Levi Strauss The Elementary Structures of Kinship

The Elementary Structures of Kinshp
(Les Structzlres klkmetz taires de la Barente')
Revised Edition Translated from the Frenclz by

JAMES HARLE BELL
JOHN R I C H A R D VOn S T U R M E R
and
RODNEY NEEDHAM
Editor
BEACON PRESS BOSTON
Published first in France under the title Les Structures e'le'rnentairesde la Parerzte' in 1949. A revised edition under the same title was published in France in 1967. Translation copyright @ 1969 by Beacon Press Library of Congress catalog card number: 68-12840 First published by Beacon Press in 1969
Secortd printing, J ~ l l y1969
First published as a Beacon Paperback in 1969 Published simultaneously in Canada by Saunders of Toronto, Ltd. Beacon Press books are published under the auspices of the Unitarian Universalist Association A i l rights reserved Printed in the United States of America
CHAPTER I1
The Problem of Incest

The problem of the prohibition of incest displays all the ambiguity which, on a different plane, undoubtedly accounts for the sacredness of the prohibition itself. This rule is at once social, in that it is a rule, and pre-social, in its universality and the type of relationships upon which it imposes its norm. Man's sexual life is itself external to the group, firstly, in being the highest expression of his animal nature, and the most significant survival of instinct, and secondly, in that its ends are to satisfy individual desires, which, as is known, hold iittle respect for social conventions, and specific tendencies, which, although in another sense, also go beyond society's own ends. However, if the regulation of relationships between the sexes represents an overflow of culture into nature, in another way sexual life is one beginning of social life in nature, for the sexual is man's only instinct requiring the stimulation of another person. This point must be taken up later. That it should provide a transition, in itself natural, between nature and culture, would be inconceivable, but it does give one reason why the change can and must necessarily take place in the field of sexual life above any other. It is a rule which embraces that which in society is most foreign tg it, but also a social rule which retains what in nature is most likely to go beyond it. The incest prohibition is at once on the threshold of culture, inculture, and in one sense,as we shall try to show, culture itself. Let it suffice for the moment to note the inherent duality to which it owes its ambiguous and equivocal character. Rather than accounting for this ambiguousness, sociologists have been almost exclusively concerned with reducing it. Their attempts fall into three principal types, which we shall distinguish and discuss here only in their essential features.
both natural and social, but in the sense that it results from a social reflection upon a natural phenomenon. The incest prohibition is taken to be a protective measure, shielding the species from the disastrous results of consanguineous marriages. This theory is remarkable in that it is required by its very statement to extend to all human societies, even to the most primitive, which in other matters give no indication of any such eugenic second-sight, the sensational privilege of knowing the alleged consequences of endogamous unions. This justification for the prohibition of incest is of recent origin, appearing nowhere in our society before the sixteenth century, Following the general pattern of his Moralia and impartially listing all possibilities without showing a preference for any one of them, Plutarch proposes three hypotheses, all sociological in nature, none referring to eventual defects in the descendants. Only Gregory the Great' can be quoted to the contrary, but his work does not seem to have had any influence on the thoilght of contemporaries or on later commentator^.^ It is true that various monstrosities are threatened to the descendants of incestuous parents in the folklore of various primitive peoples, notably the Australian aborigines. But apart from the fact that this Australian aboriginal taboo is probably the least concerned with biological proximity (it permits unions, such as grand-uncle with grand-niece, the effects of which cannot be particularly favourable), it is sufficient to note that such punishments are, in primitive tradition, commonly expected for all those who break rules, and are in no way especially confined to reproduction. The extent to which hasty observations should be distrusted is well brought out in Jochelson's remarks : 'These Yakut told me that they had observed that children born from consanguineous marriages are generally unhealthy. Thus, my interpreter, Dolganoff, told me that it had been observed among the Yukaghir that in case of marriages between cousins - which are contracted regardless of the custom of n'exi'yini. . . - the children die, or the parents themselves are subject to disease which frequently result in death.'3 So much for natural sanctions. As for social sanctions, they are based so little upon physiological considerations that among the Kenyah and Kayan of Borneo, who condemn marriage with mother, sister, daughter, father's sister or mother's sister. and with brother's daughter or sister's daughter, 'in the case of those women who stand to him in any of these relations in virtue of adoption, the prohibitions and severe penalties are if possible even more strictly e n f ~ r c e d ' . ~ Furthermore, it must be remembered that since the end of the paleolithic
MulIer, 1913, pp. 294-5. Cooper, 1932. Jochelson, 191CL26, p. 80. The Nuer call incest 'syphilis' because they see in one the punishment of the other (Evans-Pritchard, 1935, p. 11). Hose and McDougall, 1912, vol. I, p. 73. These authors remark that this observation demonstrates the artificiality of the rules concerning incest, ibid. vol. 11, p. 197.
Following the popular belief of many societies, including our own, the first type of explanation attempts to maintain the dual character of the prohibition by dividing it into two distinct phases. For Lewis H. Morgan and Sir Henry Maine,' for example, the origin of the incest prohibition is really
' Maine, 1886, p. 228.

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The Elementary Structures of Kinshp

(Les Structzlres klkmetz taires de la Barente')

Revised Edition Translated from the Frenclz by

BEACON PRESS BOSTON

The Problem of Incest

' Maine, 1886, p. 228.

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