Loki Sami

SCRIPTA ISLANDICA
ISLNDSKA SLLSKAPETS
RSBOK 63/2012
REDIGERAD AV VETURLII SKARSSON
under medverkan av
Pernille Hermann (rhus)
Mindy MacLeod (Melbourne)
Else Mundal (Bergen)
Gurn Nordal (Reykjavk)
Rune Palm (Stockholm)
Heimir Plsson (Uppsala)
UPPSALA, SVERIGE
Frfattarna och Scripta Islandica 2012
ISSN 0582-3234
Sttning: Marco Bianchi
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-174493
http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-174493
Innehll
SILVIA HUFNAGEL, Icelandic society and subscribers to Rafns
Fornaldar sgur nordr landa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
GURN KVARAN, Nucleus latinitatis og biskop Jn rnasons
orddannelse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
HEIMIR PLSSON, Om kllor och kllbehandling i Snorris Edda.
Tankar kring berttelser om skapelsen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
TRIIN LAIDONER, The Flying Noaidi of the North: Smi Tradition
Refected in the Figure Loki Laufeyjarson in Old Norse
Mythology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
LARS WOLLIN, Kringla heimsinsJordennes kretsOrbis terra
rum. The trans lation of Snorri Sturlusons work in Caro line
Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
ORLEIFUR HAUKSSON, Implicit ideology and the kings image in
Sverris saga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
Recensioner
OLOF SUNDQVIST, rec. av Annette Lassen, Odin p kristent per ga-
ment. En tekst historisk studie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
KIRSTEN WOLF, rec. av Rmverja saga, ed. orbjrg Helgadttir . . 141
Islndska sllskapet
HEIMIR PLSSON & LASSE MRTENSSON, Berttelse om verk sam-
heten under 2010 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
Frfattarna i denna rgng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Icelandic society and subscribers to Rafns
Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda
SILVIA HUFNAGEL
Literary criticism often focuses on authors and the production and mean-
ing of literature, but tends to ignore its actual reception. Research in the
felds of history of the book and the sociology of literature has a similar
focus but also focuses on the dissemination and reception of literature,
and on its wider context.
1
Gunnar Hansson is one scholar who focuses
on the reception of literature, in particular on what kind of literature was
most popular at a certain point in history, what impact it had on readers
and how the readers reactions to it changed over the course of time.
2

This study takes a similar approach, considering the subscribers to Carl
Christian Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda and their socio-historic
background as a refection of Icelandic society when the printed medium
was in the process of superseding the hand-written medium. Jrg Glauser
and Matthew James Driscoll briefy mention the list of subscribers to
Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda,
3
but a more detailed investigation
has not yet been undertaken. This article seeks to rectify this situation.
Rafn published his three-volume edition in Copenhagen in 182930
after having advertised it in 1827 and again in 1828.
4
With the title he
coined the term for the literary genre of sagas (sgur) that are set in the
northern countries (norurlnd) in ancient times (fornld), i.e. before
Icelands settlement. These sagas were extremely popular in post-Reform-
1
For an overview of the sociology of literature, see for example Furuland and Svedjedal,
eds., Litteratursociologi. On research into book history, see for example Weedon, ed., The
history of the book in the West, and Eliot and Rose, eds., A companion to the history of the
book.
2
See Hansson, Lsarnas litteraturhistorianr, hur och varfr?
3
See Glauser, Sptmittelalterliche Vorleseliteratur, 422, and Driscoll, Fornaldarsgur
Norurlanda, 260.
4
See Rafn, Sbskripznsplan and Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda.
Hufnagel, Silvia. 2012. Icelandic society and subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar
sgur nordrlanda. Scripta Islandica 63: 527.
6 Silvia Hufnagel
ation Iceland, as can be seen in the wealth of manuscripts contain ing
the sagas and the increasing amount of research on them during the last
three decades.
5
Most of the fornaldarsgur had already been published
in Sweden; individually during the second half of the 17
th
century and
then in Erik Julius Birners Nordiska kmpa dater in Stockholm in 1737.
It was Rafns edition that proved to be most infuential, however, as it
was more easily available than Birners or the other Swedish editions.
Three popular editions of the fornaldarsgur were based on it. The latest
of these in particular, the four-volume set by Guni Jnsson (Reykjavk,
1950), has been used by many scholars as the source of their research.
A study of the Icelandic readership of Rafns infuential edition and this
readerships socio-historic background at the time of its publication will
give valuable information on the reading society during that period, which
was one when distinctive changes in the production and transmission of
fornaldarsgur took place. The list of subscribers published on pp. 771
779 in the third volume of the edition is used as the source of information
about the editions readers in the absence of other sources describing the
editions benefactors or audience.
There are 305 subscribers on the list, ordered alphabetically and
accord ing to their country of residence. They are listed with their full
name, profession and/or title and place of residence, most of them from
Central and Northern Europe. Forty-four (one seventh) were institutions,
for example the Royal Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities
(Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien) in Sweden and
the University Library (Universittsbibliothek) of Kiel, Germany. All of
these institutions were outside Iceland and most of them were libraries.
Of the subscribers, 152 (one half) lived in Iceland.
Subscribers outside Iceland were often political and social leaders or
otherwise high-ranking members of society in their country of residence.
Several of them, for example the royal house of Denmark, were presumably
honorary members of The Royal Society of Northern Antiquities (Det
Kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab) and did not actively order a copy
5
There are 37 extant manuscripts from the 13
th
to the 16
th
century, 195 from the 17
th
century,
225 from the 18
th
century, and 118 from the 19
th
century. Of the latter, 34 were written before
the publication of Rafns edition and 57 afterwards. Manuscript production in Iceland was
already in decline in the 19
th
century, and the comparatively large number of 57 manuscripts
from after 1830 might indicate that Rafns edition acted as some form of stimulus. Only
dated manuscripts are taken into account. There are at least 213 undated manuscripts extant
that are not mentioned here. For a list of manuscripts containing fornaldarsgur and a
bibliography, see Driscoll and Hufnagel, Fornaldarsgur norurlanda.
7 Icelandic society and subscribers
of the edition. In Denmark there were 63 subscribers, including the royal
family and 12 institutions. 16 subscribers worked in the judicial, political
and administrative sector, nine were teachers or headmasters, two were
professors, and two others were students. We also fnd aristocrats and
offcers in the armed forces, pastors, two bishops, a medical doctor, a shop
owner and even a bookseller on Rafns list. Among these are well-known
names such as N.F.S. Grundtvig and Rasmus Rask. In Norway, there were
34 subscribers, six of which (one ffth) were institutions. The majority of
the subscribers either worked in the judicial, political and administrative
sector, belonged to the church, or were students. Others include a painter,
a shop owner and a pharmacist. There were two governors and a bishop,
i.e. men holding the highest positions in the political and ecclesiastical
spheres at that time in Norway. In Sweden the situation is similar. Four
of the 12 subscribers (one quarter) were institutions. The remaining eight
seem to have been high-ranking individuals. Outside Scandinavia, the
majority of subscribers were institutions, and the remaining subscribers
were, again, high-ranking persons or scholars. One of Germanys sub-
scribers was Jacob Grimm. He and his brother Wilhelm annotated their
copy of Rafns edition heavily
6
and their interest in Nordic mythology
can be clearly seen in their annotations: they often underlined the names
of saga characters, or of gods, and phrases about supernatural beings and
objects. In the margins they noted references to other works of literature
and history, for example the Nibelungenlied.
In order to consider the social status of subscribers to Rafns edition
in Iceland, the professions of the subscribers have been divided into four
groups: administrative, ecclesiastical, agricultural, and other. The highest
administrative offce in Iceland at that time was that of governor (stifts
amtmaur), followed by two sub-governors (amtmenn) and a secretary
(amtskrifari).
7
The president of the highest court, the dmstjri, was
the highest judicial offcer, followed by two judges.
8
A sheriff (sslu
maur) presided over each county (ssla), and an administrative offcer
6
Their copy is now in the Jacob-und-Wilhelm-Grimm-Zentrum of the Humboldt-Univer-
sitt zu Berlin.
7
The governor also served also as sub-governor for southern Iceland. In addition, there was
one sub-governor for western Iceland, and one for northern and eastern Iceland. On paper
there was therefore one governor and three sub-governors, but in reality only three persons.
See Einar Laxness, slandssaga, ak, 3637.
8
See Einar Laxness, slandssaga, ak, 100.
8 Silvia Hufnagel
(hreppstjri) over each district (hreppur).
9
Each sheriff had a summoner
(stefnuvottur) for assistance. The highest ecclesiastical offce was, and still
is, that of bishop. The provost was the next in rank, followed by the vicar
and the assistant pastors; a deacon (djkn) was not fully ordained. The
agricultural sector can be divided into land-owners, farmers, sub-tenants
and cottars. A household manager (rsmaur) can probably be put on
the same level as a farmer; below them were sub-tenants. Farmhands
were on the lowest level, together with the cottars. At the beginning of
the 19
th
century, most of the farmers did not own their farms but had
to pay rent for them and sometimes even for the cattle, if these were
provided by the landlord.
10
Within the retail trade, there were shop owners
or merchants (kaupmenn), shop managers (faktorar) and shop assistants
(verslunarmenn). Within crafts, the standard division was between master
craftsmen and apprentices.
Of the 152 subscribers, 39 (one quarter) held offces within the Church:
the bishop, seven provosts, 30 pastors and assistant pastors, and one
dean. 21 (one seventh) had an administrative profession: these include
one sub-governor and one president of the high court, one secretary, fve
sheriffs, ten administrative offcers, one summoner, one admin istrator
and one conciliator (forlkunarmaur). 55 (one third) had an agricultural
profession: four were land owners, 42 farmers, one a household manager
and eight farmhands. 13 (one tenth) were in business: six merchants, six
shop managers and one shop assistant. The remain ing subscribers were
two doctors, a pharmacist, three teachers, fve students, a cooper and
an apprentice to a cooper, a bookbinder, a printer, a silver smith, and six
teenagers (unglingar, literally young people). Two subscribers did not
specify their profession, and one is simply stated to be a bread-winner
(fyrirvinna).
This list shows that people from all social strata subscribed to Rafns
For naldar sgur nordrlanda, some holding the highest offces, many
from the middle social sphere, and even some from the lowest, e.g. the
coopers apprentice and the farmhands.
11
It should also be noted that people of all ages were involved, ranging
from teenagers, such as Eirkur rnason, a farmhand and probably 19
9
Maur in sg., menn in pl.; ssla in sg., sslur in pl.; hreppur in sg., hreppar in pl. See
Einar Laxness, slandssaga, ak, 200201 and l, 176179.
10
See Magns S. Magnsson, Iceland in transition, 3033.
11
Beggars and vagrants are not, however, found among the subscribers.
years old,
12
to elderly men, such as the clergyman Pll Hjlmarsson, born
in 1752 and thus in his late 70s.
13
Although there are no women listed as
subscribers, it might be the case that some of the subscribers ordered a
copy of the edition for their wives or other women in their household. It
is possible, for example, that Sigurur Brynjlfsson of the farm Mli in
Mlassla, eastern Iceland, ordered the edition on behalf of his mother
Kristn Nikulsdttir, one of the few female subscribers to Fornmanna
sgur, a 12-volume edition of kings sagas and similar works published
in Copenhagen in 182537.
14
Interesting patterns emerge as regards the social class and wealth of
the subscribers in the various regions and counties of Iceland. The tax
value of the subscribers farms will here be used as an indication of their
wealth. Of course this value is an approximation only; individuals could
have supplemented their income with fshing or they could have inherited
a fortune or lost their assets due to alcoholism or bad harvests. If such
information is known, it will be taken into account. The tax value is
measured in hundreds (h), one hundred being the equivalent to one cow
or six sheep or 120 ells of homespun. An average-sized farm had a tax
value of 20h.
15
On the Westman Islands, four of the fve subscribers were farmers
on very small farms, while the ffth, a pastor, was also a subscriber to
Fornmanna sgur and lived on a large farm with a tax value of 32.3h.
This farm was also the largest on the islands, whereas the average farm
there, at 8.3h, was very small.
16
One subscriber lived in Rangrssla; he was a pastor on a large farm
and also a subscriber to Fornmanna sgur.
In rnesssla there were four pastors and a provost, a sheriff, and
12
The term unglingur, teenager, is used for teenagers between 13 and 18 years. In the 1835
census, an Eirkur rnason is listed as the 27-year-old farmer at Holtar, see Manntalsvefur
jskjalasafns slands. If, as the evidence strongly suggests, this is the same person as
the teenage subscriber from the farm Holtar, Eirkur must have been 19 years at the time
of subscription.
13
See Pll Eggert lason, slenzkar viskrr, IV, 120121.
14
Volume III (1827) contains a list of subscribers; there were 760 subscribers in Iceland, of
whom 68 subscribed to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda.
15
See Bjrn Lrusson, The old Icelandic land registers, 3233, and Gsli gst Gunn laugs-
son, Family and household, 30, footnote 59. All tax values are taken from N jarabk fyrir
sland, which states the tax values for the year 1848.
16
In N jarabk fyrir sland, p. 10, there are 23 main farms registered for the Westman
Islands, but half of the farms are divided up into smaller units with their own farm names
and tax values, which leads to the actual count of 47 farms and an average tax value of 8.3h.
10 Silvia Hufnagel
a student who was also a shop manager. Surprisingly, there were two
commissioners in this county, although only 0.14% of the countys
population subscribed to the edition.
17
All the subscribers farms were
either of average size or larger. All except one also subscribed to Forn
manna sgur.
In Gullbringussla, many of the 11 subscribers held high offces.
These 11 were a bishop, the president of the high court, a pharmacist, two
provosts,
18
a pastor, a printer, a shop manager, a teacher, and two students.
There were no farmers among the subscribers, perhaps refecting the rise
in this county of Reykjavk as an administrative centre and its beginning
as the capital of Iceland.
19
Only one farm was of average size; three others
were large, and the island Viey, owned by the president of the high court
Magns Stephensen, was worth 261.4h, 13 times more than the average
farm of 20h. Eight out of the 11 subscribers were also subscribers to
Forn manna sgur.
In Kjsarssla the three subscribers were a pastor, an administrative
offcer and a farmer, all subscribers to Fornmanna sgur and living on
relatively large farms.
There were no subscribers from Borgarfjararssla.
In Mra- and Hnappadalsssla the only subscriber was a sheriff who
lived on a farm with a slightly above average tax value.
In Snfellsssla the subscribers were the sub-governor and his sec re-
tary, one provost, two assistant pastors (one of them from a large farm,
the second from an average-sized farm), three merchants and one shop
assistant. Even though the sub-governor lived on only an average-sized
farm, he must have had a high income. In the biography of the provost
Grmur Plsson (c. 17751853) it is stated that he was well off: Grddist
honum ar talsvert f.
20
Five of the nine subscribers also subscribed to
Forn manna sgur.
The only subscriber in Dalassla was a provost who lived on a large
farm with a tax value of 31.7h. He was also a subscriber to Fornmanna
sgur.
The tax values of the farms of the nine subscribers from Bara strandar-
ssla ranged from 13.6h to 145.23h. Two farms were smaller than 20h,
17
The number of county inhabitants is taken from Manntalsvefur jskjalasafns slands
for the year 1835.
18
One of the provosts was the stiftsprfastur, the head of the provosts in the see.
19
See Gunnar Karlsson, Icelands 1100 years, 182185.
20
Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, II, 104.
two farms were approximately 20h, and two farms were larger.
21
The
average farm size of the subscribers was 50.35h, whereas the average
farm size in the county was 20.19h. There were three subscribers in the
agricultural sector as well as two pastors, two merchants, a cooper and a
silversmith. Four of the subscribers subscribed to Fornmanna sgur.
The tax values of the farms of the 13 subscribers from safjararssla
ranged from 5.9h to 27.5h. Seven farms were smaller than 20h, two farms
were approximately 20h, and two farms were larger.
22
The average farm
size of the subscribers was 17.25h, whereas that in the county was 13.61h.
Five subscribers were in the agricultural sector, three in the ecclesiastical
sector, two in the administrative, and there were also a merchant and a
shop manager. Only one of these subscribers subscribed to Forn manna
sgur.
In Strandassla there were only two subscribers: a pastor who was
made provost in 1827
23
from a farm with a tax value of 26.7h, which was
above average size, and a shop manager. The pastor was also a subscriber
to Fornmanna sgur.
In Hnavatnsssla there were, again, no farmers among the eight
subscribers. Two were pastors, one was a dean, one a sheriff, one an
administrative offcer, one managed the former cloister of ingeyrar, and
one was a student. All farms were either of average size or large. Five of
the eight subscribers were also subscribers to Fornmanna sgur.
In Skagafjararssla, three of the seven subscribers were pastors, two
were farmers, one was a doctor and one was an administrative offcer.
Only two farms were medium-sized: the other six were large. Gumundur
Jnsson, the administrative offcer, did not specify his address, and it is
stated in his biography that he lived on many different farms,
24
but they
were all either small or of average size. Five subscribers subscribed to
Fornmanna sgur.
Both subscribers in Eyjafjararssla were also subscribers to Forn
manna sgur. One of them, Rev. Gsli Jnsson, lived on a large farm and
owned half of Hlar in Hjaltadalur,
25
worth 108.4h. The other subscriber
was an administrative offcer who lived on a farm with a tax value slightly
below average.
21
Two merchants did not have, or at any rate state that they owned, a farm.
22
One merchant and one shop manager did not have, or state that they owned, a farm.
23
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, I, 221222.
24
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, II, 165.
25
12 Silvia Hufnagel
The subscribers in ingeyrarssla were a teacher and a pupil (both
living on very large farms), a bookbinder and a pastor (both living on
large farms), and a summoner living on a small farm. The last three also
subscribed to Fornmanna sgur.
The tax values of the farms of the 26 subscribers from Mlassla ranged
from 8.2h to 110h. Nine farms were smaller than 20h, two farms were
approximately 20h, and ten farms were larger.
26
The average tax value
of the subscribers farms was 32.37h compared to an average county tax
value of 22.67h. In Mlassla, 14 of the subscribers (more than half) were
land-owners, farmers or farmhands, eight were vicars, assistant pastors or
provosts, two were shop managers and two belonged to the administrative
sector. Half of them were also subscribers to Fornmanna sgur.
The tax values of the farms of the 18 subscribers from Skaftafellsssla
ranged from 6.4h to 46.1h. Nine farms were smaller than 20h and seven
farms were larger.
27
The average tax value of the subscribers farms was
19.95h, whereas the average-sized farm in the county was 17.11h. 12 of
the subscribers (two thirds) were farmers or farmhands or else worked on
a farm in some capacity. Two subscribers worked in the administrative
sector, two were pastors, one was a doctor and one a teenager. Ten were
subscribers to Fornmanna sgur.
We can see from the foregoing regional break-down of subscribers
that most lived in the north-west and south-east of Iceland. Mlassla
(east) is, with 26 subscribers, the county with the highest number of
subscribers, followed by Skaftafellsssla (south-east) with 18 subscribers,
and safjararssla (north-west), with 13. If calculated as a percentage
of the population, however, Skaftafellsssla is in the lead, with 0.53%
of its inhabitants having been subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur
nordrlanda, followed by Mlassla with 0.49% and Barastrandarssla
(west) with 0.38%.
28
In general, most of the subscribers lived on average-sized farms,
with some of them even on large or very large farms. Especially in
the southern and western part of Iceland, many subscribers were not
farmers but rather held high offces. A copy of the edition was surely
affordable for them. It is surprising, though, that so many subscribers
26
One farm could not be precisely located as there are three farms of that name in the
county. Two shop managers did not have, or state that they had, a farm.
27
The farms at Holtar and Ketilsstair had two subscribers each.
28
The numbers of county inhabitants are taken from Manntalsvefur jskjalasafns slands
for the year 1835.
came from south-eastern Iceland, in particular from Mlassla. There is
general, albeit unwritten, consensus among scholars that few manuscripts
were produced or circulated in this part of Iceland. Nor can the large
number of subscribers from eastern Iceland be explained by eager and
zealous commissioners, as there was only one in Mlassla. A possible
explanation for the large number of subscribers from the south-east is the
lack of good fshing grounds or harbours in south-eastern Iceland, which
meant that the inhabitants would have had more spare time during winter
for reading rather than fshing.
29
If this was the explanation, it would only
hold true for the subscribers from small farms, since the other subscribers
from this county were presumably wealthy enough to buy a copy of the
edition in any event. Another possible explanation could be that if there
were very few or no manuscripts in circulation, a printed edition was their
only source of literature.
Although the subscribers to the edition came from all social spheres, the
lower classes are represented by rather few subscribers, even though they
constituted a fairly large proportion of Icelands inhabitants. Gumundur
Jnsson gives the proportion of people working in various trades in
1801. Of all the inhabitants, 3.4% had non-physical work, e.g. teachers
and offcials, 66.1% were farmers, 23% farmhands or servants, 0.5%
fshermen, 0.6% day labourers, 0.9% craftsmen, 0.5% tradesmen, 0.3%
retired, and 4.7% others. By far the largest percentage of the population,
or nine out of ten inhabitants, was in the agricultural trade, and one out
of four inhabitants was a farmhand or servant.
30
There were only a few
subscribers (several farmers, household managers and farmhands, two
administrative offcers and a summoner) who lived on small farmsmost
of them on the Westman Islands and in the eastern part of Iceland. And
even though most of the pastors lived on medium-sized or large farms,
some of them were poor. For them, the cost of a copy of Rafns Fornaldar
sgur nordrlanda must have represented a substantial part of their annual
income.
The reason for the rather low percentage of subscribers from lower
social spheres might be the relatively high price of a copy of the edition.
The cost of the three volumes was 10 silver shillings (sk silfri) for each
29
See Loftur Guttormsson, Island, 157.
30
See Gumundur Jnsson, Vinnuhj 19. ld, 1011. In this case it seems that the term
fsherman applies only to full-time fshermen who did not do any farming. Of course,
farmers and farm-hands went fshing during wintertime too, but as their main occupation
was farming, they are listed as farmers and farmhands.
14 Silvia Hufnagel
sheet, though in Iceland the price was reduced by 20% to 8 silver shillings
because of the countrys poverty. Each of the three volumes consisted of
30 sheets, so the price for the whole edition was 9 dollars 36 shillings,
or 7 dollars 3 marks in Iceland,
31
a price that was, according to Rafn,
rather lower than is usual here [in Iceland] for such books (nokku
lgra enn hr [ slandi] er almennt slkum bkum).
32
Furthermore, it
was possible for a group of people to purchase one copy of the edition
together in order to split up the costs and make it easier to afford.
33

Even though Rafn states that the edition was cheaper than other similar
editions, the price of 7 dollars 3 marks in Iceland still represented an
enormous amount of money for a farmhand. The wages for farmhands
and servants varied greatly between the counties, between the sexes and
even between idle and industrious workers, but the approximate annual
wage in 1830, three years after the subscription plan was published, was
around 30 dollars.
34
When one considers the steep wage increases in the
19
th
century, the wages in 1827 were probably slightly lower than in 1830.
Forn aldar sgur nordrlanda therefore probably cost around a third or
a quarter of a farmhands annual income. In view of that fact, the one
ap pren tice and eight farmhands who subscribed to the edition represent
quite a large number, especially as two of the farmhands were teenagers
whose income would have been even lower than 30 dollars per annum.
In some cases evidence suggests that some subscribers did indeed share
the cost of one copy between them. Einar Plsson and Eirkur rna son
were both young farmhands (vinnupiltar) on the farm Holtar in Skafta-
fells ssla, south-eastern Iceland. Similarly, the young and unmarried
Kristinn rnason (yngismaur) from Saltvk farm subscribed to Rafns
edition, as did the farmer Magns Gumundsson, also from Saltvk. Even
though there are two farms with this name, one in Kjsar ssla in south-
eastern Iceland and one in ingeyjarssla in north-eastern Iceland, the
evidence strongly suggests that Kristinn and Magns shared a copy of the
edition and its costs. There are two farmers listed at the farm Melrakkanes
in Southern Mlassla, eastern Iceland: Eyjlfur Halldrs son and Marks
Run lfs son. They could have either shared the costs of the edition between
them or purchased two copies. However, as the farm is fairly small, with a
31
One dollar (rkisdalur) is 6 marks (mrk); one mark is 16 shillings (skildingar). One
dollar is thus 96 shillings. See Einar Laxness, slandssaga, l, 103104.
32
Rafn, Sbskripznsplan, 106.
33
See Rafn, Sbskripznsplan, 107.
34
See Gumundur Jnsson, Vinnuhj 19. ld, 3348.
tax value of only 15.42h, it seems more likely that the two farmers shared
the cost of one copy between them.
There are still other interesting clusters of subscribers. Some of them
are characterised by their work relationships, others by their educational
relationships, and many of them by their family ties. Several subscribers
appear in more than one cluster and they seem to have been literary
institutions,
35
their literary tastes and opinions infuencing others and
maybe even encouraging others to subscribe to Rafns Fornaldar sgur
nordrlanda.
Bjarni orsteinsson (17811876) and Pll Plsson (180677) were
subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda whose relationship
can be described as a work relationship. Bjarni was the sub-governor for
western Iceland and lived in Arnarstapi on Snfellsnes, western Iceland,
and Pll was his secretary. Bjarni worked as a scribe for Bishop Geir
Vdaln from 1800 till 1804 and lived in Copenhagen from 1804 till 1821,
where he was one of the founders of The Icelandic Literary Society (Hi
slenska bkmenntaflag). He put considerable work into the edition of
Sturlunga saga that was published by the Literary Society in Copenhagen
in 181720. In 1845, he became the president of the parliament in Iceland.
His wife runn was the daughter of Bishop Hannes Finnsson.
36
When
Pll, his secretary, lived in Reykjavk in his later years, he (Pll) compiled
a collection of poems and was responsible for the purchase of books and
manuscripts for the National Library of Iceland.
37
The name of Bishop Geir Vdaln (17611823)
38
comes up several
times, although he died several years before Rafns edition was advertised.
Two subscribers acted at some point his scribe: the aforementioned Bjarni
orsteinsson from 1800 till 1804 and Rev. Snorri Brynjlfsson (1789
1851) from 1811 till 1813.
39
Each subscribed to both Fornaldar sgur
35
I follow Sigurur Gylf Magnsson and Dav lafsson in their usage and defnition of a
literary institution as individuals, groups or formal institutions that have infuenced the
consumption of literature and had an effect on tastes and on the diffusion and discussion
of literature in one way or another. Sigurur Gylf Magnsson and Dav lafsson,
Barefoot historians , 197.
36
See Bjarni Thorsteinsson, Bjarni Thorsteinsson, and Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar
viskrr, I, 199200.
37
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, IV, 136137, and Finnur Sigmundsson,
Hver var skrifarinn Stapa?
38
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, II, 3233, and Finnur Jnsson, ed., Geir
biskup gi, 510.
39
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, IV, 301.
16 Silvia Hufnagel
nordrlanda and Fornmanna sgur. Furthermore, several subscribers
received their university entrance diploma from Bishop Geir. It was
customary until c. 1830 to be schooled at home by a pastor, and Bishop
Geir had quite a lot of students.
40
In 1802 Vigfs E. Reykdal (1783
1862),
41
later a clergyman, and rur Sveinbjrnsson (17861856), later
governor, agent for The Icelandic Literary Society and an active poet,
42

graduated under Bishop Geir. In 1804 Gsli Auunarson (17811842)
and Jn Jnsson Reykjaln (1785 or 17871857),
43
both later clergy men,
graduated. Rev. Gsli is said to have been very poor.
44
In 1806 Sigfs
Finnsson (17831846), later a clergyman, and Stephn rnason (1787
1857), later a provost, graduated, both of them having been taught by the
clergyman Bjrn Vigfsson at Eiar before being taught by Bishop Geir.
45

And in 1817 Benedikt rarinsson (17951856), later a clergyman, gradu-
ated from the bishop. Rev. Benedikt was, from 1844 onwards, the assistant
pastor of the aforementioned provost Stephn rnason and became his
son-in-law.
46
Both he and Rev. Stephn subscribed to Fornmanna sgur
as well.
Another teacher of more than one subscriber was the poet Rev. or-
valdur B varsson (17581836), the head of the so-called Thorcillii
barna skli, a kind of primary school, from 1792 till 1804.
47
He is said to
have been a good teacher and poet, and many of his psalms and poems
still exist today.
48
Before 1790, he taught Thmas Sigursson (1772
1849), later a clergyman and allegedly an incompetent farmer,
49
who
nevertheless had a large farm with a tax value of 41.4h. In the winter
of 179394, Rev. orvaldur taught Ari Jnsson Skordal (c. 17681831),
later a clergyman who was said to be a talented poet.
50
Prior to 1809,
Rev. orvaldur taught Einar Plsson (17891830), later a clergyman who
was also said to be a talented poet. His Krossrma is today preserved in
40
See Einar Laxness, slandssaga, l, 43.
41
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, V, 5758.
42
See rur Sveinbjrnsson, fsaga rar Sveinbjarnarsonar, and Pll Eggert lason,
ed., slenzkar viskrr, V, 113114.
43
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, III, 249250.
44
45
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, IV, 191192 and 312.
46
47
According to Gunnar Karlsson, the school was more an orphanage than a school.
Gunnar Karlsson, Icelands 1100 years, 171.
48
49
50
the National Library of Iceland.
51
During one winter some time before
1811, Rev. orvaldur taught lafur Gumundsson (17961867), later a
clergyman.
52
Even though Rev. orvaldur did not subscribe to the edition
himself, it is likely that he had some poetic and literary infuence on his
students, perhaps resulting in their becoming interested in literature and
subscribing to the edition.
A similar form of educational relationship between subscribers is
found in the Latin schools at Hlar, Sklholt, Reykjavk and Bessastair.
Several of their head masters, teachers and students subscribed to Rafns
edition. Rev. Guttormur Plsson (17751860), later provost, was a
student in the school in Reykjavk from 1791 to 1793, the headmaster
there from 1801 to 1804, and after that, a teacher at Bessastair in 1806
07.
53
Steingrmur Jnsson (17691845), later a bishop, was a student
at the school at Sklholt in 1782 and at the Reykjavk school from
1786 to 1788, and a teacher at Bessastair from 1805 to 1810.
54
rni
Helgason (17771869), later a provost and bishop, albeit unconsecrated,
was a student at the Reykjavk school from 1795 to 1799 and a teacher
at Bessastair from 1817 to 1819. He was one of the founders of The
Icelandic Literary Society in Reykjavktogether with the sub-governor
Bjarni orsteinsson
55
and some other subscribersand was one of those
responsible for revising the Bible translations that were printed in 1841 and
1859 in Iceland.
56
Sveinbjrn Egilsson (17911852), who graduated from
Rev. rni in 1810, was the headmaster of the school at Bessastair from
1819 to 1850. He was also a founding member of The Icelandic Literary
Society; he translated Homers Odyssey and Iliad into Icelandic, several
sagas and poems into Latin, and also compiled a dictionary.
57
It might be a
coincidence that several of the teachers students and classmates became
subscribers. However, it is probable that the teachers wielded a certain
51
52
53
54
55
Furthermore, their wives were sisters, which adds a family tie to their relationship. See
Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, II, 310. rni and Bjarni were classmates and
shared a fat during their studies in Copenhagen. rnis letters to Bjarni are a testimony of
their close friendship. See Finnur Sigmundsson, ed., Biskupinn Grum.
56
57
See Jn rnason, Sveinbjrn Egilsson, and Pll Eggert lason, slenzkar viskrr,
IV, 361362. On the considerable infuence of Sveinbjrns translations and other works,
see, for example, orleifur Hauksson and rir skarsson, slensk stlfri, 455459 and
474477.
18 Silvia Hufnagel
literary infuence on them. The fact that several subscribers were students
or classmates of the same teacher at the same time might be regarded as
evidence of this infuence. The headmaster of the school at Hlar, Pll
Hjlmarsson (17521830), later a clergyman,
58
taught fve subscribers,
four of them at the same time. Jakob rnason (17701855), who became
a provost,
59
had seven subscribers amongst his students at the school in
Reykjavk between 1792 and 1801, and one colleague was a subscriber
too. Guttormur Plsson, who was one of these students and succeeded
Jakob in his teaching post, had fve subscribers amongst his own students.
Parental or sibling relationships are common among the clusters of
sub scribers. Amongst these are the wealthy Bjrn Blndal Auunar son
and his brother, the impecunious Rev. Gsli Auunarson; the brothers
Snorri Smundsson and Rev. Einar Smundsson Einarsen; the brothers-
in-law Rev. Grmur Plsson and Jn Matthasson; and the brothers-in-
law Rev. Dai Jnsson
60
and the cooper rur roddsson. The brothers
Snorri and Sigurur Brynjlfsson and their brother-in-law Jn Bergsson
were subscribers. Ari Arason and his son-in-law rur Bjarnason were
both subscribers, as were Magns Stephensen and his foster-son, the
headmaster of the school at Bessastair, Sveinbjrn Egilsson. Rev. Jn
Austmann Jnsson was one of the subscribers, as was his father Rev.
Jn Jnsson. A second son of Rev. Jn Jnsson, Pll Jnsson, farmer at
Blmsturvellir, was also a subscriber.
Magns Stephensen (17621833) is a further link between several
clusters of subscribers and might therefore be seen as a literary
institution. He was the president of the high court from 1800 till 1833
and governor from 1809 till 1810. He came from a powerful and very
wealthy family; his father lafur Stefnsson was governor too, and his
brother Stefn Stephensen was sub-governor of western Iceland from
1806 till 1820. His sister runn was married to Bishop Hannes Finnsson,
and his other sister Ragnheiur was married to a sheriff.
61
He himself
58
59
60
Rev. Dais second wife was the daughter of Rev. Pll Hjlmarsson, who was a teacher
of several subscribers, as stated earlier. Before she married Dai she was married to rni
Geirsson, son of Bishop Geir Vdaln, whose role as the teacher and employer of some
subscribers was described earlier. See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, IV, 121.
61
She was married to Jnas Scheving, son of Vigfs Scheving and brother of Magns
Stephen sens wife Gurn Vigfsdttir. See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr,
IV, 82.
was married to Gurn, the daughter of the sheriff Vigfs Scheving.
62

Other subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda were his foster-
son Sveinbjrn Egilsson, his nephew Oddur Thorarensen, and the well-
known Pll Melste, husband of Magns niece. Furthermore, Magns
had, at some point in time, three scribes working for him who were also
subscribers: Rev. rni Helgason, Rev. Grmur Plsson and Rev. lafur
Gumundsson, all previously mentioned.
Many of Magnss works were printed, mostly judicial texts, but also
a book of psalms. A multitude of manuscripts, letters and even parts of
his diary are kept in the National Library of Iceland.
63
Gumundur Hlf-
danar son describes him as the
leader of the Icelandic Enlightenment [] For years, he directed the only
printing press in Iceland, a position that gave him a virtual monopoly over what
was printed in the country. He used this situation to promote his own ideas,
publishing his writings on issues ranging from legal theory to the nutritious
62
63
Vigfs
Scheving
Magns
Stephensen
Gurn
Vigfsdttir
Ragnheiur
Vigfsdttir
Stefn
rarinsson
Sveinbjrn
Egilsson
Oddur
Thorarensen
Anna Sigrur
Stefnsdttir
Pll
Melste
Rev. rni
Helgason
Rev. Grmur
Plsson
Rev. lafur
Gumundsson
Fig. 1. Family and work cluster of Magns Stephensen. Solid lines: family;
dashed lines: work; grey boxes: subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordr
landa.
20 Silvia Hufnagel
value of seaweed. In his literary works [] Magns Stephensen remained an
ardent spokesman of enlightened rationalism.
64
The enlightenment of the Icelandic people through reading was certainly
very important to Magns and he disliked rmur and stories about trolls,
ghosts, elves, dwarves and imaginary heroes.
65
He must therefore have
disliked many of the stories in Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda, and
the reasons why he subscribed to the edition probably did not lie in his
interest in literature. It might be the case that he simply felt compelled to
subscribe to it or saw it as a necessary addition to his library, in the same
way that some people would buy a book by a newly announced Nobel
prize-winner todayin a way a symbol of status and cultural capital.
66

Or it is possible that somebody else in his household, his wife or one of
his children, for example, requested he subscribe to it so that he or she
could read it.
Beside work, educational and kinship relationships amongst the sub-
scribers of Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda, a strong local connection
between some of the subscribers seems to have existed. A sur prising
number of subscribers came from the parish of Klfafell in Skafta fells-
ssla, where Rev. Jn Jnsson (17561839) was pastor. He was another
literary institution, it seems, with two of his sons and three members
of his congregation amongst the subscribers. He is described as being
of an intellectual inclination (hneigur til frleiks) and was the scribe
of several manuscripts that are now kept in the National Library of
Iceland.
67
The subscribers Jn Hannesson, Jn Jnsson, Runlfur Sverris-
son and Pll Jnsson, a son of Rev. Jn, lived close to Klfafell. Jns
second son, Rev. Jn Austmann Jnsson, was also in the middle of a
strong local connection. In his parish on the Westman Islands are four
other subscribers, as has been described above. He was furthermore the
student and classmate of several other subscribers. Rev. Jn Austmann
64
Gumundur Hlfdanarson, Historical dictionary of Iceland, 144.
65
See Ingi Sigursson, Hugmyndaheimur Magnsar Stephensens, 133136.
66
I use the term cultural capital in accordance with Bourdieu, see Bourdieu, kono-
misches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital, 183198. Fornaldar sgur nordr
landa is thus an objectifed cultural capital that can be sold or given to other people. To
use this form of capital, however, requires other, incorporated forms of cultural capital
the ability to read and to understand the meaning of the book. Petra Sderlund gives some
examples of subscribers in 19th-century Sweden who used books as symbols of status and
cultural capital. See Sderlund, Romantik och frnuft, 297298.
67
is described as gifted at composing poetry and, like his father, his name
appears several times as the scribe of manuscripts in the National Library
of Iceland.
68
Runlfur Sverrisson, a congregant of Rev. Jn Jnsson, was one of
the few subscribers from a poor background. He was a young farmers
son on the farm Marubakki in Western Skaftafellsssla. In the list of
subscribers to Fornmanna sgur
69
he is described as yngismaur, a young
unmarried person, and in the list of subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur
nordrlanda his occupation is given as farmhand. According to the 1816
census,
70
he was fourteen years of age and the eldest child of the late
farmer, which means that he was born in either 1801 or 1802. In the 1835
census he was listed as sexton (mehjlpari).
71
The farm had a value
68
69
See Fornmanna sgur, III, n.p.
70
See Manntal slandi 1816, 123.
71
See Manntalsvefur jskjalasafns slands.
Rev. Jn
Jnsson
Jn
Hannesson
Gun
Jnsdttir
Pll
Jnsson
Rev. Jn
Austmann
Jn
Jnsson
Bjarni
Bjrnsson
Einar
Snorrason
Runlfur
Sverrisson
Einar
Einarsson
Eirkur
Erksson
Fig. 2. Family and local clusters of Rev. Jn Jnsson and Rev. Jn Austmann.
Solid lines: family; dashed lines: place of residence; grey boxes: subscribers to
Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordr landa.
22 Silvia Hufnagel
of 9.2h in 1848 and should therefore be classifed as small. The cost of
a copy of Rafns edition must have represented a considerable part of
his yearly income. Further evidence of his interest in literature, books
and manuscripts is provided by the existence of two manuscripts that he
owned (now in the National Library in Iceland), B 156 8vo and JS 17
8vo. The manuscript B 156 8vo was written in the frst quarter of the
nineteenth century and contains rmur.
72
JS 17 8vo contains songs for
service and was written by the aforementioned pastor Rev. Jn Jnsson
who lived at the farm Klfafell
73
the farm neighbouring Maru bakki.
Furthermore, in the binding of JS 100 8vo there are letters to Runlfur
from the doctor Sveinn Plsson,
74
another subscriber to Rafns edition.
Sveinn (17621840) has been described as a good poet and one of the best
natural scientists of his time: some of his studies were published in print.
75
Strong local connections also existed in Mlassla in eastern Iceland.
A good number of subscribers lived in the vicinity of Heydalur
76
and of
Hof in lptafjrur. The pastor at the church of Heydalur, Rev. Snorri
Brynjlfs son, and his father, both gifted poets,
77
and Snorris brother and
brother-in-law who were also subscribers have already been discussed
above. Thus, Rev. Snorri and his brother-in-law, Rev. Jn Bergsson at
the church of Hof in lptafjrur, may also be said to have been literary
institutions.
There are many pastors among the literary institutions, and this is
in full agreement with research that shows the strong infuence pastors
had on the sale and distribution of printed material.
78
Furthermore,
pastors were infuential in matters of education, as they supervised home-
schooled children once a year and had to ensure that children were able
to read before their confrmation took place.
79
As has been mentioned in
72
See Pll Eggert lason et al., eds., Skr, III, 38.
73
See Pll Eggert lason et al., eds., Skr, II, 621.
74
See Pll Eggert lason et al., eds., Skr, II, 639. The letter from Sveinn is not dated;
other letters in the manuscripts binding are from Hrgrdalur, 14
th
November 1838, and
Efri-Fljtar, 5
th
June 1841.
75
See Pll Eggert lason, ed., slenzkar viskrr, IV, 372373, and Sveinn Plsson,
Sveinn Plsson.
76
Also spelled Eydalur.
77
78
See Loftur Guttormsson, Bkmenning upplsingarld, 260 and 263.
79
See, for example, Loftur Guttormsson, Lsi and Island. Lsefrdighed og folke-
ud dannelse 15401800, Sigurur Gylf Magnsson and Dav lafsson, Barefoot
historians , 185187, and Tomasson, The literacy of the Icelanders, 6768.
this article, a number of clergymen taught children at home and could
therefore exert infuence over the childrens literary tastes.
As has been shown, the Icelandic subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar
sgur nordrlanda came from very mixed backgrounds; from all parts of
the island though with large numbers from the south-eastern and north-
western part of Iceland; and from all social strata from the countrys
ruling elite down to otherwise unknown farmhands. In this regard they
are unlike the subscribers from other parts of the world, who were mostly
high-ranking persons or institutions. Many of the subscribers from Iceland
Rev. Brynjlfur
Gslason
Kristn
Nikulsdttir
Rev. Jn
Bergsson
Rsa
Brynjlfsdttir
Sigurur
Brynjlfsson
Eyjlfur
Halldrsson
Hallur
Kristjnsson
Rev. Snorri
Brynjlfsson
Erlendur
Halldrsson
Gumundur
Stephnsson
Marks
Runlfsson
smundur
Jnsson
rur
rarson
Sigurur
Sigmundsson
orvarur
Gslason
Sveinn
rnason
Fig. 3. Family and local clusters of Rev. Jn Bergsson and Rev. Snorri Brynjlfs-
son. Solid lines: family; dashed lines: place of residence; grey boxes: subscribers
to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordr landa.
24 Silvia Hufnagel
are part of one or more clusters or networks related to the spheres of work,
education, kinship or place of residence. Further connections between
subscribers probably remain to be uncovered. Biographical information
is rather scarce, especially for people with non-ecclesiastical professions.
We can also be certain that the leaders of the country were in contact with
each other and with other residents of Icelandsomething which is not
necessarily catalogued or recorded. Moreover, it should not be forgotten
that Iceland was, and still is, a very small society and that the clusters
may sometimes be due purely to coincidence. There were, for example,
approximately 40 students per year at the school at Hlar, 24 at the school
at Sklholt, 30 in Hlavallarskli in Reykjavk and between 30 and 40
at the school at Bessastair.
80
In view of these numbers, it might be a
coincidence that some of the subscribers were classmates. Nevertheless,
some of the clusters are too large and too strong to be discarded as
coincidental. Some people, especially the president of the high court
Magns Stephensen, the pastor Rev. Jn Jnsson from Klfafell, and the
pastor Rev. Snorri Brynjlfsson from Heydalur, seem to have radiated
literary infuence and might have inspired others to become subscribers
to Rafns edition. The list of subscribers to the edition thus provides
evidence of people in Iceland who were interested in literature and of
their networks at a time when the medium of literature was changing from
hand-written to printed.
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October 2011. http://manntal.is.
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rsloka 1940. IV. Reykjavk: Hi slenzka bkmenntaflag.
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Helgason, eds. 191870. Skr um Handritasfn Landsbkasafnsins. IIII,
aukabindi IIV. Reykjavk: Landsbkasafn slands.
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. 1828. Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda. Skrnir (1828): 57.
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Education in Iceland in the modern period. In Writing peasants. Studies
on peasant literacy in early modern northern Europe. Edited by Klaus-
Joachim Lorenzen-Schmidt and Bjrn Poulsen, 175209. [Kerteminde]:
Landbohistorisk Selskab.
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minningargreinar. III. Edited by orkell Jhannesson, 113159. Reykjavk:
Bkfellstgfan.
Sderlund, Petra. 2000. Romantik och frnuft. V. F. Palmblads frlag
18101830. Skrifter utgivna av Avdelningen fr litteratursociologi vid
Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen i Uppsala 43. Uppsala: Gidlunds frlag.
Tomasson, Richard F. 1975. The literacy of the Icelanders. Scandinavian
Studies (Winter 1975): 6693.
Weedon, Alexis. 2010. The history of the book in the West. A library of critical
essays. 5 volumes. Farnham: Ashgate.
rur Sveinbjrnsson. 1916. fsaga rar Sveinbjarnarsonar. Hyfrdmara
Landsyfrrjettinum samin af honum sjlfum. Sgurit 16. Reykjavk:
Flagsprentsmijan.
orleifur Hauksson and rir skarsson. 1994. slensk stlfri. Reykjavk:
Styrktarsjur rbergs rarsonar og Margrtar Jnsdttur, Hskli slands,
Ml og menning.
Summary
This article focuses on the subscribers to Rafns Fornaldar sgur nordrlanda
(Copenhagen, 182930) in Iceland at a time when the culture of print was in
the process of superseding traditional manuscript culture. People of all ages and
from all social strata can be found among the 152 subscribers. A relatively large
number, however, came from the upper social sphere; there are rather fewer from
the lower social spheres, for example farmhands, even though they constituted
a large percentage of Icelands inhabitants. This was probably because of the
relatively high cost of the edition, 7 rd. 3 sk., which represented a quarter to a
third of a farmhands annual income. Many subscribers lived in the north-west
and in the south-east of Iceland, and many were part of networks determined
by work, education, kinship or place of residence. Some seem to have exerted
literary infuence over their contemporaries and perhaps inspired them to become
subscribers too. The list of subscribers thus provides insight into people in Iceland
who had literary interests, and into the networks of these people.
Keywords: sociology of literature, fornaldarsgur, subscribers, nineteenth-
century Icelandic society
Silvia Hufnagel
The Arnamagnan Collection
University of Copenhagen
Njalsgade 136
DK2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark
[email protected]
Nucleus latinitatis og biskop Jn rnasons
orddannelse
GURN KVARAN
1 Indledning
Hensigten med artiklen er at se p den latinsk-islandske ordbog Nucleus
latinitatis, som Jn rnason, biskop i Sklholt, oversatte og udgav i
Kbenhavn i 1738. Bogens titel blev ganske tidligt forkortet til Kleyfsi
af eleverne i latinskolen i Sklholt, og denne forkortelse bruges den dag
i dag. Jn rnasons forbillede var en latinsk-dansk ordbog, skrevet af
professor Hans Gram. Nucleus latinitatis blev genudgivet som det tredje
bind i serien Orfririt fyrri alda, udgivet af Orabk Hsklans 1994.
Det islandske ordforrd i ordbogen er ganske stort, og en god del af
ordene, som er de eneste eller ldste eksempler i Orabk Hsklans
seddelsamling over skriftsproget (herefter OH), har Jn rnason lavet
selv, hvis de var ndvendige for hans oversttelse af det danske forbillede.
Jeg vil frst sige lidt om biskop Jn rnason og de bger som han skrev
til skolen i Sklholt. Siden flger et kort kapitel om Hans Gram og hans
ordbog. Derefter bliver udvalgte lemmaer fra begge bger sammenlignet,
mens den sidste del af artiklen (5. kapitel) frst og fremmest handler om
brugen af nogle suffkser ved orddannelse i den islandske ordbog.
2 Jn rnason
Jn rnason blev fdt i ret 1665 som sn af en prst i Drafjrur p
Vestfjordene. Sin frste undervisning fk han i sin fars hjemmeskole,
hvorefter han senere blev sendt til skolen i Sklholt. Der hersker ikke
enighed om, hvornr han fuldfrte sit studium fra skolen. Nogle mener, at
Kvaran, Gurn. 2012. Nucleus latinitatis og biskop Jn rnasons orddannelse.
Scripta Islandica 63: 2941.
30 Gurn Kvaran
det var i ret 1685, mens andre pstr, at det var i ret 1690, hvor han rejste
til Kbenhavn for at studere teologi. Her tog han sin embedseksamen i
1692. Samme r rejste han tilbage til Island.
Jn rnason arbejdede som lrer ved skolen p bispesdet Hlar i
Nordlandet fra 1695 til 1707, hvor han blev viet til prst p Staur i
Steingrmsfjrur. Han blev udnvnt biskop i Sklholt p Sydlandet 1722.
Han mtte rejse til Kbenhavn for at blive viet, og mens han opholdt sig
der, fk han titlen magister af professor Hans Gram, som p den tid var
rektor ved Kbenhavns universitet.
Jn rnason lagde fra begyndelsen vgt p at forbedre undervisningen
i skolen i Sklholt. Noget af det frste han gjorde var at tilpasse en dansk
Donat fra 1729 til det islandske sprog. Bogen udkom i Kbenhavn 1733
under titlen Donatus, Hoc est: Paradigmata partium orationis Latin
Islandica (Jn rnason 1733), og den var en traditionel lrebog i latinsk
grammatik.
Jn rnason lavede ogs en islandsk oversttelse af en latinsk
grammatik p dansk af Jens Dinesen Jersin, Epitome grammatic latin
cum interpretatione Islandica (Kbenhavn 1623), og fk den udgivet i
1734 (Jn rnason 1734a). Det samme r udkom ogs ordlisten Lexidion
LatinoIslandicum Grammaticale som havde det forml at gre det
nemmere for islandske elever at lre det latinske ordforrd (Jn rnason
1734b). Den nste bog, som Jn rnason udgav, var Nucleus latinitatis,
som allerede er blevet nvnt.
I det islandske landsbibliotek (jarbkhlaa) er der bevaret et
manuskript p 1190 sider, skrevet af Jn rnason selv (Lbs. 224 4to). Det
har titlen Lexicon IslandicoLatinum og stammer fra omkring 1740. Denne
ordsamling skulle sikkert oprindelig vre en del af Nucleus latinitatis og
have samme funktion som ordlisten trykt bagerst i den danske Nucleus.
En sammenligning af den islandske Nucleus og ordlisten viser dog, at
der i manuskriptet fndes en god del ord og ordforbindelser, som ikke
forekommer i selve ordbogen. Dette kunne betyde, at Jn rnason havde
haft i sinde at skrive en islandsk-latinsk ordbog, som han dog ikke nede
at skrive frdig. Han dde i ret 1743.
31 Nucleus latinitatis og biskop Jn rnasons orddannelse
3 Hans Gram og hans ordbog
Hans Gram (16851748) studerede teologi, historie og sprogvidenskab.
Han blev professor i grsk ved Kbenhavns Universitet i 1714 og var
i to omgange valgt som universitetets rektor. Det er velkendt, at Gram
arbejdede p en latinsk-dansk ordbog i rene 17091710, som blev
udgivet anonymt. S vidt jeg ved, fndes der intet bevaret eksemplar
af denne frste udgave og iflge Bibliotheca Danica er udgivelsesret
ukendt.
I et brev fra Jn rnason til kongen fra 1732 skriver han, at ingen
latinsk-islandsk ordbog endnu er blevet skrevet og udgivet, men at han
selv, nr han har tid, arbejder p at overstte Nucleus Latinitatis, som var
blevet trykt i kongens og universitetets trykkeri i 1712, til islandsk.
Det ser sledes ud til, at Grams ordbog udkom i ret 1712, og at Jn
rnason oversatte denne udgave. Anden udgave af Grams ordbog udkom
i 1722, den tredje i 1733, og i alt udkom den fem gange og var i brug i
Danmark til omkring 1900. Al sammenligning af den islandske og den
danske ordbog er svr, eftersom Grams udgave og Jn rnasons forbillede
ikke eksisterer. Gram har gennemget sin frste udgave og jensynlig
foretaget mange ndringer, men jeg synes at en kort sammenligning
alligevel er umagen vrd, da den mske siger noget om, hvorledes Jn
rnasons forbillede s ud. Jeg sttter mig til Grams tredje udgave, da den
var den eneste, som jeg kunne f tilgang til.
Grams tredje udgave indeholder 2150 spalter. Bag selve ordbogsteksten
fndes der en dansk ordliste hvor der er trykt to tal bag hvert opslagsord.
Det frste henviser til spalte og det andet til linje i spalten.
4 Den danske Nucleus latinitatis fra 1733
og den islandske fra 1738
En af de strste forskelle p de to udgaver, den danske og den islandske,
er at Jn rnason flger den sdvane at give et verbum i frste person
singularis som lemma. Det er muligt at det ogs var blevet gjort i hans
forbillede, men det er ikke tilfldet i tredje udgave. I oversttelsen bruger
Jn rnason pronomenet eg jeg, som ofte virker ganske komisk p
den moderne bruger, isr der hvor verberne er upersonlige, mens Gram
32 Gurn Kvaran
udelader brugen af jeg i sin oversttelse, da dansk i det 18. rhundrede
havde opgivet den srskilte 1. pers. sg. i verbalbjningen. Jeg nvner
nogle eksempler:
Jon rnason Hans Gram
depluo eg rigne nidur (pluo 241) regner need, needregner
perpluo eg rigne i gegnum, lek
(pluo 241)
igiennemregner, regner igiennem
increpo eg gef hliod af mier, it. ad
brakar, hrickter i mier (crepo 45)
skralder, giver Lyd eller Skrald,
knkker, smkker
nidulor eg hreidra mig, by til
Hreidur item ligg i Hreidre (nidus
190)
gir eller bygger Rede, it. ligger i
Rede
lapidesco eg verd ad steinum, verd
steinhardur (lapis 131)
bliver til Steen, vrder steenhard
I Nucleus latinitatis, svel den danske som den islandske udgave, er
afedninger placeret alfabetisk under hovedlemmaet. Depluo og perpluo
fndes f.eks. efter hovedlemmaet pluo. Dette gr det lidt svrere at fnde
frem til de rigtige lemmaer. I udgaven fra 1994 har man lst problemet
med en liste over alle lemmaer i ordbogen samt sidetal.
Hans Gram nvner ganske mange ordforbindelser og stninger for
nrmere at forklare de ord, som han er ved at beskrive. De frreste
af dem er oversat til dansk, mens Jn rnason overstter dem med f
undtagelser. Om Gram har udeladt oversttelsen i omarbejdelsen af
ordbogen eller Jn rnason har tilfjet oversttelserne, ved man ikke nu,
men de m have vret til hjlp for brugerne af ordbogen. Som eksempler
kan nvnes:
Lis pecuniaria Peninga Sk, Inopia rei pecuniari Peninga rbirgd
(pecunia 224)
Nervi rerum gerendarum pecuni Peningarner eru Stod og Styrkur til storra
Athafna (nervus 190)
Nervi sapienti, nil temere credere ad er styrkur til Spekennar, ad trua ecke
hveriu einu sem framkiemur, ad vera ecke of audtrua (nervus 190)
Obtrudere alicui aliqvid ad naudga einu uppa einhvern, koma honum
naudugum til ad taka a mote (trudo 369)
Det er muligt, at Gram har gennemset og ndret nogle opslagsord og
udeladt det, som han ved revideringen ikke syntes var passende at have
med i en ordbog, som skulle bruges i skolerne. Som eksempel kan nvnes
verbet obducto, som i Grams oversttelse er frer, overfrer. I den
islandske udgave str: eg fre tydt einhversstadar. Som forklaring af
brugen af verbet str: Non patiar in des meas scorta sic obductarier eg
vil ecke lyda ad ad Skikiurnar sieu frdar so tijdt heim i min hus (jeg
tolerer ikke at man bringer skgerne s ofte til mine huse).
Da man ikke med sikkerhed ved, hvor meget Gram ndrede i sine
oversttelser, er det svrt at bestemme i hvilken grad, Jn rnason fulgte
ham. Hvis man f.eks. ser p ordet humilitas, s overstter Gram: Lavhed,
Nedrighed, Dybhed, 2. Ringhed, Slethed, Foragtelighed, Lumpenhed, 3.
Ydmyghed, Fornedrelse, at man forringer og fornedrer sig selv, mens
Jn rnason njes med Laglende, 2. Audvirdelegleike, 3. Audmykt
(humilis 114).
Omvendt forholder det sig med f.eks. vulpes som Gram overstter
som en Rv, 2. vulpes marina, en Hav=fsk saa kaldet, Hav=Fuchs. Jn
rnason bruger ganske mange synonymer for rven: Refur, Toa, Skolle,
Dratthali, Lagfota, Holltaor, Melracke, Bloddreckur, Tortrigg, 2. Vulpes
marina einslags Siofskur (413).
Jn rnason bruger ret mange udtryk, som ikke forekommer i Grams
ordbog. Som eksempler kan nvnes: stemma stiga fyrir (coerceo 12),
leggja fyrir al (incuratus 49), draga en tlar (produco 60), fa i
moenn (oppedo 224).
I nogle tilflde bruger Jn rnason det samme udtryk som Gram,
f.eks.:
J..: Exire ephebis vel ex ephebis: ad komast af omaga alldre, verda fullorden,
ad hafa slyted barnskonum (exeo 64); ex pueris excedere ad slijta Barnskonum,
komast af omaga alldre (puer 260). Gram: At komme til Karls Alder, have
traad sine Brne=skoe; ex pueris excedere at drage sine Barne=skoe af.
J..: perfricare frontem vera Bligdunarlaus, bijta hfuded af Skmmenne
(perfrico 91). Gram: stryge al Skam og Udseelse af Ansigtet, : blive
u=forskammet, bide Hovedet af Skam.
Begge disse udtryk er velkendte i Island i dag. I OH stammer det ldste
belg for slta barn(s)sknum fra Jn rnasons ordbog, mens lidt ldre
eksempler fndes p bta hfui af skmminni. Begge er sikkert ln fra
dansk.
En mere udfrlig sammenligning af de to ordbger ville vre af
interesse, hvis man gr ud fra, at Jn rnason har brugt udgaven fra
34 Gurn Kvaran
1712. P den mde kunne man mske f et indblik i Grams frste udgave,
selvom resultaterne kun kan vre spekulationer.
5 Jn rnasons orddannelse
Hovedvgten i dette kapitel ligger p Jn rnasons oversttelser. Jeg
vil isr se p de ord, som iflge OH frst synes at forekomme i Nucleus
latinitatis eller er samlingens eneste eksempler, og derefter g over til ord
dannet med suffkser og med affkser og suffkser.
5.1 Simpleksord
Ordet blor bruges som oversttelse af latin stupa og stuppa, d.v.s. Tog-
reskia, Undanlas, Blor (ad er Togreskiann af Hrnum) (338). Hos Gram
str: Blaar, Tave, som renses fra og tages af Hr eller Hamp (1784).
Iflge sgeir Blndal Magnsson (1989:66) er blor et lneord fra dansk,
som blev brugt i det 18. og 19. rhundrede. I OH er Nucleus den ldste
kilde af i alt otte. Den yngste stammer fra slutningen af det 19. rhundrede.
I oversttelsen af verbet adoro og substantivet offcium bruger Jn
rnason substantivet frukt som neutrum, eg tilbid, 2. eg veite einum stora
Lotningu, heilsa hnum med miklu Frukte (oro 209), og ved offcium 3.
Lotning, ra, Virding, Fruckt (70). Lidt ldre eksempler fndes i OH fra
slutningen af det 17. rhundrede p fruckt som maskulinum.
sgeir Blndal Magnsson (1989:211) mener, at ordet er et lneord
i islandsk, men at oprindelsen er uklar. Ordret er efter hans mening
muligvis beslgtet med det danske verbum frygte. Ved betydning 4
under opslagsordet offcium str hos Gram res beviisning, re=pligt,
Compliment, mens der ved adro str 1. Tilbeder. 2. gir dyyb Reverents
og Compliment for, hilser med stoor Respect, gir strste re og Hjtiid.
Det er derfor klart, at Jn rnason ikke har ordet direkte fra Gram, men
m have kendt det fra sit eget sprog.
Jn rnason bruger substantivet hvin tre gange som oversttelse af
sibilus Blystur, Hvin, Tanna hviss (312), susurrus Hvyn, Hviss (345)
og stridor hrikt, Gnistran, Marr, Brak, Hvin (335). Ordet er et neutrums-
ord. Hans eksempler er de tre ldste i OH, mens det fjerde er fra midten
af det 19. rhundrede. sgeir Blndal Magnsson (1989:398) giver
betydningen ys, p, som ikke er helt den samme som hos Jn rnason.
Defnitionen i Nucleus latinitatis er lidt mildere. I Grams ordbog str ved
sibilus Hvidsel, Hvidslen, it. Hvinen, mens Hvinen ikke bruges som
oversttelse af susurrus. Jn rnason har uden tvivl tilpasset det danske
ord det islandske sprog.
Substantivet karr bruges som oversttelse af crepitus: Karr, Brak,
Hrickt (44), og det er OHs eneste eksempel p denne betydning. Hos
Gram er betydningsbeskrivelsen Knarken, Skralden, Skrald, Knagen
og Bragen, Skrppen, Rumlen. Jn rnason har ikke sit forbillede
herfra og har lavet ordet selv efter islandske regler om orddannelse.
Verbet karra knirke, knage fndes i det islandske sprog fra det 17. r-
hundrede.
OH har kun eksempler fra Nucleus latinitatis p ordene mokk, skurtl
og slng. Mokk (neutrum) buges som oversttelse af substantivet situs
2. Migla, Mocka, Duft, Mock, sem sest a Hlute, sem leinge liggia i
einum stad, hvar eir verda mockader (moskader) og funer (317). Mokka
(femininum) i den samme betydning er ogs OHs eneste eksempel. Hos
Gram str ved opslagsordet situs 2. Skimmel, Mul, Mulenhed, Skarn som
samles paa Tj, der ligger lnge paa et Sted og fordrves. Jn rnason
har ikke sit forbillede derfra. sgeir Blndal Magnsson har det ldste
eksempel p mokka fra det 18. rhundrede, og det er nsten uden tvivl
fra Nucleus latinitatis. Han nvner ikke mokk. Oprindelsen er efter hans
mening ikke sikker, men muligvis i slgt med mugga [mrkt, fugtigt
vejr] og mygla [mug, skimmel] (1989:630).
Skurtl er oversttelse af lat. vulneratio Sring, Skurtl, Averke (413).
I OH fndes der eksempler fra det 17. rhundrede p skurtla som femi-
ninum i den samme betydning, og sgeir Blndal Magnsson nvner
verbet skurtla i betydningen sra smvegis, feira (sre lidt, skrabe)
(1989:876). Gram er her ikke et forbillede, da han overstter med
Saarelse, Saargirelse, Saaren.
Der fndes fere eksempler p simpleksord, som frst synes at vre brugt
i Nucleus latinitatis, som gjgt, hnjak, rjtl og skjgt som alle er dannet
af verber, gjgta, hnjaka, rjtla, skjgta. De synes ikke at have direkte
forbillede i Grams ordbog og er en del af Jn rnasons orddannelse.
5.2 Suffkset -an
Jn rnason bruger suffkset an ret meget til at danne et substantiv af
verber for at angive en handling (nomen actionis), og han bruger det
hyppigere end suffkset un. I nogle tilflde bruger han begge to ved af-
36 Gurn Kvaran
led ning fra et verbum, f.eks. afplokkan og afplokkun, afskaffan og af
skffun, malan og mlun. Afplokkan (26) er en oversttelse af lat.
carptra, hos Gram Afplukning, mens afplokkun (380) er oversttelse
af lat. avulsio, hos Gram Afplukken. Afskaffan (179, 203) er p den ene
side en oversttelse af lat. amotio, Gram Afskaffelse, Fordrivelse, og p
den anden side af lat. abolitio, hos Gram Afskaffelse, Afsttelse, mens
afskffun (282) er en oversttelse af obrogatio, hos Gram Afskaffelse.
Malan (175) er oversttelse af lat. molitra, hos Gram Malen, og mlun
bruges som oversttelse af lat. molile Verkfre sem heyrer til Mlun,
som er det nste opslagsord, hos Gram Male-Verktj.
Som eksempler p ord, som kun forekommer med an er farvan (70),
lat. infectus, hos Gram Farven, Farvning; fxeran (92), lat. frustratio,
hos Gram Skuffelse, Fixeren; heilbrigan (291), lat. sanatio, hos Gram
Lgen, Heelen; samanblandan (169, 170), lat. admistio og permistio,
hos Gram Tilblandelse, Tilblanding; samanjappan (52), lat. desatio,
hos Gram Tykning, Strkning; upptendran (22), lat. incensio, hos
Gram Antndelse; tpressan (253), lat. pressra, hos Gram Af- eller
Ud-tryckning, Afpressing. Substantiverne er dannet af verberne farva,
fxera, samanjappa, upptendra og tpressa, og i to tilflde synes de at
vre dannet direkte efter dansk forbillede (farvan, fxeran).
5.3 Suffkset -un
Substantiver dannet med suffkset un er ikke s mange som med -an.
Nogle eksempler er kstun (115), lat. jactatio, hos Gram Kasten,
Slngen; plokkun (379), lat. vulsura, hos Gram Plukken; sprnun
(227), lat. comprendium, hos Gram Proft, Sparen og ktun (325),
lat. respectus, hos Gram Heenseende, Agten, Agtelse. De er dannet af
verberne kasta, plokka, spara og akta. I alle tilflde er substantiverne
dannet efter dansk forbillede.
5.4 Suffkset -ari
Suffkset ari er ganske almindeligt ved dannelsen af et nomen agentis.
Det er tilpasset islandsk med oprindelse i det latinske suffks arius. Det
kan bruges ved dannelsen af substantiver af nsten alle verber, som
henviser til en handling. I Nucleus latinitatis er der 114 ord som enten er
de eneste eller de ldste eksempler i OH, mens der i hele bogen fndes 350
ord med dette suffks. De mest vanlige suffkser i de latinske forbilleder
er arius og tor.
Ord med suffkset ari kan deles i tre grupper. Den frste gruppe tilhrer
de ord, hvor suffkset er fjet direkte til verbets stamme:
frare (378), lat. vector, hos Gram Frer; geiglare (101, 231, 383), lat.
gesticulator, petaurista, ventilator, hos Gram en Ggler(e); krenkjare (399),
lat. viticator, hos Gram en Krnkere; plagare (84, 391), lat. affictor, vexator,
hos Gram en Plagere og temjari (58), lat. domitor, hos Gram en Tmmer.
Det kan nvnes, at ingen af disse ord er blevet excerperet hos OH. Det er
muligt at redaktrerne syntes, at de var for lidt anpassede og s for danske
ud, som f.eks. frari, krenkjari og plagari. Jn rnason er her under
indfydelse af sit danske forbillede ved dannelsen af de islandske ord.
Den anden gruppe tilhrer de ord, hvor suffkset ari er fjet til en
stamme som ogs har et affks. F.eks.:
afplokkare (380), lat. avulsor, hos Gram Afriver, Snderslider; eggjare
(113), lat. hortator, hos Gram Tilskyndere, Tildrivere; innplantare (202), lat.
inoculator, Pode-mester, Pode-mand; samfagnare (105), lat. gratulator, hos
Gram Lykynsker
Ganske f af disse ord fndes i OH.
Til den tredje og strste gruppe hrer sammensatte ord, hvor frste
sammenstningsled er objekt for det verbum som det senere led er en
afedning af. F.eks.:
asnakeyrare (14, 182), lat. asinarius, mulio, hos Gram en seldriver;
dfnavaktari (38), lat. columbarius, hos Gram Duevogtere; diskafensari
(216), lat. parasitus, hos Gram Tallerken-slikker, en som gr sig til Nar for
andre for Fdes og Profts Skyld; fskaseljari (235), lat. piscarius, hos Gram
en Fiskepranger; hrkrsari (34), lat. cinerarius, hos Gram Haar=kruser.
I de tre grupper hrer verbum og objekt sammen p den mde at
oversttelsen s sem (den som) er lige s brugbar som et nyt ord lavet
med suffks. F.eks.: geiglari s sem geiglar, afplokkari s sem plokkar
af, fskaseljari s sem selur fska.
Forskellige andre ord med suffkset ari forekommer som ikke kan
oversttes p den mde, f.eks.:
drykkjusvallari (104), lat. grassator hos Gram en Slemmer, en Demmer;
38 Gurn Kvaran
landhlaupari (34), lat. circulator, hos Gram Landstryger; lnudansari
(96), lat. funambulus, hos Gram en Line=danser; svikalknari (233), lat.
pharmacopla, hos. Gram 1. Apotheker, 2. Quaksalver.
5.5 Suffkset -ing
Suffkset ing er som ari ganske almindeligt ved dannelsen af et nomen
actionis. I alt forekommer hos Jn rnason 516 ord dannet p denne
mde, deraf er de i 149 tilflde OHs eneste eller ldste eksempler. Ord
med suffkset ing kan, som ord dannet med ari, deles op i tre grupper,
som for det meste er de samme som de ovennvnte. De latinske suffkser
er isr io og tio.
Til den frste gruppe hrer de ord, hvor suffkset er fjet direkte til
verbets stamme. Ganske mange ord er dannet p denne mde f.eks.:
birking (45), lat. decorticatio, hos Gram Barkens Aftagning; bleyting (152),
lat. maceratio, hos Gram Udbldelse; kembing (26), lat. carminatio, hos
Gram Heglen; klipping (362), lat. tonsura, hos Gram Klippen; kyssing (17),
lat. basiatio, hos Gram Kyssen
Den anden gruppe tilhrer de ord, hvor suffkset ing er fjet til en stamme
som ogs har et affks, f.eks.:
burtsending (155), lat. amandatio, hos Gram Bortskikkelse; frsnning
(388), lat. aversio, hos Gram Fravenden; innsmeyging (316), lat. insinuatio,
hos Gram Indsnigelse; vihangning (108), lat. adhsio, hos Gram
Vedhngelse; yfrsmurning (403), lat. perunctio, hos Gram Oversmren
Til den tredje gruppe hrer sammensatte ord, hvor det frste led enten str
i genitiv ental eller fertal, f.eks.:
hrossalkning (390), lat. veterinaria, hos Gram Heste=Lge=Kunst;
orahneiging (36), lat. declinatus, hos Gram Ordenenes Forandring efter
Maaderne at tale paa; ruveiting (38), lat. cultura, hos Gram res Beviisning
Som fr er det danske forbillede benbart i Jn rnasons orddannelse.
Han bruger dog ing i stedet for det danske en som svarer til suffkserne
an og -un i islandsk.
5.6 Suffkset -legleiki
Til sidst nvnes der nogle ord med suffkset legleiki. I 33 tilflde er
de ord, som forekommer i Nucleus latinitatis de eneste eller ldste
eksempler i OH. Gram bruger ofte suffkset lighed eller kun hed i sine
oversttelser.
Det latinske ord evidentia overstter Jn rnason som Auglioslegleike,
Bersynelegleike, Audsianlegleiki (393), hvor Gram njes med Klarhed,
Skinbarlighed(2060). Mobilitas overstter Jn rnason som
hrranlegleike, bifanlegleike (179), mens Gram bruger Rrlighed,
Bevgelighed, Snarhed, Flygtighed. Fditas overstter Jn rnason
med Slmska, Liotlegleike, Hryllelegleike, Sauruglegleike (87), hos
Gram Slemhed, Heslighed, Styghed, Grumhed, Gruelighed.
6 Afslutning
Jeg har kun vret inde p en brkdel af de ord, som man med nogen
sikkerhed kan antage at Jn rnason selv har dannet i forbindelse med
oversttelsen af Nucleus latinitatis. Det str klart, at Jn nskede at gre
det muligt for latinskoleeleverne i Sklholt svel som andre at anvende
islandske ord i stedet for latinske, og at ordbogen p sin tid havde
stor betydning for det islandske ordforrd. Ordbogen skulle tjene som
hjlp ved forstelse bde af guld- og slvalderlatin, som det fremgr af
titelbladet, noget som skulle tages i betragtning ved oversttelsen. Jn
rnason var ferm til at danne ord, selv om orddannelsen brer prg af
1700-tallets sprog og stil, og ved at se efter i OHs samlinger kan man
konstatere, at et stort antal af de ord, som frst forekommer hos ham,
stadig anvendes i moderne islandsk.
Der er meget andet af stor interesse i Jn rnasons tekst end
orddannelsen, som jeg her har vret inde p. Der kan blandt andet nvnes
mange af 1700-tallets bjningseksempler, der viser ndringer, som er af
stor interesse for forskning i islandsk sproghistorie og krver en srskilt
analyse. Der henvises til nogle af dem i mit forord ved genudgivelsen af
ordbogen i 1994 (1994:xxiixxiii).
I artiklen er der blevet gjort et forsg p at vise, hvorvidt Jn rnasons
ordbog eventuelt kunne vidne om, hvordan Grams frste udgave fra 1712,
som ikke lngere ser ud til at fndes, har set ud. Af den tredje udgave kan
40 Gurn Kvaran
man se, at den danske og den islandske ordbog er ret forskellige. Det
vides, at Gram ikke var helt tilfreds med den frste udgave og foretog
nogle ndringer i nste udgave i 1722. Det fremgr ingen steder om
Jn rnason har anvendt den eller tredje udgave fra 1733 selv om den
islandske oversttelse ikke blev trykt fr ret 1738.
Nucleus latinitatis, Jn rnasons utrykte islandsk-latinske ordsamling
og Jn lafsson fra Grunnavks ordbogsmanuskript (AM 433 fol.) er
uvurderlige kilder til det islandske 18. rhundredes ordforrd, som det i
hj grad er vrd at lgge mrke til.
Bibliograf
sgeir Blndal Magnsson. 1989. slensk orsifjabk. Reykjavk, Orabk
Hsklans.
Bibliotheca Danica. 1902. Systematisk fortegnelse over den danske literatur fra
1482 til 1830, efter Samlingerne i Det store kongelige Bibliothek i Kjbenhavn.
Udgivet fra det store kongelige Bibliothek ved Chr. V. Bruun. Fjerde Bind
udgivet af Cand. theol. Theod. Ruschke, Kjbenhavn.
Gram, Hans. 1733. Nucleus latinitatis, Qv plerq; Romani sermonis Vocis, ex
classicis Auctoribus aure argentineq; tatis, ordine Etymologico adduct,
et Interpredatione vernacula exposit comprehenduntur, Adject & Indice
Danic. In usum Scholarum Dani & Norvegi. Havni.
Jn rnason. 1733. Donatus, Hoc est: Paradigmata partium orationis Latin
Islandica, Cum prfxa ratione rect legendi & scribendi, atqve brevi
explicatione Accidentium earundem, un cum VIV Regulis Syntacticis
& method construendi ad calcem subtext, Ad captum tener pueriti
accommodatus. In usum Schol Skalholtin in Islandia. Hafni.
. 1734a. Epitome grammatic latin cum interpretatione Islandica pro schola
Skalholtina ad majorem Jersini grammaticam accommodata. Hafni.
. 1734b. Lexidion LatinoIslandicum Grammaticale ad er Glosna Kver a
Latinu og Islendsku, Lijkt Grammatica, i vi, ad kiener eim sem fyrst fara ad
lra, under eins og Glosurnar Vocum Genera, Nominum Casus, og Verborum
vandfundnustu Tempora. Hafni.
. 1738. Nucleus latinitatis, Qv plerq; Romani sermonis Vocis, ex classicis
Auctoribus aure argentineq; tatis, ordine Etymologico adduct, et
Interpredatione vernacula exposit comprehenduntur. In usum Schol
Schalholtin.
. 1994. Nucleus latinitatis. N tgfa. Gurn Kvaran og Fririk Magnsson
su um tgfuna. Orfririt fyrri alda III. Reykjavk, Orabk Hsklans.
English summary
Nucleus latinitatis is the oldest Latin-Icelandic dictionary. Published in 1738 it is
basically a translation prepared by Bishop Jn rnason (16651743) of a Latin-
Danish dictionary with the same name by Professor Hans Gram (16851748)
that appeared frst in 1712. No copy of that frst edition, on which Bishop Jns
translation is based, seems to exist but in the article a comparison is made with
the third edition from 1733, the only one existing in Iceland. It is known, that
Gram made several changes from the frst to later editions, and Bishop Jns
translation can possibly throw light on them. Several examples are discussed to
demonstrate the likeness and the differences between the two books.
Furthermore the article deals with Bishop Jns word formation, especially
words where the oldest or only examples in the University dictionaries collection
(Orabk Hsklans) come from the Nucleus. Several examples of simplex
words are mentioned where rnason seems to have been under the infuence of
the Danish text. Moreover, the use of the suffxes an, un, ari, ing and legleiki
is discussed in order to fnd out if the same infuence was the reason for Bishop
Jns Icelandic neologisms. The examples show, that even if this was often the
case, his word formation is primarily marked by the Icelandic language and style
of the 18th century.
Keywords: lexicography, word formation, vocabulary, bilingual dictionary
Gurn Kvaran
Hskli slands
Stofnun rna Magnssonar slenskum frum
Neshagi 16, 101 Reykjavk, Island
[email protected]
Om kllor och kllbehandling i Snorris Edda
Tankar kring berttelser om skapelsen
HEIMIR PLSSON
Mlet med denna artikel r att underska de berttelser om jordens
skapelse som Snorri Sturluson anvnde i sin Edda, srskilt i den form
de fck i Uppsala-Eddan, att lsa dessa bredvid varandra och titta p dis-
krepanserna. Visar det sig vara ndvndigt eller till hjlp, jmfr jag med
andra versioner av verket, speciellt Regius, Trajectinus och Wormianus.
Snorri knde till olika skapelsesmyter. Han var medveten om Genesis
berttelse om skaparen i frsta Moseboken, han knde till Vlusps
berttelse om jorden som lyftes frn havet, han knde till Vafrnismls
berttelse om gudarna som ddade ur-jtten och skapade jorden. Prag-
matiker som han r, hoppar han mellan skapelsesberttelserna i Prologen
och Gylfaginning men nr han talar sjlv och fr sig sjlv i Httatal vljer
han Vlusps metafor.
Metodologiskt str mina studier nrmare nykritik n flologi. Jag
koncentrerar mig p texten och frgar hur de olika berttelserna passar
ihop. De kommer tydligen frn olika hll och frfattarens/berttarens
ml och arbetsmetoder mste betraktas i det ljuset.
1
Filologiska och
religionshistoriaka problem lmnar jag t sidan.
Skapelsen i prologen
Codex Upsaliensis, DG 11 4to, och Wormianus, AM 242 fol., r de enda
Edda-handskrifter som har prologen (utan rubrik) i sin helhet.
2
Upsaliensis
1
Jag tackar namnlsa lsare fr granskning av denna artikel p ett tidigare stadium. Med
utgngspunkt i kritiken frn en av dem har jag skrivit om texten grundligt.
2
I sin utgva (1982/2005) har Anthony Faulkes rekonstruerat Regius prolog med hjlp av
Plsson, Heimir. 2012. Om kllor och kllbehandling i Snorris Edda: Tankar
kring berttelser om skapelsen. Scripta Islandica 63: 4357.
44 Heimir Plsson
prolog tycks ha varit ngot kortare n andra prologer, men alla tycks ha
brjat ngorlunda ens, och vi kan nja oss med ordalyden i DG 11 4to:
Almttigr Gu skapai himin ok jr ok alla hluti er eim fylgja, ok sast
menn er ttirnar eru fr komnar, Adam ok Evu. (Grape et al. 1977 s. 1.)
Karl G. Johansson och Mats Malm verstter Regius-texten:
Gud allsmktig skapade himmel och jord och allt det som hr drtill, och
slutligen tv mnniskor, Adam och Eva. tter kom det av dem [] (1997 s. 25.)
Det kan knappast rda ngon tvekan om att man hr har att gra med den
kristna skapelsehistorien, den som i den mest knda latinska versionen av
Gamla testamentet under medeltiden, Vulgata, brjade med orden:
In principio creavit Deus coelum et terram. Terra autem erat inanis et vacua et
tenebrae super facem abyssi et spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas.
Det r visserligen inte Guds ande, spiritus Dei, som svvar ver vattnen i
Edda, men Wormianus ligger hr litet nrmare Vulgata n vd Upsaliensis
gr:
Almttigr gu skapai upphaf himin ok jr ok alla hlut<i> er eim
fylgja, ok sarst menn tv er ttir eru fr komnar, Adam ok Evu. (Citerat efter
Eysteinn Bjrnssons ntutgva; min kursivering.)
Hr har man lagt till upphaf in principio. Sjlvklart kan detta vara
den ursprungliga ordalyden och ordet d strukits i Upsaliensis. I Faulkes
rekonstruktion (1982/2005) fnns inte upphaf. Det mest sannolika r att
man gjort detta tillgg under 1300-talet med respekt fr Vulgata. Det r
intressant att bda versionerna talar om allsmktige Gud, medan han inte
tycks vara allsmktig i det Gamla testamentet frrn man i Credo bejakar
sin tro p deum omnipotentem, creatorem coeli et terrae. Tydligen rknar
traditionen p Snorris tid med att det r den allsmktige guden som r
skapare. Vi kan beropa en rubrik i en handskrift, AM 229 fol., som
bevarar en del av Stjrn, den ldsta vstnordiska bibelversttningen. Dr
kan vi lsa:
Hr hefr Bibleam sv sem almttigr g[u] skapai himin [ok] ir ok alla
l[uti]. (Unger 1862 s. xii.)
3
tv bokstavrtta avskrifter. Det r en relativt vertygande och plitlig text. Se Faulkes 1979
s. 20413.
3
Ppekas kan den allsmktige skaparen i Den islndska homilieboken (Wisn 1872 s. 25;
45 Om kllor och kllbehandling i Snorris Edda
Det spelar ingen strre roll att ingen nordisk klla, utom mjligen prolog-
berttelsen, tycks rkna med att skaparen var creator ex nihilo. Teologerna
strider den dag i dag om tolkningen av Vulgata och Gamla testamentet i
allmnhet i detta hnseende. I de nordiska skapelseberttelserna verkar
det som regel antingen handla om att jorden mer eller mindre fullskapad
lyfts ur havet eller att den skapas av urjttens ktt, blod och ben.
Skapelsen i Vlusp enligt Regius
Skapelseberttelsen i Vlusp r det mest knda exempel vi har p tolk-
ningen att jorden lyfts ur havet. I Jn Helgasons utgva lter den s hr:
r var alda, r Burs synir
ar er Ymir byggi, bium um ypo,
vara sandr n sr eir er migar
n svalar unnir, mran skpo;
ir fannz va sl skein sunnan
n upphiminn, salar steina,
gap var ginnunga, var grund grin
en gras hvergi. grnum lauki.
(Jn Helgason 1962 s. 1, jfr Gsli Sigursson 1998 s. 34.)
Collinders versttning (1964 s. 43):
Arla i urtid fanns ingenting, frrn Burs sner bragte slttmark,
ej sand, ej hav, ej svala vgor; hovo ur djupet herrliga Midgrd;
jord fanns icke, ingen himmel, sdersol lyste p land och sten,
dr fanns omtligt gapgrs ur mullen grodde grnskande liljor.
fanns icke,
Det r anmrkningsvrt att Collinder lter Midgrd lyftas ur djupet,
medan urtexten talar om att Burs sner skapade Midgrd.
Den jord som hr lyfts ur havet r i stort sett frdig till anvndning,
men nd mste gudarna gra sitt fr att skapa ordning i himlakropparnas
Sigurbjrn Einarsson et al. 1993 s. 34), Heilagra manna sgur (Unger 1877 I s. 472),
Veraldar saga (Jakob Benediktsson 1944 s. 3; rnlfur Thorsson 1988: 15) och Postola
sgur (Unger 1874 s. 281 och 268).
46 Heimir Plsson
gng. Det hrskar m.a.o. en del kaos, men efter gudarnas ingrepp blir det
kosmos.
Detta r mycket klart och Vlusp har inget att tillgga om skapelsen
frrn det handlar om dvrgarnas skapelse. Om vi tar Vlusp p allvar s
hller gudarna rdslag fr att bestmma vem som skall skapa dvrgarna.
Strof 9 berttar:
gengo regin ll
rkstla,
ginnheilg go,
ok um at gttusz,
hverr skyldi dverga
drttir skepia
r Brimis bli
ok r Blins leggiom.
(Jn Helgason 1962 s. 2, jfr Gsli Sigursson 1998 s. 5.)
Makterna satte sig att samfllt rdsl,
heliga gudar grunnade p detta:
vem skulle dana dvrgars skara
av Brimes blod och Blains lggar?
Hr r Eddas Regius och Vlusps Regius eniga. Men Eddas Uppsala-
handskrift (DG 11 4to) citerar samma strof, visserligen med ofrklarliga
sus pensioner i frsta halvan och senare med verbet spekja i stllet fr
skepja.
4
D blir strofen som fljer:
gengu v.
A.s.
g.h.g.
ok. um at g.
h. skyldi dverga
drtt um spekja
or brimi blgu
ok Blins leggjum.
(Grape et al. 1977 s. 8.)
Fr den insatta r det hr enkelt: Strof 9 i Vlusp brjar med diktens frsta
4
Om suspensionerna se Lasse Mrtensson och Heimir Plsson 2008.
omkvde, stef: gengu regin ll rkstla och s vidare. Problemet r
bara att det r emot alla regler och traditioner att frkorta ett stef frsta
gngen det frekommer. Det kan man gra nr det upprepas, vilket man
bl.a. gr i Regius-versionen av Vlusp men dremot inte i Hauksbk-
versionen. Det frefaller drmed klart att en skrivare av Uppsalaversionen
har missat att denna formel (stef) inte har frekommit tidigare i hans
text, drfr kan han g in i sin frlaga nr formeln frekommer fr andra
gngen dr. Men samtidigt r det tydligt att skrivaren inte frstod det han
lste, och drmed blir det omjligt att tolka hans suspensioner.
Spekja behver varken vara ett skrivarfel eller slump. Alla Edda-
versioner r eniga om hur dvrgarna kom till. I DG 11 4to formuleras det
s hr:
Dvergarnir hfu skapast fyrst ok tekit kviknan holdi Ymis ok vru
makar. Ok af atkvi guanna uru eir vitandi manvits ok hfu manns lki
ok ba jru ok steinum. (Grape et al. 1977 s. 8.)
Detta r nstan ordagrant lika texten i Regius, som Karl G. Johansson och
Mats Malm verstter:
Dvrgarna hade tagit form frst och kommit till liv i Ymers ktt, och de var
maskar d. Genom gudarnas beslut fck de frstnd och mnniskoskepnad,
men de bor i jorden och klipporna. (1997 s. 4243.)
Verbet spekja betyder att gra klok eller lugn (jfr subst. speki och adj.
spakr). Det passar mycket bra med prosaberttelsen, men inte om gudarna
ska skapa dem som redan fnns. En mjlighet r att spekja r det ur sprung-
liga verbet i detta sammanhang men har ndrats till det vanligare skepja,
kanske t.o.m. i frlagan fr RTW-versionen, medan U-versionen hll sig
till det ursprungliga och mera logiska.
5
En annan mjlighet r sjlvklart
att det gller tv olika muntliga versioner, vilket skulle vara frklarligt.
Skapelsen i Snorris Edda
Det var relativt problemfritt med skapelsen i Vlusp, bara att lyfta upp
den frdigskapade jorden ur havet, en liten sak fr Burs sner. Nr det r
dags att bertta om skapelsen i Edda verkar det frst vara samma saga
5
I Eysteinn Bjrnssons ntutgva ndrar man spekja utan vidare till skepja.
48 Heimir Plsson
som i Vlusp, men nu med dessa ord (och hr r versionerna av Snorris
Edda verens):
r var alda
ar
6
er ekki var;
vara sandr n sjr
n svalar undir.
Jr fannst eigi
n upphiminn,
gap var ginnunga
en gras hvergi.
(Grape et al. 1977 s. 4.)
Hr rr det sig uppenbarligen om samma strof som i Vlusp, med
varianter. De festa av dessa r frklarliga: sr och sjr r samma ord,
va och eigi r synonymer, undir i stllet fr unnir kan vara ett ls- eller
skriv fel. D terstr det bara en rad: ar er Ymir byggi : ar er ekki var.
Nu kan det inte handla om fellsning eller -skrivning, utan det r uppen-
bar ligen en annan version. Frgan r bara: r det en slump eller ej?
Sigurur Nordal (1953) tog det ovanstende som ett bevis fr att
Snorris version var den ursprungliga:
Frsgn Snorra um etta efni Gylfaginningu er tekin eftir Vafrnismlum,
en nrri m geta, a ekki hefi hann fari a sleppa mi r Vlusprvsunni,
ef hann hefi kunna hana eins og hn stendur K og H. Aftur mti var a
elilegt, a mis vri sakna r Vlusp, eftir a menn fru a bera saman
goakvin, ef til vill einkum eftir a Gylfaginning var saman sett. (1953 s.
51.)
Snorris berttelse i Gylfaginning bygger p Vafrnisml och det r hgst
osannolikt att han strukit Ymir ur Vlusp-strofen, om han knt till den som
den str i R och H. Dremot var det naturligt att man saknade Ymir i Vlusp,
nr man brjade jmfra gudadikterna, kanske inte minst efter att Gylfaginning
komponerades.
Som vi knner SnorraEddas alternativa skapelseberttelse brjar det med
att klden frn Nifheimr mter vrmen frn Mspellsheimr. Versionerna
r eniga om att det p s vis har bildats is ver Ginnungagap och den
jtte har skapats som kallas Ymir, ven om rimtursarna kallar honom
6
Sigurur Nordal (1953 s. 51) hvdar att det str at inte ar i Edda-handskrifterna. Det
stmmer inte fr DG 11 4to.
Aurgelmir. De olika versionerna hnvisar dock inte alldeles ordagrant
till ena sidan Hyndlulj (Vlusp in skamma) och andra sidan
Vafrnis ml.
7
Orsaksfljden r den samma: Frst skapas jtten Ymir;
drefter inleds en ovanlig skapelseprocess, med Uppsala-Eddas ord:
Ok er hann svaf fekk hann sveita, ok undir vinstri hendi hans x mar ok kona,
ok annarr ftr hans gat son vi rum, ok aan kmu ttir. (Grape et al. 1977
s. 5.)
Nr han sov, svettades han, och i hans vnstra armhla vxte det fram en
man och en kvinna, och hans ena ben fck en son med det andra, och det blev
tternas upphov.
Regius-versionen kan upplysa om att det var rimtursarnas slkter det
gllde hr (jfr Faulkes 2005 s. 11). Det r alldeles uppenbart att den som
berttade denna version skulle f problem om han hade berttat om en
jord ars Ymir byggi lngt innan Ymir skapades. D fnns det tv fr-
klarings mjligheter: Antingen har Snorri (eller hans med arbetare) ndrat
Vlusp-texten s att den skulle passa i efterfljande skapelse berttelse.
Det r osannolikt och vi har inga bevisliga paralleller i Edda. Den andra
mjlig heten r sjlvklart att den version vi mter i Edda r den ursprung-
liga, tminstone en variant som funnits i muntlig tradition parallellt med
den andra.
Sigurur Nordal (1953) var vertygad om att Edda-versionen var den
ursprungliga men att Vlusps diktare valt bort den:
[] skldi var of djpsr maur og menntaur til ess a geta stt sig vi
barnalegar og grfar hugmyndir alu manna um skpun heimsins, eins og
r koma fram Vfrm. og Grmnismlum [] hann gerir alls ekki r fyrir,
a jrin s skpu r mi. Var a ekki lka olandi smekkleysa a kalla
jrina annarri andrnni beju ins og mur rs (sbr. mgr Hlynjar,
Fjrgynjar burr 56. v.), en telja hana hinni vera hri af mi? (1953 s. 53.)
[] diktaren var en alltfr djupsinnig och bildad man fr att kunna acceptera
de folkliga, barnsliga och grova, iderna om skapelsen som de framtrder i
Vafrnisml och Grmnisml. [] han rknar inte alls med att jorden
skapades ur Ymir. Skulle det dessutom inte vara en oacceptabel smaklshet
att kalla jorden msom inns bihustru och rrs mor (jfr mgr Hlynjar,
Fjrgynjar burr i strof 56) och msom Ymirs kadaver?
7
Hr kommer Regius nrmast det att nmna dikten Vafrnisml: Och hr sger jtten
Vafrnir. DG 11 4to nmner Vafrnisml aldrig.
50 Heimir Plsson
I Eddas skapelseberttelse r det nu dags fr kon Au<h>umbla som ur
salta stenar slickar fram mannen Buri, som med sin hustru Beysla (av
jttarnas familj) fr snerna inn, Vili och V. De blir vuxna och skapar
jorden, ddar Ymir och:
eir futtu Ymi mitt Ginnungagap ok geru af hnum jr. Af bli hans s
ok vtn, bjrg af beinum, grjt af tnnum, ok af eim beinum er borin
8
voru,
ok af blinu, er r srunum rann, geru eir sj ann er eir festu jrina .
San tku eir hausinn ok geru r himininn ok settu yfr jrina me fjrum
skautum, ok undir hvert horn settu eir dverg, Austr<a>, Vestra, Norra, Sura.
tku eir sur r Mspellsheimi ok settu mitt Ginnungagap, ofan ok nean
himininn at lsa jrina. eir gfu stai llum eldingum. aan af vru dgr
greind ok ra tal. (Grape et al. 1977 s. 6.)
De fyttade Ymir till mitten av Ginnungagap och skapade en jord av honom.
Av hans blod blev hav och sjar, bergen ur benen, stenar av tnder och brutna
ben; och ur det blod som rann ur hans sr skapade de det hav som de placerade
jorden i. Sedan tog de skallen och gjorde himlen av den och satte upp den ver
jorden med fyra hrn, och under varje hrn satte de en dvrg, Austri, Vestri,
Norri och Suri. Sedan tog de gnistor ur Muspellsheimr och satte dem mitt
i Ginnungagap, ovan och under himmelen fr att belysa jorden. De bestmde
banor fr alla stjrnor. Dr av bestmde man dygnen och ren.
Hr kan man, sjlvklart, mot slutet hra ekot frn Vlusps ord om
gudarna som mste skapa kosmos ur kaos. Bda frfattarna kan fr mod-
ligen samma myt men resultatet blev helt olika berttelser. Fort stt ningen
i DG 11 r intressant:
Kringltt er jr ok liggr um enn djpi sr, ok me eim strndum gfu
eir byg jtnum. En fyrir innan jrina geru eir borg fyrir frii jtna
umhverfs jrina ok hfu ar til brr Ymis ok klluu borgina Migar. eir
kstuu heilanum loptit ok geru af skin. Sv sem hr segir. (Grape et al.
1977 s. 6.)
Jorden r rund och kring den ligger det djupa havet, och lngs strnderna
lt de jtterna bo, men inne p jorden byggde de en borg mot jttarnas ofred;
drtill anvnde de Ymirs gonfransar och borgen kallade de Midgrd. Hjrnan
kastade de i luften och gjorde moln av den. Som det heter:
r Ymis holdi En r hans brm
var jr um skpu. geru bl regin
En r sveita sjr. Migar manna sonum,
b. r b. ok r hans heila
8
GKS 2367 4to har brotin.
b. r h. vru au in harmgu
en r h. h. sk ll um skput.
9
Av Ymes ktt uppkom Jorden
och havet av bloden hans,
himlen av hans skalle, skog av hans hr,
men bergen av jttens ben.
Av jttens gonhr gjorde makterna
Midgrd t mnskors sner,
men av jttens hjrna gjordes de onda
molnen p hga himlen.
Det r ltt att vara verens med Sigurur Nordal om att det hr gller
en mer brutal skapelseberttelse n i Vlusp, men det r samtidigt klart
att det r denna berttelse som ger frfattaren den poetiska bild av en
levande jord som frmedlas i prologen. Utan den bilden skulle Edda vara
ett fattigare verk.
Men det r ocks klart att berttelsen, som den framstr i Eddas prosa,
inte kan bygga p Grmnismls strofer, ven om dessa beropas som
klla. Suspensionerna i de sista fyra versraderna i strof 40 i Grmnisml
r ofrsteliga, s frfattaren mste knna berttelsen frn ett annat hll,
och nu handlar det inte om ett stef som har frkortats nr det dk upp
andra gngen, ssom i Vlusp.
Man kan frska summera: Den som satte ihop Eddas skapelseberttelse
hade som kllor ngon version av det vi i dag knner som Vlusp,
Vafrnisml, Grmnisml och Hyndlulj (Vlusp in skamma). Ingen
av dessa viktiga kllor frutom Vlusp nmns vid namn i berttelsen.
Vafrnisml nmns aldrig, men i Regius-versionen str det en gng
att Vafrnir jtunn berttade s. Texterna i DG 11 4to tyder p att
redaktren / skrivaren hade en annan version av dikterna n den som
anvndes fr versionen vi fnner i Regius, Trajectinus och Wormianus.
Den berttelse om skapelsen som vi kan lsa i Regius-texten av Vlusp
(eddadikternas Regius) kan inte vara kllan fr Uppsala-Eddan.
9
Jfr Grmnisml 4041. Om suspensionerna se Lasse Mrtensson och Heimir Plsson
2008.
52 Heimir Plsson
Skapelsen i Vlusp andra gngen
Vlusp r till sitt innehll konsekvent, och det r ingen tvekan om att det
i Gylfaginnings slutkapitel gller diktens skapelseberttelse:
Sr hn upp koma
ru sinni
ir r gi
iiagrna;
falla forsar,
fgr rn yfr,
s er falli
fska veiir.
(Jn Helgason 1962 s. 14, jfr Gsli Sigurson 1989 s. 16.)
Collinders versttning 1964 s. 50:
Upp ser hon komma fr andra gngen
jorden ur havet, ljuvligt grnskande;
forsar falla, dr fyger rnen,
som far och fngar fsk i fjllet.
Denna strof citeras inte i Uppsala-Eddan, utan den sger:
Upp sktr jrunni r snum ok er hon grn ok snir akrar. Viarr ok Vli
lifa ok svartalogi hefr eigi grandat eim, ok byggva eir Eiavelli, ar sem
fyrrum var sgarr, ok ar komu synir rs, Magni ok Mi, ok hafa ar
Mjlni. ar kemr Baldr ok Hr fr Heljar. Talast vi ok minnast rnar snar,
ra um tindi, Migarsorm ok Fenrislf. fnna eir grasinu gulltfur
er sir hafa tt. (Grape et al. 1977 s. 3435.)
Karl G. Johansson och Mats Malm verstter Regius-versionen, som r
nstan ordagrant den samma:
Jorden skjuter upp ur havet och d r den grn och vacker. krarna kommer att
vxa utan att man sr dem. Vidar och Vale lever, havet och Surts lga har inte
skadat dem. De bor p Idavall, dr Asgrd var innan. Dit kommer sedan Tors
sner Mode och Magne, och de har Mjlner. S kommer Balder och Hder
frn Hel. De stter sig alla tillsammans och samtalar, drar sig till minnes sina
runor och talar om de hndelser som en gng intrffade, om Midgrdsormen
och om Fenresulven. I grset fnner de guldbrickorna som asarna hade. (1997
s. 90.)
Det r ingen tvekan om att det r Vlusp-berttelsen som ligger bakom
detta avsnitt men man kan undra varfr en frfattare som gjort Ymir-
skapelsen till fundament i brjan av Gylfaginning, utan vidare hoppar till
Vlusp nr jorden behver terskapas.
Httatal och skapelseberttelsen
I strof nr. 13 i Httatal ger Snorri exempel p en stilvariant av drttkvtt,
bst knd frn Kormkr gmundarsons Sigurardrpa, som enligt
Skjaldediktningen komponerades omkring 960. Snorri eller den som
annars skrev kommentaren till Httatal, beskriver strofvarianten s:
Hr er it fyrsta vsuor ok annat ok it rija sr um ml, ok hefr at ml
eina samstfu me fullu orinu af inu <fjra>. En r fmm samstfur er
eptir fara lka heilu mli, ok skal ortak vi forn minni. (Grape et al. 1977 s.
99.)
Karl G. Johansson och Mats Malm verstter Regius-versionen:
Detta kallar vi vidlagt (hjstlt). Hr hr frsta, andra och tredje versraden ihop
betrffande meningen, och den meningen omfattar ocks en stavelse med ett
helt ord frn den fjrde versraden. Men de fem stavelser som kommer drefter
fullbordar en fullstndig mening och det som sgs skall vara ett ordsprksartat
minne. (1997 s. 228.)
Bde i Regius och i verslistan i DG 11 4to (Grape et al. 1977 s. 93)
heter detta hjstlt, kanske drfr att det har ett stl (en huvudsats) som
frbigr de andra. Snorris exempel enligt DG 11 4to r fljande (Grape
et al. 1977 s. 99):
Manndrir fr mrar
mt ld fra gtir
ltr augjafa trum
ll. St sr fjllum.
Rjr vendils gtst randa
rki-Njr at skja,
hf fer var s handa
heim. Skaut jr r geima.
10
10
Om man tillter sig att ndra gtst till gat p rad 5 och handa till hara p rad 7 kan man
54 Heimir Plsson
Karl G. Johansson och Mats Malm parafraserar:
Hans goda karaktr ger lovord t mnnens beskyddare, alla rofulla mnniskor
bugar fr den dle rikedomsgivaren [fursten]. Havet lg ver bergen. Jag
kunde hlsa p hemma hos skldarnas rdfrgande stavs [svrdets] drivar-
Njord [kungen] (den frden var mycket lmplig). Jorden skt upp ur havet.
(1997 s. 228.)
De ordsprksartade minnen (forn minni) som Kormkr verkar ha an vnt
r Sei Yggr til Rindar, Komsk Unnr r brunni, Sitr rr reiu,
Vltu go jaza, V gramr til menja och Fr Hroptr me Gungni.
Vissa av dessa kan man utan vidare hitta i Edda, andra inte, men Snorris
forn minni r rtt klara: St sr fjllum och Skaut jr r geima.
Geimi avser hav och det kan knappast vara ngon tvekan om att vi har
med att gra Vlusps skapelseberttelse.
Det kan dessutom synas anmrkningsvrt att diktaren Arnrr rar-
son, jarla skld, komponerade en strof, inte hjstlt, som brjar med raden
Bjrt verr sl at svartri och dr det heter p fjrde raden allr glymr
sjr fjllum. Det r knappast ngon tvekan om varifrn Snorri har ftt
sin frebild fr (ll). St sr fjllum, men Arnrrs glymr sjr r
kraf tigare n Snorris st sr.
Det viktiga r dock inte en diktares pverkan p en annan utan det
andra, att nr Snorri vill hnvisa till skapelsen i Httatal, s gr han det
med Vlusp-berttelsen, inte Ymir-berttelsen som han anvnt i Gylfa
ginning. Kanske drfr att han inte tnkte frbinda Gylfaginning med
Httatal?
Slutsatser
Kan man d dra ngra slutsatser av dessa tankar? Sjlvklart mste man
vara frsiktig, men tre saker frefaller klara:
Frfattaren/berttaren i Edda knner till tminstone tv nordiska
skapel se traditioner eller berttelser. Den ena pminner om den kristna,
om en deus ex nihilo, men har ftt ett nordiskt sken genom att det handlar
om gudar som lyfter jorden ur havet. Den andra berttelsen r den blodiga
frklara det hela. I en lista ver versmtt i DG 11 4to och i Regius kallas denna stilvariant
fr hjstlt.
och primitiva, dr jorden skapas ur urjttens ktt och ben. Den hmtas
frn Grmnis ml men suspen sionerna tyder p att berttaren ocks har
knt den i en prosaversion.
ven om Grmnisml-berttelsen r den viktiga i Gylfaginning, r det
Vlu sp-berttelsen som ramar in den. Man brjar Gylfaginning med ett
citat ur Vlusp och efter att ha ltit Vlusp skapa tidsaxeln, avslutar
man med dess vision efter Ragnark.
Vlusp ligger ocks till grund fr Httatals trettonde strof och de
fornu minni. Sedan kan man beundra diktarens kunskap som gr att
han kan anvnda Arnrr rarsons undergngsstmning fr att beskriva
den nya skapelsen!
Snorri Sturluson var mycket skicklig nr det gllde att skapa en helhet
av brottstycken. Dr briljerar han i Gylfaginning, inte minst drfr att
han kan lta Vlusp hjlpa till att skapa en trd i verket frn skapelsen
till Ragnark. Den gigantiska strofsamling han har i Skld skapar ml har
dremot ingen rd trd och passar inte lika bra fr Heim skringlas berttare.
Drfr skiljer sig diktkorpusen i de tv verken mycket t. Mellan Gylfa
ginning och Skld skaparml fnns det endast mycket lsa kopplingar, och
det r svrt att bevisa att den ena delen skrivits fr att frklara den andra.
Httatal r p samma stt mycket lst knuten till de andra delarna.
Skapelseberttelsen hmtar man frn Vlusp, inte slaktar-berttelsen ur
Grmnisml som hade blivit krnan i skapelsen i Gylfaginning. Det tyder
inte p att frfattaren tnkt det hela som ett utan som fera verk.
Bibliograf
Collinder, Bjrn. 1964. vers. Den Poetiska Eddan. Andra omarbetede upplagan.
Uddevalla. Forum.
Eysteinn Bjrnsson. Utg. Ntutgva bl.a. av Gylfaginning. Weblnk: https://
notendur.hi.is/eybjorn/
Faulkes, A. 1979. The Prologue to Snorra Edda: An Attempt at Reconstruction.
Gripla III. Reykjavk.
. 1982/2005. Utg. Edda. Prologue and Gylfaginning. London. Viking Society
for northern Resarch. [1 utg. 1982, 2 utg. 2005.]
Gsli Sigursson. 1998. Utg. Eddukvi. Reykjavk. Ml og menning.
Grape, A. et al. 1977. Edda. Uppsalahandskriften DG 11. II. Transkriberad text
och Paleografsk kommentar. Uppsala. Almquist & Wiksell.
56 Heimir Plsson
Jakob Benediktsson. 1944. Utg. Veraldar saga. Kpenhamn. Samfund til
udgivelse af gammel nordisk litteratur (61).
Johansson, Karl G. och Mats Malm. 1997. Snorres Edda. versttning frn
islndskan. Stockholm. Fabel Bokfrlag.
Jn Helgason. 1962. Utg. Eddadigte. I. Vlusp Hvaml. 2. Udg. Kpenhamn,
Oslo, Stockholm. Ejnar Munksgaard. Dreyers forlag. Svenska bokfrlaget.
Mrtensson, Lasse och Heimir Plsson. 2008. Anmrkningsvrda suspensioner i
DG 11 4to (Codex Upsaliensis av Snorra Edda)spren av en skriven frlaga?
Scripta Islandica 59/2008. S. 135155. Uppsala 2009.
Regius SnorraEdda: Handskriften GKS 2367 4to. Utg. Finnur Jnsson 1931;
Anthony Faulkes 1998, 1999 and 2005; faksimile i Codex Regius of the Yonger
Edda Wessn 1940. (CCIMA XIV).
Sigurbjrn Einarsson et al. 1993. Utg. slensk hmilubk. Fornar stlrur.
Reykjavk. Hi slenska bkmenntaflag.
Sigurur Nordal. 1953. Vlusp. Reykjavk. Helgafell.
Skjaldediktningen. 19021915. Ved Finnur Jnsson. Kommissionen for det
Arnamagnanske Legat.
Trajectinus: Handskriften University Library Utrecht MS No. 1374. Utg. W.
van Eeden, De Codex Trajectinus van de Snorra Edda, Leiden 1913; rni
Bjrnsson, Snorra Edda, Reykjavk, 1975; faksimile i Codex Trajectinus,
utg. Anthony Faulkes, Copenhagen 1985. (Early Icelandic Manuscripts in
Facsimile XV) Pp. xxiiixxxiv.
Unger, C.R. 1862. Utg. Stjrn. Gammelnorsk bibelhistorie fra verdens skapelse
til det babyloniske fangenskap. Christiania. Feilberg & Landmark.
. 1874. Utg. Postola sgur. Legendariske Fortllinger om Apostlernes Liv,
deres Kamp for Kristendommens Udbredelse samt deres Martyrdd.
. 1877. Utg. Heilagra manna sgur. Fortllinger og Legender om hellige
Mnd og Kvinder. Efter gamle Haandskrifter. III. Christiania.
Upsaliensis: Handskriften DG 11 4to, se Grape et al. 1977.
Wormianus: Handskriften AM 242 fol. Utg. Finnur Jnsson 1924.
Wisn, Theodor. 1872. Utg. Hmilu bk: Islndska homilier efter en handskrift
frn tolfte rhundradet. Lund. Glerup.
rnlfur Thorsson et al. 1988. Utg. Veraldar saga. I Sturlunga saga, Skringar
og fri. S. 1547. Reykjavk. Svart hvtu.
English summary
The creation tales are quite different in the different parts of Snorri Sturlusons
Edda. This starts with the creation myth of Genesis, which is followed by a
quotation from Vlusp describing Ginnungagap; from there we are taken to the
cruelty of creation as described in Vafrnisml, but at the end of Gylfaginning
we are taken back to Vlusp and that seems to be the myth that Snorri himself is
quoting in Httatal. This again can be taken as an example of Snorri Sturlusons
desperate effort to compose a cosmic mythology from his rather chaotic sources.
Keywords: The Poetic Edda, The younger Edda, creation, sources of mythology
in Snorris offce
Heimir Plsson
Institutionen fr nordiska sprk
Uppsala universitet
Box 527, SE751 20 Uppsala
[email protected]
The Flying Noaidi of the North:
Smi Tradition Refected in the Figure Loki
Laufeyjarson in Old Norse Mythology
TRIIN LAIDONER
The early 20th centurys revolutionary proposal that there may have been
remnants in the multifaceted Old Norse culture of the culture of the Smi
people, whose contact with the Norsemen was close and reaches back to
a very early period, has gradually become a very popular topic among
many Old Norse scholars. Until now, however, the chief focus seems to
have been directed to any connection with the fgure of inn and the
Norse concept of seir, of which equivalents can be found in Smi magic-
practices. The aim of this paper is to look at evidence of the ambivalent
role and existence of the fgure of Loki in northern Europe and certain
cultural parallels from those northern and eastern areas with which he
seems to be most closely associated. These parallels are suggestive of
a foreign and possibly Smi origin for this fgure, or at least of strong
infuence from Smi culture. In the light of these possible connections
with the Smi, it is noteworthy that in later accounts, Loki seems to
have developed into a devilish character at the same time as attitudes
toward the Smi and their primitive magic became more hostile with
the northerly progress of Christianity in Scandinavia. Under scrutiny will
be those features of Lokis dualistic character that refect various aspects
of Smi beliefs and worldview and the possibility that Lokis fgure may
possibly have originally developed in the northern parts of Scandinavia,
on the border of Smi and Norse cultures.
Although it is diffcult to place any of the fgures from Old Norse
mythology into a clear-cut framework, the ever-mysterious Loki seems
to have remained one of the most puzzling characters in the myths.
Countless interpretations, refecting the varying ideologies current
Laidoner, Triin. 2012. The Flying Noaidi of the North: Smi Tradition
Refected in the Figure Loki Laufeyjarson in Old Norse Mythology.
60 Triin Laidoner
when they were suggested, have been given for this complex andas
more recent works suggestpossibly changeable fgure (Schjdt 1981;
McKinnell 1994), ranging from the idea that he is the Nordic Devil (Skli
Magnsson 1780; Finnur Magnsson 1828; Bugge 1881), a chthonic
deity or fre-god (Grimm, I, 2004 [1835]; Petersen 1863; Wisn 1873;
Ryd berg 2004 [1889]; Much 1898; Schck 1904; Liberman 1992), to the
suggestion that he originated as a spider (Rooth 1961), a wolf (Rask 1834;
Petersen 1863) or even a corpse eater (Schoning 1903). Parallels with the
world of the Greek gods (Much 1898; Ohlmarks 1963), disputes over
the importance of modern folklore (Olrik 1905, 19081909; Nielsen &
Olrik 1912; Celander 1911, 1914; Gras 1931: 11), fresher approaches to
Loki as a trickster or a culture-hero (Leland 1884; Von der Leyen 1909,
1938; Olrik 1911; de Vries 1933; Rooth 1961; Ellis Davidson 1964, 1979;
McKinnell 1994), and comparative religion, most prominently developed
by Dumzil (1948), have all contributed a great deal to the analysis and
overall understanding of the nature of Loki in Old Norse mythology. The
generally erratic nature of Lokis character is certainly striking. However,
what initially caught my attention on looking into the Loki myths was not
so much the disputed aspects of his character, but rather his intermittent
appearance in texts and his complete absence from some sources which
otherwise contain myths parallel to those recorded elsewhere which do
involve a Loki fgure. It is striking that some of the liveliest narratives
revolving around Loki that are contained in the thirteenth century Snorra
Edda, such as those of tgara-Loki or Baldrs death, do not correspond
at all with Saxo Grammaticuss Gesta Danorum from about the same
period where the possible Loki fgure, if it exists at all, is very different.
1

His complete absence from what are probably some of the oldest poems
of the Edda, such as Vafrnisml or Grmnisml, might say as much
about his background and position as his important role in others, such
as Lokasenna and rymskvia, which were probably infuenced by the
views of Christian writers.
2
Though Loki appears rather prominently in
later prose texts, such as Snorris works or some of the fornaldarsgur
1
Saxos version of the journey to Utgarthilocus (Gesta Danorum, 8, eds. Olrik & Rder,
pp. 243247; tr. Fisher & Ellis Davidson, pp. 267270) offers some parallels to the myth of
tgara-Loki in Snorra Edda (probably also alluded to in Ls. 60 and Hrblj. 26), but Loki
has no role in his story. The same applies to the myth of Baldrs deathSnorri (Gylf. ch.
49, p. 71) has given Loki a signifcant role in the events leading to the end of the world,
but in Saxos account no mention of Loki or of any comparable personage is made (Gesta
Danorum, 3, eds. Olrik & Rder, pp. 6385; tr. Fisher & Ellis Davidson, pp. 6975).
2
On the dating of Eddic poems see Gunnell (2005) and Harris (2005).
61 The Flying Noaidi of the North
(Srla ttr chs. 23, FSN 1, pp. 367370; Vlsunga saga ch. 14, FSN 1,
pp. 143145), which might suggest that the Loki we know is actually a
later adaptation of the stories, and plays the role of the Christian Devil,
it is remarkable that he also features in some of the very early skaldic
poems, such as Ynglingatal, Haustlng, Hsdrpa and rsdrpa, which
were composed by Norse poets between the late ninth and early eleventh
centuries and where Loki is regularly called the friend of sir.
3
The
sporadic Eddic appearances and not least the complete absence of a Loki-
like character in Saxos text certainly makes one wonder whether Loki was
known at all in Denmark and Central Europe at that time. One explanation
seems to be that some of the myths that were recorded in skaldic and
Eddic poems and most extensively in Snorra Edda probably had regional
variants, i.e. some of them descending from a common Germanic root
remained largely unchanged while others seem to have developed either
independently in the northern parts of Scandinavia or at least to have been
adapted to include certain features that were especially characteristic
of or familiar to the different small-scale societies in the North. In this
light it is rather unexpected that Lokis possible foreign roots have so
far not been considered and that he has rarely been interpreted from the
perspective of Smi beliefs and traditions, despite the fact that the earliest
written evidence points to the idea that he was most familiar to the people
living in the northern half of Scandinavia.
In addition to the literary treatments in Old Norse myths, further
evidence of connections between the fgure of Loki and the Scandinavian
countries might be found in his geographically isolated appearances in
archaeological material and place-names which can be interpreted with
reference to certain scenes and characters in the mythological texts.
The lack of such evidence in Central Europe again indicates that Loki
was almost unknown there (see below). Though it is clear that this kind
of evidence is often diffcult to interpret and cannot be fully trusted as
regards mythology, it can nevertheless offer some indications of the areas
in which the mythological fgures may have been known. rr, Freyr and
inns images are frequently held to be portrayed on archaeological
3
In skaldic poems, hardly any allusions are made to Lokis evil nature or connection
with Ragnark (except for some kennings underlining his relationship with his destructive
offspring), which seem to be the main features of his role in several Eddic poems as well as
Snorra Edda. In Haustlng, for example, Loki is called vinr/hugreynandi Hnis friend
of Hnir (sts. 3, 7, 12, Skj. B1, pp. 1416), hrafnsar vinr friend of the raven ss, i.e.
inn (st. 4, Skj. B1, p. 15) and rs of-rni rrs friend (st. 8, Skj. B1, p. 16).
62 Triin Laidoner
material and their names occur as place-name elements; Lokis name, in
contrast, has rarely been seen in connection with archaeology and place-
names and little weight has been given to the few cautious and mostly
early ideas.
4
Putting trust in this highly conjectural and often problematic
evidence seems to require a leap of faith, especially in view of Lokis
multifaceted character and the ambiguous meaning of his name, which
makes the place-names very hard to verify. It is nevertheless noteworthy
that the limited archaeological and topographic material, at least accord-
ing to the current state of research, seems to agree with the literary texts in
indicating that his character was possibly known in Norway and Sweden
and also in areas which were at least partially inhabited by the Norsemen
such as the British Isles and Iceland, some of whose settlers are known
to have come from northern Norway bringing some Smi genes and
traditions along with them (see Hermann Plsson 1997). Certainly one
very convincing fnd that in fact seems to be the most reliable piece of
archaeological evidence of Lokithe famous Snaptun forge-stone
comes from Horsens Fjord in Denmark, but it must be remembered that
this fnd probably has a Norwegian background (Glob 1959: 6983).
5
The
second fnd with possible implications for Central European familiarity
with Loki is the sixth or seventh-century Elder Futhark runic inscription
on the famous fbula found in 1843 at Nordendorf in Bavaria (Germany)
containing the word Logaore. Friedrich von der Leyen (1915: 141146)
was the frst scholar to associate Logaore with Lurr who appears in
Vlusp (st. 18) and is sometimes identifed as Loki, suggesting that lurr
is a derivative of Old Norse luhuras which in turn is cognate with the
Germanic logaoras the frebringer and thus also with Logaore. There
are, however, two problems with this suggestion: frst, even if Logaore
could be etymologically connected to Lurr, there is no evidence that
4
For suggestions of Lokis possible connection with archaeological fnds, see Stephens
(1883: 9295, 134); Calverley (1883 and 1899: 139167, 218, 240252); Black (1887:
332); Kermode (1892: 8; 18921896: 355361; 1907: 59, 68); Collingwood (1927: 156);
Berg (1958); Buisson (1976: 56119); Margeson (1983: 101); Ellis Davidson (1996: 103
106); Pedersen & Staal (2007). For further information on Lokis possible connection with
place-names, see Finnur Magnsson (1828: 232); Grimm (1, 2004 [1835]: 242); Olrik
(1909: 83); Matras (1933: 3233); lafur Briem (1945: 18); rhallur Vilmundarson
(1983: 3137); Helgi Hallgrmsson (1988: 181182) and Svavar Sigmundsson (1992). A
later Icelandic folktale also mentions a place called Lokavellir and a rock named Loki
under which a treasure is hidden (Sigfs Sigfsson 1950: 37).
5
The Snaptun stone shows an image of a man with his lips sewn togethera striking
feature which has led to associations with Loki who is said to have had his lips sewn
together by the sons of Ivaldi who forged treasures (Skldsk. ch. 43, p. 145).
Loki and Lurr are actually one and the same being; and secondly, von
der Leyens suggestion was based on the outdated assumption that Loki,
and therefore Lurr, was connected to fre, something which is disputed.
If this suggestion could be accepted, along with Lokis possible identity
as Lurr, it would offer the only existing evidence that Loki was ever
known in continental Germanic territory, but it seems rather unlikely.
Although Lokis connection with most of these fnds and place-names
remains problematic and hypothetical, it seems wrong to affrm his
complete absence there, as is not unusual, or to ignore the fact that no
certain trace of Loki is found in pagan continental Europe.
6
If, on the basis
of the extant written sources as well as archaeological and place-name
evidence, we admit the probability that the Loki fgure we know probably
has no central Germanic roots and thus might be a northern adaptation
of the early Germanic myths which evolved in the northern regions of
Scandinavia, it is important to consider the possible infuences from the
original inhabitants of this area and look more closely at the nearest and
oldest neighbours of the Norsemen who inevitably contributed to local
attitudes and beliefs, that is, the Smi people.
Many of the early literary treatments that have survived focus on the
non-Germanic communities in Scandinavia that perhaps on a subtle but
important level contributed to the formation of something that we today
call Old Norse religion.
7
Research into the history of the Nordic cultural
scene, however, has given the lions share of the attention to Germanic
culture and scholarship has only recently started to pay adequate attention
to the importance of social variablesboth in regard to ethnically and
linguistically distinct communities, but also among groups that have a
6
Note, however, that Loki features rather extensively in Danish folktales and proverbs
that must have emerged later. For examples, see Grimm (1, 2004 [1835]: 242); Cleasby &
Gubrandur Vigfsson (1874: 397); Olrik (1905; 19081909); and Nielsen & Olrik (1912).
The most recent study of Loki and modern folklore is by Heide (2011).
7
Although the Smi and Finnic cultures began attracting attention as early as the nineteenth
century when comparisons between Smi beliefs and Old Norse mythology were frst made
(Fritzner 1877; Olrik 1904), these studies nevertheless rejected the idea of any bilateral
cultural infuence and inclined more towards ingrained attitudes by naturally assuming that
most features were originally borrowed from the Norsemen. The frst scholar to propose
the revolutionary idea that some practices in the Old Norse religion may have been
borrowed from the Smi was the Swedish folklorist and linguist Dag Strmbck (1935)
who pointed out that the Norse seir-magic contains features that are characteristic of
Smi shamanistic practices. Studies on the Smi, Balto-Finnic and Norse cultures available
for English readers include those by Ahlbck (ed.) 1987, 1990; DuBois 1999; Price 2002;
Zachrisson 2008; and Tolley 2009.
64 Triin Laidoner
shared language. The idea that the various religions and cultures in the
North comprised a uniform Old Norse religion is confronted by several
recent scholars who emphasise that instead of a static and established
Old Norse religion it would be more reasonable to talk about a loose
Nordic system of religion with chronological and geographical variations
(Turville-Petre 1964; DuBois 1999; Brink 2001 and 2007; Price 2002;
Steinsland 2005; Gunnell 2007). These scholars have started focusing
attention on archaeology and place-name studies in combination with
investigations into folklore, demonstrating that the early communities in
Scandinavia were not immune to external infuences and that they were
characterised by strong trading relations and the exchange of religious
and cultural experiences. It is, of course, natural that cooperation with
neighbours would have been a key factor in achieving cultural success
and innovation from very early on, and this would have resulted in a high
degree of cultural blending. Therefore, at least part of the solution to the
problems we are facing when dealing with Old Norse sources must lie
in the background of the diverse cultures that were linked to differences
in environmental and local conditions. It is therefore important to look
at the different small-scale communities that once inhabited this area,
including the Smi who were for a long time looked upon by scholars as
primitive and therefore irrelevant to the study of Old Norse religion,
but who clearly belong to the Old Norse cultural landscape.
The Smi and their pre-Christian religious practices have attracted a
lot of academic interest in recent years, to a great extent because of their
frequently emphasised connection with the supernatural and magic and
for their intriguing magic performances, which seem to have lasted at least
until the end of the eighteenth century, although relics of belief arguably
existed as late as the mid-nineteenth century (Bckman & Hultkrantz
1978: 29; Ruong 1982: 58; see Kjellstrm 1987). The peculiar way of
life of the (Skrit) Finni sliding Finns, i.e. the Smi was already stressed
by several early Roman and Greek historiansmostly in relation to
climate and therefore lifestylebut a different and pronounced emphasis
on the Smi starts appearing in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and
later, in texts written by the Norsemen themselves.
8
These sources, albeit
8
For an overview of the earliest evidence of the Smi, see Christiansen (1950); Hultkrantz
(2000); Meriot (1984); Rydving (2000); and Tolley (2009: 3965). There appears to be
some degree of confusion, probably based on linguistic resemblances between the Finnic-
speaking groups, in several accounts that fail to distinguish the Smi from the Finns:
both are referred to as Finnar in Norse-Icelandic. The ambiguous term probably initially
to a great extent infuenced by Christian preconceptions which tend to cast
things in black and white, consistently describe the Smi as mysterious
neighbours who while posing a threat nevertheless have some fascinating
qualities, for example, their knowledge of magic skills which, as will
be shown later, are to some degree paralleled in Lokis own magical
abilities.
9
Many descriptions of the Smi and their magic practices also
come from missionary accounts which, although certainly useful, were
mostly written by outsiders who evaluated and probably misinterpreted
events according to their own cultural background and social status.
10
The
purpose of these accounts should defnitely make us wary of how much
trust can be placed in them. The constant recurrence of certain themes,
however, such as descriptions of the out-of-body fight of the noaidit
(Rheen 1897 [1671]: 2933; Lundius 1905 [1674]: 6; Leem 1767: 477
478; Turi 1910: 196; see also Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 20, 4058),
makes it reasonable to assume that, even if not explicitly shamanistic,
the Smi peoples, who offcially remained pagan until the eighteenth
century, were still engaged in superstitious activities at that time, and that
the works by missionaries must in some way refect the general mentality
and lifestyle of these peoples, even if they give a somewhat distorted and
exaggerated view.
11

As far as Smi-Norse relations are concerned, it is clear that despite
designated the Smi and later became used to describe all the Balto-Finns (see Hermann
Plsson 1997).
9
Literary examples of the Smi being associated with supernatural skills can be found in
a range of texts. The most detailed portrayal of a magic sance conducted by Smi wise-
men is given in Historia Norwegie (ch. 4, eds. Ekrem & Mortensen, p. 62; tr. Fisher, p. 63),
but several other texts emphasise this connection. Haralds saga ins hrfagra (Hkr, ch. 34,
F 26, pp. 138139), for example, tells the story of a girl who went to Lapland in order to
learn witchcraft from powerful Finn magicians; lafs saga helga (Hkr, chs. 9 and 193, F
27, pp. 11 and 344345) adds further information about Smi magic, suggesting that the
Finns could cause storms by will and make coats of reindeer skins which with the aid of
witchcraft could become stronger than breastplates; in Vatnsdla saga (ch. 10, F 8, pp. 29)
Finna ein fjlkunnig a Smi wise-woman is said to have made a prophecy and in rvar-
Odds saga a dark and evil character named gmundr is said to have been brought up by
Smi people who had taught him magic (ch. 19, FSN 2, pp. 280281).
10
Even the seventeenth and eighteenth-century missionary reports (e.g. Friis (1881) [1613];
Rheen (1897) [1671]; Lundius 1905 [1674]; Leem (1767) etc.) lay strong emphasis on the
popularity of the magic performances among the Smi.
11
The word for a practitioner of magic among the Sminoaidihas corresponding
forms in different Smi dialects and other Finnic languages and it has been suggested
that etymologically the word could go back to Proto-Finnic *nojta (Kulonen et al. 2005:
244245).
66 Triin Laidoner
close cultural contacts, linguistic dissimilarity is bound to complicate
social intercourse and, to some extent at least, have an impact on the level
of trust among different communities. This kind of mistrust is certainly
traceable in Old Norse-Icelandic sagas and in myths and legends, which
frequently imply that the geographically adjacent northern and eastern
territories are different and perilous.
12
It is impossible to overlook the fact
that the Smis characterisation as different and dangerous is paralleled
by that of another set of intimidating others, namely the jtnar,
something which suggests a connection between the natures and roles
of the two groups. The mythological jtnar are rarely described as evil,
but rather, as rmann Jakobsson (2006: 5455) has noted, they stand out
because of their ambiguous nature and their peculiarity, and this clearly
seems to parallel the strangeness ascribed to the Smi in historical works.
The feelings of fear and insecurity associated with the mythological
jtunn race thatlike the real Smi peoplelived somewhere in the East
and North, seem to have been mixed with the hope of proft (in regard
to trade and marriage) and with curiosity (in regard to magic practices),
and this made them simultaneously attractive and intimidating. This
kind of timid fascination can be seen in almost every form of medieval
literature where Jtunheimar (and also the ambiguous austrvegr the
eastern route which is often associated with the jtnar) are commonly
described as dubious territories and the jtnar themselves as peculiar
outsiders, regardless of the fact that the dissimilarity is essentially hard
to explain. The same naturally also applies to Loki, who provides the
sir with valuable services and artefacts but always remains an esoteric
outsider who cannot be trusted. The intriguing suggestion that the Smi
might possibly be connected with the mythical jtnar was frst made in
1711 by the Icelander ormur Torfason who, in his Historia Rerum
Norvegicarum (The History of Norway), discussed the geographical
location of Jtunheimar and suggested that since this region was located
towards the North or East by Norse authors, it points to the Smi districts
in todays Kola Peninsula and its neighbourhood (ormur Torfason
12
Both the mythological and legendary texts imply that austrvegr was inhabited not
only by jtnar, but also by trll, ggjar and other evil creatures. Samsons saga fagra (ed.
Wilson, p. 31), for example, states that trolls and monsters live in the lands that are called
Jtunheimar in the East and the North. Snorris Gylfaginning (ch. 12) and the Eddic poem
Vlusp (st. 39) tell of an old troll-woman who lived in the Iron-wood in the East and
gave birth to giants in wolf shape. rrs travels to austrvegr to fght the jtnar/trll are a
recurring theme in Eddic poems such as Lokasenna, Hrbarslj and Hymiskvia as well
as Snorris collections (Gylf. chs. 42, 45; Skldsk. chs. 24, 41).
2008 [1711]: 241252). In more recent scholarship, loose analogies
between these two races have been drawn by several scholars who have
with reason accentuated the fact that the Smi, as the original people
of Scandinavia, offer a parallel to the mythological jtnar who were the
primeval inhabitants of the world, and more importantly, that both of
them represent the other in mythology and history (Chadwick 1964;
Hermann Plsson 1997; Lindow 1995; Mundal 2000).
Lokis relationships with the mythological jtnar are frequently alluded
to in various sources and his own at least partial genetic connection to the
jtnar seems to have been a central feature for the Norsemen. Loki is said
to be the son of Laufeywhose background is unclearafter whom he
is named, which has led some scholars to believe that this may indicate an
absent or unsuitable father, possibly a jtunn (Lindow 1997: 53). Indeed,
though Lokis maternity is never mentioned in skaldic poetry, we learn
in Haustlng (st. 5, Skj. A1, p. 17; B1, p. 15) and Hsdrpa (st. 2, Skj.
A1, p. 136; B1, p. 128) the name of his father who, according to Snorri
(Gylf. ch. 33, p. 42) at least, belongs to the jtunn race: Loki is called
Frbauta mg (acc.) and in Hsdrpa Frbauta maugr the boy of
Frbauti.
13
Though the allusions to Lokis provenance are not always
clear, they nevertheless seem to indicate a link of some sort to the jtnar.
The strongest evidence for Lokis possible jtunn background could
perhaps be found in his blood-brotherhood with inn, mentioned in
Lokasenna (st. 9), which seems to be regarded as his key to the circle
of the sir. Lokis mixed ancestry and role as an outsider might also be
refected in the simple fact that he, unlike most of the sir, has no home
in sgarr, but instead travels regularly between the worlds, something
which is indirectly reminiscent of the symbolic travels of the noaidit,
mentioned in practically every available early report on Smi religion.
14

13
See Clunies Ross (1994: 263). A further indication of Lokis affliation with the jtnar
might be seen in his name Hverungr (Yngt. 32, Skj. B1, p. 13; Vsp. 53), which is also
listed as the name of a jtunn in the nafnaulur in Snorra Edda (p. 282) and it is noteworthy
that his love affair with the jtunkona Angrboa (unless it is Loki himself in female form
[Ellis Davidson 1979: 9]) results in the destructive offspring that play a signifcant role in
the events leading to Ragnark where Loki again leads the jtnar (Vsp. 49).
14
The Smi believed that the soul of the noaidi parted from the shaman during the sance
and acted as a kind of tutelary spirit that defended the noaidi during his journey through
various worlds and took the form of an animal, most commonly a bird, fsh or reindeer
(Niurenius 1905 [c. 1630]: 2022), but sometimes also the shape of dragon or one of the
little folk (Lundius 1905 [1674]: 6); see also Eliade (2004 [1951]: 224), and Bckman &
Hultkrantz (1978: 1719, 4144, 5455).
68 Triin Laidoner
Lokis arrival from outside, his matronymic and his blood-brotherhood
with inn may all suggest that he did not originally belong to the circle
of the sir and that he only became one of them by mixing blood with an
ss (Clunies Ross 1994: 263264). If the suggestion that the jtnar in the
myths represent the diverse Smi tribes is accepted, Lokis own origin as
a jtunn would then make it natural for him to refect elements of Smi
worldview.
Although the Smis own spiritual religion, noaidevuohta, persisted
until at least the end of the eighteenth century, little information on its
actual practices has been recorded and most of this comes from the works
of missionaries who doubtless carried cultural prejudices against the more
primitive Smi and had their own agenda (Kulonen et al. 2005: 189
191; Pettersson 1987: 70). The essential diffculty with the application
of such material is that it was mostly recorded by outsiders, and covers
a wide period of time and a wide range of areas.
15
The entire range of
known cultural practices should not of course be applied unambiguously
to all the linguistically related groups that lived in different surroundings.
Certain common archetypal elements of Smi and other shamanistic
cultures in Northern Eurasia, however, indicate that the practice of
noaidevuohta might be as old as the shamanistic practices known in other
hunter communities, such as those in Siberia (Bckman & Hultkrantz
1978: 2829). Comparisons between the Smi practices and North
Eurasian shamanism are inescapable and it is therefore generally accepted
that the Smi noaidi-tradition is an offshoot of the famous Siberian
shamanism and although perhaps somewhat less spectacular, it has some
resemblances to it (Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 36, 4041; Ruong 1982:
58; Pettersson 1985: 158159; Hultkrantz 1987: 110; see Tolley 2009:
6692). This can be seen in the notable stability of certain patterns and
features in the traditions which provide a good reason to believe that they
represent the basic framework of Smi belief. Recurring features such as
soul-journeys, trance, possession of counter-spirits, World Tree ideology
etc. all play key roles in the dynamics of these cultures (Bckman &
Hultkrantz 1978: 1114) and suggest that it is plausible to consider these
areas as a cultural unit, albeit with regional variations. Furthermore, if
some parallels can be drawn between the seir practices in Old Norse
15
A report on the later missionary accounts can be found in an article by Rydving (2000)
which lists most of the important persons who dedicated themselves to researching Smi
culture. A collection of articles on the development of Smi folklore is found in Pentikinen
(ed. 2000).
texts and Siberian shamanism, as suggested by Dag Strmbck in his Sejd
(1935), it is natural that these infuences would have come about via the
different Finno-Ugric tribes of North Europe who formed a bridge to the
Siberian cultures. A number of studies have since concentrated on Smi
and Siberian traditions; particularly deserving of mention are works by
Bckman & Hultkrantz (1978), DuBois (1999), Price (2002) and more
recently Tolley (2009), all of which refect on infuences from these
cultures on the Old Norse religion.
Lokis potential links to the cultural world of the Smi might perhaps frst
and foremost lie in his combination of being both a jtunn and (possibly)
an ss and the fact that he seems to lack a home and a clear cultural
background (see below). This certainly makes him a very untrustworthy
outsider among the sir who, irrespective of the fact that their own
ancestry goes back to the jtnar, frequently show hostility towards them.
Lokis jtunn background, and the possible connection between the Smi
and the jtnar whose headquarters seem to have been placed in an area
that corresponded to the Smi territories, allow us to place the focus of
the following discussion on Lokis potential affliation with Smi culture,
where ideas of symbolic soul travels, cosmic oppositions and ambiguity
seem to form a natural part of human existence, something most clearly
refected in the noaiditradition. It is diffcult to overlook the fact that
many dualistic ideas of the same kind are also embodied in the Loki
fgure.
Besides being borderline jtunn and ss, a curious relic of Lokis
possible connection to the Smi-world can perhaps be found in his ever-
present duality. This duality is shown in several contrasting qualities,
such as existing in both male and female form and being a father and
a mother, representing aspects of both good and evil (to the extent that
such clear distinctions existed in pre-Christian times), being a causer and
resolver of problems, a thief and a bringer of valuable objects, all of
which again seems to be in accordance with the functions of a noaidi
(see following).
16
Loki is indeed extraordinarily dualistic, but at the same
time, he often seems to determine the course of events and acts as some
kind of guide between the worlds.
A great deal of attention concerning (Smi) shamanistic elements in
Old Norse mythology has been concentrated on inn, and particularly
16
The opposition of good and evil in a noaidi who is controlled by his spirit follower is
noted for example by Olsen (1910 [1716]: 49).
70 Triin Laidoner
on such striking elements as his ability to change shape.
17
In particular,
his presentation in the thirteenth-century Ynglinga saga (Hkr., chs.
67, F 26, pp. 1720) can without doubt be linked to shamanistic
tradition, where the shamans are sometimes said to take the form of
their accompanying spirit (Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 18). However,
it is sometimes overlooked that inn also lacks some features that are
character istic of shamans, such as their gender ambiguity. This feature on
the other hand is found in Loki who seems fond of changing his shape,
trans forming in different accounts into a hawk (Haustl. st. 12; Skj. B1,
p. 16), a mare (Gylf. 42; Skldsk. 23), a salmon (Gylf. 50; Ls. prose),
a seal (Skldsk. 15; Hsd.?), a fy and a fea (Srl. 2), a young maiden
and an old hag (Gylf. 49), and perhaps even Angrboa (Hlj. 39; Bdr.
13) if one agrees with the suggestion made by Ellis Davidson (1979: 9).
In this light, it might be worth considering the possibility that inn,
who at frst blush appears more at home in shamanic tradition than Loki,
was largely accredited with only those typically noaidi-like features that
would enhance his image as a great warrior. What is sometimes forgotten
is that such warrior-like qualities do not seem to be in accordance with
the Smi religious worldview in which the underlying power of the divine
tends to be refected in transitional fgures, rather than in warrior gods
who rule the world by means of magic and physical confict. Aside from
small-scale conficts, the Smi themselves are not renowned for engaging
in all-out warfare. As far as Loki is concerned, it could be said that he,
unlike inn, displays no such heroic features, but in many ways seems
much closer to the actual nature of Smi noaidevuohta, in which duality
and oppositions are dominant characteristics.
It is noteworthy that Lokiunlike innalso takes on female form,
even giving birth. This extraordinary feature might at frst be understood
simply as an amusing and almost trivial detail that the medieval authors
used to add colour to their stories. In the present context, however, it
should not be forgotten that such gender ambiguity also exists among
the Smi (Lundmark 1987), although perhaps on a subtler level than in
some other circumpolar cultures where it is more explicit (see Nioradze
1925; Hollimon 2001: 124127). No known sources depict a Smi noaidi
actually engaging in a symbolic gender transformation during his trance;
this would, of course, be impossible for a foreign observer to discern.
17
See Pipping (1928); Strmbck (1935); Ohlmarks (1939); Buchholtz (1971); Dillmann
(1992); Tolley (1996) and Asbjrn (1999).
However, the social acceptance of gender ambiguity can be observed in
the material life of the Smi where it was evidently regarded as important
to echo this kind of opposition to keep things in cosmic balance.
18
The
Smi home, for example, is said to consist of two worlds, the world of
life and of death, which are said to meet at the fresidea borderland
region, where the male and the female meet on neutral ground common
to both worlds; furthermore, this ambivalent space was also the place
where the noaidi carried out his performances (Yates 1989; Gullv &
Appelt 2001: 158).
19
Thus it seems natural to assume that some kind of
loose gender boundaries would also be found in a noaidi whose chief
purpose was to keep things in cosmic balance. Although it is generally
understood that the Smi noaidit did not cross-dress, but instead
were naked during their drumming (Olsen 1910 [1716]: 45, 84, 86), a
missionary account contradicts this by noting that a practitioner from
northern Sweden wore his best dress for the performances (Thurenius
1910 [1724]: 396).
20
One late report from Sweden even states that a Smi
noaidi had womens clothes on during his sance (Kolmodin 1914, cited
in Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 39).
21
In view of these features and the
vast range of attributes that cut across gender boundaries among other
circumpolar peoples, it is easy to suppose that analogous ideas were at
least not entirely alien to the Smi, even if their own expression thereof
was portrayed on a subtler level in the sources available to us. What is
even more interesting about this kind of gender fexibility in the present
context is the fact that the transformed shamans were evidently also
the ones who were the most feared and powerful (Bogoras 1904: 453).
Although symbolic male pregnancy has not been recorded in Smi
culture, among the Sakha (Siberian Yakut) such gender fexibility could
incorporate even more drastic elements, including an apparent ability to
symbolically give birth to animals while in a trance (Balzer 1996: 164,
18
The question of whether the gender ambiguity evident in the Smi world is related to the
fact that the Finno-Ugric languages are gender neutral is beyond the scope of the present
survey, but it is certainly noteworthy that the understanding of supernatural fgures and also
gods seems less sexual and categorised among the Finno-Ugric groups.
19
This certainly contains an interesting parallel to the possible Loki fgure appearing on the
famous Snaptun forge-stone mentioned earlierLoki who is utterly dualistic is placed in
the area where the different dimensions meet each other.
20
See Ohlmarks (1939: 34, 5051, 176 ff.); Bckman & Hultkrantz (1978: 36, 78).
21
This idea of a potential symbolic gender transformation might also be supported by a
number of archaeological fnds that contain mixed grave-goods (see Price 2002: 216, 271;
Lauritsen & Hansen 2003).
72 Triin Laidoner
177).
22
If this kind of symbolism were paralleled in Smi noaidevuohta it
is defnitely tempting to compare the case of Loki in female form bearing
children (Ls. 23, 33), giving birth to all the fg female monsters (Hlj.
40) and perhaps to a wolf, a monster (Hlj. 39, Gylf. ch. 34, p. 43) and Hel
(Gylf. ch. 34, p. 43), and even to an eight-legged foal (Gylf. ch. 42, pp.
5457, Hlj. 39).
23
So peculiar is the story of Lokis giving birth to the eight-legged
Sleipnir narrated by Snorri (Gylf. ch. 42, pp. 5457) that most scholars
only accentuate Sleipnirs role as the riding-horse of inn.
24
Indeed,
we know that inn and Sleipnir undertake a journey together to
the Underworld (Bdr. 2) and this seems to make Sleipnir a mythical
archetype of a shamans horse, prominent in most circumpolar cultures
where shamanism has left its mark (Eliade 2004 [1951]: 380, 467469;
see Rutherford 1986: 94; Price 2002: 320323). However, although the
connection between inn and Sleipnir is more apparent in the myths, it
seems wrong to ignore Lokis role in this relationship, as has often been
done. Irrespective of the fact that inn is the one who rides Sleipnir,
Loki is the one who goes through a transformation into a female being and
gives birth to him. This extreme and humorous episode might in isolation
be seen as a late fabrication of Snorris and it might thus be regarded as
futile to draw any genuine connection between Loki and Smi beliefs, but
with the link between eight-legged horses and shamans in mind, we can
cautiously turn to Siberian traditions where similar accounts have been
recorded. A Buryat story, for example, describes how the mare of a female
shaman gave birth to an eight-hoofed horse that, as later appears, was
the physical incarnation of the one the shamaness rode in her own trance
(Eliade 2004 [1951]: 469). If such a parallel is at work here, it at least
echoes another shamanistic link possibly connected to Loki who takes the
role of both the shamaness and the horse. The involvement of the Smi
in this kind of rarely occurring motif is perhaps tenuous, but considering
22
In some Siberian cultures there is no clear social distinction between male and female
shamans as shamans can be seen as constituting a third gender (Czaplicka 1914: 253;
Balzer 1996: 164). For further references on gender ambiguity see Hollimon (2001).
23
If one is open to the suggestion by Ellis Davidson (1979: 9) that Angrboa might be kind
of alter ego of Loki, this refects Lokis own symbolic ability to give birth. In accordance
with this idea, Viktor Rydberg (2004 [1889]: 146147) has suggested that the hlfsviinn
hugstein konu half-burnt thought-stone of a woman that Loki swallows (Hlj. 40) may
belong to Angrboa who then gives him her soul.
24
The late poem Hyndlulj (sts. 3940) hints at Lokis relationship with Sleipnir whom
he evidently gat vi Svailfara.
that no similar stories, to the best of my knowledge, have been recorded in
continental Europe, it might be reasonable to presume that the Smi, who
share many features with the shamanic cultures in Siberia, might also
have introduced the idea to the Germanic tribes that approached from
the South. It is worth remembering that the idea of eight-legged horses is
also found in Scandinavian folk-tradition and that images of multi-legged
horses and reindeer appear on some picture stones from Gotland as well
as on tapestries found in upper central Sweden (see Price 2002: 320323).
This at the very least supports the idea that multi-legged animals were not
entirely unknown to people living in Scandinavia.
25

The connection between Loki and Sleipnir becomes even more
interesting in consideration of a remark made by the Smi clergyman
Nicolaus Lundius (16561726) who, in his account Lappi Descriptio
Lapponi (The Description of Laplanders) from 1674, states that the
noaidis drum, used for divination and journeys to places beyond the
human world, is actually an intermediary for a noaidi who is not as
powerful as those who possess sueie, which he calls spdoms anda
spirit of divination (Lundius 1905 [1674]: 58).
26
According to Lundius,
only a noaidi who is less powerful and does not have a sueie needs to
use the drum as an aid for his otherworldly travels and this brings us to
consider the role of the shamanic drum (or staff), which on a symbolic
level was often identifed as the shamans galloping horse (Eliade 2004
[1951]: 380, 467; Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 16). Moreover, part of
the art of using the drum encompassed the imitation of the sound of the
horses clattering hooves, transporting the noaidi to distant otherworldly
locations (Rutherford 1986: 94; Price 2002: 322).
27
It might therefore
be argued, in an ironic sense of course, that inn actually inherits his
ability to travel between worlds with Sleipnir from Loki, who is evidently
already in possession of a shamanic spirit and who through his own
25
Folk-plays where two performers imitate an eight-legged horse by walking on both their
hands and feet under a skin are known from different parts of Scandinavia and are believed
to have ancient roots (Phillpotts 1920: 125).
26
A similar note is found in the report of Carl Solander (1910 [1726]: 24) where it is stated
that the strongest noaidit only use their song for magic. Tornus (1900 [1672]: 3133) also
remarks that some Smi people are born with magical abilities while others need to learn
it through practice.
27
The reindeer clearly parallels a horse in the Smi world and represents the most powerful
votive spirit of the noaidi (Skanke 1945 [17281731]: 192). This suggests that the reindeer
might be seen as a symbolic tool of travel for a noaidi (Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 16)
whose helping spirits commonly appear in the shape of these as well as birds and fsh.
74 Triin Laidoner
transformation creates Sleipnir. Overall, it would of course be wrong
to claim that the idea of gender fexibility could only have come about
via infuence from the Smi, but it is undeniable that such ideas have a
prominent place in the shamanic traditions of circumpolar peoples (see
Balzer 1996). It is possible that some of these elements may have been
associated with Loki from the earliest times, perhaps in sources that have
not survived. However, such transvestism was certainly not in accordance
with Christian ideology, and this may account for the remnants of these
elements in myths gradually developing into either humorous satires
or simply acquiring negative connotations, something quite clearly
demonstrated in later works such as Lokasenna and Snorra Edda.
Although Loki himself never rides Sleipnir through the air or over the
earth, his own means of traveloften by fightis no less spectacular.
At this point it is again worth drawing attention to the travelling souls of
the noaidifgures who could transform themselves and fy through the air
like birds, an ability which is emphasised in several early accounts (Leem
1767: 415423, 483; Turi 1910: 197; see also Eliade 2004 [1951]: 224;
Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 18, 43). Loki seems to be the most prominent
recipient of this ability, although the means used to help him fy differ
from text to text. Though rymskvia (st. 5) and Snorris Geirrr myth
(Skldsk. ch. 3, p. 26) state that Loki was transformed into a bird with the
help of Freyjas or Friggs hamr (feather) skin, according to the early
skaldic poems Haustlng and rsdrpa it seems more likely that Loki
once upon a time few in bird form without any kind of external help: in
Haustlng (st. 12, Skj. B1, p. 16) it is said that Loki was hauks f bjlfa
aukinn increased by a hawks fying-fur and in rsdrpa (st. 2, Skj. B1,
p. 139) he is called gammlei arr the vulture-path of rr. It could
therefore be suggested that the borrowing of the hamr is perhaps again a
later development. Snorribeing infuenced by the classical mythologies
of the ancient Meditarranean culturesunsurprisingly presents Loki with
a pair of sky-shoes, which are reminiscent of the winged sandals of the
Greek god Hermes and are not mentioned in any other Old Norse sources
(Skldsk. ch. 43, p. 46). What is important here is the fact that Loki in one
way or another seems to be associated with air and fying.
The range of fight-related features listed above can be supplemented
by further elements that on a more abstract level might illustrate Lokis
association with air and wind. The encounter between Loki and Logi
in the myth of tgara-Loki, for instance, in which Loki is presented
as the opponent of fre and is beaten by it (Gylf. ch. 46, pp. 6165),
certainly raises the possibility that Loki, who frequently seems to be
associated with air in the myths, represents the natural element that is
essential to keep fre alive.
28
Thus it might be argued that ironically Loki,
i.e. the air, feeds Logi, i.e. the wildfre, and helps him to win the contest
in the same way he perhaps helps fre by expelling air from the bellows
on the Snaptun stone that was mentioned earlier. A forge-stone clearly
does not work without the rushing air of the bellows, and beneath the
fgures sewn-up mouth on the stone the blowhole can be seen. One more
similar and curious reference to Lokis responsibility for keeping fre
going by blowing air can be found in the myth of the theft of Iunn,
in which the gods have diffculties in cooking an ox because the jtunn
jassi is said to be cursing the fre (Haustl. st. 4, Skj. B1, p. 15). Once
again, hrafnsar vinr the friend of raven-ss, i.e. Loki, is the one who
is expected to blow into the fre (to expel the curse?) and make it burn
properly (McKinnell 1994: 121, note 25). It is unsurprising that a fgure
with these associations should also be granted a related nameLoptr,
meaning air (Haustl. st. 8, Skj. B1, p. 16; Ls. 6 and 19; Hlj. 40; Fjsvm. 26;
Gylf. ch. 33, pp. 4243). Lokis connection to air, wind and fight runs
albeit with slight variationslike a unifying thread through most of the
sources that contain information about him, ranging from early skaldic
poems to later prose texts. The persistent recurrence of this element
suggests that it is one of the oldest in Lokis exceedingly colourful
character. The potentially archetypal relationship between Loki and air,
wind and fight might in turn be interpreted as another link to the airborne
noaidi,
29
and becomes even more interesting when considered together
with the fact that the idea of powerful wind-deities is rather prominent in
Smi and Finnic beliefs and that magic associated with wind and airfows
in Old Norse material always seems to be attributed to the Finnar.
30

28
I am grateful to Professor Terry Gunnell for bringing to my attention the possibility that
Lokis reason for losing to Logi is more likely to be suggested by his nature of an air-and-
wind-related fgure.
29
According to some sources, the noaidit had the ability to fy through air (Leem 1767: 25;
Turi 1910: 195197; 19181919: 110; Ohlmarks 1939: 57, 75; Itkonen 1946: 116f.). Other
texts suggest that the free-soul of the noaidi took the form of a spirit-bird called Passe vare
lodde who then showed the way to the noaidi during his ecstatic trip (see Forbus 1910
[1727]: 84; Leem 1767: 475).
30
Richard Perkins has discussed wind-raising in Old Norse mythology (Perkins 2001:
126) and argued convincingly that the practice of wind-magic was very common among
pagan peoples in the North, probably much more than in most other countries or cultures.
As an example it could be mentioned that the Smi had a special class of gods that were
connected to the air and sky, belonging to the dimension between the earth and high heaven
76 Triin Laidoner
The Franciscan monk Bartholomaeus Anglicus in his De Proprietatibus
Rerum (On the Order of Things [1905: 100]) from the thirteenth century,
for example, and the Swedish historian Olaus Magnus (14901557) in
Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus (History of the People of the
North [I, 19961998 [1555]: 172173]) both make the interesting note
that Finn wizards can regulate the natural order by putting spells on
elements of nature; furthermore, they offer wind for sale to traders by
giving them three knots tied in a strap; untying the knots would then
help the traders regulate the winds. Similar powers are suggested in a
variety of sources, ranging from historical works (Torfason 2008 [1711]:
236) and missionary reports (Thurenius 1910 [1724]: 395) to sagas (lfs
saga helga, Hkr. ch. 9, F 27, pp. 11) and modern folktales (see Kvideland
and Sehmsdorf 1991: 151152)all these works again demonstrating
that the Finnar were believed to have the ability to make the wind blow
and cause storms at will.
Further contradictions can be glimpsed in other spheres of Lokis
activities, for example, in his roles as the cause and resolver of problems,
as well as his being a thief and a supplier of valuable items, something
which again seems to accord with the nature of a noaidi. The ability of
Smi magic-workers to fnd thieves and even force them to return stolen
items is mentioned by Olaus Magnus (III, 19961998 [1555], ch. 17), but
the most colourful description of the ability of a Smi noaidi to summon
objects from distant parts and fnd hidden treasures, is recorded in the
Norwegian synoptic history Historia Norwegie (ch. 4, eds. Ekrem &
Mortensen, p. 60; tr. Fisher, p. 61), written by an anonymous monk in
the late twelfth or early thirteenth century. As this account indicates, the
noaidit were also believed to be diviners who could reveal lost things:
they [i.e. the Smi] attract to themselves desirable objects from distant
parts in an astounding fashion and miraculously reveal hidden treasures,
even though they are situated a vast distance away.
31
Sometimes the
noaidi was even asked to undergo a trial and locate a hidden item to
prove his worth (see Bckman & Hultkrantz 1978: 30). Once again, links
(Friis 1871: 6087). They also believed that a god named Biegga-gales or Bieg-olmai, who
appears in the creation myth of the Smi, was a strong and dangerous god of storms and
wind (Solander 1910 [1726]: 2223; Forbus 1910 [1727]: 3233; Castrn 1853: 49; Friis
1871: 7475).
31
The ability to fnd items is also mentioned by several later authors, such as Niurenius
(1905 [c. 1630]: 22), who were probably copying Magnuss work (see Bckman &
Hultkrantz 1978: 104, 109). The ability of a noaidi to fnd animals by using magic is
mentioned in Olsen (1910 [1716]: 32).
could be suggested between the ability to fnd objects as well as people,
and Loki who retrieves the kidnapped Iunn (Haustl. and Skldsk., chs.
23, pp. 8689), helps rr fnd his hammer (kv. sts. 12), and most
signifcantly, provides the sir with most of their key possessions, such
as golden hair for Sif, Skblanir and Gullinbursti for Freyr, Mjllnir for
rr, Gungnir and Draupnir for inn (Skldsk. ch. 43, pp. 142145), and
in another tale, Sleipnir, as mentioned earlier (Gylf. ch. 42, pp. 5457).
Problems often arise because of Lokis impulsiveness, and he is forced to
undergo extreme ordeals and compensatory punishment. For example, the
myth of the jtunn-builder and Svailfari results in Lokis transformation
and Sleipnirs birth to him (Gylf. ch. 42, pp. 5457). A second example
is found in the story of Loki (possibly) cutting off Sifs hair, an act for
which he compensates by bringing the useful objects to the sir, although
his own mouth is sewn up (Skldsk. ch. 43, pp. 142145). Thirdly, despite
being the one who initially lured Iunn to a forest outside sgarr to
save his own skin in the story of the theft of Iunn (Haustl.; Skldsk.
chs. 23, pp. 8688) Loki, nevertheless locates her in Jtunheimar and
brings her back, something which ends with a very unfortunate incident
with a nanny-goat. Lokis own role as the thief of a magical object called
Brsingamen that belongs to Freyja is told at greater length in Srla ttr
(ch. 2. FSN 1, pp. 368370) and hinted at in Snorra Edda (Skldsk. ch.
23, p. 112); another kenning in Haustlng (st. 9, Skj. B1, p. 16) refers to
him as Brsings girijfr (the stealer of the Brsing girdle).
32
Lokis
association with Brsingamenover which he and Heimdallr are said
to have battled in the shape of seals (Skldsk. ch. 15, p. 110)remains
rather obscure; he nevertheless always seems at the very least to be
present when objects of value are mentioned.
Pursuing Lokis parallels to noaidi practices still further, we can
revisit the combat between Loki and Heimdallr in the form of seals and
the aforementioned symbolic airfre contest between Loki and Logi (a
transformed double of tgara-Loki?); both stories offer a parallel to the
symbolic magical battles of Smi noaidit.
33
The most famous and detailed
32
See de Vries (1933: 125141). The story of a jewel which Loki steals from the sleeping
Freyja is narrated in Srla ttr, although this fourteenth-century fornaldarsaga does not
make any special mention of the jewel being called Brsingamen.
33
The passages in the skaldic poem Hsdrpa (st. 2, Skj. B1, p. 128) mention only that Loki
and Heimdallr fought at a place called Singasteinn but make no allusions to their fghting
in animal-shape. This information must have reached Snorri through a more extensive
version of Hsdrpa or some other source (see Tolley 2009: 405).
78 Triin Laidoner
early description of this kind again comes from the Historia Norwegie
where the free-souls of three Smi men engaged in a magic battle.
According to this description, a woman had apparently been snatched
away by a gandus unclean spirit of the opponents of her tribe and to bring
her back a noaidi went into an ecstatic state and fnally threw himself to
the ground, black all over like a negro and foaming at the mouth as if he
were mad; ripped across his stomach, with a mighty roar he eventually
relinquished his life (ch. 4, eds. Ekrem & Mortensen, p. 62; tr. Fisher,
p. 63). The woman nevertheless awoke after another noaidi successfully
attempted the same thing. According to the words of the second noaidi,
the spirit of the dead sorcerer in the shape of a whale had met the rivals
gandus in the shape of sharpened stakes which pierced the frst noaidi
when he rushed through a lake. This account is, of course, of particular
value for the present study because it shows that the otherworld travel of
the noaidi, as well as confict and the supernatural movement of objects,
were already regarded as key features of Smi religious belief at that time.
Parallels can be found in a number of other texts where travelling through
water seems to have been particularly associated with Smi magic. The
twelfth-century Landnmabk (ch. 56, F 1, p. 218), for example, makes
an interesting note on two Finnar who were sent hamfrum travelling in
animal shape to Iceland, thereby exemplifying the popular understanding
that they could change shapes and travel magically.
34
This certainly
echoes the way in which (the otherworld egos of) Loki and Heimdallr are
said to have fought each other in seal form (Tolley 2009: 405, 516). One
more very evocative portrayal of this kind is given by the aforementioned
Nicolus Lundius, whose account of the Smi also contains a description of
a magic battle between two Smi men who fought each other in a trance
while sitting calmly in front of their huts (Lundius 1905 [1674]: 68).
One of them was overthrown by the other in such a powerful way that
blood ran from his eyes, ears, mouth and nose.
35
As mentioned earlier, this
kind of soul dualism seems to be a fundamental feature of most shamanic
groups and, as the examples above have shown, the power of sorcery
34
A similar description is found in lafs saga Tryggvasonar, in which King Haraldr asks
a man to go to Iceland in hamfrum to fnd out what kind of land it is and the magician
journeys in the shape of a whale (Hkr, ch. 33, F 26, pp. 270272). Parallels can also be
found in Vatnsdla saga, in which the Norwegian chieftain Ingimundr asks three Finns
to visit Iceland: the bodies of the Finns then became rigid and they sent out their souls,
although in which form is not stated (ch. 12, F 8, pp. 3336).
35
The magic fghts of the noaidit are also mentioned in Olsen (1910 [1716]: 46).
allowed the battles to result in rather serious physical damage although
they were essentially symbolic.
The fnal link to Smi culture that will be suggested here is found in
Lokis widely discussed and largely accepted role as a trickster or culture-
hero whoakin to a noaidioften violates human social norms (for
example, he crosses genders and mediates between worlds), sometimes
doing so for the beneft of others (Radin 1969: IXX, 137; Hultkrantz
1980: 3637).
36
This has already been seen in the grotesque myths where
Lokis tricky and impulsive nature repeatedly gets him into trouble and
makes him a victim of the pranks of others, as for instance in the myth of
the birth of Sleipnir and the incidents with the nanny-goat and the sewn-
up mouth, but also in the story of tgara-Loki (Gylf. chs. 4647, pp.
6167) and Geirrr (rsd.; Skldsk. ch. 26, pp. 118120). A number
of scholars over the years have refected on Lokis role as a trickster or
culture-hero (Leland 1884; von der Leyen 1909; de Vries 1933; Rooth
1961; Ellis Davidson 1964, 1979; McKinnell 1994). Less consideration,
however, has been given to the question of where this type of character
may have emerged from before becoming part of Old Norse mythology.
37

Such characters are especially common in circumpolar areas, from the
canonical trickster fgure of native North American traditions to trickster
fgures such as Stallo among the Smi.
38
It should be noted that the
natural core of the (mythological) tricksters in folktales overlaps in many
ways with that of the real (human) shamans, suggesting that shamanistic
thinking and the development of a trickster concept cannot be separated
36
The exploits of the trickster make him comparable with ancient heroes or mediators
between different worlds rather than objects of worship. This distinction also seems to
apply to the ever-travelling Loki, who mediates between the worlds of different races but
arguably never had a cult of his own (Dumzil 1948: 17; Turville-Petre 1964: 126).
37
Till Eulenspiegel and Reynard the Fox are probably the best-known tricksters from
continental Europe, and some characters in Norse-related material, such as Amleth in Saxos
Gesta Danorum (Ellis Davidson 1979), Starcatherus in the same account (Meulengracht
Srensen 1977), feigr in Bandamanna saga (Lindow 1977) and Bricriu in Irish tradition
(Ellis Davidson 1988: 213214) certainly have trickster-like features, but they are quite
different from the archetypal mythological trickster fgures.
38
The best example of the trickster is the brutal giant Stallo who, although often presented
as some kind of noaidi, represents the villain and worst enemy of the Smi and is most
often tricked and outwitted by the cleverer Smi. Similar plots can also be found in the less
brutal animal folktales. Information on Stallo can be found in Skanke (1910 [1716]: 104);
Solander (1910 [1726]: 26); Leem (1767: 424425); Turi (1910: 200206); Lid (1933:
4365); Aikio (1993). Tales of Stallo can be found in Friis (1871: 73110); Qvigstad &
Sandberg (1887: 6266; 146162); Turi (19181919: 183188). Stallos role as a trickster
has also been discussed by McElwain (1987).
80 Triin Laidoner
from each other (Campbell 1959: 275; Ellis Davidson 1964: 181; Jung in
Radin 1969: 196; La Barre 1970: 199; Rutherford 1986: 16). It therefore
seems natural that Loki, who displays so many characteristics of the noaidi
tradition, should also have come to take on the role of the most prominent
Norse trickster. It is possible that the illogical inconsistencies in Lokis
character could be effectively explained by his role as an impulsive and
immoral trickster. This approach to Lokis role as a tricksterand its
potential connections to Smi traditionwould certainly merit further
discussion and investigation, but remains outside the scope of the present
study.
Overall, it might be concluded that Loki, regularly found lurking in the
shadows behind his famous sworn brother innwho appears to have
his own Smi connections at later stages of his developmenthas in fact
retained as many (if not more) elements that can be traced back to Smi
culture and therefore merits a place in discussions of shamanistic qualities
in Old Norse mythology. The lengthy considerations of whether the poor
misunderstood good Loki is older than the devilish version of him which
largely derives from a time when scholars were searching for an older
and purer religion, have nevertheless done a great deal to shape our views
today. There is therefore a widespread tendency to condemn Snorri for
his lack of fdelity to original traditions and for his Christian interpretations
that demand clear-cut borders. However, it must be remembered that
this kind of reinterpretation is not restricted to Snorri, and derives also
from the worldview of modern European scholarsinevitably tinged by
Christian traditionwhich must be very different from that of the early
Christians in Scandinavia and Iceland whose story-telling traditions were
essentially oral. If Loki, as the present article suggests, was regarded as
embodying elements characteristic of Smi noaidi spirituality from the
earliest times, it is logical that he would also be bound to incorporate some
eternal oppositions that naturally engendered a certain nervous respect in
people, especially among outsiders. Thus there is no reason to believe that
people in pre-Christian times ever understood him as a trustworthy fgure.
All we can be certain of is that every different kind of Loki-fgure that we
encounter must refect the understanding of a certain period and must be
considered real to its own time and place. Even though we may question
whether those Loki-myths that are found only in Snorris writings refect
ancient myths or represent later additions designed to add colour to the
stories, they should not be ruled out as having less value. Snorri probably
had a reason for furnishing Loki with further dubious features, if only
because other similar features were already found in him. Therefore it
does not matter whether, for example, the myth of Sleipnirs birth to Loki
is essentially pre-Christian or not; what matters is that Snorri ascribed
the story of the birth of an eight-legged horsea beast connected with
shamans in most hunting culturesto the fgure of Loki. The story at
the very least refects the popular ideas of Snorris time, ideas which
must have been recognisable to the audience and which did not confict
with their understanding of Loki. It is nevertheless remarkable that the
noaidi-like features of this ever-travelling and gender-crossing ss-jtunn
seem to have offered the easiest potential for his development into the
Norse Devil at the same time as the popular respect toward the Smi
and their magic practices began to dwindle with the gradual progress of
Christianity in the North.
At the same time, the manifest stability of certain features, such as
Lokis constant association with air and fight, suggest that these might
be archetypal elements that were already present in the oldest versions
of the Loki fgure. It is this aspect that I fnd of most interest here and
which offers the frst immediate suggestion of parallels with Smi belief.
Having said that, however, the aim of this paper was not to fnd a fgure
equivalent to Loki in Smi religion, or to argue that each and every one
of the elements discussed are indubitably linked to Loki or that he should
be seen in the role of an actual noaidi (as is common with inn). The
aim was simply to emphasise the fact that the paradoxical elements
inherent in him fnd parallels in Smi folk belief where similar concepts
are found. While the possibility that some of Lokis character traits may
have evolved elsewhere cannot be ruled out, it seems hard to ignore the
likelihood of strong Smi infuence on the development of his character,
especially given the literary sources that seem to point towards an original
domicile in the northern parts of Europe. Therefore it is important to
explore the possibility that Loki was a changeable fgure who developed
independently in northern Scandinavia and inherited elements from several
neighbouring cultures, particularly those of the Smi. The idea that Loki
is at heart a dualistic noaidi-like fgureand thereby perhaps connected
to the trickster traditionwho belongs to the liminal borderlands of Smi
and Norse culture offers a logical explanation of the various conficts
inherent in his character.
82 Triin Laidoner
Abbreviations
Bdr. = Baldurs draumar (in Eddukv.)
Eddukv. = Eddukvi (ed. Gsli Sigursson 1998)
Fjsvm. = Fjlsvinnsml (in Eddukv.)
FSN. = Fornaldarsgur Norurlanda (ed. Guni Jnsson 1954)
Gylf. = Gylfaginning (in SnE.)
Haustl. = Haustlng (in Skj.)
Hrblj. = Hrbarslj (in Eddukv.)
Hkr. = Heimskringla (ed. Bjarni Aalbjarnarson 2002)
Hlj. = Hyndlulj (in Eddukv.)
Hsd. = Hsdrpa (in Skj.)
F. = slenzk fornrit (Reykjavk: Hi slenzka fornritaflag)
Ls. = Lokasenna (in Eddukv.)
Skldsk. = Skldskaparml (in SnE.)
Skj. = Den norsk-islandske skjaldediktning (ed. Finnur Jnsson 1912)
SnE. = Snorra-Edda (ed. Heimir Plsson 2003)
Srl. = Srla ttr (in FSN)
Vsp. = Vlusp (in Eddukv.)
kv. = rymskvia (in Eddukv.)
rsd. = rsdrpa (in Skj.)
Yngt. = Ynglingatal (in Skj.)
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Summary
This article considers possible Smi infuences on Old Norse mythology,
specifcally, the possible connection of aspects of Smi noaidevuohta practice
with the complex mythological fgure of Loki Laufeyjarson. The focus is placed
on the dual and ambivalent nature of this fgure, qualities which have always
made it impossible for him to be placed in a clear-cut framework and suggest that
perhaps we are dealing with a changeable fgure. The written sources are briefy
examined as are possibly connected archaeological fnds and place-names that
shed light on Loki and point towards his early existence in the northern parts of
Europe. Following an analysis of characteristically Smi features which seem to
be inherent in Loki, his character is explained in the light of the noaidi tradition.
The suggested perspective is that Loki might be better understood in the context
of the noaidi fguresand perhaps through his role as a tricksterthat are found
in a number of circumpolar cultures, including the Smi. This encourages a novel
approach to Loki from which tentative conclusions are drawn about his erratic
nature and his independent development in the northern parts of Scandinavia
from the very frst.
Keywords: Loki, Smi, noaidi, tricksters
Triin Laidoner
University of Aberdeen
Centre for Scandinavian Studies
24 High Street, Kings College, AB24 3EB, Aberdeen, Scotland
[email protected]
Kringla heimsinsJordennes krets
Orbis terrarum
The translation of Snorri Sturlusons work
in Caroline Sweden
Lars WoLLin
a grand complex of icelandic literature entered swedish national culture
during the Caroline epoch (16601720). it came to stay. The very heart
of the matter was snorri sturlusons works. There is no doubt that his
norwegian Kings sagas infuenced the swedes historical self-image
more extensively and more deeply than any other historical document.
The most comprehensive of these sagas, lfs Saga hins helga, which can
be enjoyed as an independent narrative or as a link in the Heimskringla
series, belonged in the 17th century to those foreign texts that were
most frequently swedifed. The famous scene in a chapter of the saga
with Torgny lagman at the Uppsala thinga magnifcent peak in the
dramatic narrativecomprises part of swedish national heritage. lfs
saga seems to have been very popular in the Caroline era: at least three
distinct versions in swedish were produced during a relatively short period
of time (roughly 16501700). The translation ascribed to Gumundur
lafsson, substanstially revised by the editor Johan Peringskild, resulted
in the offcial swedish version. it was published in two monumental
volumes in 1697 and 1700, with text in icelandic, swedish and Latin.
This was a polished product of Caroline philology, undertaken in a spirit
of ultra-patriotic swedish nationalism. in its linguistic form, its creation
was readily supported by the icelanders.
This article concerns the extent and the character of the possible
infuence exerted on the 16971700 swedish translation of lfs saga by
the preceding translations of the same text. is it even arguable, one might
wonder, that this important piece of icelandic narration in a distinguished
epoch in the history of national swedish culture was actually translated
Wollin, Lars. 2012. Kringla heimsinsJordennes kretsOrbis terrarum:
The translation of snorri sturlusons work in Caroline sweden.
94 Lars Wollin
only once, rendered in the national language in basically one and the same
version? This problem touches upon some central aspects of cultural
history. at the same time, in its empirical dimension, it should be tackled
within the framework of translation studies. Both approaches will be
adopted here.
Four Caroline swedish versions of lfs saga will be presented and
discussed. in a concluding section they will be contrasted and compared
with (a version of) the icelandic original andespeciallywith each
other in two brief passages. The printed Latin target version will also be
briefy commented upon.
1 The cultural setting
in the centuries following the end of the Middle ages, the dissolution of
the linguistic unity which had prevailed in Viking age and old Medieval
scandinavia had proceeded so far that icelandic was no longer generally
understandable in mainland scandinavia, not even as a written language.
The reception of saga literature and Eddic poetry, then, necessitated
adequate translation into Danish and swedish.
The art and the craft of translation had been cultivated in the nordic
countries for centuries at this time. it had been carried out in a double
tradition, with the vernacular serving as the source as well as the target
language. Latin was translated into the scandinavian languages on a large
scale for the domestication of foreign ideas, and the vernaculars into Latin
for the international dissemination of some domestic writing; the latter
activity was, of course, a minor affair, although in fact not insignifcant.
What was required at this time, however, was essentially a different
undertaking: translation from one vernacular into another. icelandic was
established, rather suddenly, in Eastern scandinavia as an ordinary source
language for translation, in addition to German. in quantitative terms,
certainly, icelandic was of course hugely overshadowed by the dominant
continental vernacular.
1
This development may be paradoxically indicative
of the crucial transition from a more or less exclusively Latinate medieval
1
a comprehensive general survey of literature translated into swedish in the 17th century
is given in Hansson (1982). For the quantitative distribution of source languages see op.
cit. p. 29.
95 Kringla heimsinsJordennes kretsorbis terrarum
Europe into a multilingual modern world: paradoxical in consideration of
the fact that the swedish 17th century is generally considered a Golden
age of Latin culture in the country. as for the use of icelandic as a
source language, the translation historian notes with interest, too, that
the contemporary patriotic idea of a shared national identity of icelandic
and mainland scandinavian languages by no means interfered with the
necessity of translation. apparently, in governing Danish and swedish
circles the valuable Geatish stuff was handled in a spirit of linguistic
pragmatism.
The language and literature of iceland was fourishing in continental
scandinavia already at the end of the Middle ages. sharing a patriotic
Geatish ideology, the two recent nation-states, Denmark and sweden,
soon entered into keen competition with each other in their efforts to
monopolize the literary treasures of a prestigious and partly fctitious
past. The scramble for preserved icelandic manuscripts was undertaken at
a national level, assuming spectacular forms in some cases. in Denmark,
snorri sturlusons Heimskringla had already been translated by the
mid-16th century. The most renowned Danish pioneers in the feld were
Laurents Hanssn and Peder Claussn; the celebrated editor of the latters
work was ole Worm (Gdel 1897: 59 ff.). The arnamagnan editorial
tradition started, as we know, only in the early 18th century.
in sweden this development set in after some delay and initially
with a slightly different emphasis. in this feld as in so many others in
contemporary national antiquarian culture, the great pioneer was Johan
Bure (his name often appearing in the latinized form Johannes Bureus). He
translated the Vilkinasaga in the 1630s, a work that was never published
(Gdel 1897: 219 ff.). The frst icelandic texts to be edited and printed in
sweden, and even translated into swedish, were three fornaldarsgur:
Gtreks och Rolf s Saga, Herrauds och Bosa Saga and Hervars Saga,
appearing in the editions of olof Verelius in the 1660s and 1670s (Gdel
1897: 246255).
as initially stated, however, the most comprehensive textual complex
in this swedish tradition of Geatish editing and translation is, beyond
compare, also the most important one: snorri sturlusons succession of
norwegian kings sagas, the memorable title of which was coined in the
complete Caroline swedish edition of 1697 as Heimskringla. in particular,
the longest story in the series, lfs saga, was, as i have stated, a recurrent
item on the agenda of swedish translators in the Caroline epoch.
96 Lars Wollin
2 a philological approach to translation studies
The particular complex of scandinavian textual history in question
though certainly thoroughly investigated over at least one and a half
centuries of modern philological researchhas never, as far as i know,
been systematically approached from the perspective of translation.
neither has any scholar considered it worthwhile to actually analyse the
very texts in their swedish (and Latin) linguistic form. The reason for this
traditional indifference is no doubt a question of attitude: not until fairly
recently has the perspective of translation been brought to the fore in
historical and linguistic research.
neverthelsess, in view of the overall importance of snorris historical
writings in sweden, the translation of these same writings might very
well prove to be a rewarding subject for research. What i am attempting
is a little like turning the problem on its head, in reference to a statement
made by James Knirk on partly the same material: There are, of course,
great diffculties connected with attempting to employ a seventeenth-
century abbreviated swedish translation as the main witness for an
old norse text (Knirk 2009: 529). Working as a swedish translation
historian rather than an old norse philologist, i will be attempting to
employ an old norse text as the main witness for swedish translation.
Despite the diffculties connected with this inverted undertaking, the
shift of perspective will hopefully contribute to our understanding.
3 The texts
Johan Bures younger kinsman Lars Bure completed his translation of
lfs saga in the 1650s; it was followed later in the mid-17th century
by another two or three versions which are preserved only in anonymous
manuscripts. Printing and editorial undertakings fourished in the latter
half of the century and around 1700; two printed versions of the same
saga were produced during this time.
a graphic survey of the material is presented in Fig. 1.
2
2
i wish to offer my gratitude to an anonymous peer-reviewer, who suggested substantial
improvements in my original arrangement of this fgure.
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Fig. 1. Copying and translation in the Caroline swedish tradition of lfs Saga
hins helga. schematic representation. (The position and attribution of Cod. Hafn.
Thott 972 fol. is hypothetical.)
98 Lars Wollin
3.1 Unprinted translation
a handful of 17th-century manuscripts comprising swedish versions
of lfs saga were never printed. They are preserved in libraries in
stockholm and Copenhagen.
3.1.1 Bure
a recurring name in the study of Caroline swedish translation has been
mentioned already: Lars Bure, often called Laurentius Bureus. He was
a younger relative of the legendary antiquarian pioneer Johan Bure,
likewise mentioned above. Lars Bure worked as a translator in the
national archives (riksarkivet) in 1651; later in the same decade he was
appointed Director of the authority that is today the national Heritage
Board (riksantikvariembetet) and Professor of history at Uppsala
(sBL 6 1926: 717719). in addition to his runological and lexicographic
achievements, his philological efforts resulted in three major works on
medieval manuscripts: two copies and one translation. one of the former
is a swedish provincial law code: the older Vstergtland Law (ldre
Vstgtalagen). The other one is lfs saga, preserved in Cod. Holm.
Papp. fol. 24; this copy was submitted to the national archives in 1651
(Gdel 18971900: 138). Bures translation renders the same saga, taken
down in Cod. Holm. Papp. fol. 92 and probably contemporaneous with
the copy in icelandic (Gdel 1897: 237 f.). Both of these texts are written
in Bures own hand and linked to him by notes in contemporary sources.
They are mentioned by Count De la Gardie in a letter to Verelius after
Bures death which explicitly refers to him. There is some suggestion
of plans to posthumously print Bures versions of the lfs saga; this
obviously went no further than the idea (Gdel 1897: ibid., 18971900:
138, 222; Johnsen & Jn Helgason 1941: 888). Bures swedish version
of lfs saga apparently also exists in a Copenhagen manuscript with
verses edited by Jn rugman (Cod. Hafn. Thott 972 fol; for rugman, see
below), which has not been investigated for the present study; there is
also a Latin version ascribed to Lars Bure and Verelius (Johnsen & Jn
Helgason 1941: 889 f.).
The source text for Bures icelandic and swedish versions was
obviously the Cod. Holm. Perg. 4:o nr 2 (or an interlink between this
manuscript and Bures icelandic version). This is one of the West norse
documents that frst came into swedish possession; it was frequently used
by the earliest philologists in the country and was already being referred
to in the late Middle ages (Gdel 1897: 18 ff., 18971900: 35 ff.; Johnsen
& Jn Helgason 1941: 886 ff.).
3.1.2 Anonymous works
apart from Lars Bures translation, there are some further swedish
versions of lfs saga in the Caroline epoch, their translators unnamed,
which remained unprinted. Two of them are found in the stockholm
manuscripts Cod. Holm. Papp. fol. 45 and fol. 107. These documents
have distinct connections with each other, as well as with the other
manuscripts containing the same text, in a rather complex relationship.
The frst manuscript contains on the verso a copy of the icelandic text
following the same stockholm codex as the one probably used by Bure as
mentioned above, and on the recto a swedish version in the left column,
while the right column is left blank; according to Gdel (18971900: 156)
the arrangement on the recto was designed for a parallel Latin translation
which was never included. The manuscript is defective, with the saga text
not starting until Chapter 26. in the latter manuscript, which is apparently
slightly younger, we likewise fnd a copy in icelandic (following the same
codex) and a swedish version. The text here gives the beginning of the
saga, ending in Chapter 26, in the very passage where the text of the other
manuscript begins; the copyist, Johan Peringskild, apparently aimed to
complete the defective document (Gdel 18971900: 237).
in each manuscript, the swedish translator is anonymous. in the
following, the two works are designated Anon. I in the younger (latter)
and Anon. II in the older (former) manuscript.
3.2 Printed translation
Two swedes, Verelius and Peringskild, are closely connected to Geatish
editing and printing in the Caroline epoch, and two icelanders, Jn rug-
man and Gumundur lafsson, to its translation. The distribution of roles
within this quartet is, however, far from self-evident.
3.2.1 Verelius and Rugman
The pioneering translation, made by rugman and Verelius, of three
fornaldarsgur in the 1660s and 1670s was mentioned above (p. 95).
a swedish version of lfs saga is included in the volume that Count Per
Brahe had his printer Johan Kankel make at his seat of Visingsborg in 1670.
it is entitled Norlandz Chrnika och Beskriffning (roughly Chronicle
100 Lars Wollin
and Description of the northern Land). in the preface to the volume,
the count himself is said, in his patriotic zeal and at a considerable cost,
to have had een mchta gammal Chrnika p Pergament sammanfattat
och skrefwen / p det Jsslndska Tungomlet (a mightily old chronicle
summarized and written on parchment in the icelandic language)
frswenskad (swedifed) by een infdd Jsslndsk Man (a native
icelandic man). This icelander is not mentioned by name. at the end of
the preface, together with a recommendation of the book, an apology is
made for misprints as well as for linguistic shortcomings:
Then gunstige gode Lsaren tcktes nu detta Wrcket sig behaga lta / och
wl vptaga / som med stoor Flijt och Mda sammandragit r / sampt bengit
vrschta the Fauter / vnder Tryckerijet kunna wara inkomna / och det
Translatoren, som een Jsslndare vthi swenska sprcket har felat.
The indulgent reader is kindly asked to take pleasure in this work and to
take it in good part, which is compiled with great diligence and toil, further
favourably to excuse the errors that might have occurred in printing, as well
as the mistakes that the translator, as an icelander, has made in the swedish
language.
although unmentioned in the volume itself, the originator of the anonym-
ous swedifcation is identifed in a list of the works of Jn Rug man,
included in Johannes schefferus Svecia literata (1680). one item on
this list reads: Versionem sueticam Histori veteris islandica lingua
script de regibus norvagorum qu vulgo Konunga-Sagur nuncupantur.
Wisingsburgi per Johannem Kankel anno 1670. folio.
We are informed about the position of this Visingsborg publication
in the complicated textual history of lfs saga in the same volume.
immediately before the summary of the Ynglinga saga, introducing the
succession of texts translated from icelandic (the sagas of st. lf and
several subsequent kings, with sverris saga concluding the series), we
fnd another preface, in which Per Brahe is once again thanked for his
services: the count has, it is reverently emphasized, from the library of the
Chancellor Count Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie behagat lna thenna s
mycket gambla, doch wl p Pergament skreffna Booken, [] hwilcken
s nyttig, och osz hr i swerige hr till dagz obekant warit hafwer, och
[ltit] henne vp sin egen Bekostnad fram i Liuset komma (pleased to
borrow this so very old, though on parchment well written book, []
which has been so useful and to us here in sweden until today unknown,
and [made] it at his own expense come into the light). The book referred
tocontaining rugmans source texthas been identifed as the Cod.
Ups. De la Gardie 3, which was donated by Count De la Gardie to the
University of Uppsala in 1669 and lost in a fre in 1702 (Johnsen & Jn
Helgason 1941: 1077, Knirk 2009: 529). Together with a copy of the
original (Cod. Ups. R 686) and material contained in some philological
works of Verelius (the editions of the above-mentioned fornaldarsgur
and an extensive glossary), rugmans swedish version is considered to
present a certain image of the lost text (Johnsen & Jn Helgason 1941:
1078 ff.).
in view of the close collaboration between the two in translating
icelandic texts, the hypothesis presents itself that Verelius provided
rugman with substantial assistance in polishing his swedish in the lfs
saga printed in 1670.
3.2.2 Peringskild and Gumundur
The epochs most well-known contribution to the genre is probably
the trilingual edition of Heimskringla, published at stockholm in two
magnifcent volumes 16971700, the work of Johan Peringskild. The
icelandic text and a swedish version thereof were here arranged in two
parallel columns covering the upper two thirds of each page; the lower
third was occupied by a Latin version. Following convention, the icelandic
and swedish text were set in German type, the Latin in roman (the two
former differed in the size of the type, however, to match the expanding
effect of translation on text volume). The document forming the basis of
the edition has long been identifed as the parchment codex called Kringla
(Unger (1868: iii, v). Though still in existence in Peringskilds time (it
was lost in the Copenhagen confagration of 1728), only a copy of this
manuscript was available to him, made by the icelander Jn Eggertsson
in Cod. Holm. Papp. fol. 18, and complemented with an authentic leaf
of the Kringla manuscript (Gdel 1897: 191, 18971900: 133 ff.); this
fact, of course, contributes to the probability of the derivation. as the
translator into swedish the editor names Gumundur lafsson, a younger
compatriot of Jn rugman.
The translation of the Heimskringla text into Latin in Peringskilds
edition is mentioned by the editor who nevertheless does not specify
who was responsible (by royal order enlarging it with a Latin version,
quoted below). Possibly, although far from certainly, it is the work of the
editor himself, whose Latin penas we should expect from a Caroline
scholarfows easily and assuredly in the bilingual preface. in general,
102 Lars Wollin
although dutifully noted by modern scholars, the Latin versions of the
icelandic sagas have, as far as i know, never been closely studied. Cursory
glances at some random passages in Pering skilds edition give the im-
pression of a far looser relation to snorris text in the Latin version of
lfs saga than in the vernacular (a difference by no means necessary
or predict able!). The unknown latinizer apparently seems inclined to a
slightly periphrastic touch in his rendering. irrespective of this potential
differ ence in translating attitude, the possibility cannot be ruled out that
even the Latin version may attest to mutual relations within the entire text
complex. any further study would probably beneft from this extended
com parison.
relevant or peripheralthis Latin version was probably crucial in
paving the way for snorris worldwide reputation. The monumental
printed edition was the frst that was widely distributed. its magnifcent
title was even responsible for coining the very name of Heimskringla
in the learned world nationally as well as internationally. it resounds
trilingually through the very beginning of the text:
Kringla heimsins, s er mannfolkit byggia
Jordennes krets som Menniskiorna byggia
Terrarum orbis, quam genus incolit Mortalium
in his preface Peringskild mentions the offcially appointed translator
behind the swedish version, the icelander Gumundur lafsson, by
name. He does so having frst praised snorris achievement as a collector
and copyist of sagas and scaldic verses, arranging the material in a
complete work:
[] hwilket wr Translator framledne Gudmund olfsson en Jslndare /
hafwer hr wid Antiquitets Wrket afsatt p swenska / men som han intet
aldeles warit wrt nu brukelige sprk mchtig / hafwer iag ndgads hans arbete
til strre dehlen frndra / d iag thet emot trnne srskilte i thet gamla sprket
handskrefne exemplar imfrt hafwer / och sedan efter Kongl. befallning med
en Latinsk version til the utlndskas tienst frkat. Jag frmodar uhrscht i thet
som felat r / eller terstr at frbttras.
[] which our translator, the late Gudmund olofsson, an icelander, has here
at the Antiquity Department rendered in swedish, but since he was not entirely
capable of our language as it is now used, i have been forced to change the
major part of his work, comparing it to three particular handwritten copies
in the old language, then by royal order enlarging it with a Latin version for
the service of foreigners. i expect excuse in what has failed or remains to be
improved.
The three copies consulted by Peringskild to check up on the swedish
of the icelandic translator are not specifed. in the case of lfs saga they
may be reasonably identifed as the relevant section of the three original
manuscripts arranged at the top of Fig. 1 (see above); the Kringla,
however, is represented only by a copy. However it is interpreted, the
editors words permit two interesting conclusions as to the status of the
swedish version: frstly, it cannot be immediately supposed to refect
exclusively the particular branch of the Heimskringla tradition that is
represented by the Kringla manuscript; secondly, its text is Peringskilds
own work as much as that of Gumundur.
4 analysis and comparison
as empirical material i have selected two passages from lfs saga,
cited from the slenzk fornrit edition (Bjarni aalbjarnarson 1945). The
normalized linguistic form of this edition is of lesser importance on levels
of analysis applied to translation procedures. The editors critical attitude
is certainly eclectic; nevertheless, this text, like Peringskilds edition, is
essentially based on the Kringla manuscript, which is a point of particular
interest in this connection. one of the two passages selected comprises
chapters 4 and 5 (dealing with young lfs frst military undertakings);
the other one is part of chapter 80 (the speech of Thorgny lagman).
as the basis for an empirical study, this material is certainly sparse: the
frst passage numbers 166 running words in the source version (exclusive
of scaldic verses), the second 379 words. The sum total (545 running
words) then makes up roughly half a percent of a narrative containing
approximately 100 000 running words (prose text only). The smallness
of the sample may, i hope, be justifed by the modest intention of inviting
further research rather than presenting conclusive results.
104 Lars Wollin
4.1 Presentation
The initial lines of the two passages in the icelandic source language and
the four swedish target language versions are presented below; a full
version is given in appendices i and ii.
lfs saga hins helga: chapter 45
ed. Bjarni Aalbjarnarson 1945
lfr Haraldsson var tlf vetra gamall, er hann steig herskip fyrsta sinn.
sta, mir hans, fekk til Hrana, er kallar var konungsfstri, til forra fyrir
liinu ok fr me lf, v at Hrani hafi opt r verit vking.
Lars Bure
oloff Haraldsonn, war tolff hr gammal, th han frste gngen stegh p
Hrskepp. asta hans modher, frordnade rann, som kalladher war konunga
Fostrare, att frest resan, och folcket som medh oloff woro. Frdy hann
hadhe offta tillfrende warit uthi siresor.
Anon. I
olof Haralldson war tolf hr gamal nr han frsta gngen begynte stiga p
hrskep. Hans moder asta satte t rane, hwilken blef kallader Konungens
fosterfader, til at wara Hfdingen och at han altid kulle wara hennes son olof
flgachtig; ty rane hade tilfrende ofta warit uti sirfweri.
Jn Rugman
oloff Haraldsson war . hr gammal nr han steg p Hrskep / then frsta
gngen: asta hans Moder fck Hrana / then ther kallader war Konungens
Fostre / Hfwesman till at frest heela Hren / och Konung oloffz reesa /
forty Hrana [sic!] hade offta warit i Wijking.
Gumundur lafsson/Johan Peringskild
olf Haraldson war tlf hr gammal / nr han frsta gngen begynte stiga
p Hrskep. Hans moder sta satte t rane / hwilken blef kallat Konungens
fosterfader / til at wara Hfdinge fwer theras krigsmacht / och at han alltid
skulle wara hennes son olf flgachtig; ty rane hade tilfrende ofta warit uti
sirfweri.
lfs saga hins Helga: section of chapter 80
ed. Bjarni Aalbjarnarson 1945
st upp orgnr. En er hann st upp, stu upp allir bndr, eir er r
hfu setit, ok ustu at allir eir, er rum stum hfu verit, ok vildu hla
til, hvat orgnr mlti. Var fyrst gnr mikill af fjlmenni ok vpnum. En er
hlj fekksk, mlti orgnr:
annan veg er n skaplyndi sva-konunga en fyrr hefr verit. orgnr,
furfair minn, muni Eirk Uppsalakonung Emundarson ok sagi at fr
honum, at mean hann var lttasta aldri, at hann hafi hvert sumar leiangr
ti ok fr til missa landa ok lagi undir sik Finnland ok Kirjlaland, Eistland
ok Krland ok va um austrlnd. ok mun enn sj r jarborgir ok nnur
strvirki, au er hann geri, ok var hann ekki sv mikilltr, at eigi hlddi hann
mnnum, ef skylt ttu vi hann at ra. [ ]
Lars Bure
sedhan stegh Thorgnyr up, och med honom reste sigh hele allmoghen, som
tillfrende setat hadhe, och tystnadhe alle uthi hwadh rum de hellst woro. dy alle
wille lydha till thet som Thorgnyr woro talandes. nr han dem syntes beredd
till att tala, d giordes der frst ett wpnabrack iblan allmoghen, medhan de
sin wapn samansttte, Men der gaffz ter ginast liudh, och Thorgnyr der medh
s sitt tahl begynte.
annorledhes hre nu sweriges Konungar till sinnes wordne, n som de
tillfrende warit haffwa. Thorgnyr, min Fadher Fadher, han tiente Erijk
Emunsonn Upsala Konungh; och wiste thet aff honom bertta, att den tijdh,
han war p sin lttesta llder, d war han uthe p thskillige Krigztgh,
och fohr han till ymsa Lnder, och ladhe under sigh Finnlandh, Kirialandh,
Estlandh, Kurlandh och widha af sterlnderne. och mnde Mann nnu see
der Jordbrger; och mnge andre store wrk, som der aff honom haffwa giorde
waret; icke dess mindre, war han eij s hgdragen, att han icke tlde deras tahl,
som medh honom rdsl borde. [ ]
Anon. II
sedan steg Thorgny up, och med honom reste sig hele allmogen, som
tillfrende sutit hade, och tystnade alle, uti hwad rum the helst woro; ty alle
wille lyda till thet som Thorgny woro talandes. nr han them syntes beredd till
att tala, th giordes ther frst itt wapnabrak ibland allmogen, emedan the sin
wapn sammansttte, Men ther gaffs ter ginast liud, och Thorgny ther med s
sitt tal begynte.
annorledes r nu sweriges Konungar til sinnes wordne, n som the tilfrene
warit hafwa. Thorgny, min fader fader, tiente Erik Emundson Upsala Konung
och wiste thet aff honom bertta, att then tijd han war p sin ltteste llder,
t war han ute p tskillige Krigstg, och fohr han till ymse Lnder, och lade
under sig Finland, Kirialand, Estland, Kurland, och wida fwer sterlnderne.
och mnde man nnu see der Jordbrger, och mnge andre store wrk, som
106 Lars Wollin
thr af honom hafwa giorde warit; icke dess mindre war han ey s hgdragen,
att han icke tlde theras tal, som med honom rdsl borde. [ ]
Jn Rugman
T stod Torgny op; och nr han war opstnden / reste alla Bnderna sig / the
som frr hade sutit / opp / och ther till ruusade fram alla the p andra stllen
hade warit / och wille hra / hwad Torgny taalade. War t frst stoort Gny aff
Folcketz Myckenheet / och theras Wapn. nr som Liud fcks / talade Torgny.
annorledes r nu swea Konungs skaplyndi / n det frr hafwer warit. Torgny
min Fader-Fader kunde minnas Erick Upsala Konung Eindridasson / och sade
det om honom / at nr han war p / sin Ungdoms lder / at han hade hwar
sommar Ledunger vthe / och hriade i thskilliga Land / och lade vnder sigh
Finland / Kirialand / Estland och Turckland / och wijda om sterlanden m
nnu synas Jardborgr / och andra stoora Wrck / som han giorde; och war han
icke s hgmodig / at at han icke hrde them / som hade ngot ndwndigt at
taala med honom. [ ]
Gumundur lafsson / Johan Peringskild
sedan steg Thorgny up /och tillika med honom reste sig hela almogen / som
tilfrende suttit hade / och alle the som annorstdes warit hade lupo thr til /
williandes hra p hwad som Thorgny worde talandes. Blef t frst ett stort
gny / af wapnabrak och srlande af folkens myckenhet. Men nr thr gafs ther
liud / t begynte Thorgny sit tal sledes:
annorlunda re nu sweriges Konungar til sinnes / n som the tilfrende
warit hafwa. Thorgny min fader fader kunde wl minnas Erik Eymundson /
Upsala Konung / och wiste thet om honom bertta / at then tid han war p sin
ltteste lder / t war han ute p tskillige krigstg / dragandes hwar och en
sommar / med krigshr til sis / til ymsa lnder / och lade under sig Finland
och Kyrialand / Estland och Kurland / tillika med mnga andra landskaper uti
sterlnderne. och kan man nnu se the Jordbrger, och mnge andre store
wrk / som thr af honom hafwa giorde warit; doch war han icke s hgdragen
til sinnes / at han icke skulle willa lida theras tal / som ngot angelget hade
fr honom at framstlla. [ ]
4.2 The philology of translation
in the tradition of Caroline swedish translation from icelandic, the three
historical capitals of old norse philologyCopenhagen, Uppsala,
and stockholmare, as we can see, represented, whether accidentally
or not, by one fundamental manuscript each: the three at the top level of
the arrangement in Fig. 1 above. These documents may be considered
variants of what we might rightly call the original of the translated
text. in compliance with the doctrine, however, which has been long
recognized in most linguistic theory of translation, we should beware of
the confusion of ideas that lurks here. The so-called original text is
(ideally) the text conceived of and written by the author. This text is, of
course, by no means necessarily identical with the specifc version that
was actually used by the translator; in fact, the latter version may not
even have been written in the so-called original language. in reference
to the version used by the working translator we should not, as is often
carelessly done, talk loosely about the original, but employ the more
exactly defned term of source text.
This simple but fundamental distinction in the terminology appropriate
to the linguistic activity we call translation is almost over-explicit in
the stemmatic arrangement of Fig. 1 above. There is, certainly, good
evidence for the dependence of Bures translation on a source text written
in his own hand, in all probability even on the variant of the original text
in the stockholm manuscript (see sect. 3.1.1 above). The connection of
the two anonymous swedish versions to possibly underlying source texts,
to which they are linked in Fig. 1 (sect. 3.1.2), is, however, in principle
debatable.There is good evidence for connecting rugmans/Verelius
translation in the Norlandz Chrnika with the manuscript Ups. De la
Gardie 3 (section 3.2.1).The connection of Peringskilds icelandic
version with the Kringla manuscript may be commonly accepted but,
although well supported by Jn Eggertsons copy and the authentic leaf
(sect. 3.2.2), it deserves unbiased scrutiny: the possibility of contamination
with other versions should not be neglected (a number of additions, based
on the afore-mentioned stockholm Cod. Perg. 4:o nr 2, have in fact
been identifed; see Unger 1868: xiv f.). Moreover, irrespective of the
stemmatic position of Gumundurs source text, we cannot assume that
he limited himself to this text alone, not even in his frst translation,
prior to Peringskilds revision. as for the latter, the editor himself
acknowledges, as we have seen above (p. 103), consulting in his revision
three particular handwritten copies in the old language. The fnal
swedish text in Peringskilds edition is, then, obviously contaminated
by infuences from sources other than the one based on Kringla, maybe
even at several stages of its genesis, in a pattern of stemmatic dissolution
as yet unexplored.
The original text in the strict sensethough varying slightly in some
108 Lars Wollin
more or less signifcant details of wordingmay certainly be considered
common to all these swedish versions, but the composition of possible
source texts in the translation is undecided. Consequently, an arrangement
such as the one presented in Fig. 1 is, of course, no actual stemma, since
from the perspective of translation it cannot be claimed to depict a real
state of generic textual dependence.
The empirical basis of the present study is insuffcient for more than
mentioning the possibility of interference in translation between different
icelandic codices used more or less simultaneously as source texts, in
a pattern that is perhaps impossible to discern. in any case, a feld ripe
for further philological research on translation presents itself here. i
will instead focus on the relationships between the translations, looking
Deviating words G/P
10
7
1
2
134
6%
81%
134
27
15
1
11
13%
presents a unique reading
all the four versions present unique readings
G/P and another version are unique, the two others agree
G/P alone is unique, the three others agree
agrees with one other target language text; the two
others share a different reading or are at variance
G/P shares a reading with Bure
G/P shares a reading with Anon. I
G/P shares a reading with Rugman
agrees with two other target language texts; the third is
unique
G/P agrees with Rugman and Anon. I; Bure unique
G/P agrees with Rugman and Bure; Anon. I unique
G/P agrees with Bure and Anon. I; Rugman unique
words involved in formally deviating rendering
total word number 222
171 100%
Tab. 1. lfs saga hins helga: chapters 45
for traces of possible infuence by the older versions (Bure, anon. i/ii,
rugman) on the youngest (Gumundur lfsson / Johan Peringskild).
4.3 How did the translators work?
The linguistic form of the four swedish versions of lfs saga is analysed
comparatively on the levels of lexicon and syntax (not morphology or
orthography). The basis of the comparison is the fourth and most famous
version, the one made by Gumundur lafsson and Johan Peringskild
(in this section called G/P), in the monumental printed edition of 1697.
The details are provided in a complete fve-column arrangement of the
text placed in appendices iii. Typographical variation here indicates the
Deviating words G/P
148
11
103
34
33
41%
9%
7
26
182
1
2
179
50%
presents a unique reading
all the four versions present unique readings
G/P and Rugman are unique, Bure and Anon. II agree
G/P alone is unique, the three others agree
agrees with one other target language text; the two
others share a different reading or are at variance
G/P shares a reading with Bure
G/P shares a reading with Anon. II
G/P shares a reading with Rugman
agrees with two other target language texts; the third is
unique
G/P agrees with Rugman and Anon. II; Bure unique
G/P agrees with Rugman and Bure; Anon. II unique
G/P agrees with Bure and Anon. II; Rugman unique
words involved in formally deviating rendering
total word number 493
363 100%
Tab. 2. lfs saga hins helga: section of chapter 80
110 Lars Wollin
pattern of similarities and differences in the wording of the target text,
registered in each single running word in the G/P version: wording shared
by all four versions; wording shared by three versions, with the fourth
unique; one form of wording shared by two versions, another shared by
the other two; wording shared by two versions, the two others differ, with
wording unique to each; unique usage in each version.
This arrangement allows even a feeting glance to recognise the pattern:
bold type and underlining mark similar readings in two or three versions
respectively, whereas unique reading is marked by double underlining
in one version and by capital letters in two. The particular instances of
variation in linguistic form are accounted for in quantitative terms in
Tables 1 and 2. The items set in bold indicate the overall categories.
The frst passage (chapters 4 and 5, exclusive of skaldic verses; Table 1,
appendix i) numbers 222 running words in the G/P target text. of these,
171 words, or 77%, deviate lexically or syntactically in the four TL texts
under study. in 6% of this deviating material (ten words), G/P presents
a unique reading; the majority, 94% (161 words [134+27]), are readings
shared by G/P with one or two of the others. one particular TL text is
almost always involved: Anon. I. no fewer than 134 words (81%) are
shared by G/P and this version exclusively; G/P agrees in some two dozen
words (15+11) with anon. i as well as rugman or Bure.
The second passage (the speech of Torgny lagman in Chapter 80;
Table 2, appendix ii) numbers 493 running words in the G/P target text.
The amount of grammatical deviation between the four TL texts is similar
to that found in the frst section: 74% or 363 words. G/P presents a unique
reading in 148 of these words, or 41%; of the remaining 59% (215 words
[33+182]) G/P agrees with one or two of the others. in 51% of the same
total (186 words [7+179]) the versions agreeing with G/P are Bure and
anon. ii rather than rugman, whereas the latter agrees with G/P in no
more than 29 words (26+1+2), or 8%. agreeing with the others against
G/P in less than a tenth of the same total (34 words), rugman seems on
the whole to hold a position apart in this passage; Bure usually agrees
with anon. ii and very frequently also with G/P.
The two comparisons result in a complex pattern of similarity and
difference. Particularly striking in the frst section is, of course, the high
degree of agreement between G/P and anon. 1. in fact these two versions
seem to be mere variants of the same swedish text: there are few mutual
deviations, and they are obviously based on the same translation from
icelandic. in the second and longer section, on the other hand, the version
with an overwhelming number of unique readings is that by rugman,
whereas anon. ii agrees with Bure in a manner similar to that of anon.
i with G/P. Thus the version by Bure plays a different role in the two
sections. in the frst, it is as far removed from G/P and anon. i as rugman
is, whereas in the second section the preponderant number of readings
tend to exclude rugman and include Bure in the agreement with anon. ii
and G/P, the latter three forming a fairly concordant group.
5. Conclusions
The difference between these sections should be viewed in the light of
the relationship between the two stockholm manuscripts designated here
as anonymous, as described in sect. 3.1.2 above: the text in the codex
comprising the frst section selected here ends exactly at the point where
it begins in the one comprising the second section. it is then reasonable
to hypothesise that the translator here called anon. i can be identifed as
the editor Peringskild, whose hand is found throughout the document,
although this awaits further verifcation. assuming a similar connection
between Peringskild and anon. ii appears less well-founded, since this
latter anonymous version is obviously very closely related toif not
identical withthat by Bure, rather than to that by G/P.
as was mentioned in sect. 3.2.2 above (p. 202), Peringskild declares
in the preface of his edition that was compelled to provide his icelandic
translator with substantial help in giving his swedish target text a
decent linguistic shape. He also mentions trnne srskilte i thet gamla
sprket handskrefne exemplar (three particular handwritten copies in
the old language) used for comparison in this correction. one possible
interpretation of the context suggested for this quantitatively meagre
material allows the assumption that Peringskild, in refning the work,
sought extra assistance from the icelandic versions already at hand and
readily accessible at his stockholm archive, i.e. from the Uppsala and
stockholm manuscripts at the top of Fig. 1 above, used together with the
probable source text, Jn Eggertssons copy of the Kringla. in addition,
he obviously also consulted two previous swedish versions (probably
resulting from a single translation): those connected with Lars Bure and
the second anonymous translator; evidently not, however, the one by
rugman.
accordingly, the idea of a single translation underlying all the Caroline
swedish versions, as suggested in the introduction to this study, is given
112 Lars Wollin
no support here. in particular, the lexical and grammatical differences
in rugmans version compared to the three others are too numerous and
too deep-rooted to originate from anything but a separate translation.
as for the others, in our present state of understanding, the picture is
fragmentary. in the frst section, comprising only a relatively small initial
part of the saga, it is certainly obvious that the two versions anon. i and
G/P, as opposed to that by Bure, are traceable to the same translation;
equally obvious is a shared translation behind Bure and anon. ii in the
second section.
Furthermore, the complex printed edition of 1697 still stands out as
a result of collaboration between the icelandic translator Gumundur
lafsson and swedish editor Johan Peringskild. it seems a reasonable
assumption, too, that the Kringla manuscript shared the role of source text
for this fnal swedish version with some other icelandic manuscripts, in
the frst place with Cod. Holm. Perg. 4:o nr 2 and Cod. Ups. De la Gardie
3.
it should be emphasized again that these observations result from a
very limited pilot study, the empirical basis of which is weak. Further
investigation based on extended and systematically distributed material
and focusing on icelandic manuscripts as well as swedish (and perhaps
even Latin) translations could ascertain the details of patterns as yet
merely suggested here.
6. some concluding questions
it remains to be explained why Peringskild apparently made practically
no use whatsoever of rugmans translation together with the others.
When he was working on his edition, the Norlandz Chrnika had been
printed and published for nearly three decades. it was, we must reasonably
presume, readily available for consultation during the editorial process.
rugman has certainly been criticized by posterity for tainting his swedish
with icelandicisms, and in 1670 the editor, as we saw in sect. 3.2.1 above,
explicitly apologized for the unnamed translators linguistic errors.
nevertheless, however it was revised by Verelius or someone else, the
language of rugmans translation actually works. i would like to state
that in general it is by no means poor; at any rate, rugmans swedish
cannot be immediately judged as inferior to that of Gumundur lafsson
and Peringskild.
The crucial question to be put in the 21st century, then, is another one.
How could these foreigners, two icelanders apparently not particularly
profcient in swedish, actually be offcially entrusted with the responsibility
for producing such important swedish versions of so esteemed a text,
carrying a message directed to so highly respected a readership? The
idea that translators need to be professionally competent in the source
language only, not in the target language, i.e. in icelandic, not swedish,
although working in sweden, is far removed from todays understanding
of the essence of serious literary translation. This undeniably tells us a lot
about shifting linguistic values.
More precisely, these translators were working during a patriotic phase
of swedish national self-assertion, when the country was presumptuously
claiming the treasures of the saga island as its own domestic heritage. is it
reasonable to imagine, one might wonder, that translation from icelandic
into swedish may have been regarded at this timeas implicitly as
illogicallyas domestication of what was domestic already?
Bibliography
Manuscripts
Cod. Holm. Papp. fol. nr 45. national Library of sweden. stockholm.
Printed sources
Bjarni aalbjarnarson, ed., 1945. Snorri Sturluson: Heimskringla 2: Saga lfs
hins helga. (slenzk fornrit 27.) reykjavk: Hi slenzka fornritaflag.
Norlandz chrnika och beskriffning, hwaruthinnan frmhles the ldste historier
om Swea och Gtha rijken, sampt Norrie, och een=deels om Danmarck, och
om theres wilkr och tilstnd sammanfattad och ihopa dragen aff thskilliga
trowrdiga bker, skriffter och handlingar. Tryckt p Wijsingzborg, aff Hans
Hg=Gref : ndes Hr. rijkzDrtzetens Boocktryckare Johann Kankel. hr
1670.
114 Lars Wollin
snorri sturluson. Heimskringla eller Snorre Sturlusons Nordlndske konunga
sagor. Sive Histori regum septentrionalium Snorrone Sturlonide, ante
secula quinque, patrio sermone antiquo conscript, quas ex manuscriptis
codicibus edidit, versione gemina, notisque brevioribus ; illustravit Johann.
Peringskild. Tomus i. stockholmi, literis Wankiwianis, anno christiano
M.DC XCVii (1697).
secondary literature
Gdel, Vilhelm. 1892. Katalog fver Upsala universitets biblioteks fornislndska
och fornnordiska handskrifter. Uppsala.
. 1897. Fornnorsk-islndsk litteratur i Sverige. 1 Till Antikvitetskollegiets
inrttande. stockholm.
. 18971900. Katalog fver Kongl. bibliotekets fornislndska och fornnorska
handskrifter. stockholm.
Hansson, stina. 1982. Afsatt p swensko. 1600-talets tryckta ver stt nings-
litteratur. (skrifter utgivna av Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen vid Gte-
borgs universitet 5.) Gteborg: Litteraturvetenskapliga inst.
Johnsen, oscar albert & Jn Helgason, eds. 1941. Saga lfs konungs hins
Helga / Den store saga om Olav den hellige. oslo.
Knirk, James. 2009. sverris saga in Uppsala De la Gardie 3. in: ney, a.,
Williams, H. and Charpentier Ljungqvist, Fr., eds. 2009: austrvega. Saga and
East Scandinavia: Preprint papers of The 14th International Saga Conference.
Uppsala. Pp. 528535.
nilsson (Widmark), Gun. 1954. Den islndska litteraturen i stormaktstidens
sverige. Scripta Islandica 5. Pp. 1941.
sBL 6 1926. J. a. almquist, B. Bothius & B. Hildebrand (eds.): Svenskt
biografskt lexikon 6. BrantBygdn. stockholm: Bonnier.
Unger, C.r., ed. 1868. Heimskringla eller Norges kongesagaer, af Snorre Sturlas-
sn. Christiania.
Wollin, Lars 2010: Philologia rediviva. Gammal nordistikoch nygammal. in:
rein hammar, M. and Elmevik, L., eds. 2010: studier i svenska sprkets his-
toria 11. Frhandlingar vid Elfte sammankomsten fr svenska sprkets historia
i Uppsala 2324 april 2010. (acta academiae regiae Gustavi adolphi 113.)
stock holm: Kungl. Gustav adolfs akademien fr svensk folkkultur.) Pp. 231
240.
summary
During the Caroline epoch in sweden (16601720), snorri sturlusons lfs
Saga hins helga in the Heimskringla succession of Kings sagas was among
the foreign texts that were most frequently translated into the vernacular. The
swedish version ascribed to Gumundur lafsson, substantially revised by the
editor Johan Peringskild, appeared in the offcial swedish edition which
was published in two magnifcent volumes between 1697 and 1700. The entire
Heimskringla was rendered here in icelandic, swedish and Latin. This represented
a polished production of Caroline philology, executed in a spirit of ultra-patriotic
swedish nationalism with linguistical support from icelanders.
The article presents and discusses the swedish version of this monumental
edition along with three preceding swedish translations of lfs saga, dating
from the same epoch. in a pilot study the four versions are contrasted with
snorris original and compared with one another in terms of linguistic form. The
central issue concerns the degree of mutual dependence between some or all of
these translations, undertaken as they were in the same cultural setting. Could
they possibly be traceable to a single swedish version?
a close study of the linguistic relationship between the offcial version and
the three others in two brief sections of saga text provides little support for this
hypothesis. in particular, the work of one of the three previous translators, Jn
rugman, is quite distinct from the three others, while the offcial version in
Peringskilds edition tends to correspond with one of the two remaining versions
in the frst section of the text, and with the other one in the second.
The empirical basis of the investigation is weak. The result is given a tentative
philological interpretation in terms of textual history, and some hypothetical
culture-historical implications are discussed.
Keywords: translation history; translation and philology; history of swedish;
Geatish and swedish; Caroline sweden; Latin translation in sweden;
Heimskringla; lfs saga hins helga.
Lars Wollin
Noreens vg 21
SE-752 63 Uppsala, Sweden
[email protected]
116 Lars Wollin
appendix i
appendix to Table 1: lfs saga hins helga: chapters 45 (ed. Bjarni aal-
bjarnarson 1945) and four swedish translations. Patterns of divergence in
TL wording.
unmarked x x x x all four TL versions share one
wording
underlining / double under-
lining
x x x y three TL versions share a distinct
wording; the fourth is unique
bold / bold italics x x y y two TL versions share one distinct
wording, the two others another
bold / SMALL CAPS x x Y Z two TL versions share a distinct
wording, the two others are at
variance
italics x y z all four TL versions are mutually at
variance
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118 Lars Wollin
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120 Lars Wollin
appendix ii
appendix to Table 2: lfs saga hins helga: section of chapter 80 (ed.
Bjarni aalbjarnarson 1945) and four swedish translations. Patterns of
divergenc in TL wording.
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Implicit ideology and the kings image in
Sverris saga
ORLEIFUR HAUKSSON
Introduction
In his writings on Sverris saga, Sverre Bagge has maintained that the
saga is characterized more by Old Nordic heroism than by religious
ideology. He defends this theory in his reply to Fredrik Charpentier
Ljung qvist and Lars Lnnroth in Scripta Islandica 2007.
1
Here he argues
that when Lnnroth and Ljungqvist interpret the ideology of the saga as
being pre dominantly religious, they merely rephrase the authors explicit
comments. The implicit ideology, he says, is quite different. According to
Bagges inter pretation of the saga, the secular element is predominant in
the image of Sverrir. The explicit religious ideology, he claims, appears
primarily in what he vaguely designates as the frst part of the saga, written
in the presence of Sverrir himself, and in Sverrirs great speeches after the
death of Earl Erlingr and King Magns. The aim of Bagges research has
been to uncover the sagas implicit views concerning medieval society,
ideology and political culture:
Dette har jeg skt avdekke, ikke bare ved studere eksplisitte ideologiske
utsagn, men fremfor alt ved legge vekt p fortellingen, som synes vre en
bedre kilde til vanlige oppfatninger, underforsttte holdninger og kanskje til og
med praktisk politikk, enn de eksplisitte utsagnene.
2
Bagge compares the saga with the so-called Speech against the Bishops,
which was written under Sverrirs auspices as a defence against the clergy.
The Speech is a rhetorical polemic, while the saga is Sverrirs biography
1
Sverre Bagge Gang leader eller The Lords anointed i Sverris saga? Svar til Fredrik
Ljungqvist og Lars Lnnroth, Scripta Islandica 58, 2007, pp. 10119.
2
Ibid., p. 117.
Hauksson, orleifur. 2012. Implicit ideology and the kings image
in Sverris saga. Scripta Islandica 63: 127135.
128 orleifur Hauksson
where various facts are played down, such as his being excommunicated
until the day of his death. Bagge emphasizes the difference in ideology
between these two documents and repeats his theory that even though the
saga echoes Sverrirs political propaganda and the ideology later devel-
oped by Sverrirs dynasty, it does not describe the ideal royal character
according to the tradition of European clerical historiography.
3
Instead,
it presents a picture of a gang leader who leads his men to victory, not
through Gods grace and interference but through his own skill as a
general.
Philological presuppositions
Before proceeding further, I should like to make some comments regard-
ing the philology of Sverris saga. Bagges underlying philological
suppos itions are the same as those outlined in his earlier essays regard ing
the sagas composition and time of writing.
4
He assumes that the saga
was written in two different stages. On the one hand, there is the frst part,
Grla, defned as the frst 31 chapters, covering the life of Sverrir until
the end of 1178, written by Abbot Karl Jnsson in the pres ence of the king
himself. Then there is the second part, which Bagge assumes was written
by a different author and fnished in the beginning of the reign of Sverrirs
grandson, Hkon Hkonarson, i.e. around 1220.
5
This division between the frst 31 chapters and the rest of the saga,
advocated mainly by Ludvig Holm-Olsen, is certainly not indisputable, as
I have recently pointed out.
6
There is good reason to believe that Grla
and the part written by Karl Jnsson, when King Sverri himself sat over
him and settled what he should write,
7
are in fact two different entities
3
Sverre Bagge, From gang leader to the Lords anointed: kingship in Sverris saga and
Hkonar saga Hkonarsonar (Odense 1996), p. 65.
4
Sverre Bagge, La Sverris saga, biographie dun roi de Norvge, Proxima Thul 2, 1996,
pp. 11718; From gang leader to the Lords anointed, pp. 1518.
5
Bagge, Gang leader eller The Lords anointed i Sverris saga?, p. 15.
6
orleifur Hauksson, Grla Karls bta, Gripla XVII, 2006, pp. 15366; Formli,
Sverris saga, slenzk fornrit XXX (Reykjavk 2007), pp. lvlxiv; Ludvig Holm-Olsen,
Studier i Sverres saga (Oslo 1953), pp. 3084.
7
en yfr sat sjlfr Sverrir konungr ok r fyrir hvat rita skyldi. Sverris saga, p. 3. I quote
the translation of J. Sephton: Sverrissaga. The Saga of King Sverri of Norway (London
1899), p. 1.
129 Implicit ideology and the kings image in Sverris saga
and accordingly that the widely different theories about the division
between Grla and the second part are due to a misinter pretation of the
sagas prologue. The frst 25 chapters or so may well have been written to
Sverrirs own dictation, but otherwise they do not distinguish themselves
from the rest of the saga, which shows all signs of being written by one
author, presum ably Abbot Karl, in different stages during the last 25 years
of his life. According to Icelandic annals, he died in 1212 or 1213.
Karl Jnsson came to Norway in 1185, only a year after King Sverrir
had won his decisive victory at Fimreiti. The frst 100 chapters of the saga,
leading up to this battle and its aftermath, are so consistent in structure and
so uniform in vocabulary and style that scholars have had great diffculty
drawing the line between the part which they assume to be written at
King Sverrirs command and the second part which might possibly have
been written by another person.
8
My belief is that Grla consists of those
frst 100 chapters and that this was the book which Abbot Karl fnished
before returning to Iceland in 1188. The strange name Grla, known in
later folklore, may imply a humorous allusion to the threat of the ogress
who lives in the wilderness and has the habit of appearing unexpectedly
in the dark. It may bear witness to the admiration which this extraordinary
Faroese priest and king enjoyed among the brethren at ingeyrar who
were the frst readers of the book which their abbot brought with him
upon his return from Norway.
Regarding the time of writing, Bagge is inclined to accept 1214 as
a termi nus post quem, and he claims that there isnt any conclusive
evidence for Karl Jnssons authorship of the second part of the saga.
9
It
is, however, diffcult to ignore Knut Helles theory that the A-version of
Bg lunga saga was written after Sverris saga was completed and that the
latter accordingly must have been fnished around 1210.
10
Karl Jnsson had contact with Sverrir and his closest followers and
could rely on eyewitness accounts of the main events of the saga. Sklda
tal, in the manuscripts of Snorris Edda, lists the names of thirteen skalds
who composed poems in praise of Sverrir. Hardly any of this verse has
been preserved in Sverris saga.
11
If another author had written the rest of
8
orleifur Hauksson, Formli, pp. lxlxxv.
9
Bagge, From gang leader to the Lords anointed, pp. 16, 17.
10
Helle, Omkring Bglunga sgur (Bergen 1958), pp. 98101, cf. Hallvard Magery,
Innleiing, Soga om Birkebeinar og Baglar, Bglunga Sgur, p. 206. This will be discussed
further in a forthcoming edition of Bglunga saga in slenzk fornrit.
11
orleifur Hauksson, Grla Karls bta, p. 153.
the saga (from Chapter 32 to the end), 1520 years after Sverrirs death,
it would be diffcult to understand why he did not make use of these
frst-hand sources describing the kings glorious deeds and battles. We
are reminded of the author of Morkinskinna, who would have been his
contem porary, and who quotes 328 strophes of court poetry.
12
In what follows, I intend to demonstrate a uniformity in the ideology
of Sverris saga and the consistency throughout in the image of the king
and of his adversaries.
The virtues of the king
One of the passages referred to in Ljungqvists paper consists of the
following sentences in Svna-Ptrs speech in Bergen in chapter 96:
Taki n vi Sverri konungi er Gu hefr sent yr. haf r rttan hfingja
ok vitran, mildan ok mlsnjallan, rttltan ok frisaman, gtan ok ruggan til
landvarnar ok allrar landsstjrnar.
accept King Sverri, whom God has sent you. You will then have a just chief,
wise and eloquent, gracious and righteous, peaceful and merciful, a famous
conqueror, fearless in defending and ruling the land.
13
The speaker here lists three of the four cardinal virtues: sapientia, iustitia
and fortitudo. There are various other examples of these virtues being
attributed to Sverrir, and the fourth, temperantia, is demonstrated in
his temperance speech in Chapter 104, and in his character portrayal in
Chapter 181. It can be mentioned that this character portrayal ends with
a comparison between Sverrirs character and that of his father, Sigurr
munnr, but this section is only preserved in Flateyjarbk and there fore
most likely not original to the saga.
The virtue of strength (fortitudo) is explicitly mentioned in Sverrirs
dream in Chapter 10, where the prophet Samuel concludes his message
to Sverrir thus: Ver hraustr ok sterkr, v at Gu mun fulltingja r
12
rmann Jakobsson and rur Ingi Gujnsson, eds., Morkinskinna, in slenzk fornrit
XXIII, pp. llii.
13
Sverris saga, p. 149; Sephton, p. 121; Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist, Kristen kunga-
ideo logi i Sverris saga, Scripta Islandica 57, 2006, pp. 8990.
(Be thou strong and valiant, for God will give thee help).
14
These words
are recalled in Sverrirs speech in Chapter 94, after the battle at Fimreiti:
Gu sjlfan skulum vr lofa fyrir sigr vrn, er hann hefr n miklu berara en
fyrr veitt oss sinn styrk ok kraft essi orrostu.
God Himself we must praise for our victory, for much more evidently in this
battle than aforetime has He granted us strength and might.
15
This strength (styrkr, fortitudo) is a gift from God and proof of His grace
towards Sverrir. And it is not only stated explicitly in a dream and a speech.
Throughout the saga, Sverrir is presented as an embodiment of this regal
virtue, through his undisputed leadership among his men, his endurance
in toil and hardship and his calm authority in diffcult situations.
16
Sverrir is also endowed with providentia: foresight concerning the
outcomes of battles and other events.
17
Moreover, his prudentia in the
ethical sense of the wordhis ability to discern good from badis
demonstrated in some of his speeches, such as the speech on the mountain
in Chapter 20 and his temperance speech in Chapter 104.
18
Sverrirs iustitia
is mainly demonstrated in his clementia, his willingness to forgive and
grant truce to his enemies. Surely we learn about his strong retributions
against the farmers, even to the point of burning down their villages, but
these actions are always justifed by the farmers stubbornness and their
unwillingness to make peace with him.
The vice predominantly shown by Sverrirs enemies is superbia (dirf,
ofmetnar). In Chapter 15, the townsmen of Niarss showed such
audacity (dirf) that they seized the banner of Saint lfr to bear against
King Sverrir. Here Sverrir is greatly outnumbered by the enemy, yet he
defeats them and captures the banner, and many came with meekness
into the presence of Sverri who before, in excess of pride (vi miklum
ofmetnai) had been loudest in their talk against him.
19
In Sverrirs funeral
speech for Earl Erlingr in Chapter 38, he concludes by advising the men
to pray to God that the Earls sins be forgiven, especially the great sin of
14
Sverris saga, p. 17; Sephton, p. 12.
15
16
Das Moralium dogma philosophorum des Guillaume de Conches, ed. John Holmberg
(Uppsala 1929), Lateinischer Text, pp. 3041.
17
Ibid., pp. 910; Sverris saga, pp. 44, 49, 6667, 74, 84, 136.
18
Das Moralium dogma philosophorum, p. 8.
19
Sephton, p. 18; Sverris saga, p. 25.
arrogance (dirf). The Earl showed arrogance by giving the title of king to
his own son, and by fghting against and destroying many lawful kings.
20

Erlingrs superbia is even recognised and admitted by his own men.
21
Many scholars have observed how favourable the description of King
Magns is throughout the saga.
22
He enjoys the support of mighty men
and of all the commons, is beloved and popular,
23
and however dis-
astrous it was to follow him, he never lacked men for his body-guard
while he lived.
24
But does that also imply that he possessed the qualities
that make a king in the eyes of the sagas medieval audience?
25
Even though Magns is a brave warrior, there is no comparison between
him and Sverrir with regard to fortitudo. He is irresolute and not as wise
as his opponent, and the times he acts against the advice of his chieftains
it leads to disaster, as in the battles of Nornes (Ch. 53) and Fimreiti
(Ch. 89). Whereas Sverrir is nearly always willing to grant a truce to his
adversaries, Magns, just like his father, is cruel and merciless towards
the Birkibeinar. In his assault on Niarss in Chapter 62, he does not even
respect the sanctuary of the churches:
var at grt er aldri var fyrr, at menn vru drepnir ok dregnir r Kristskirkju.
Men were dragged out of Kristskirk and slain, a deed that had never been done
hitherto.
26
Before the battle of Nornes, he exhorts his men in haughty words:
vr hfum til mts vi gfugmenni ok ga drengi, en eir hafa ekki nema
jfa ok rnsmenn ok raufara rla ttar ok stafkarla, sem Gu steypi eim.
En eigi er at rttu hefnt gfugra frnda vrra at vr drepim alla, en
brigzla laust er oss at gera at. Vil ek birta fyrir yr minn vilja, at engi veri sv
djarfr minna manna at einum gef gri.
We bring to the fght men of high position and brave gentlemen; they have only
thieves and highwaymen and robbers, the kin of thralls and beggars, whom may
God confound. Our honourable kinsmen would not be any the more avenged
20
21
22
Lee M. Hollander, for example, emphasizes the sagas objectivity and the gentlemanly
and fair treatment of Sverrirs enemies, especially King Magns: Notes on the Sverris
saga, The Germanic Review III:3, 1928, p. 262.
23
24
25
rmann Jakobsson, Sinn eiginn smiur, Skrnir 179, 2005, pp. 12125.
26
should we slay every Birkibein, but we should free ourselves from reproach by
doing it. Let none of my men presume to give quarter to one of them.
27
The reader inevitably compares this speech with Sverrirs humble words
on the same occasion, where he says that our strength lies entirely in God
and His Saints, and not in our numbers,
28
and prays to God that He grant
victory to those whom He knows to have the rightful cause.
King Magnss speech bears witness to both ira and superbia, and the
latter vice is the main theme of Sverrirs speeches after Magnss death.
He prays to God to forgive Magns all his transgressions (at allt er hann
var offari ), and subsequently, in one of his greatest speeches, he counts
King Magns among the proud, who have been most hated by God at all
times and most severely punished.
29

In the fnal descriptions of Sverrir and Magns respectively, after their
death, temperantia is contrasted with luxuria: on the one hand Sverrir
who never drank strong drink to the injury of his reason, and always ate
but one meal a day, and on the other Magns, who was fond of drinking-
bouts and the society of women.
30
This luxuria is largely to blame for
his humiliating defeat in Bergen in chapters 7677, where his men are
roused up drowsy and drunk.
31
These examples, taken from all parts of the saga, show Sverrir clearly as a
representative of European Christian virtues rather than Norse heroic ideals.
This is in accord with Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvists con clusions regard ing
the specifc ethical-religious characteristics attributed to Sverrir in the saga.
32
Sverrir and King David
A part of Sverris sagas implicit ideology is its unspoken references or
al lu sions to saints lives and to the Bible, which a medieval audience
27
28
Sephton, p. 68; Sverris saga, p. 84: N mun enn sem fyrr, at vrt traust, sem allra
annarra, er allt undir Gui ok hans helgum mnnum en eigi undir lisfjla.
29
Sephton, pp. 122, 124; Sverris saga, pp. 150, 152.
30
Sephton, pp. 232, 123; Sverris saga, pp. 280, 151.
31
Sephton, pp. 9697; Sverris saga, pp. 11819.
32
Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist, Bannlyst kung av Guds nde. Maktlegitimering och
kunga ideologi i Sverris saga, Collegium medievale 21, 2008, pp. 3036.
would recognize immediately. Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist gives
many examples of this.
33
Sverre Bagge has presented a brilliant analysis
of Sverrirs own interpretation of his role in his speeches in the saga and
of his identifcation with King David.
In contrast to St. lfr, David does not appear before Sverrir in his dreams.
Instead, Sverrir is shown in a situation which makes every enlightened reader
recognize his similarity to David. In addition to other direct references in the
saga and other sources which allude to Sverrirs special relationship to David,
Sverrirs whole career suggests such a parallel. Like David he was a little and
low man from the periphery, like David he wandered around in the wilderness
with a small number of men, and like David, who defeated the giant Goliath,
he defeated enemies that were largely superior in numbers.
34
I can only add that this central identifcation is implicit; Davids name is
nowhere mentioned in the saga.
Sverris saga is a contemporary saga. It was written so soon after the
events that it relates that it would have been diffcult for the author not
to mention Sverrirs battles, the feud between him and the church, his
excommunication etc. The Speech against the Bishops, on the other hand,
is a ferce and clever polemic, but these two texts can be seen as serving
the same objective by different means.
35

It is diffcult to decide which of the medieval Christian kings of Nor way
were in fact gang leaders. I very much doubt that the real Sverrir was
one of them. However that may be, the author of Sverris saga manages
to depict his protagonist as the incarnation of royal and Christian virtues.
Gods guidance and His mercy are an integral part of the narrative. Sverrir
is seen in the image of King David, and his vocation is confrmed through
divine intervention and revelations.
Summary
This article is a reply to Sverre Bagges article Gang Leader eller The Lords
Anointed i Sverris saga?, which appeared in Scripta Islandica 2007. The article
33
Ljungqvist, Bannlyst kung av Guds nde, footnotes on pp. 16, 18, 22, 24, 25, 38, 39, 43.
34
Bagge, From gang leader to the Lords anointed, pp. 6364.
35
For parallels between the Speech and the saga, see Ljungqvist, Bannlyst kung av Guds
nde, pp. 5255. See also my article Beyond Grla in the forthcoming memorial volume
to Fred Amory.
begins by arguing on philological grounds that Sverris saga is older, and stands
closer to the events that it relates, than Bagge claims. The article then shows that
(in contrast to Bagges view) Sverrir is presented in the saga not as a gang leader
but as an embodiment of European royal and Christian virtues, virtues which
give evidence of Gods grace towards Sverrir. Unspoken references or allusions
in the saga to saints lives and to the Bible serve the same purpose. As Bagge has
pointed out, Sverrir is repeatedly shown in situations where readers are meant to
see him as similar to King David. But this similarity is implicit; Davids name is
nowhere mentioned in the saga.
Sverris saga is a contemporary saga. Its audience knew a great deal about
Sverrirs battles and his feud with the church, and they knew that he was ex com-
mu nicated by the pope. It is in spite of this that the author succeeded in portraying
him as a lawful Christian king who enjoys the grace of God.
Keywords: kings sagas, heroic ideals, Christian ideology, cardinal virtues, rex
iustus
orleifur Hauksson
ReykjavkurAkademan
Hringbraut 121
IS107 Reykjavk, Iceland
[email protected]
Recensioner
Annette Lassen. Odin p kristent pergament. En teksthistorisk studie.
Museum Tusculanums Forlag. Kbenhavns Universitet. 2011.
Guden Oden har fascinerat mnga forskare som studerat frkristen
skandinavisk religion. Man har hvdat att Oden r komplex och att hans
vsen omfattar mnga karaktrsdrag. Han har karaktriserats som a
being of many faces and facets (N. Price), han r many-sided (E.O.G.
Turville-Petre), vielfltig (J. de Vries) och framstlls ofta som en av
de mest sammansatta gudarna (H. Schck; jfr G. Dumzil). I sitt lexikon
ver fornskandinavisk mytologi karaktriserar Rudolf Simek honom
som the most versatile of all the gods. Tillsammans med arkeologen
Anders Kaliff har ven undertecknad (Olof Sundqvist) nyligen psttt
fljande: His [Odens] character is complex and contains enigmatic and
contradictory features. Mot den bilden stller sig litteraturvetaren och
flologen Annette Lassen i avhandlingen Odin p kristent pergament.
Hon hvdar dr att det inte r den frkristne guden Oden i sig som r
komplex, utan att det r medeltidens bruk av gudomen som gjort att
framstllningar av honom ftt denna karaktristik. Hennes tes r att bilden
av Oden r beroende av den enskilda textens genre och mlsttning, och
att den kristna ideologin ofta spelat en avgrande roll i beskrivningen
av guden. Det r frst under medeltiden som Oden fr den sammansatta
naturen, som tidigare forskare s ofta velat ge till den frkristna gudomen.
Lassen pekar hr ocks p en annan faktor som kan ha pverkat ovan
nmnda framstllningar av Oden, nmligen de syntetiserande metoder
som tidigare forskare ofta tillmpat. Man har i forskningen frt samman
uppgifter frn olika texter fr att skapa en helhetsbild, utan att ta hnsyn
till de enskilda texternas medeltida kontext. Syftet med Lassens studie
r att kontextuellt studera asaguden och se hur han framtrder i de olika
medeltida litterra kllorna, de vill sga i de enskilda norrna texterna
138 Olof Sundqvist
och i Saxos Gesta Danorum. Hon strvar sledes inte efter att konstruera
en religionshistorisk syntes av Odens karaktr.
Lassens avhandling r omfattande (447 sidor) och berr mnga forsk-
nings historiska sammanhang. Arbetet riktar sig till alla som gnar sig t
forn skandinavisk mytologi, till exempel litteraturvetare, flologer, his-
to riker, religionshistoriker och arkeologer. Boken omfattar 16 kapitel,
biblio graf och ett register som r uppdelat i (a) Hndskriftregister
och (b) Register over personer, vrker, steder og begreber. Efter
inledningen (kap. 1) kommer en imponerande forskningshistorik ver
Oden, som tcker perioden frn 1600-talet fram till vra dagar (se kap.
2). I kapitel 3 dis kuteras de inhemska termer som tillmpas i klltexterna
fr att beteckna de berttelser som vi idag syftar p med begreppet
myt. I kapitlen 4 och 5 diskuterar sedan Lassen hur Oden mer generellt
presenteras i latinska och norrna versttningar samt kyrkans allmnna
beskrivningar av heden domen. I kapitlen 615 kommer den egentliga
under skningen av hur Oden framstlls i de enskilda texterna och de olika
norrna genrerna: sam tids sagor (Sturlunga saga)riddarsagorkunga-
sagor och ttarforn aldar sagorskaldediktningGesta Danorum
Yng linga sagaSnorra Eddaeddadiktning. Avhandlingen avslutas
med en konklusion dr fr fattaren anser att hon ftt std fr den tes som
inledningsvis postulerades.
Avhandlingen har mnga frtjnster. Den uttmmande forsknings-
his to riska versikten saknar motstycke i tidigare forskning. Den kan
forskare frn olika discipliner ha stor nytta av i framtida arbeten om
Oden. ven den grundliga genomgngen av de norrna texterna och
Gesta Danorum, dr samtliga textstllen som nmner Oden behandlas,
kommer mnga andra forskare att ha bruk av i kommande studier. Det
kontextuella till vga gngssttet, dr varje kllas enskilda framstllning
av Oden dis kuteras utifrn genre och mlsttning r nydanande och tycks
vara inspirerat av den s kallade New Philology. I Snorra Edda (srskilt
Skld skaparml), till exempel, betonas Odens roll som skaldegud, medan
han i Ynglinga sagas inledning r en hvding. Saxo framstller Oden
som danernas beskyddare, medan de kungasagor som omfattar lfr
Tryggva son och lfr Harldsson gr honom till en djvul. ven de
medel tida-kristna strategiernas betydelse fr behandlingen av asaguden,
till exempel euhemerismen och demoniseringen, r naturligtvis viktiga att
beakta fr alla som studerar Oden. Medeltidens mngfacetterade bild av
Oden r sledes delvis avhngig enskilda texters genre och syfte. S lngt
r Lassens resultat bde rimligt och plitligt.
139 Odin p kristent pergament
Enligt min mening kan man dock ifrgastta Lassens implicita hypotes
att bilden av den frkristna Oden som komplex och sammansatt i huvudsak
skulle vara ett resultat av sentida forskares syntetiserande metoder och
de medeltida kllornas olika genrer och mlsttningar (se Lassen, sid.
75ff., 384ff.). Om detta skulle vara sant, skulle man ju frvnta sig att
ven bilden av Tor eller Fr skulle ge ett liknande resultat, eftersom de
i mnga fall upptrder i samma textgenrer som Oden och studerats med
samma metod. I handbckerna beskrivs dessa gudomar som homogena
och sammanhllna vsen dr den fysiska styrkan respektive fruktbarheten
tycks dominera deras karaktrer. Frgan r sledes om inte Odens
komplexitet r ngot som fnns i traditionen, s lngt bak vi kan spra
den. Enligt min mening kan vi f fram fera centrala karaktrsdrag hos
Oden om vi begrnsar oss till en i detta fall vsentlig genre, nmligen
eddadiktningen. Dr kan vi, till exempel, fnna en kunskapsgud
(som omfattar runkunnande, kunskaper i sejd och trollformler, samt
skaldekonst), en gud som vakar ver hngningsoffer och initiationer, en
gudarnas hvding, en krigar- och ddsgud. Odens heiti Grmr (Grmnir)
den maskerade anspelar ocks p Odens mnga roller och dynamiska
frmga att vxla skepnad. I Grmnisml (4650), som ofta betraktas som
en av de ldre eddadikterna, presenterar Oden sig sjlv med uttrycket
htom ec: Htomc Grmr, htomc Gangleri Jag kallar mig Grim, jag
kallar mig Ganglere. Denna presentation avslutas i strof 54 dr Oden
kontrasterar det namn han br fr tillfllet med de tidigare namn han har
haft:
inn ec n heiti, Nu heter jag Oden,
Yggr ec an ht Ygg hette jag frr,
htomc undr fyrir at. Tund hette jag tidigare.
Dessa formeluttryck med emfatiskt jag r troligen reminiscenser av ett
slags kultiska gudomliga sjlvpredikationer eller bner. Liknande kult-
uttryck, s kallade aretalogier prisande av [en guds] dygder, var ocks
vanliga under hellenistisk-romersk tid i till exempel mysteriekulterna i
den grekisk-romerska vrlden. I dessa aretalogier presenterar gudomen
ofta sina namn, kvalifkationer och karaktrsdrag. Troligen indikerar
formel uttrycken med Odens namn (totalt 66 namn) i Grmnisml ocks
att asaguden har mnga olika roller och skepnader.
D religionshistoriker i dag rekonstruerar den frkristna religionen
utgr man sllan frn alla de kllkategorier som Lassen fr fram i sin
studie. I regel lgger man, av kllkritiska skl, en strre vikt vid de s
140 Olof Sundqvist
kallade direkta kllorna, det vill sga skaldediktningen och eddapoesin,
som troligen delvis har tillkommit i ett frkristet sammanhang eller
tminstone innehllsmssigt refekterar en icke-kristen vrldsbild. Enligt
min mening kan man, som ovan visats, ven i dessa kllor fnna Oden
som en komplex och sammansatt gud.
Annette Lassen har dock inte som primrt syfte att diskutera den
frkristna gudagestalten Oden (ven om hon indirekt kommer in p den
frgan). Det kontextuella perspektiv som hon tillmpar, med en nr-
lsning av kllorna, leder till ett viktigt resultat att framstllningen av
Oden under medeltiden delvis r beroende av den enskilda textens genre,
mlsttning och de kristna strategier som skrivaren/frfattaren tillmpar.
Lassens arbete kommer troligen att f stor betydelse fr den framtida
mytforskningen, som i allt hgre grad kommer att krva en noggrannare
granskning av texternas kontexter.
Olof Sundqvist
Hgskolan i Gvle
Akademin fr utbildning och ekonomi
801 76 Gvle
Sverige
[email protected]
Recensioner
Rmverja saga. 1. Introduction. 2. Text. Ed. orbjrg Helgadttir. Stofnun
rna Magnssonar slenskum frum, Rit 77. Reykjavk. Stofnun rna
Magnssonar slenskum frum, 2010. Pp. ccxx + 413.
With the publication of these two substantial volumes, the feld of Old
Norse-Icelandic has gained not only a defnitive edition of Rmverja saga,
the Icelandic translation of Sallusts Bellum Jugurthinum and Conjuratio
Catilinae and Lucans Pharsalia, but also the most thorough analysis of
this interesting Old Icelandic history of the Romans to date.
There are two recensions of Rmverja saga. The older version is
preserved fragmentarily in a single manuscript, AM 595 ab 4to from the
second quarter of the fourteenth century. The younger version is extant
in AM 226 fol. from the fourteenth century and the following copies of
the saga in this manuscript: AM 225 fol. from around 1400, AM 598 III
4to from shortly after the second half of the fourteenth century, AM 598
III 4to from the ffteenth century, AM 598 III 4to from the sixteenth
century, Holm perg. 24 4to from the sixteenth century, JS 8 fol. from
1729, Bodley Boreal 141 from the eighteenth century, Lbs. 371373 4to
from the eighteenth century, BLAdd 11238 from the eighteenth century,
TCD MS 998 from the eighteenth century, and AM 541 4to from the
eighteenth century. In addition, three small strips from a paper manuscript
used to strengthen the leaves of AM 578 g 4to when it was rebound have
been demonstrated to be the remains of a leaf containing text from the
later version of Rmverja saga.
Rmverja saga has previously been edited, but none of these editions
is complete. The frst edition is that of Konr Gslason in 1860, who
edited both versions of the saga, frst the younger with the title Rmverja
sgur, based on AM 226 fol., and then the older version with the title
r Rmverja sgum, where he printed separately what he considered
142 Kirsten Wolf
to be interpolations in AM 595 ab 4to into the earlier version from fols.
29v to 30r and 30v and named the passages Upphaf Rmverja. Next,
in 1910, Rudolf Meissner published an edition of the older recension of
the saga. And fnally, in 1980, Jakob Benediktssons facsimile edition of
AM 595 ab 4to was published along with his scholarly discussion of the
manuscript and the saga. orbjrg Helgadttirs new edition, then, two
decades in the making, is a much and long needed complete edition of this
Icelandic history of the Romans.
Rmverja saga is printed in Volume 2. The texts of AM 595 ab 4to and
AM 226 fol. are printed in extenso and synoptically with variant readings
to the latter from the fragments (Holm perg. 24 4to, AM 598 III 4to,
AM 598 III 4to, AM 598 III 4to. and AM 764 4to) listed in the textual
apparatus, and with the Latin source texts printed at the bottom of the page.
orbjrg has taken a semi-diplomatic approach in that proper names are
capitalized irrespective of scribal usage, which makes for a more readable
text. Abbreviations are expanded in accordance with the normal spelling
of the scribe in question. Suspensions are extended in round brackets, and
supralinear symbols or letters and contractions are marked in italics. The
punctuation of the manuscripts has been followed, and accents over letters
have been retained. The word-division of the manuscripts has also been
followed, though two words written as one are separated in the printed
text. Obvious misspellings are corrected and marked with an asterisk, the
original being given in the apparatus. Words or letters now illegible but
assumed to have originally been in the manuscripts are printed in square
brackets. Matter never present but presumed to have been inadvertently
omitted is added in diagonal brackets. Where the reading is uncertain, the
assumed letters are indicated by zeroes. In cases where a leaf has been
damaged by cutting, the missing words or letters are indicated by three
points in square brackets. Page and column boundaries in the manuscripts
are indicated by a vertical stroke with the foliation numbers in the margin.
The editorial policy is sound in every respect. The volume concludes with
an index of Latin proper names, an index of Old Icelandic proper names,
and an appendix containing a list of hapax legomena in the manuscripts
of Rmverja saga.
Volume 1, which forms an introduction to the edition and constitutes
a monograph in itself, consists of three main chapters. Chapter 1 begins
with a survey of the manuscripts and editions of Rmverja saga. Then
follows a detailed examination of AM 595 ab 4to, AM 226 fol., and the
fragments Holm perg. 24 4to, AM 598 III 4to, AM 598 III 4to, and
143 Rmverja saga
AM 598 III 4to. For each manuscript, orbjrg provides a codicological
description, an account of its linguistic and textual character istics (paleo-
graphic and ortho graphic), a discussion of its date and provenance, and
its relation to other manuscripts in terms of hands and scribes. AM 225
fol., a direct copy of AM 226 fol., receives only modest attention, and the
editor confnes herself to a discussion of its relationship to AM 226 fol.
The chapter concludes with a stemma, which shows that AM 226 fol. and
AM 529 III 4to go back to a common original, and that Holm perg. 24
4to, AM 598 III 4to, and AM 598 III 4to descend ultimately from the
same manuscript. Since the whole of the younger version is preserved
only in AM 226 fol., orbjrg has chosen this manuscript as the basis
for this recension. Chapter 2 treats frst the major sources of Rmverja
saga, that is, Sallusts Bellum Jugurthinum and Conjuratio Catilinae and
Lucans Pharsalia. With regard to the translation of Sallust, orbjrg
demonstrates that the source must have been the so-called Y-branch
of the transmission of these texts, especially as represented by Codex
Mona censis 4559, Codex Turicensis C 143a, Codex Parisinus 10195,
and Codex Hauniensis bibl. Vniu. 25. With regard to the translation of
Lucan, she has managed to fnd a group of four manuscripts that seem to
agree with the Old Icelandic translation: Codex Parisinus 7502, Codex
Bruxellensis 5330-32, Codex Vossianus XIX F. 63, and Codex Vossianus
XIX Q. 51. For the Sallust texts in the present edition, orbjrg uses the
textus receptus and quotes the variant readings in Codex Parisinus 10195
and related manuscripts. With regard to the Lucan translation, she uses the
text as it is edited in the German Teubner series. She acknowledges that
there is commentary in Codex Vossianus XIX F. 63 and Codex Vossianus
XIX Q. 51 that frequently matches the Old Icelandic translation, but she
has decided not to include it in order to avoid cluttering the page with
too much detail. Next she considers the sources of the transition passage
between the Jugurtha translation and the Catilina translation as well as
those of the introduction and conclusion to the Lucan translation, and
exam ines how the introduction relates to identical or similar passages in
Veraldar saga, AM 764 4to, and Clemens saga. She then turns to the
minor sources to discuss a passage on snakes in the Lucan translation,
an account of Caesars last days, and a section dealing with Emperor
Augustus and his reign. orbjrg concludes that the author/compiler
of the saga had a translation of a manuscript of Sallusts works that
was related to the preserved manuscript D [Codex Parisinus 10195] in
the trans mission of those works. He had a translation of a manuscript
144 Kirsten Wolf
of Lucan, or more likely an abstract of a manuscript of Lucan that was
provided with a commentary. And he had an Old Icelandic translation of
a summa historiae that probably belonged originally to an accessus text
to Lucans Pharsalia (pp. cxxvcxxvi). Chapter 3 discusses the trans-
lation style of the two versions of Rmverja saga. orbjrg examines
abbreviations and omissions, amplifcations and additions, speeches,
deviations and misunder standings, vocabulary, and Latin infuence on
morphology and syntax in the Jugurtha, Catilina and Lucan translations
frst in AM 595 ab 4to and then in AM 226 fol. The chapter ends with a
comparison of the version in AM 595 ab 4to with that in AM 226 fol.,
which represents an abridged redaction of the original translation, and an
assessment of Rmverja saga as a literary work and in a literary-historical
context. orbjrg concludes among other things that the Rmverja saga
translations took place in several stages: [t]he translation of Sallusts
works could very well have been earlier than the translation of Lucan,
and of the two Sallust translations, the Jugurtha translation must be
the earliest (p. cxciv). She further argues that the translation belonged
to the classroom; that the dating of Rmverja saga to around 1180 is
questionable, since, as she demonstrates, Rmverja saga did not serve
as a source for Veraldar saga (she posits the second half of the twelfth
century as a more likely date); that the condensed and younger version
of Rmverja saga was based on an exemplar that was not AM 595 ab
4to and that included a new introduction to the Lucan translation, which
reveals a change of focus; and that Rmverja saga, Alexanders saga,
and Gyinga saga accompanied one another from the beginning in their
abridged versions. Five plates with facsimile specimens of AM 226 fol.,
AM 598 III 4to, AM 598 III 4to, Holm Perg. 24 4to, and AM 598 III
4to, a rsum in Icelandic of the introduction, a bibliography, and an
index of proper names round off the volume.
This excellent edition of Rmverja saga presents just about everything
anyone could possibly want to know about this fascinating work. The
edition caters not only to codicologists, linguists and philologists, but
also to literary historians. The fne and clear introduction sheds much
new light on Rmverja saga in terms of its provenance, date, and style,
and the compelling arguments are based on solid marshaling of evidence
and attention to detail. The quality of this model edition is well matched
by the care that the Stofnun rna Magnssonar slenskum frum has
taken in its production.
145 Rmverja saga
Kirsten Wolf
Department of Scandinavian Studies
University of WisconsinMadison
1360 Van Hise Hall
1220 Linden Dr.
Madison, WI 53706
6082628087
[email protected]
Berttelse om verksamheten under 2010
HEIMIR PLSSON & LASSE MRTENSSON
Islndska sllskapets styrelse hade under 2010 fljande sammansttning:
Ordfrande: Heimir Plsson
Vice ordfrande: Veturlii skarsson (redaktr fr Scripta Islandica)
Sekreterare: Lasse Mrtensson
Skattmstare: Mathias Strandberg
Klubbmstare: Maja Bckvall
vriga ledamter: Anna Bredin, Ulla Brestam, Agneta Ney
Ordfrande fr Islndska sllskapets Ume-avdelning r universitets-
lektor Susanne Haugen.
Vid rets slut hade sllskapet ca 220 medlemmar. Sllskapets inkomster
under ret uppgick till 73 405,59 kronor, och utgifterna till 86 971 kronor.
Den sextionde rgngen av Scripta Islandica, Islndska sllskapets rs-
bok 60/2009, har utkommit. De nio bidragen har sitt ursprung i fre drag
hllna vid The 14
th
International Saga Conference i Uppsala 2009. Tid-
skriftens 60-rsjubileum uppmrksammas av den dvarande redaktren i
en inledning: Scripta Islandica 60 r. Det vriga innehllet r To the
letter. Philology as a core component of Old Norse Studies, av Svan-
hildur skars dttir, Ynglingatal. A minimalist interpretation, av John
McKinnell, Old Norse text as performance, av Lars Lnnroth, From
accusation to narration: The transformation of senna in slendinga ttir,
av Elena Gurevich, The formation of the Kings Sagas, av Theodore M.
Andersson, Law recital according to Old Icelandic law: Written evid-
ence of oral transmission?, av Helgi Skli Kjartansson, Ansgars con-
version of Iceland, av Terry Gunnell, Border crossings: Land scape and
the Other World in the Fornaldarsgur, av Helen F. Leslie samt The
Gosforth fshing-stone and Hymiskvia: An example of inter-commu-
nicability between Old English and Old Norse speakers, av Tsukusu It.
148 Berttelse om verksamheten under 2010
ven den sextiofrsta rgngen av Scripta Islandica, Islndska
sllskapets rsbok 61/2010, har utkommit. Den innehller Eine bewusste
Antiregel. Die Stimme der Frau in Halldr Laxness Gedichten, av Helga
Kress, Hallgrmur Ptursson and Tormod Torfus. Their scholarly
friend ship, av Margrt Eggertsdttir, Hef ek mark mli mart. Litt om
vokabular for srdrag ved folks sprk og uttale i gammalislandsk, av Jan
Ragnar Hagland samt Om hngningen, de nio ntterna och den dyrkpta
kunskapen i Hvaml 138145, av Olof Sundqvist. Den innehller ven
recensioner av Fri versttning i det medeltida Vstnorden, av Jonathan
Pettersson, anmld av Stefanie Gropper samt Alexanders saga, Manu-
scripta Nordica 2, utg. Andrea de Leeuw van Weenen, anmld av Jonathan
Pettersson. Dessutom innehller rsboken en berttelse om verksamheten
2008, av Henrik Williams och Agneta Ney samt In memoriam. Oskar
Bandle, Peter Foote, Bjrn Hagstrm, av Lennart Elmevik.
Vid sllskapets rsmte den 22 april 2010 hll Odd Einar Haugen ett
fredrag med titeln Heraklios og Khosroes p altarfrontalet i Ned stryn
kyrkje (Nordfjord). Ei skriven og ei malt forteljing fr norsk mellom alder.
Vid sllskapets hstmte den 20 oktober, som var ett sam arrange mang
mellan Islndska sllskapet, Islands ambassad och Sam fundet Sverige-
Island, hlls fyra fredrag om glacirer, jordskalv och vulkaner samt om
relationen mellan sprk och naturfenomen. Fredragen hlls av Oddur
Sigursson, frn Islands meteorologiska institut, samt av Reynir B vars-
son, Veturlii skarsson och Heimir Plsson frn Uppsala universitet.
Uppsala den 17 maj 2011
Heimir Plsson
Lasse Mrtensson
Frfattarna i denna rgng
Gurn Kvaran, professor i islndska vid Islands universitet
Heimir Plsson, docent vid Institutionen fr nordiska sprk, Uppsala
universitet
Silvia Hufnagel, forskare vid Det arnamagnanske institut, Kpenhamns
universitet
Triin Laidoner, doktorand vid Centre for Scandinavian Studies, University
of Aberdeen
Olof Sundqvist, professor i religionsvetenskap med inriktning mot
religionshistoria, Hgskolan i Gvle
Kirsten Wolf, professor, University of Wisconsin-Madison
Lars Wollin, professor emeritus i nordiska sprk/svenska, senast verksam
vid bo Akademi
orleifur Hauksson, forskare vid ReykjavkurAkademan, Island
RGNG l 1950: Einar l. Sveinsson, Njls saga.
RGNG 2 1951: Chr. Matras, Det frske skriftsprog af 1846.Gsta
Franzn, Islndska studier i Frenta staterna.
RGNG 3 1952: Jn Aalsteinn Jnsson, Biskop Jn Arason.Stefan
Einarsson, Halldr Kiljan Laxness.
RGNG 4 1953: Alexander Jhannesson, Om det islndske sprog.Anna
Z. Osterman, En studie ver landskapet i Vlusp.Sven B. F. Jansson, Snorre.
RGNG 5 1954: Sigurur Nordal, Tid och kalvskinn.Gun Nilsson, Den
islndska litteraturen i stormaktstidens Sverige.
RGNG 6 1955: Dav Stefnsson, Prologus till Den gyllene porten.
Jakob Benediktsson, Det islandske ordbogsarbejde ved Islands universitet.
Rolf Nordenstreng,Vlundarkvia v. 2.Ivar Moder, ver hed och sand till
Bjarstaarskogur.
RGNG 7 1956: Einar l. Sveinsson, Ls-och skrivkunnighet p Island under
fristatstiden.Fr. le Sage de Fontenay, Jonas Hallgrimssons lyrik.
RGNG 8 1917: orgils Gjallandi (Jn Stefnsson), Hemlngtan.Gsta
Holm, I fgelberg och valfjra. Glimtar frn Frarna.Ivar Moder, Ur det
islndska allmogesprkets skattkammare.
RGNG 9 1958: K.-H. Dahlstedt, Islndsk dialektgeograf. Ngra
synpunkter.Peter Hallberg, Kormks saga.
RGNG 10 1959: Ivar Moder, Islndska sllskapet 19491959.Sigurur
Nordal, The Historical Element in the Icelandic Family Sagas.Ivar Moder,
Johannes S. Kjarval.
RGNG 11 1960: Sigurd Fries, Ivar Moder 3.11.190431.1.1960.
Steingrmur J. orsteinsson, Matthas Jochumsson och Einar Benediktsson.
Ingegerd Fries, Genom dahraun och Vonarskarfrder under tusen r.
RGNG 12 1961: Einar l. Sveinsson, Njls saga.
RGNG 13 1962: Halldr Halldrsson, Kring sprkliga nybildningar i
nutida islndska.Karl-Hampus Dahlstedt, Gudruns sorg. Stilstudier ver ett
eddamotiv.Tor Hultman, Rec. av Jacobsen, M. A.Matras, Chr., Froysk-
donsk orabk. Frsk-dansk ordbog.
RGNG 14 1963: Peter Hallberg, Laxness som dramatiker.Roland
Otterbjrk, Moderna islndska frnamn.Einar l. Sveinsson, Frn Mrdalur.
RGNG 15 1964: Lars Lnnroth, Tesen om de tv kulturerna. Kritiska studier
i den islndska sagaskrivningens sociala frutsttningar.Valter Jansson,
Bortgngna hedersledamter.
RGNG 16 1965: Tryggve Skld, Islndska vderstreck.
Scripta Islandica ISLNDSKA SLLSKAPETS RSBOK
RGNG 17 1966: Gun Widmark, Om nordisk replikkonst i och utanfr den
islndska sagan.Bo Almqvist, Den fulaste foten. Folkligt och litterrt i en
Snorri-anekdot.
RGNG 18 1967: Ole Widding, Jnsbks to ikke-interpolerede hndskrifter.
Et bidrag til den islndske lovbogs historie.Steingrmur J. orsteinsson,
Jhann Sigurjnsson och Fjalla-Eyvindur.
RGNG 19 1968: Einar l. Sveinsson, Eyrbyggja sagas kilder.Svvar
Sigmundsson, Ortnamnsforskning p Island.Lennart Elmevik, Glmskans
hger. Till tolkningen av en Hvamlstrof.Berttelsen om Audun, versatt av
Bjrn Collinder.
RGNG 20 1969: Sveinn Hskuldsson, Skaldekongressen p Parnassenen
islndsk studentpjs.Evert Salberger, Cesurer i Atlakvia.
RGNG 21 1970: Dav Erlingsson, Etiken i Hrafnkels saga Freysgoa.Bo
Almqvist, Islndska ordsprk och talestt.
RGNG 22 1971: Valter Jansson, Jran Sahlgren. Minnesord.Lennart
Elmevik, Ett eddastlle och ngra svenska dialektord.Bjarne Beckman, Hur
gammal r Hervararsagans svenska kungakrnika?Baldur Jnsson, Ngra
anmrkningar till Blndals ordbok.Evert Salberger, Vel glio eller velglio.
En textdetalj i Vlusp 35.Anna Mrner, Isafjord.
RGNG 23 1972: Bo Ralph, Jon Hreggvissonen sagagestalt i en
modern islndsk roman.Staffan Hellberg, Slaget vid Nesjar och Sven
jarl Hkonsson.Thorsten Carlsson, Norrn legendforskningen kort
presentation.
RGNG 24 1973: Peter Hallberg, Njls sagaen medeltida moralitet?
Evert Salberger, Elfaraskldett tillnamn i Njls saga.Richard L. Harris, The
Deaths of Grettir and Grendel: A New Parallel.Peter A. Jorgensen, Grendel,
Grettir, and Two Skaldic Stanzas.
RGNG 25 1974: Valter Jansson, Islndska sllskapet 25 r.Ove Moberg,
Brderna Weibull och den islndska traditionen.Evert Salberger, Heill
farir! Ett textproblem i Vafrnisml 4.Bjarne Beckman, Mysing.Hreinn
Steingrmsson, A kvea rmur.Lennart Elmevik, Tv eddastllen och en
vstnordisk ordgrupp.
RGNG 26 1975: Bjrn Hagstrm, Att srskilja anonyma skrivare. Ngra
synpunkter p ett paleografskt-ortografskt problem i medeltida islndska
handskrifter, srskilt Islndska Homilieboken.Gustaf Lindblad, Den rtta
lsningen av Islndska Homilieboken.Bo Ralph, En dikt av Steinrr,
islnning.Kristinn Jhannesson, Frn Vrmland till Borgarfjrur. Om Gustaf
Frdings diktning i islndsk tolkning.
RGNG 27 1976: Alan J. Berger, Old Law, New Law, and Hnsa-ris
saga.Heimir Plsson, En versttares funderingar. Kring en opublicerad
versttning av Sven Delblancs minne.Kunishiro Sugawara, A Report
on Japanese Translations of Old Icelandic Literature.Evert Salberger, Ask
Burlefot. En romanhjltes namn.Lennart Elmevik, Fisl. gigurr.
RGNG 28 1977: Gustaf Lindblad, Centrala eddaproblem i 1970-talets
forskningslge.Bo Ralph, Ett stlle i Skldskaparml 18.
RGNG 29 1978: John Lindow, Old Icelandic ttr: Early Usage and Semantic
History.Finn Hansen, Naturbeskrivende indslag i Gsla saga Srssonar.Karl
Axel Holmberg, Uppsala-Eddan i utgva.
RGNG 30 1979: Valter Jansson, Dag Strmbck. Minnesord.Finn
Hansen, Benbrud og bane i blt.Andrea van Arkel, Scribes and Statistics. An
evaluation of the statistical methods used to determine the number of scribes
of the Stockholm Homily Book.Eva Rode, Svar p artiklen Scribes and
Statistics.Brje Westlund, Skrivare och statistik. Ett genmle.
RGNG 31 1980: Bjrn Hgstrm, Fvn. bakkakolfr och skotbakki. Ngra
glimtar frn redigeringen av en norrn ordbok.Alan J. Berger, The Sagas of
Harald Fairhair.IIkka Hirvonen, Om bruket av slutartikel i de ldsta norrna
homiliebckerna IsIH och GNH.Sigurgeir Steingrmsson, Tusen och en dag.
En sagosamlings vandring frn Orienten till Island.Jan Terje Faarlund, Subject
and nominative in Oid Norse.Lars-Erik Edlund, Askrakaett engngsord i
Egilssagan.
RGNG 32 1981: Staffan Hellberg, Kungarna i Sigvats diktning. Till studiet av
skaldedikternas sprk och stil.Finn Hansen, Hrafnkels saga: del og helhed.
Ingegerd Fries, Njals saga 700 r senare.
RGNG 33 1982: Jan Paul Strid, Veiar nmoett omdiskuterat stlle i
Hymiskvia.Madeleine G. Randquist, Om den (text)syntaktiska och semantiska
strukturen i tre vlknda islndska sagor. En skiss.Sigurgeir Steingrmsson,
rni Magnusson och hans handskriftsamling.
RGNG 34 1983: Peter Hallberg, Sturlunga sagaen islndsk tidsspegel.
orleifur Hauksson, Anteckningar om Hallgrmur Ptursson.Inger Larsson,
Hrafnkels saga Freysgoa. En bibliograf.
RGNG 35 1984: Lennart Elmevik, Einar lafur Sveinsson. Minnesord.
Alfred Jakobsen, Noen merknader til Gsls ttr Illugasonar.Karl-Hampus
Dahlstedt, Bygden under Vatnajkull. En minnesvrd resa till Island 1954.
Michael Barnes, Norn.Barbro Sderberg, Till tolkningen av ngra dunkla
passager i Lokasenna.
RGNG 36 1985: Staffan Hellberg, Nesjavsur n en gng.George S. Tate,
Eldorado and the Garden in Laxness Paradisarheimt. orleifur Hauksson,
Vildvittror och Mattisrvare i islndsk drkt. Ett kseri kring en versttning
av Ronja rvardotter.Michael Barnes, A note on Faroese //>/ h/.Bjrn
Hagstrm, En frisk-svensk ordbok. Rec. av Ebba Lindberg & Birgitta
Hylin, Frord. Liten frisk-svensk ordbok med kortfattad grammatik jmte
upplysningar om sprkets historiska bakgrund.Claes neman, Rec. av Bjarne
Fidjestl, Det norrne fyrstediktet.
RGNG 37 1986: Alfred Jakobsen, Om forfatteren av Sturlu saga.Michael
P. Barnes, Subject, Nominative and Oblique Case in Faroese.Marianne E.
Kalinke, The Misogamous Maiden Kings of Icelandic Romance.Carl-Otto
von Sydow, Jon Helgasons dikt I rnasafni. Den islndska texten med svensk
versttning och kort kommentar.
RGNG 38 1987: Michael P. Barnes, Some Remarks on Subordinate Clause
Word-order in Faroese.Jan Ragnar Hagland, Njls saga i 1970-og 1980-ra.
Eit versyn ver nyare forskning.PerAxel Wiktorsson, Om Torleiftten.
Karl-Hampus Dahlstedt, Dav Stefnssons dikt Konan, sem kyndir ofninn minn.
Den islndska texten med svensk versttning och kort kommentar.
RGNG 39 1988: Alfred Jakobsen, Snorre og geografen.Joan Turville
Petre, A Tree Dream in Old Icelandic.Agneta Breisch, Fredlshetsbegreppet
i saga och samhlle.Tommy Danielsson, Magns berfttrs sista strid.Ola
Larsmo, Att tala i rret. En orttvis betraktelse av modern islndsk sknlitteratur.
RGNG 40 1989: Alv Kragerud, Helgdiktningen og reinkarnasjonen.Jan
Nilsson, Gumundr lafsson och hans Lexicon Islandicumngra kommentarer.
RGNG 41 1990: Jan Ragnar Hagland, Slaget p Pezinavellir i nordisk og
bysantinsk tradisjon.William Sayers, An Irish Descriptive Topos in Laxdla
Saga.CarlOtto von Sydow, Nyislndsk sknlitteratur i svensk versttning. En
frteckning. Del 1.Karl Axel Holmberg, Rec. av Else Nordahl, Reykjavk from
the Archaeological Point of View.
RGNG 42 1991: Stefan Brink, Den norrna bosttningen p Grnland. En
kortfattad forskningsversikt jmte ngra nya forskningsbidrag.CarlOtto von
Sydow, Tv dikter av Jn Helgason i original och svensk drkt med kommentar.
CarlOtto von Sydow, Nyislndsk sknlitteratur i svensk versttning. En
frteckning. Del 2.Nils sterholm, Torleiftten i handskriften Add 4867 fol.
Lennart Elmevik, Rec. av Esbjrn Rosenblad, Island i saga och nutid.
RGNG 43 1992: Anne Lidn, St Olav in the Beatus Initial of the Carrow
Psalter.Michael P. Barnes, Faroese SyntaxAchievements, Goals and
Problems.CarlOtto von Sydow, Nyislndsk sknlitteratur i svensk versttning.
En frteckning. Del 3.
RGNG 44 1993: Karl Axel Holmberg, Islndsk sprkvrd nu och frr. Med
en sidoblick p svenskan.Pll Valsson, Islands lsklingsson sedd i ett nytt ljus.
Ngra problem omkring den nya textkritiska utgvan av Jnas Hallgrmssons
samlade verk: Ritverk Jnasar Hallgrmssonar IIV, 1989.William Sayers,
Spiritual Navigation in the Western Sea: Sturlunga saga and Adomnns Hinba.
CarlOtto von Sydow, Nyislndsk sknlitteratur i svensk versttning. En
frteckning. Del 4.
RGNG 45 1994: Kristn Bragadttir, Skalden och redaktren Jn
orkelsson.Ingegerd Fries, Nr skrevs sagan? Om datering av islndska sagor,
srskilt Heiarvgasagan.Sigurur A. Magnsson, Sigurbjrn Einarsson som
student i Uppsala p 1930-talet. versttning, noter och efterskrift av Carl-Otto
von Sydow.
RGNG 46 1995: Ingegerd Fries, Biskop Gissur Einarsson och refor ma-
tionen.FranoisXavier Dillmann, Runorna i den fornislndska litteraturen.
En versikt.William Sayers, Poetry and Social Agency in Egils saga Skalla-
Grmssonar.
RGNG 47 1996: Lennart Elmevik, Valter Jansson. Minnesord.Jn Hnefll
Aalsteinsson, Blot i forna skrifter.Gsli Plsson, Sprk, text och identitet i det
islndska samhllet.
RGNG 48 1997: Lennart Elmevik, Anna Larsson. Minnesord.Lennart
Moberg, St und rhjalmi. Kring Hkonarml 3:8.Henric Bagerius, Vita
vikingar och svarta skldmr. Frestllningar om sexualitet i Snorre Sturlassons
kungasagor.Pll Valsson, En runologs uppgng och fall.Bjrn Hagstrm,
Ngot om frisk lyrikmest om Christian Matras.
RGNG 49 1998: Veturlii skarsson, Om lneord og fremmed pvirkning
p ldre islandsk sprog.Jhanna Bardal, Argument Structure, Syntactic
Structure and Morphological Case of the Impersonal Construction in the History
of Scandinavian.Jan Ragnar Hagland, Note on Two Runic Inscriptions relating
to the Christianization of Norway and Sweden.William Sayers, The ship heiti in
Snorris Skldskaparml. Henrik Williams, Rec. av Snorres Edda. versttning
frn islndskan och inledning av Karl G. Johansson och Mats Malm.
RGNG 50 1999: Lennart Elmevik, Islndska sllskapet 50 r.Bjarni
Gunason, Gurn svifursdttir och Laxdla Saga.Veturlii skarsson,
Verbet islndskt sk.Henrik Williams, Nordisk paleografsk debatt i svenskt
perspektiv. En kort verblick.CarlOtto von Sydow, Jn Helgasons dikt Kom
milda ntt i svensk tolkning.Veturlii skarsson, r islndsk sprkvrd p rtt
vg?Gun Widmark, Islndsk-svenska kontakter i ldre tid.
RGNG 51 2000: Lennart Elmevik, Vidar Reinhammar. Minnesord.Peter
Springborg, De islandske hndskrifter og hndskriftsagen.Gun Widmark,
Om muntlighet och skriftlighet i den islndska sagan.Judy Quinn, Editing
the Eddathe case of Vlusp.Kirsten Wolf, Laughter in Old Norse-Icelandic
Literature.Fjodor Uspenskij, Towards Further Interpretation of the Primordial
Cow Auhumla.Tom Markey, Icelandic smi and Soul Contracting.Bjrn
Hagstrm, Den friska Modersmlsordboken.
RGNG 52 2001: Lennart Elmevik, Claes neman. Minnesord.Lars
Lnnroth, Laxness och islndsk sagatradition.FranoisXavier Dillmann,
Om hundar och hedningar. Kring den fornvstnordiska sammansttningen
hundheiinn. Mindy MacLeod, Bandrnir in Icelandic Sagas.Thorgunn
Sndal, Snorre Sturlassonhvding och historiker.Gurn Kvaran, Omkring
en doktorafhandling om middelnedertyske lneord i islandsk diplomsprog frem
til r 1500.
RGNG 53 2002: Veturlii skarsson, Studiosus antiqvitatum. Om Jn
lafsson frn Grunnavk, frebilden till Halldr Laxness sagoperson Jn
Gumundsson frn Grindavik.rgunnur Sndal, From Rk to Skagafjrur:
Icelandic runes and their connection with the Scandinavian runes of the Viking
period.Patrik Larsson, Det fornvstnordiska personbinamnet Kkr.Veturlii
skarsson, Ur en eddadikts forskningshistoria.
RGNG 54 2003: Henrik Williams, n lever de gamla gudarna. Vikten av
att forska om fornislndska.Anna Helga Hannesdttir, Islnningars attityder
till sprkliga normer.Kristinn Jhannesson, Halldr Laxnesssamtidens
spegel.Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist, Arngrmur Jnsson och hans verk.
Adolfo Zavaroni, Communitarian Regime and Individual Power: Othinus versus
Ollerus and Mithothyn.
RGNG 55 2004: Heimir Plsson, Ngra kapitel ur en oskriven bok.
Staffan Fridell, At si skal stemma. Ett ordsprk i Snorres Edda.Agneta
Ney, M-traditionen i fornnordisk myt och verklighet.Martin Ringmar, Vgen
via svenska. Om G. G. Hagalns versttning av en fnsk demarksroman.
Svante Norr, A New Look at King Hkons Old Helmet, the rhjlmr.Lasse
Mrtensson, Tv utgvor av Jns saga helga. En recension samt ngra refexioner
om utgivningen av nordiska medeltidstexter.
RGNG 56 2005: Lennart Elmevik, Lennart Moberg. Minnesord.Fredrik
Charpentier Ljungqvist, The Signifcance of Remote Resource Regions for Norse
Greenland.Andreas Nordberg, Handlar Grimnesml 42 om en sakral mltid?
Daniel Svborg, Kormks sagaen norrn krlekssaga p vers och prosa.
Ingvar Svanberg och Sigurur gisson, The Black Guillemot (Cepphus grylle)
in Northern European Folk Ornithology.Staffan Fridell, At si skal stemma.
Ett ordsprk i Snorres Edda. 2.Else Mundal, Literacykva talar vi eigentleg
om?Leidulf Melve, Literacyeit omgrep til bry eller eit brysamt omgrep?
RGNG 57 2006: Theodore M. Andersson, VgaGlms saga and the Birth
of Saga Writing.Staffan Fridell, Fvn. hrynja och fsv. rynia. Om ett eddastlle
och en fock i Sdermannalagen.Kirsten Wolf, The Color Blue in Old Norse-
Icelandic Literature.Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist, Kristen kungaideologi
i Sverris saga.Lars Lnnroth, Sverrirs Dreams.Arnved Nedkvitne, Skrift-
kultur i skandinavisk middelaldermetoder og resultater.Lars Lnnroth, The
Growth of the Sagas. Rec. av Theodore M. Andersson, The Growth of the Medi-
eval Icelandic Sagas (11801280).Anders Hultgrd, rec. av Franois-Xavier
Dillmann, Les magiciens dans lIslande ancienne. tudes
sur la reprsentation de la magie islandaise et de ses agents dans les sources
littraires norroises.Heimir Plsson, Den stora islndska litteraturhistorian.
Rec. av slensk bkmenntasaga IV. Red. Vsteinn lason, Halldr Gumundsson
& Gumundur Andri Thorsson. Sigurd Fries, Jn Aalsteinn Jnsson och studiet
av nyislndskan i Sverige.
RGNG 58 2007: Heinrich Beck, Die Uppsala-Edda und Snorri Sturlusons
Konstruktion einer skandinavischen Vorzeit.Gunnhild Rthe, orgerr
Hlgabrrthe fylgja of the Hleygjar family.Michael Schulte, Memory
culture in the Viking Ages. The runic evidence of formulaic patterns.Lennart
Elmevik, Yggdrasill. En etymologisk studie.Henrik Williams, Projektet
Originalversionen av Snorre Sturlassons Edda? Studier i Codex Upsaliensis. Ett
forskningsprogram.Sverre Bagge, Gang leader eller The Lords anointed
i Sverris saga? Svar til Fredrik Ljungqvist og Lars Lnnroth.Heimir Plsson,
Tungviktare i litteraturhistorien. En krnika.
RGNG 59 2008: Marianne Kalinke, Clri saga. A case of Low German
infltration.rmann Jakobsson, En plats i en ny vrld. Bilden av riddarsamhllet
i Morkinskinna.Margaret Cormack, Catholic saints in Lutheran legend.
Postreformation ecclesiastical folklore in Iceland.Tommy Danielsson,
Social eller existentiell oro? Fostbrdradrp i tv islndska sagor.Mathias
Strandberg, On the etymology of compounded Old Icelandic inn names
with the second component -fr.Susanne Haugen, Bautasteinnfallos?
Kring en tolkning av ett fornvstnordiskt ord.Lasse Mrtensson och Heimir
Plsson, Anmrkningsvrda suspensioner i DG 11 4to (Codex Upsaliensis av
Snorra Edda)spren av en skriven frlaga?Stefan Olsson, Harald hos jtten
Dovre. Forntida initiationssymbolik i en medeltida tt.BoA. Wendt, Eddan
och texttermerna. Kort terminologiskt genmle till Henrik Williams.Michael
Schulte, Literacy in the looking glass. Vedic and skaldic verse and the two modes
of oral transmission.Svanhildur skarsdttir, rec. av Skaldic Poetry of the
Scandinavian Middle Ages, volume VII: Poetry on Christian Subjects 12, ed.
Margaret Clunies Ross.Else Mundal, rec. av Refections on Old Norse Myths,
red. Pernille Hermann, Jens Peter Schjdt och Rasmus Tranum Kristensen.
Pernille Hermann, rec. av Learning and Understanding in the Old Norse World.
Essays in Honour of Margaret Clunies Ross, ed. Judy Quinn, Kate Heslop och
Tarrin Wills.
RGNG 60 2009: Daniel Svborg, Scripta Islandica 60.Svanhildur
skarsdttir, To the letter. Philology as a core component of Old Norse studies.
John McKinnell, Ynglingatal. A minimalist interpretation.Lars Lnnroth, Old
Norse text as performance.Elena Gurevich, From accusation to narration. The
transformation of senna in slendinga ttir.Theodore M. Andersson, The
formation of the Kings sagas.Helgi Skli Kjartansson, Law recital according
to Old Icelandic law. Written evidence of oral transmission?Terry Gunnell,
Ansgars conversion of Iceland.Helen F. Leslie, Border crossings. Landscape
and the Other World in the Fornaldarsgur.Tsukusu It, The Gosforth fshing-
stone and Hymiskvia. An example of inter-communicability between the Old
English and Old Norse speakers.
RGNG 61 2010: Helga Kress, Eine bewusste Antiregel. Die Stimme der Frau
in Halldr Laxness Gedichten.Margrt Eggertsdttir, Hallgrmur Ptursson
and Tormod Torfus. Their scholarly friendship.Jan Ragnar Hagland, Hef
ek mark mli mart. Litt om vokabular for srdrag ved folks sprk og uttale
i gammal-islandsk.Olof Sundqvist, Om hngningen, de nio ntterna och den
dyrkpta kunskapen i Hvaml 138145. Stefanie Gropper, rec. av Jonatan
Pettersson, Fri versttning i det medeltida Vstnorden.Jonatan Pettersson,
rec. av Alexanders saga, Manuscripta Nordica 2, utg. Andrea de Leeuw van
Weenen.Lennart Elmevik, In memoriam. Oskar Bandle, Peter Foote, Bjrn
Hagstrm.
RGNG 62 2011: Ingvil Brgger Budal, Who is I? Translation of
riddarasgur as a collective performance.Finnur Fririksson, Modern
Icelandic: Stable or in a state of fux?Svante Janson, The Icelandic calendar.
Susanne Haugen, anm. av Kormaks saga. Historik och versttning av Ingegerd
Fries.Heimir Plsson, rec. av lfar Bragason, tt og saga: Um frsagnarfri
Sturlungu ea slendinga sgu hinnar miklu.Helgi Skli Kjartansson, rec.
av Rikke Malmros, Vikingernes syn p militr og samfund: Belyst gennem
skjaldenes fyrstedigtning.Lasse Mrtensson, rec. av Vr eldste bok. Skrift,
milj og biletbruk i den norske homilieboka. Bibliotheca Nordica 3, red. Odd
Einar Haugen och slaug Ommundsen.Rune Palm, rec. av. Poetry from the
Kings Sagas 2. From c. 10351300 (Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle
Ages II), ed. Kari Ellen Gade.lfar Bragason, rec. av Margaret Clunies Ross,
The Cambridge Introduction to the Old Norse-Icelandic Saga.
RGNG 63 2012: Silvia Hufnagel, Icelandic society and subscribers to Rafns
Fornaldar sgur nordr landaGurn Kvaran, Nucleus latinitatis og biskop Jn
rnasons orddannelseHeimir Plsson, Om kllor och kllbehandling i Snorris
Edda. Tankar kring berttelser om skapelsenTriin Laidoner, The Flying Noaidi
of the North: Smi Tradition Refected in the Figure Loki Laufeyjarson in Old
Norse MythologyLars Wollin, Kringla heimsinsJordennes kretsOrbis
terra rum. The trans lation of Snorri Sturlusons work in Caro line Sweden
orleifur Hauksson, Implicit ideology and the kings image in Sverris saga
Olof Sundqvist, rec. av Annette Lassen, Odin p kristent per ga ment. En tekst-
historisk studieKirsten Wolf, rec. av Rmverja saga, ed. orbjrg Helgadttir

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