrine of

separation and independance; I am clearly, positively, and conscientiously persuaded that
it is the true interest of this continent to be so; that every thing short of THAT is mere
patchwork, that it can afford no lasting felicity, --that it is leaving the sword to our
children, and shrinking back at a time, when, a little more, a little farther, would have
rendered this continent the glory of the earth.

As Britain hath not manifested the least inclination towards a compromise, we may be
assured that no terms can be obtained worthy the acceptance of the continent, or any
ways equal to the expense of blood and treasure we have been already put to.

The object, contended for, ought always to bear some just proportion to the expense. The
removal of North, or the whole detestable junto, is a matter unworthy the millions we
have expended. A temporary stoppage of trade, was an inconvenience, which would have
sufficiently balanced the repeal of all the acts complained of, had such repeals been
obtained; but if the whole continent must take up arms, if every man must be a soldier, it
is scarcely worth our while to fight against a contemptible ministry only. Dearly, dearly,
do we pay for the repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it is
as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land. As I have always
considered the independancy of this continent, as an event, which sooner or later must
arrive, so from the late rapid progress of the continent to maturity, the event could not be
far off. Wherefore, on the breaking out of hostilities, it was not worth while to have
disputed a matter, which time would have finally redressed, unless we meant to be in
earnest; otherwise, it is like wasting an estate on a suit at law, to regulate the trespasses of
a tenant, whose lease is just expiring. No man was a warmer wisher for reconciliation
than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April 1775, but the moment the event of that
day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for
ever; and disdain the wretch, that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE
can unfeelingly hear of their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his
soul.

But admitting that matters were now made up, what would be the event? I answer, the
ruin of the continent. And that for several reasons.

FIRST. The powers of governing still remaining in the hands of the king, he will have a
negative over the whole legislation of this continent. And as he hath shewn himself such
an inveterate enemy to liberty, and discovered such a thirst for arbitrary power; is he, or
is he not, a proper man to say to these colonies, "YOU SHALL MAKE NO LAWS BUT
WHAT I PLEASE." And is there any inhabitant in America so ignorant as not to know,
that according to what is called the PRESENT CONSTITUTION, that this continent can
make no laws but what the king gives leave to; and is there any man so unwise, as not to
see, that (considering what has happened) he will suffer no law to be made here, but such
as suit HIS purpose. We may be as effectually enslaved by the want of laws in America,
as by submitting to laws made for us in England. After matters are made up (as it is
called) can there be any doubt, but the whole power of the crown will be exerted, to keep
this continent as low and humble as possible? Instead of going forward we shall go
backward, or be perpetually quarrelling or ridiculously petitioning. --WE are already
greater than the king wishes us to be, and will he not hereafter endeavour to make us
less? To bring the matter to one point. Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a
proper power to govern us? Whoever says No to this question, is an INDEPENDANT,
for independancy means no more, than, whether we shall make our own laws, or whether
the king, the greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us "THERE
SHALL BE NO LAWS BUT SUCH AS I LIKE."

But the king you will say has a negative in England; the people there can make no laws
without his consent. In point of right and good order, there is something very ridiculous,
that a youth of twenty-one (which hath often happened) shall say to several millions of
people, older and wiser than himself, I forbid this or that act of yours to be law. But in
this place I decline this sort of reply, though I will never cease to expose the absurdity of
it, and only answer, that England being the King's residence, and America not so, makes
quite another case. The king's negative HERE is ten times more dangerous and fatal than
it can be in England, for THERE he will scarcely refuse his consent to a bill for putting
England into as strong a state of defense as possible, and in America he would never
suffer such a bill to be passed.

America is only a secondary object in the system of British politics, England consults the
good of THIS country, no farther than it answers her OWN purpose. Wherefore, her own
interest leads her to suppress the growth of OURS in every case which doth not promote
her advantage, or in the least interferes with it. A pretty state we should soon be in under
such a secondhand government, considering what has happened! Men do not change
from enemies to friends by the alteration of a name: And in order to shew that
reconciliation now is a dangerous doctrine, I affirm, THAT IT WOULD BE POLICY IN
THE KING AT THIS TIME, TO REPEAL THE ACTS FOR THE SAKE OF
REINSTATING HIMSELF IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES; in order,
that HE MAY ACCOMPLISH BY CRAFT AND SUBTLETY, IN THE LONG RUN,
WHAT HE CANNOT DO BY FORCE AND VIOLENCE IN THE SHORT ONE.
Reconciliation and ruin are nearly related.

SECONDLY. That as even the best terms, which we can expect to obtain, can amount to
no more than a temporary expedient, or a kind of government by guardianship, which can
last no longer than till the colonies come of age, so the general face and state of things, in
the interim, will be unsettled and unpromising. Emigrants of property will not choose to
come to a country whose form of government hangs but by a thread, and who is every
day tottering on the brink of commotion and disturbance; and numbers of the present
inhabitants would lay hold of the interval, to dispense of their effects, and quit the
continent.

But the most powerful of all arguments, is, that nothing but independence, i.e. a
continental form of government, can keep the peace of the continent and preserve it
inviolate from civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is
more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other, the
consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.

Thousands are already ruined by British barbarity; (thousands more will probably suffer
the same fate.) Those men have other feelings than us who have nothing suffered. All
they NOW possess is liberty, what they before enjoyed is sacrificed to its service, and
having nothing more to lose, they disdain submission. Besides, the general temper of the
colonies, towards a British government, will be like that of a youth, who is nearly out of
his time; they will care very little about her. And a government which cannot preserve the
peace, is no government at all, and in that case we pay our money for nothing; and pray
what is it that Britain can do, whose power will be wholly on paper, should a civil tumult
break out the very day after reconciliation! I have heard some men say, many of whom I
believe spoke without thinking, that they dreaded an independence, fearing that it would
produce civil wars. It is but seldom that our first thoughts are truly correct, and that is the
case here; for there are ten times more to dread from a patched up connection than from
independence. I make the sufferers case my own, and I protest, that were I driven from
house and home, my property destroyed, and my circumstances ruined, that as man,
sensible of injuries, I could never relish the doctrine of reconciliation, or consider myself
bound thereby.

The colonies have manifested such a spirit of good order and obedience to continental
government, as is sufficient to make every reasonable person easy and happy on that
head. No man can assign the least pretence for his fears, on any other grounds, than such
as are truly childish and ridiculous, viz. that one colony will be striving for superiority
over another.

Where there are no distinctions there can be no superiority, perfect equality affords no
temptation. The republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace. Holland
and Switzerland are without wars, foreign or domestic: Monarchical governments, it is
true, are never long at rest; the crown itself is a temptation to enterprising ruffians at
HOME; and that degree of pride and insolence ever attendant on regal authority, swells
into a rupture with foreign powers, in instances, where a republican government, by being
formed on more natural principles, would negotiate the mistake.

If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence, it is because no plan is yet laid
down. Men do not see their way out-- Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer
the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of
them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could
the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials
for wise and able men to improve into useful matter.

LET the assemblies be annual, with a President only. The representation more equal.
Their business wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a Continental Congress.

Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to
send a proper number of delegates to Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty.
The whole number in Congress will be at least 390. Each Congress to sit and to choose a
president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken
from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the whole Congress choose (by
ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province. In the next Congress, let a
colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president
was taken in the former Congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteen shall have
had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is
satisfactorily just not less than three fifths of the Congress to be called a majority-- He
that will promote discord, under a government so equally formed as this, would have
joined Lucifer in his revolt.

But as there is a peculiar delicacy, from whom, or in what manner, this business must
first arise, and as it seems most agreeable and consistent, that it should come from some
intermediate body between the governed and the governors, that is, between the Congress
and the people. Let a CONTINENTAL CONFERENCE be held, in the following
manner, and for the following purpose.

A committee of twenty-six members of Congress, viz. two for each colony. Two
Members from each House of Assembly, or Provincial Convention; and five
representatives of the people at large, to be chosen in the capital city or town of each
province, for and in behalf of the whole province, by as many qualified voters as shall
think proper to attend from all parts of the province for that purpose; or, if more
convenient, the representatives may be chosen in two or three of the most populous parts
thereof. In this conference, thus assembled, will be united, the two grand principles of
business KNOWLEDGE and POWER. The members of Congress, Assemblies, or
Conventions, by having had experience in national concerns, will be able and useful
counsellors, and the whole, being empowered by the people, will have a truly legal
authority.

The conferring members being met, let their business be to frame a CONTINENTAL
CHARTER, or Charter of the United Colonies; (answering to what is called the Magna
Carta of England) fixing the number and manner of choosing members of Congress,
members of Assembly, with their date of sitting, and drawing the line of business and
jurisdiction between them: (Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not
provincial:) Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things, the free
exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; with such other matter as is
necessary for a charter to contain. Immediately after which, the said Conference to
dissolve, and the bodies which shall be chosen comformable to the said charter, to be the
legislators and governors of this continent for the time being: Whose peace and happiness
may God preserve, Amen.

Should any body of men be hereafter delegated for this or some similar purpose, I offer
them the following extracts from that wise observer on governments DRAGONETTI.
"The science" says he "of the politician consists in fixing the true point of happiness and
freedom. Those men would deserve the gratitude of ages, who should discover a mode of
government that contained the greatest sum of individual happiness, with the least
national expense." [Dragonetti on virtue and rewards]

But where, says some, is the King of America? I'll tell you. Friend, he reigns above, and
doth not make havoc of mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain. Yet that we may not
appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for
proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the word of God;
let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that so far as we approve of
monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the
King is law, so in free countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no
other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the
ceremony, be demolished, and scattered among the people whose right it is.

A government of our own is our natural right: And when a man seriously reflects on the
precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and
safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in
our power, than to trust such an interesting event to time and chance. If we omit it now,
some [Thomas Anello otherwise Massanello a fisherman of Naples, who after spiriting
up his countrymen in the public marketplace, against the oppressions of the Spaniards, to
whom the place was then subject prompted them to revolt, and in the space of a day
became king.] Massanello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes,
may collect together the desperate and the discontented, and by assuming to themselves
the powers of government, may sweep away the liberties of the continent like a deluge.
Should the government of America return again into the hands of Britain, the tottering
situation of things will be a temptation for some desperate adventurer to try his fortune;
and in such a case, that relief can Britain give? Ere she could hear the news, the fatal
business might be done; and ourselves suffering like the wretched Britons under the
oppression of the Conqueror. Ye that oppose independence now, ye know not what ye do;
ye are opening a door to eternal tyranny, by keeping vacant the seat of government. There
are thousands, and tens of thousands, who would think it glorious to expel from the
continent that barbarous and hellish power, which hath stirred up the Indians and Negroes
to destroy us; the cruelty hath a double guilt, it is dealing brutally by us, and
treacherously by them.

To talk of friendship with those in whom our reason forbids us to have faith, and our
affections wounded through a thousand pores instruct us to detest, is madness and folly.
Every day wears out the little remains of kindred between us and them, and can there be
any reason to hope, that as the relationship expires, the affection will increase, or that we
shall agree better, when we have ten times more and greater concerns to quarrel over than
ever?

Ye that tell us of harmony and reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is past?
Can ye give to prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and
America. The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting addresses
against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would cease to be nature if
she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of his mistress, as the continent forgive
the murders of Britain. The Almighty hath implanted in us these unextinguishable
feelings for good and wise purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts.
They distinguish us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would
dissolve, and justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we
callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often escape
unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us into justice.

O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand
forth! Every spot of the old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted
round the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her--Europe regards her like a
stranger, and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and
prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
 Of The Present Ability Of America

OF THE PRESENT ABILITY OF AMERICA, WITH SOME MISCELLANEOUS

REFLECTIONS

I have never met with a man, either in England or America, who hath not confessed his
opinion that a separation between the countries, would take place one time or other: And
there is no instance, in which we have shewn less judgement, than in endeavouring to
describe, what we call the ripeness or fitness of the Continent for independence.

As all men allow the measure, and vary only in their opinion of the time, let us, in order
to remove mistakes, take a general survey of things, and endeavour, if possible, to find
out the VERY time. But we need not go far, the inquiry ceases at once, for, the TIME
HATH FOUND US. The general concurrence, the glorious union of all things prove the
fact.

It is not in numbers, but in unity, that our great strength lies; yet our present numbers are
sufficient to repel the force of all the world. The Continent hath, at this time, the largest
body of armed and disciplined men of any power under Heaven; and is just arrived at that
pitch of strength, in which no single colony is able to support itself, and the whole, when
united, can accomplish the matter, and either more, or, less than this, might be fatal in its
effects. Our land force is already sufficient, and as to naval affairs, we cannot be
insensible, that Britain would never suffer an American man of war to be built, while the
continent remained in her hands. Wherefore, we should be no forwarder an hundred years
hence in that branch, than we are now; but the truth is, we should be less so, because the
timber of the country is every day diminishing, and that, which will remain at last, will be
far off and difficult to procure.

Were the continent crowded with inhabitants, her sufferings under the present
circumstances would be intolerable. The more seaport towns we had, the more should we
have both to defend and to lose. Our present numbers are so happily proportioned to our
wants, that no man need be idle. The diminution of trade affords an army, and the
necessities of an army create a new trade.

Debts we have none; and whatever we may contract on this account will serve as a
glorious memento of our virtue. Can we but leave posterity with a settled form of
government, an independent constitution of its own, the purchase at any price will be
cheap. But to expend millions for the sake of getting a few vile acts repealed, and routing
the present ministry only, is unworthy the charge, and is using posterity with the utmost
cruelty; because it is leaving them the great work to do, and a debt upon their backs, from
which they derive no advantage. Such a thought is unworthy of a man of honor, and is the
true characteristic of a narrow heart and a peddling politician.

The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work be but accomplished.
No nation ought to be without a debt. A national debt is a national bond; and when it
bears no interest, is in no case a grievance. Britain is oppressed with a debt of upwards of
one hundred and forty millions sterling, for which she pays upwards of four millions
interest. And as a compensation for her debt, she has a large navy; America is without a
debt, and without a navy; yet for the twentieth part of the English national debt, could
have a navy as large again. The navy of England is not worth, at this time, more than
three millions and an half sterling.

The first and second editions of this pamphlet were published without the following
calculations, which are now given as a proof that the above estimation of the navy is just.
[See Entic's naval history, intro. page 56.]

The charge of building a ship of each rate, and furnishing her with masts, yards, sails and
rigging, together with a proportion of eight months boatswain's and carpenter's seastores,
as calculated by Mr. Burchett, Secretary to the navy.

[pounds Sterling]
For a ship of a 100 guns - 35,553
90 - - 29,886
80 - - 23,638
70 - - 17,795
60 - - 14,197
50 - - 10,606
40 - - 7,558
30 - - 5,846
20 - - 3,710

And from hence it is easy to sum up the value, or cost rather, of the whole British navy,
which in the year 1757, when it was at its greatest glory consisted of the following ships
and guns:

Ships. Guns. Cost of one. Cost of all

6 - 100 - 35,553 - 213,318
12 - 90 - 29,886 - 358,632
12 - 80 - 23,638 - 283,656
43 - 70 - 17,785 - 764,755
35 - 60 - 14,197 - 496,895
40 - 50 - 10,606 - 424,240
45 - 40 - 7,558 - 340,110
58 - 20 - 3,710 - 215,180

85 Sloops, bombs, and fireships, one 2,000 170,000 with another, _________
Cost 3,266,786 Remains for guns, _________ 233,214
_________ 3,500,000

No country on the globe is so happily situated, or so internally capable of raising a fleet

as America. Tar, timber, iron, and cordage are her natural produce. We need go abroad
for nothing. Whereas the Dutch, who make large profits by hiring out their ships of war
to the Spaniards and Portuguese, are obliged to import most of their materials they use.
We ought to view the building a fleet as an article of commerce, it being the natural
manufactory of this country. It is the best money we can lay out. A navy when finished is
worth more than it cost. And is that nice point in national policy, in which commerce and
protection are united. Let us build; if we want them not, we can sell; and by that means
replace our paper currency with ready gold and silver.

In point of manning a fleet, people in general run into great errors; it is not necessary that
one fourth part should he sailors. The Terrible privateer, Captain Death, stood the hottest
engagement of any ship last war, yet had not twenty sailors on board, though her
complement of men was upwards of two hundred. A few able and social sailors will soon
instruct a sufficient number of active landmen in the common work of a ship. Wherefore,
we never can be more capable to begin on maritime matters than now, while our timber is
standing, our fisheries blocked up, and our sailors and shipwrights out of employ. Men of
war of seventy and eighty guns were built forty years ago in New-England, and why not
the same now? Ship-building is America's greatest pride, and in which she will in time
excel the whole world. The great empires of the east are mostly inland, and consequently
excluded from the possibility of rivalling her. Africa is in a state of barbarism; and no
power in Europe hath either such an extent of coast, or such an internal supply of
materials. Where nature hath given the one, she has withheld the other; to America only
hath she been liberal of both. The vast empire of Russia is almost shut out from the sea:
wherefore, her boundless forests, her tar, iron, and cordage are only articles of commerce.

In point of safety, ought we to be without a fleet? We are not the little people now, which
we were sixty years ago; at that time we might have trusted our property in the streets, or
fields rather; and slept securely without locks or bolts to our doors or windows. The case
now is altered, and our methods of defense ought to improve with our increase of
property. A common pirate, twelve months ago, might have come up the Delaware, and
laid the city of Philadelphia under instant contribution, for what sum he pleased; and the
same might have happened to other places. Nay, any daring fellow, in a brig of fourteen
or sixteen guns might have robbed the whole continent, and carried off half a million of
money. These are circumstances which demand our attention, and point out the necessity
of naval protection.

Some, perhaps, will say, that after we have made it up with Britain, she will protect us.
Can we be so unwise as to mean, that she shall keep a navy in our harbours for that
purpose? Common sense will tell us, that the power which hath endeavoured to subdue
us, is of all others the most improper to defend us. Conquest may be effected under the
pretence of friendship; and ourselves after a long and brave resistance, be at last cheated
into slavery. And if her ships are not to be admitted into our harbours, I would ask, how
is she to protect us? A navy three or four thousand miles off can be of little use, and on
sudden emergencies, none at all. Wherefore, if we must hereafter protect ourselves, why
not do it for ourselves?

The English list of ships of war, is long and formidable, but not a tenth part of them are at
any one time fit for service, numbers of them not in being; yet their names are pompously
continued in the list, if only a plank be left of the ship: and not a fifth part of such as are
fit for service, can be spared on any one station at one time. The East and West Indies,
Mediterranean, Africa, and other parts over which Britain extends her claim, make large
demands upon her navy. From a mixture of prejudice and inattention, we have contracted
a false notion respecting the navy of England, and have talked as if we should have the
whole of it to encounter at once, and for that reason, supposed, that we must have one as
large; which not being instantly practicable, have been made use of by a set of disguised
Tories to discourage our beginning thereon. Nothing can be farther from truth than this;
for if America had only a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, she would be by far
an overmatch for her; because, as we neither have, nor claim any foreign dominion, our
whole force would be employed on our own coast, where we should, in the long run,
have two to one the advantage of those who had three or four thousand miles to sail over,
before they could attack us, and the same distance to return in order to refit and recruit.
And although Britain, by her fleet, hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have as
large a one over her trade to the West Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of
the continent, is entirely at its mercy.

Some method might be fallen on to keep up a naval force in time of peace, if we should
not judge it necessary to support a constant navy. If premiums were to be given to
merchants, to build and employ in their service ships mounted with twenty, thirty, forty
or fifty guns, (the premiums to be in proportion to the loss of bulk to the merchants) fifty
or sixty of those ships, with a few guardships on constant duty, would keep up a
sufficient navy, and that without burdening ourselves with the evil so loudly complained
of in England, of suffering their fleet, in time of peace to lie rotting in the docks. To unite
the sinews of commerce and defense is sound policy; for when our strength and our
riches play into each other's hand, we need fear no external enemy.

In almost every article of defense we abound. Hemp flourishes even to rankness, so that
we need not want cordage. Our iron is superior to that of other countries. Our small arms
equal to any in the world. Cannon we can cast at pleasure. Saltpetre and gunpowder we
are every day producing. Our knowledge is hourly improving. Resolution is our inherent
character, and courage hath never yet forsaken us. Wherefore, what is it that we want?
Why is it that we hesitate? From Britain we can expect nothing but ruin. If she is once
admitted to the government of America again, this Continent will not be worth living in.
Jealousies will be always arising; insurrections will be constantly happening; and who
will go forth to quell them? Who will venture his life to reduce his own countrymen to a
foreign obedience? The difference between Pennsylvania and Connecticut, respecting
some unlocated lands, shews the insignificance of a British government, and fully proves,
that nothing but Continental authority can regulate Continental matters.

Another reason why the present time is preferable to all others, is, that the fewer our
numbers are, the more land there is yet unoccupied, which instead of being lavished by
the king on his worthless dependants, may be hereafter applied, not only to the discharge
of the present debt, but to the constant support of government. No nation under heaven
hath such an advantage at this.

The infant state of the Colonies, as it is called, so far from being against, is an argument
in favour of independance. We are sufficiently numerous, and were we more so, we
might be less united. It is a matter worthy of observation, that the more a country is
peopled, the smaller their armies are. In military numbers, the ancients far exceeded the
modems: and the reason is evident. For trade being the consequence of population, men
become too much absorbed thereby to attend to anything else. Commerce diminishes the
spirit, both of patriotism and military defence. And history sufficiently informs us, that
the bravest achievements were always accomplished in the non-age of a nation. With the
increase of commerce, England hath lost its spirit. The city of London, notwithstanding
its numbers, submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward. The more men
have to lose, the less willing are they to venture. The rich are in general slaves to fear,
and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a Spaniel.

Youth is the seed time of good habits, as well in nations as in individuals. It might be
difficult, if not impossible, to form the Continent into one government half a century
hence. The vast variety of interests, occasioned by an increase of trade and population,
would create confusion. Colony would be against colony. Each being able might scorn
each other's assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions,
the wise would lament, that the union had not been formed before. Wherefore, the
PRESENT TIME is the TRUE TIME for establishing it. The intimacy which is
contracted in infancy, and the friendship which is formed in misfortune, are, of all others,
the most lasting and unalterable. Our present union is marked with both these characters:
we are young and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles,
and fixes a memorable area for posterity to glory in.

The present time, likewise, is that peculiar time, which never happens to a nation but
once, viz. the time of forming itself into a government. Most nations have let slip the
opportunity, and by that means have been compelled to receive laws from their
conquerors, instead of making laws for themselves. First, they had a king, and then a
form of government; whereas, the articles or charter of government, should be formed
first, and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other nations,
let us learn wisdom, and lay hold of the present opportunity --TO BEGIN
GOVERNMENT AT THE RIGHT END.

When William the Conqueror subdued England, he gave them law at the point of the
sword; and until we consent, that the seat of government, in America, be legally and
authoritatively occupied, we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate
ruffian, who may treat us in the same manner, and then, where will be our freedom?
where our property? As to religion, I hold it to be the indispensable duty of all
government, to protect all conscientious professors thereof, and I know of no other
business which government hath to do therewith, Let a man throw aside that narrowness
of soul, that selfishness of principle, which the niggards of all professions are so
unwilling to part with, and he will be at delivered of his fears on that head. Suspicion is
the companion of mean souls, and the bane of all good society. For myself, I fully and
conscientiously believe, that it is the will of the Almighty, that there should be diversity
of religious opinions among us: It affords a larger field for our Christian kindness. Were
we all of one way of thinking, our religious dispositions would want matter for probation;
and on this liberal principle, I look on the various denominations among us, to be like
children of the same family, differing only, in what is called, their Christian names.
In page forty, I threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a Continental Charter, (for I
only presume to offer hints, not plans) and in this place, I take the liberty of rementioning
the subject, by observing, that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn
obligation, which the whole enters into, to support the right of every separate part,
whether of religion, personal freedom, or property. A firm bargain and a right reckoning
make long friends.

In a former page I likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal representation;
and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention. A small number of
electors, or a small number of representatives, are equally dangerous. But if the number
of the representatives be not only small, but unequal, the danger is increased. As an
instance of this, I mention the following; when the Associators petition was before the
House of Assembly of Pennsylvania; twenty-eight members only were present, all the
Bucks county members, being eight, voted against it, and had seven of the Chester
members done the same, this whole province had been governed by two counties only,
and this danger it is always exposed to. The unwarrantable stretch likewise, which that
house made in their last sitting, to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that
province, ought to warn the people at large, how they trust power out of their own hands.
A set of instructions for the Delegates were put together, which in point of sense and
business would have dishonoured a schoolboy, and after being approved by a FEW, a
VERY FEW without doors, were carried into the House, and there passed IN BEHALF
OF THE WHOLE COLONY; whereas, did the whole colony know, with what ill-will
that House hath entered on some necessary public measures, they would not hesitate a
moment to think them unworthy of such a trust.

Immediate necessity makes many things convenient, which if continued would grow into
oppressions. Expedience and right are different things. When the calamities of America
required a consultation, there was no method so ready, or at that time so proper, as to
appoint persons from the several Houses of Assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom
with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin. But as it is more
than probable that we shall never be without a CONGRESS, every well wisher to good
order, must own, that the mode for choosing members of that body, deserves
consideration. And I put it as a question to those, who make a study of mankind, whether
representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to
possess? When we are planning for posterity, we ought to remember, that virtue is not
hereditary.

It is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims, and are frequently surprised
into reason by their mistakes, Mr. Cornwall (one of the Lords of the Treasury) treated the
petition of the New-York Assembly with contempt, because THAT House, he said,
consisted but of twenty-six members, which trifling number, he argued, could not with
decency be put for the whole. We thank him for his involuntary honesty. [Those who
would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal representation is to a
state, should read Burgh's political disquisitions.]
TO CONCLUDE, however strange it may appear to some, or however unwilling they
may be to think so, matters not, but many strong and striking reasons may be given, to
shew, that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined
declaration for independance. Some of which are,

FIRST. -- It is the custom of nations, when any two are at war, for some other powers,
not engaged in the quarrel, to step in as mediators, and bring about the preliminaries of a
peace: but while America calls herself the Subject of Great Britain, no power, however
well disposed she may be, can offer her mediation. Wherefore, in our present state we
may quarrel on for ever.

SECONDLY. -- It is unreasonable to suppose, that France or Spain will give us any kind
of assistance, if we mean only, to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing
the breach, and strengthening the connection between Britain and America; because,
those powers would be sufferers by the consequences.

THIRDLY. -- While we profess ourselves the subjects of Britain, we must, in the eye of
foreign nations, be considered as rebels. The precedent is somewhat dangerous to THEIR
PEACE, for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we, on the spot, can solve the
paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection, requires an idea much too refined for
common understanding.

FOURTHLY. -- Were a manifesto to be published, and despatched to foreign courts,

setting forth the miseries we have endured, and the peaceable methods we have
ineffectually used for redress; declaring, at the same time, that not being able, any longer,
to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the British court, we had been
driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time, assuring
all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them, and of our desire of entering
into trade with them: Such a memorial would produce more good effects to this
Continent, than if a ship were freighted with petitions to Britain.

Under our present denomination of British subjects, we can neither be received nor heard
abroad: The custom of all courts is against us, and will be so, until, by an independance,
we take rank with other nations.

These proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but, like all other steps which
we have already passed over, will in a little time become familiar and agreeable; and,
until an independance is declared, the Continent will feel itself like a man who continues
putting off some unpleasant business from day to day, yet knows it must be done, hates to
set about it, wishes it over, and is continually haunted with the thoughts of its necessity.
 Appendix

Since the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on
which it came out, the King's Speech made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of
prophecy directed the birth of this production, it could not have brought it forth, at a more
seasonable juncture, or a more necessary time. The bloody mindedness of the one, shew
the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read by way of revenge. And the
Speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a way for the manly principles of Independance.

Ceremony, and even, silence, from whatever motive they may arise, have a hurtful
tendency, when they give the least degree of countenance to base and wicked
performances; wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, it naturally follows, that the King's
Speech, as being a piece of finished villany, deserved, and still deserves, a general
execration both by the Congress and the people. Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a
nation, depends greatly, on the CHASTITY of what may properly be called NATIONAL
MANNERS, it is often better, to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use
of such new methods of dislike, as might introduce the least innovation, on that guardian
of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the
King's Speech, hath not, before now, suffered a public execution. The Speech if it may be
called one, is nothing better than a wilful audacious libel against the truth, the common
good, and the existence of mankind; and is a formal and pompous method of offering up
human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants. But this general massacre of mankind. is one of
the privileges, and the certain consequence of Kings; for as nature knows them NOT,
they know NOT HER, and although they are beings of our OWN creating, they know not
US, and are become the gods of their creators. The Speech hath one good quality, which
is, that it is not calculated to deceive, neither can we, even if we would, be deceived by it.
Brutality and tyranny appear on the face of it. It leaves us at no loss: And every line
convinces, even in the moment of reading, that He, who hunts the woods for prey, the
naked and untutored Indian, is less a Savage than the King of Britain.

Sir John Dalrymple, the putative father of a whining jesuitical piece, fallaciously called,
"THE ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF _ENGLAND_ TO THE INHABITANTS OF
_AMERICA_," hath, perhaps, from a vain supposition, that the people here were to be
frightened at the pomp and description of a king, given, (though very unwisely on his
part) the real character of the present one: "But" says this writer, "if you are inclined to
pay compliments to an administration, which we do not complain of," (meaning the
Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act) "it is very unfair in you to
withhold them from that prince by WHOSE _NOD ALONE_ THEY WERE
PERMITTED TO DO ANY THING." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry
even without a mask: And he who can calmly hear, and digest such doctrine, hath
forfeited his claim to rationality an apostate from the order of manhood; and ought to be
considered as one, who hath not only given up the proper dignity of man, but sunk
himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawl through the world like a
worm.
However, it matters very little now, what the king of England either says or does; he hath
wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and
conscience beneath his feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and
cruelty, procured for himself an universal hatred. It is NOW the interest of America to
provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty
to take care of, than to be granting away her property, to support a power who is become
a reproach to the names of men and christians--YE, whose office it is to watch over the
morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye, who, are
more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native
country uncontaminated by European corruption, ye must in secret wish a separation--But
leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to
the following heads.

First. That it is the interest of America to be separated from Britain.

Secondly. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION OR

INDEPENDANCE? With some occasional remarks.

In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the
ablest and most experienced men on this continent; and whose sentiments, on that head,
are not yet publicly known. It is in reality a self-evident position: For no nation in a state
of foreign dependance, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its
legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence. America doth not yet know
what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in
the history of other nations, it is but childhood, compared with what she would be
capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her own
hands. England is, at this time, proudly coveting what would do her no good, were she to
accomplish it; and the Continent hesitating on a matter, which will be her final ruin if
neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America, by which England is to be
benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries as independant
of each other as France and Spain; because in many articles, neither can go to a better
market. But it is the independance of this country of Britain or any other, which is now
the main and only object worthy of contention, and which, like all other truths discovered
by necessity, will appear clearer and stronger every day.

First. Because it will come to that one time or other.

Secondly. Because, the longer it is delayed the harder it will be to accomplish.

I have frequently amused myself both in public and private companies, with silently
remarking, the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And among the
many which I have heard, the following seems the most general, viz. that had this rupture
happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of NOW, the Continent would have been
more able to have shaken off the dependance. To which I reply, that our military ability,
AT THIS TIME, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in forty or
fifty years time, would have been totally extinct. The Continent, would not, by that time,
have had a General, or even a military officer left; and we, or those who may succeed us,
would have been as ignorant of martial matters as the ancient Indians: And this single
position, closely attended to, will unanswerably prove, that the present time is preferable
to all others. The argument turns thus--at the conclusion of the last war, we had
experience, but wanted numbers; and forty or fifty years hence, we should have numbers,
without experience; wherefore, the proper point of time, must be some particular point
between the two extremes, in which a sufficiency of the former remains, and a proper
increase of the latter is obtained: And that point of time is the present time.

The reader will pardon this digression, as it does not properly come under the head I first
set out with, and to which I again return by the following position, viz.

Should affairs be patched up with Britain, and she to remain the governing and sovereign
power of America, (which, as matters are now circumstanced, is giving up the point
entirely) we shall deprive ourselves of the very means of sinking the debt we have, or
may contract. The value of the back lands which some of the provinces are clandestinely
deprived of, by the unjust extension of the limits of Canada, valued only at five pounds
sterling per hundred acres, amount to upwards of twenty-five millions, Pennsylvania
currency; and the quit-rents at one penny sterling per acre, to two millions yearly.

It is by the sale of those lands that the debt may be sunk, without burthen to any, and the
quit-rent reserved thereon, will always lessen, and in time, will wholly support the yearly
expence of government. It matters not how long the debt is in paying, so that the lands
when sold be applied to the discharge of it, and for the execution of which, the Congress
for the time being, will be the continental trustees.

I proceed now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and most practicable plan,
RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDANCE; With some occasional remarks.

He who takes nature for his guide is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that
ground, I answer GENERALLY--THAT _INDEPENDANCE_ BEING A _SINGLE
SIMPLE LINE,_ CONTAINED WITHIN OURSELVES; AND RECONCILIATION, A
MATTER EXCEEDINGLY PERPLEXED AND COMPLICATED, AND IN WHICH, A
TREACHEROUS CAPRICIOUS COURT IS TO INTERFERE, GIVES THE ANSWER
WITHOUT A DOUBT.

The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflexion.
Without law, without government, without any other mode of power than what is
founded on, and granted by courtesy. Held together by an unexampled concurrence of
sentiment, which, is nevertheless subject to change, and which, every secret enemy is
endeavouring to dissolve. Our present condition, is, Legislation without law; wisdom
without a plan; a constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect
Independance contending for dependance. The instance is without a precedent; the case
never existed before; and who can tell what may be the event? The property of no man is
secure in the present unbraced system of things. The mind of the multitude is left at
random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion
starts. Nothing is criminal; there is no such thing as treason; wherefore, every one thinks
himself at liberty to act as he pleases. The Tories dared not have assembled offensively,
had they known that their lives, by that act, were forfeited to the laws of the state. A line
of distinction should be drawn, between, English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants
of America taken in arms. The first are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits
his liberty, the other his head.

Notwithstanding our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our proceedings

which gives encouragement to dissensions. The Continental Belt is too loosely buckled.
And if something is not done in time, it will be too late to do any thing, and we shall fall
into a state, in which, neither RECONCILIATION nor INDEPENDANCE will be
practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their old game of dividing the
Continent, and there are not wanting among us, Printers, who will be busy in spreading
specious falsehoods. The artful and hypocritical letter which appeared a few months ago
in two of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are
men who want either judgment or honesty.

It is easy getting into holes and corners and talking of reconciliation: But do such men
seriously consider, how difficult the task is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the
Continent divide thereon. Do they take within their view, all the various orders of men
whose situation and circumstances, as well as their own, are to be considered therein. Do
they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose ALL is ALREADY gone, and of
the soldier, who hath quitted ALL for the defence of his country. If their ill judged
moderation be suited to their own private situations only, regardless of others, the event
will convince them, that "they are reckoning without their Host."

Put us, says some, on the footing we were on in sixty-three: To which I answer, the
request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose it; but
if it were, and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question, By what means is
such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay,
even the present, may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretense, of its being
violently obtained, or unwisely granted; and in that case, Where is our redress?--No
going to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns; and the sword, not of
justice, but of war, decides the suit. To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient,
that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances, likewise, be put
on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or built up, our private losses
made good, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be
millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a request, had it been complied
with a year ago, would have won the heart and soul of the Continent--but now it is too
late, "The Rubicon is passed."

Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary law, seems as
unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up
arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means;
for the lives of men are too valuable to be cast away on such trifles. It is the violence
which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property by an armed
force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the
use of arms: And the instant, in which such a mode of defence became necessary, all
subjection to Britain ought to have ceased; and the independancy of America, should
have been considered, as dating its aera from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET
THAT WAS FIRED AGAINST HER. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by
caprice, nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events, of which the
colonies were not the authors.

I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely and well intended hints. We
ought to reflect, that there are three different ways by which an independancy may
hereafter be effected; and that ONE of those THREE, will one day or other, be the fate of
America, viz. By the legal voice of the people in Congress; by a military power; or by a
mob--It may not always happen that OUR soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body
of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it
perpetual. Should an independancy be brought about by the first of those means, we have
every opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the noblest purest
constitution on the face of the earth. We have it in our power to begin the world over
again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until
now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as
all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few
months. The Reflexion is awful--and in this point of view, How trifling, how ridiculous,
do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed
against the business of a world.

Should we neglect the present favourable and inviting period, and an Independance be
hereafter effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or
to those rather, whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure,
without either inquiring or reflecting. There are reasons to be given in support of
Independance, which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We
ought not now to be debating whether we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to
accomplish it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet
began upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity. Even the Tories (if such beings yet
remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it; for, as the
appointment of committees at first, protected them from popular rage, so, a wise and well
established form of government, will be the only certain means of continuing it securely
to them. WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to have
prudence enough to wish for Independance.

In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep us together. We shall then
see our object, and our ears will be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as
well, as a cruel enemy. We shall then too, be on a proper footing, to treat with Britain; for
there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating with
the American states for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates,
"rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying it that encourages
her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. As we
have, without any good effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our
grievances, let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves,
and then offering to open the trade. The mercantile and reasonable part in England, will
be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer
be not accepted, other courts may be applied to.

On these grounds I rest the matter. And as no offer hath yet been made to refute the
doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that
either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour of it are too numerous to
be opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful
curiosity; let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite
in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former
dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard
among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN, AN OPEN AND RESOLUTE FRIEND,
AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER OF THE RIGHTS OF MANKIND AND OF THE
_FREE AND INDEPENDANT STATES OF AMERICA_.

To the Representatives of the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, or to so

many of them as were concerned in publishing the late piece, entitled "THE ANCIENT
TESTIMONY and PRINCIPLES of the People called QUAKERS renewed, with Respect
to the KING and GOVERNMENT, and touching the COMMOTIONS now prevailing in
these and other parts of AMERICA addressed to the PEOPLE IN GENERAL."

The Writer of this, is one of those few, who never dishonours religion either by
ridiculing, or cavilling at any denomination whatsoever. To God, and not to man, are all
men accountable on the score of religion. Wherefore, this epistle is not so properly
addressed to you as a religious, but as a political body, dabbling in matters, which the
professed Quietude of your Principles instruct you not to meddle with. As you have,
without a proper authority for so doing, put yourselves in the place of the whole body of
the Quakers, so, the writer of this, in order to be on an equal rank with yourselves, is
under the necessity, of putting himself in the place of all those, who, approve the very
writings and principles, against which, your testimony is directed: And he hath chosen
this singular situation, in order, that you might discover in him that presumption of
character which you cannot see in yourselves. For neither he nor you can have any claim
or title to POLITICAL REPRESENTATION.

When men have departed from the right way, it is no wonder that they stumble and fall.
And it is evident from the manner in which ye have managed your testimony, that
politics, (as a religious body of men) is not your proper Walk; for however well adapted
it might appear to you, it is, nevertheless, a jumble of good and bad put unwisely
together, and the conclusion drawn therefrom, both unnatural and unjust.

The two first pages, (and the whole doth not make four) we give you credit for, and
expect the same civility from you, because the love and desire of peace is not confined to
Quakerism, it is the natural, as well the religious wish of all denominations of men. And
on this ground, as men labouring to establish an Independant Constitution of our own, do
we exceed all others in our hope, end, and aim. OUR PLAN IS PEACE FOR EVER. We
are tired of contention with Britain, and can see no real end to it but in a final separation.
We act consistently, because for the sake of introducing an endless and uninterrupted
peace, do we bear the evils and burthens of the present day. We are endeavoring, and will
steadily continue to endeavour, to separate and dissolve a connexion which hath already
filled our land with blood; and which, while the name of it remains, will be the fatal
cause of future mischiefs to both countries.

We fight neither for revenge nor conquest; neither from pride nor passion; we are not
insulting the world with our fleets and armies, nor ravaging the globe for plunder.
Beneath the shade of our own vines are we attacked; in our own houses, and on our own
lands, is the violence committed against us. We view our enemies in the character of
Highwaymen and Housebreakers, and having no defence for ourselves in the civil law,
are obliged to punish them by the military one, and apply the sword, in the very case,
where you have before now, applied the halter-- Perhaps we feel for the ruined and
insulted sufferers in all and every part of the continent, with a degree of tenderness which
hath not yet made its way into some of your bosoms. But be ye sure that ye mistake not
the cause and ground of your Testimony. Call not coldness of soul, religion; nor put the
BIGOT in the place of the CHRISTIAN.

O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles. If the bearing arms be

sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack,
and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not
to make a political hobbyhorse of your religion convince the world thereof, by
proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, FOR THEY LIKEWISE BEAR _ARMS_.
Give us proof of your sincerity by publishing it at St. James's, to the commanders in chief
at Boston, to the Admirals and Captains who are piratically ravaging our coasts, and to all
the murdering miscreants who are acting in authority under HIM whom ye profess to
serve. Had ye the honest soul of BARCLAY ye would preach repentance to YOUR king;
Ye would tell the Royal Wretch his sins, and warn him of eternal ruin. ["Thou hast tasted
of prosperity and adversity; thou knowest what it is to be banished thy native country, to
be over-ruled as well as to rule, and set upon the throne; and being oppressed thou hast
reason to know how hateful the oppressor is both to God and man: If after all these
warnings and advertisements, thou dost not turn unto the Lord with all thy heart, but
forget him who remembered thee in thy distress, and give up thyself to fallow lust and
vanity, surely great will be thy condemnation.-- Against which snare, as well as the
temptation of those who may or do feed thee, and prompt thee to evil, the most excellent
and prevalent remedy will be, to apply thyself to that light of Christ which shineth in thy
conscience, and which neither can, nor will flatter thee, nor suffer thee to be at ease in thy
sins."--Barclay's address to Charles II.] Ye would not spend your partial invectives
against the injured and the insulted only, but, like faithful ministers, would cry aloud and
SPARE NONE. Say not that ye are persecuted, neither endeavour to make us the authors
of that reproach, which, ye are bringing upon yourselves; for we testify unto all men, that
we do not complain against you because ye are Quakers, but because ye pretend to be and
are NOT Quakers.
Alas! it seems by the particular tendency of some part of your testimony, and other parts
of your conduct, as if, all sin was reduced to, and comprehended in, THE ACT OF
BEARING ARMS, and that by the people only. Ye appear to us, to have mistaken party
for conscience; because, the general tenor of your actions wants uniformity--And it is
exceedingly difficult to us to give credit to many of your pretended scruples; because, we
see them made by the same men, who, in the very instant that they are exclaiming against
the mammon of this world, are nevertheless, hunting after it with a step as steady as
Time, and an appetite as keen as Death.

The quotation which ye have made from Proverbs, in the third page of your testimony,
that, "when a man's ways please the Lord, he maketh even his enemies to be at peace with
him"; is very unwisely chosen on your part; because, it amounts to a proof, that the king's
ways (whom ye are desirous of supporting) do NOT please the Lord, otherwise, his reign
would be in peace.

I now proceed to the latter part of your testimony, and that, for which all the foregoing
seems only an introduction viz.

"It hath ever been our judgment and principle, since we were called to profess the light of
Christ Jesus, manifested in our consciences unto this day, that the setting up and putting
down kings and governments, is God's peculiar prerogative; for causes best known to
himself: And that it is not our business to have any hand or contrivance therein; nor to be
busy bodies above our station, much less to plot and contrive the ruin, or overturn of any
of them, but to pray for the king, and safety of our nation, and good of all men--That we
may live a peaceable and quiet life, in all godliness and honesty; UNDER THE
GOVERNMENT WHICH GOD IS PLEASED TO SET OVER US"--If these are
REALLY your principles why do ye not abide by them? Why do ye not leave that, which
ye call God's Work, to be managed by himself? These very principles instruct you to wait
with patience and humility, for the event of all public measures, and to receive that event
as the divine will towards you. Wherefore, what occasion is there for your POLITICAL
TESTIMONY if you fully believe what it contains? And the very publishing it proves,
that either, ye do not believe what ye profess, or have not virtue enough to practise what
ye believe.

The principles of Quakerism have a direct tendency to make a man the quiet and
inoffensive subject of any, and every government WHICH IS SET OVER HIM. And if
the setting up and putting down of kings and governments is God's peculiar prerogative,
he most certainly will not be robbed thereof by us: wherefore, the principle itself leads
you to approve of every thing, which ever happened, or may happen to kings as being his
work. OLIVER CROMWELL thanks you. CHARLES, then, died not by the hands of
man; and should the present Proud Imitator of him, come to the same untimely end, the
writers and publishers of the Testimony, are bound, by the doctrine it contains, to applaud
the fact. Kings are not taken away by miracles, neither are changes in governments
brought about by any other means than such as are common and human; and such as we
are now using. Even the dispersion of the Jews, though foretold by our Saviour, was
effected by arms. Wherefore, as ye refuse to be the means on one side, ye ought not to be
meddlers on the other; but to wait the issue in silence; and unless ye can produce divine
authority, to prove, that the Almighty who hath created and placed this new world, at the
greatest distance it could possibly stand, east and west, from every part of the old, doth,
nevertheless, disapprove of its being independent of the corrupt and abandoned court of
Britain, unless I say, ye can shew this, how can ye on the ground of your principles,
justify the exciting and stirring up the people "firmly to unite in the abhorrence of all
such writings, and measures, as evidence a desire and design to break off the happy
connexion we have hitherto enjoyed, with the kingdom of Great-Britain, and our just and
necessary subordination to the king, and those who are lawfully placed in authority under
him." What a slap of the face is here! the men, who in the very paragraph before, have
quietly and passively resigned up the ordering, altering, and disposal of kings and
governments, into the hands of God, are now, recalling their principles, and putting in for
a share of the business. Is it possible, that the conclusion, which is here justly quoted, can
any ways follow from the doctrine laid down? The inconsistency is too glaring not to be
seen; the absurdity too great not to be laughed at; and such as could only have been made
by those, whose understandings were darkened by the narrow and crabby spirit of a
despairing political party; for ye are not to be considered as the whole body of the
Quakers but only as a factional and fractional part thereof.

Here ends the examination of your testimony; (which I call upon no man to abhor, as ye
have done, but only to read and judge of fairly;) to which I subjoin the following remark;
"That the setting up and putting down of kings," most certainly mean, the making him a
king, who is yet not so, and the making him no king who is already one. And pray what
hath this to do in the present case? We neither mean to set up nor to pull down, neither to
make nor to unmake, but to have nothing to do with them. Wherefore, your testimony in
whatever light it is viewed serves only to dishonor your judgement, and for many other
reasons had better have been let alone than published.

First, Because it tends to the decrease and reproach of all religion whatever, and is of the
utmost danger to society to make it a party in political disputes.

Secondly, Because it exhibits a body of men, numbers of whom disavow the publishing
political testimonies, as being concerned therein and approvers thereof.

Thirdly, because it hath a tendency to undo that continental harmony and friendship
which yourselves by your late liberal and charitable donations hath lent a hand to
establish; and the preservation of which, is of the utmost consequence to us all.

And here without anger or resentment I bid you farewell. Sincerely wishing, that as men
and christians, ye may always fully and uninterruptedly enjoy every civil and religious
right; and be, in your turn, the means of securing it to others; but that the example which
ye have unwisely set, of mingling religion with politics, MAY BE DISAVOWED AND
REPROBATED BY EVERY INHABITANT OF _AMERICA._

F I N I S.
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