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The Case for Impeachment
In The Case for Impeachment, Distinguished Professor of History at American University Allan J. Lichtman illuminates exactly how the impeachment of President Trump might work by showing how his actions—past or future—make him uniquely vulnerable to impeachment proceedings. From his dealings with Russia, to his conflicts of interest at home and abroad, to the numerous civil suits involving him, Lichtman zeroes in on Mr. Trump’s key areas of weakness.
Professor Lichtman also offers a fascinating look at presidential impeachments throughout American history, including the often-overlooked story of Andrew Johnson’s impeachment, little known details about Richard Nixon’s resignation, as well as Bill Clinton’s hearings.
Many historians and legal scholars agree that we are facing uncharted political waters and most citizens—politics aside—want to know where the country is headed. Professor Lichtman has correctly predicted every Presidential election since 1984, including the election of 2016. Now, he is focusing on the 45th President of the United States, demonstrating his view that it is not a question of if President Trump will be impeached, but a question of when.
Professor Lichtman also offers a fascinating look at presidential impeachments throughout American history, including the often-overlooked story of Andrew Johnson’s impeachment, little known details about Richard Nixon’s resignation, as well as Bill Clinton’s hearings.
Many historians and legal scholars agree that we are facing uncharted political waters and most citizens—politics aside—want to know where the country is headed. Professor Lichtman has correctly predicted every Presidential election since 1984, including the election of 2016. Now, he is focusing on the 45th President of the United States, demonstrating his view that it is not a question of if President Trump will be impeached, but a question of when.
290 pages, Hardcover
First published April 18, 2017
About the author
Allan J. Lichtman
15 books99 followersAllan J. Lichtman is Distinguished Professor of History at The American University in Washington, D.C. and the author of many acclaimed books on U.S. political history, including White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (finalist, 2008 National Book Critics Circle Award in Non-fiction), FDR and the Jews (with Richard Breitman), and The Case for Impeachment.
Professor Lichtman devised a model (“Keys to the White House”) with Vladimir Keilis-Borok to predict the outcome of US presidential elections; said model has been correct since 1984. He is regularly sought out by the media for his authoritative views on voting and elections.
Professor Lichtman devised a model (“Keys to the White House”) with Vladimir Keilis-Borok to predict the outcome of US presidential elections; said model has been correct since 1984. He is regularly sought out by the media for his authoritative views on voting and elections.
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February 1, 2021
Is it shouting into the wind to make the case to a Republican Congress for impeaching a president of their own party? The answer is no. Once Trump becomes more of a liability than an asset to the GOP, the party may be willing to turn on him through impeachment. Republicans in Congress have no loyalty to Donald Trump…The subject of presidential impeachment is a lively topic these days. And for good reason. It was the goto position for Republicans should Hillary Clinton have won the election. They were checking their torches and spit-shining their pitchforks, eager to impeach a second Clinton before she ever reached the White House. As umpteen Republican-led investigations have shown, there was never any there there, but that never stopped a good politically-fueled 24/7 attack machine. How ironic that the person who was elected to the highest office in the land, one who favored a chant of “Lock Her Up!” may ultimately be hoisted on the GOP’s own petard, for actual crimes instead of trumped up charges. It would be particularly sweet if he were to be charged for scrubbing e-mails from his server as part of an Indian Casino lawsuit, although I wouldn’t bet on that happening.
Allan J. Lichtman - from the NY Times
In The Case for Impeachment, Allan J. Lichtman offers some history on how the founders arrived at a need for including impeachment in the Constitution. He also looks at the small sample of prior impeachments for insights into the present situation, finding particular commonality between Richard Nixon and our current crook.
He also details the mechanisms of the process. Impeachments are infrequent enough that how they proceed will be unfamiliar to most of us. It is certainly useful to get a brief, and very readable summary of the steps involved. This is about as complex as putting together an IKEA bookcase. Insert widget (A) into slot (B), and so on. Not rocket science. However, there are some surprises, one of which is that the actions listed in Articles of Impeachment need not have taken place while the person being charged was in office. Also, they need not have anything to do with policy matters.
The President launches another misguided missal - image from Cnbc.com
Lichtman, a professor of American history at American University, is the author of nine previous books and over 100 articles. He created a “Keys System” for predicting presidential elections. It uses 13 historical factors to arrive at a prognostication. He predicted a Trump win, although he was wrong in projecting that Trump would take the popular vote. Trump even contacted him after the election to congratulate him on his gutsy prediction. The author’s methodology here diverges from that used in his political race handicapping
Sinking into the swamp or emerging? - image from zerohedge.com
The largest portion of the book takes in the various categories of malfeasance that might apply in the case of Trump. (Amazing that he kept the book a manageable size). They range from the obvious, such as the treasonous polonium poisoning of American democracy by working with a foreign power to tilt the election in his favor in exchange for policy considerations, and maybe keeping certain videotapes off youtube, and his feckless use of the White House as a branch office for Trump businesses, to less likely violations like a separation of powers line-crossing, dragooning House staff to work on his executive order preparation without the ok of the representatives the staff worked for. There are plenty more, some from his dodgy business dealings, stiffing contractors, sustaining persistent racial discrimination in Trump housing. Some are of a more personal nature, sexual assault, tax evasion, perjury. Or maybe something larger, like crimes against humanity for his anti-environmental actions. But I seriously doubt any of those would result in articles being drawn up. Too many legislators favor the sorts of crimes against humanity that might be charged to Trump. Lichtman also offers a list of actions the president might take in order to avoid such a fate. Of course this is just a tad disingenuous, as the actions in question would require a personality transplant.
He points out some traps that are already being set to induce the President into a criminal action, which would then be available as a handy pretext. Think Bill Clinton prevaricating in his testimony for the Paula Jones sexual harassment suit. Given that Trump is pretty clearly a pathological liar, a deposition on just about anything would serve to generate a nice list of perjuries. He has been involved in thousands of lawsuits, and has an impressive number still underway, so the prospect of him having to be deposed for one of them is not pie-in-the-sky wishful thinking.
A swampy vision of DJT - from crooksandliars.com
Lichtman pretty much predicts that it is only a matter of time, and timing, before Swamp Thing is dragged from the White House, whining and denying. But he does weasel a bit near the end, suggesting that a Republican Congress would consider impeachment based “on the gravity of the offenses.” What nonsense. Having made it eminently clear that impeachment is a political process more than a legal one, Lichtman has already made his case that the members of Congress can be counted on to do whatever it is that serves their personal interest. They showed how much they care about the gravity of the charges when they impeached Bill Clinton for lying about an affair. Lichtman would have been better off owning it and not tossing ifs, ands, and buts onto his prognostication. He is more persuasive in making the case that public pressure will be the real driving force in moving Congress to throw the rascal out. Just as public pressure over the attacks on the Affordable Care Act had a very real impact, so will public sentiment and concerted pressure affect how long Swamp Thing continues to reign supreme in the DC morass. The likelihood of impeachment seems quite high. The question is whether DJT can be booted before he gets us all nuked, or does more economic, civil liberty, and ecological damage than a 2021 Democratic president can ever hope to clean up.
Review Posted – 4/28/17
Publication date - 4/18/2017
=============================EXTRA STUFF
Links to the author’s Twitter and FB pages
A bio of Lichtman at American University
A video from Harper includes Lichtman reading a passage from the book and taking question
Joy Reid interviewed the author on Morning Joy
A nice print interview from GQ - The Professor Who Predicted Donald Trump's Presidency Is Convinced He Will Be Impeached - by Jay Willis
Another approach to minimizing the damage. Ross Douthat, a conservative columnist at the NY Times, suggests The 25th Amendment Solution for Removing Trump - May 16, 2017
Yet another conservative columnist at the NY Times holds a less than laudatory view of El Presidente - When the World Is Led by a Child - David Brooks - May 15, 2017
But Alison Gopnik, a psychology professor at UC Berkeley contends that comparing Trump to a child insults the child - 4-Year-Olds Don’t Act Like Trump - NY Times - May 20, 2017
The June 2017 National Geographic cover story has particular relevance to the treatment of actual truth in today's political environment. It is illuminating, if not exactly uplifting. - Why We Lie: The Science Behind Our Deceptive Ways - By Yudhijit Bhattacharjee
October 2017 - Robert Reich's video explaining the ten steps involved in impeaching a president
October 2017 - Smithsonian Magazine - Inside the Founding Fathers’ Debate Over What Constituted an Impeachable Offense – by Erick Trickey
November 30, 2017 - Vox - The Case for Normalizing Impeachment - by Ezra Klein - Klein offers strong historical analysis for why we should get over our view that impeachment should only be used in the rarest of circumstances, but should be, as it was intended, a means or correcting mistakes.
But even if we muddle through Trump’s presidency, it should be a reminder that the presidential elections are as fallible a method of selecting an executive as any other. American government is built so that a president can be removed and a duly elected co-partisan is always present to step in and take his place. Impeachment is not a power we should take lightly; nor is it one we should treat as too explosive to use. There will be presidents who are neither criminals nor mental incompetents but who are wrong for the role, who pose a danger to the country and the world.This is MUST READ stuff.
It is a principle that sounds radical until you say it, at which point it sounds obvious: Being extremely bad at the job of president of the United States should be enough to get you fired.
Jan' 2018 - My review of Michael Wolff's blockbuster best-seller, Fire and Fury. More grist for the impeachment grill.
Feb' 2018 - My review of David Frum's Trumpocracy - A die-hard Republican sees real peril in the current administration
February 2018 - Special Counsel Mueller delivers Grand Jury indictments of thirteen Russians and others for meddling in the US 2016 presidential election, among other things - Here is the full text of the indictment
Apr' 2018 - Tom Steyer's Impeachment Guide specifies the range of impeachable offenses that Trump has committed, and includes a guide for candidates. With the GOP planning to make impeachment-prevention a centerpiece of their mid-term campaigns, it would certainly behoove not only candidates, but voters to have a handle on what constitutes impeachable offenses and why the need to impeach is so great.
4/25/18 - the authors of this opinion piece have worked out ways in which the Mueller team can make sure that their masses of evidence do not mysteriously vanish after Trump fires them, which he certainly will. Fascinating stuff. - Robert Mueller’s Last Resort - by John N. Tye and Mark S. Zaid
Jun' 2018 - Madeline Albright’s book, Fascism, is definitely worth a look
7/4/18 - David Cay Johnson knows a thing or two about Swamp Thing - Here he offers some very useful advice - How to Make Trump’s Tax Returns Public
2/22/19 - Atlantic Magazine - The Alarming Scope of the President's Emergency Powers - by Elizabeth Goitein - When push comes to prosecute or impeach, do you really expect Trump to accede to the rule of law? This alarming article points out the many tools available to Swamp Thing that might be misused to keep his crooked ass out of jail. Be afraid. Be very afraid.
3/7/19 - NY Times - Nicholas Kristof offers an optimistic perspective on the unlikelihood of a Trump Reich - We Will Survive. Probably.
3/14/19 - NY Times - Donald Trump’s Bikers Want to Kick Protester Ass - building a brownshirt militia - this is really bad
-----But Lawrence O'Brien Lawrence O'Brien thinks it's just gas. Sure hope he's right.
4/22/19 - NY Times - The Lure of Impeachment by Jamelle Bouie - To impeach or not to impeach. That is the question.
10/28/19 - NY Times - Impeachment Does Not ‘Overturn’ an Election - by Stephen I. Vladeck
11/8/19 - Lit Hub - The Case Against an American King, Then and Now - By Liesl Schillinger
7/3/20 - Independent - Trump has a plan to stay in the White House if he loses election, former senator says by Graig Graziosi - details of one way he might try to do this
1/6/21 - The Lincoln Project - Bloodlines
October 14, 2020
I have decided to embark on a mission to read a number of books on subjects that will be of great importance to the upcoming 2020 US Presidential Election. Many of these will focus on actors intricately involved in the process, in hopes that I can understand them better and, perhaps, educate others with the power to cast a ballot. I am, as always, open to serious recommendations from anyone who has a book I might like to include in the process.
This is Book #24 (a re-read) in my 2020 US Election Preparation Challenge.
To simply peruse bookshop shelves and lists on Goodreads, one can assert that much has been written about Donald J. Trump since he announced his candidacy for President of the United States (POTUS). The number of publications since he ascended to the White House is likely exponentially larger than any other POTUS during the same short time in office. Within both those groups of books, there sits a sub-group of books about Trump’s impeachment, citing various sources and reasons. It’s not yet been two years since he has been in office—at the time of this review—and I baffle myself that I need not rely on #fakebookstats to make this assertion! Enter, Allan J. Lichtman, a distinguished professor at American University, who predicted Trump’s victory months before it took place. He also asserts that, using his own formulaic means of picking a winner, he has not been wrong over the past eight presidential elections. Not as well-published was his prediction that Trump would be impeached even before he lay his hand on a Bible before *reader, please choose your preference of the true/fake number* Americans watched in person on that January day. Publishing this piece months into the Trump presidency, Lichtman offers up a convincing case about why Trump should and will be impeached by Congress for deeds he undertook. Lichtman explores the historical use of impeachment for the curious reader, particularly on three sitting presidents. He uses the examples of Andrew Johnson—who was saved from having his impeachment upheld in the Senate by a singe vote—and Richard Nixon when discussing the role Congress played in investigating both men and how Trump’s actions paralleled those of his Oval Office brethren. Effectively laying out some of the changes brought against the Johnson and Nixon, Lichtman explains how they could be used against Trump, replacing the arguments with modern examples. From treasonous activities to collusion, through to crimes against humanity and abuse of presidential power, Lichtman reveals how Trump the man entered into the fray with so much baggage that Congress has much that can be used to bring forth Articles of Impeachment that can receive bipartisan support. While all this may be damaging, Lichtman also brings up an argument that I have not heard previously about the timing of acts and how they play a role in presidential impeachment. He effectively shows how acts that took place before Trump ascended to POTUS can and should be used to fuel an impeachment, citing examples of a recently removed federal judge. If this is the case, there are new and interesting angles to be discussed when it comes to the topic. As I mentioned before—something else that will stoke the fires—this book came out in April 2017, with only a few months of Trump presidential fodder and yet makes strong and convincing arguments for egregious acts that include treason and collusion with the Russians. No Mueller, no white supremacy, and no mass exodus of Cabinet officials (save Michael Flynn). These arguments are based on pre-White House acts that should not be ignored as partisan rhetoric. Worry not, Trump fans (or undecideds), as Lichtman offers some clear and foolproof ways of steering clear of impeachment, which will require only the same sacrifices as others who became president. As of now, it seems Trump has steered clear of any and all recommendations, sullying the office in new ways each day!u An interesting and eye-opening read for those who want to explore the topic a little more, particular by a man Trump praised for predicting his victory in November 2016.
I admit that I have been on a binge when it comes to American politics of late, exploring some of the more controversial aspects of Trump and his 2016 presidential campaign. I have also long had an interest in impeachment and read about the topic when I can. To see an academic of such high regard lay out the systematic reasons for Trump’s impeachment, I cannot help but perk up and listen. Many can say this journalist or that lawyer is biased and has no right to make such sweeping comments, but I have come to wonder if so many recognised people in their fields are making varied, yet similar, arguments, can we all be blinded and singing out of the same fake hymn book? With a man who makes double-speak an Olympic event, can the citizenry of the world sit around and make assertions that they are being duped by all but Fox and Friends? Lichtman offers the reader sound evidence, weaving together both recently happenings and those in history to assert that Trump has been acting in ways that Congress could and should push for impeachment. We have all heard the rigging of elections and the handing over information to the Russians, which are strong arguments, but Lichtman also introduces ideas about crimes against humanity. These parallel some of the ideas used by Congress to push for Nixon’s impeachment, though the rationale is vastly different now. The reader should go into the book with an open mind and allow themselves to be pushed in one direction or another. I did and find a lot of it quite revealing and convincing, without feeling a degree of inculcation. While the topic is quite academic and, at times, esoteric, Lichtman writes in such a way that the layperson is not lost when trying to follow the arguments. Headers and simple background for each topic guides the reader effectively. However, this topic requires some balanced approach, which is why I will next turn to a leading legal scholar who offers the opposing view, before making my final opinion. It seems the only fair thing to do, under the circumstances and is better than trying to shut out the opposition and call them fake!
Kudos, Mr. Lichtman, for opening my eyes up to new and revealing reasons that the US Congress should open impeachment proceedings soon. You make some convincing arguments for the case and I wonder, Mike Pence in the wings aside, if there are effective reasons not to proceed. Let me have a look now!
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
A Book for All Seasons, a different sort of Book Challenge: https://www.goodreads.com/group/show/...
This is Book #24 (a re-read) in my 2020 US Election Preparation Challenge.
To simply peruse bookshop shelves and lists on Goodreads, one can assert that much has been written about Donald J. Trump since he announced his candidacy for President of the United States (POTUS). The number of publications since he ascended to the White House is likely exponentially larger than any other POTUS during the same short time in office. Within both those groups of books, there sits a sub-group of books about Trump’s impeachment, citing various sources and reasons. It’s not yet been two years since he has been in office—at the time of this review—and I baffle myself that I need not rely on #fakebookstats to make this assertion! Enter, Allan J. Lichtman, a distinguished professor at American University, who predicted Trump’s victory months before it took place. He also asserts that, using his own formulaic means of picking a winner, he has not been wrong over the past eight presidential elections. Not as well-published was his prediction that Trump would be impeached even before he lay his hand on a Bible before *reader, please choose your preference of the true/fake number* Americans watched in person on that January day. Publishing this piece months into the Trump presidency, Lichtman offers up a convincing case about why Trump should and will be impeached by Congress for deeds he undertook. Lichtman explores the historical use of impeachment for the curious reader, particularly on three sitting presidents. He uses the examples of Andrew Johnson—who was saved from having his impeachment upheld in the Senate by a singe vote—and Richard Nixon when discussing the role Congress played in investigating both men and how Trump’s actions paralleled those of his Oval Office brethren. Effectively laying out some of the changes brought against the Johnson and Nixon, Lichtman explains how they could be used against Trump, replacing the arguments with modern examples. From treasonous activities to collusion, through to crimes against humanity and abuse of presidential power, Lichtman reveals how Trump the man entered into the fray with so much baggage that Congress has much that can be used to bring forth Articles of Impeachment that can receive bipartisan support. While all this may be damaging, Lichtman also brings up an argument that I have not heard previously about the timing of acts and how they play a role in presidential impeachment. He effectively shows how acts that took place before Trump ascended to POTUS can and should be used to fuel an impeachment, citing examples of a recently removed federal judge. If this is the case, there are new and interesting angles to be discussed when it comes to the topic. As I mentioned before—something else that will stoke the fires—this book came out in April 2017, with only a few months of Trump presidential fodder and yet makes strong and convincing arguments for egregious acts that include treason and collusion with the Russians. No Mueller, no white supremacy, and no mass exodus of Cabinet officials (save Michael Flynn). These arguments are based on pre-White House acts that should not be ignored as partisan rhetoric. Worry not, Trump fans (or undecideds), as Lichtman offers some clear and foolproof ways of steering clear of impeachment, which will require only the same sacrifices as others who became president. As of now, it seems Trump has steered clear of any and all recommendations, sullying the office in new ways each day!u An interesting and eye-opening read for those who want to explore the topic a little more, particular by a man Trump praised for predicting his victory in November 2016.
I admit that I have been on a binge when it comes to American politics of late, exploring some of the more controversial aspects of Trump and his 2016 presidential campaign. I have also long had an interest in impeachment and read about the topic when I can. To see an academic of such high regard lay out the systematic reasons for Trump’s impeachment, I cannot help but perk up and listen. Many can say this journalist or that lawyer is biased and has no right to make such sweeping comments, but I have come to wonder if so many recognised people in their fields are making varied, yet similar, arguments, can we all be blinded and singing out of the same fake hymn book? With a man who makes double-speak an Olympic event, can the citizenry of the world sit around and make assertions that they are being duped by all but Fox and Friends? Lichtman offers the reader sound evidence, weaving together both recently happenings and those in history to assert that Trump has been acting in ways that Congress could and should push for impeachment. We have all heard the rigging of elections and the handing over information to the Russians, which are strong arguments, but Lichtman also introduces ideas about crimes against humanity. These parallel some of the ideas used by Congress to push for Nixon’s impeachment, though the rationale is vastly different now. The reader should go into the book with an open mind and allow themselves to be pushed in one direction or another. I did and find a lot of it quite revealing and convincing, without feeling a degree of inculcation. While the topic is quite academic and, at times, esoteric, Lichtman writes in such a way that the layperson is not lost when trying to follow the arguments. Headers and simple background for each topic guides the reader effectively. However, this topic requires some balanced approach, which is why I will next turn to a leading legal scholar who offers the opposing view, before making my final opinion. It seems the only fair thing to do, under the circumstances and is better than trying to shut out the opposition and call them fake!
Kudos, Mr. Lichtman, for opening my eyes up to new and revealing reasons that the US Congress should open impeachment proceedings soon. You make some convincing arguments for the case and I wonder, Mike Pence in the wings aside, if there are effective reasons not to proceed. Let me have a look now!
Love/hate the review? An ever-growing collection of others appears at:
http://pecheyponderings.wordpress.com/
A Book for All Seasons, a different sort of Book Challenge: https://www.goodreads.com/group/show/...
May 22, 2017
The Case for Impeachment by Allan J. Lichtman is a book filled with rich information. He is the one that has predicted the last several presidential election results correctly including Trump. He also predicted that Trump would be impeached before his term would be up pointing to Trump's past behavior. The first part of the book briefly explains how the law came about and why. It then goes into the history of judges and Presidents that have had that law used on them and why. Then the juicy part...some of the laws now that can make a President be impeached. I didn't know they could be impeached for crimes they committed BEFORE they were President. The book goes into all the corrupt dealings of Trump over the years, I have followed and read a lot but boy this really lays it out. This book was put out in April of this year and none of the really top corruption is in it. He will have to add an update! I really learned a lot about our legal system. Good and bad. May it work properly for us all.
May 21, 2017
My main problem with this book is that it already feels hopelessly out of date, which of course is not the fault of its author but of its subject. Can you imagine any current piece on impeachment that doesn't mention the firing of James Comey? Or his memo? Unfortunately, I think the author could release an updated edition weekly and it still wouldn't be enough.
May 30, 2017
Those who should read this probably won't, and those that do read it are the ones that already know it, but I still highly recommend this book to anyone, both those pro Trump and those opposed to Trump, to get a better idea of why there is already talk of impeachment such a short time into his presidency. My copy of this book ended up well highlighted, and I guess time will tell if any of the author's predictions actually come to pass.
September 25, 2017
This is a very useful volume was written by a historian who was one of the only people to correctly predict the electoral victory of Donald J. Trump, despite the near-unanimous consensus of polling which predicted otherwise. President Trump sent Professor Lichtman a note thanking him for his prediction; however, Trump didn't realize that Lichtman had also predicted that although Trump would be elected president, he would also be impeached.
This is a well-written, easy-to read book, which contains about ten or so editorial errors of various sorts - giving the impression that it may have been rushed to press. However, it's easy to figure out how sentences, words, etc. should have appeared so none of the snafus detract from comprehending the text. It is an engrossing book that even can be described as a page-turner, considering the current polarization in public opinion. Obviously, those who are disheartened by the election of Donald J. Trump as president, and that would be at least 2/3 of the population, will find the book a balm, and will be happy to read Lichtman's discussion of Trump's impeachable transgressions. The book thus has potentially a huge audience of eager readers, perhaps seeking solace in a dark political time. For someone who can devote several hours to reading it, the book could probably be read in a day or two. Since I can only read books in a piecemeal fashion, it took me about 4 days to read the 237 page book (not counting the footnotes). "The Case for Impeachment" would certainly constitute a page-turner for a "political junkie" or even anyone following news of the presidency today. I found this book mostly interesting, although once or twice it seemed boring - but that was only briefly. It's definitely not a slog. The author has a restrained style that is not overly "scholarly" and also inserts some judicious wit here and there. Most readers will enjoy this book - especially those who are unhappy with the results of the 2016 general election.
Professor Lichtman starts out by discussing what is impeachment, and how the wording pertaining to impeachment in the Constitution may be interpreted, as well as how the wording was arrived at, and what the significance of having rather general/vague wording means: A presidential impeachment can result from a great variety of things, not necessarily deriving from official malfeasance, criminal action such as bribery, or even political actions (as the Lewinsky scandal demonstrated). Also, grounds for impeachment are not time-limited: A president can be impeached for past wrong doing, even if, in a regular court of law, the statute of limitations for the wrong doing has expired.
The author describes in detail exactly what is the process of impeachment (of Federal officials including president). He describes how the process unfolds: Anyone, including an ordinary citizen, can request an impeachment but articles of impeachment usually originate in a House committee, and once they are voted on by the House and pass by a simple majority, then the president is impeached. An impeachment vote is similar to an indictment - it means the House has accepted the proposition that wrong-doing may have occurred, and that a trial in the Senate is warranted, to either convict or acquit the defendant (president). The impeachment verdict cannot be appealed.
Here is the wikipedia summation of how a Senate trial proceeds: "The proceedings unfold in the form of a trial, with each side having the right to call witnesses and perform cross-examinations. The House members, who are given the collective title of managers during the course of the trial, present the prosecution case, and the impeached official has the right to mount a defense with his own attorneys as well. Senators must also take an oath or affirmation that they will perform their duties honestly and with due diligence. After hearing the charges, the Senate usually deliberates in private. The U.S. Constitution requires a two-thirds majority for conviction.
The Senate enters judgment on its decision, whether that be to convict or acquit, and a copy of the judgment is filed with the Secretary of State.[4] Upon conviction in the Senate, the official is automatically removed from office and may also be barred from holding future office.[5] The removed official is also liable to criminal prosecution. The President may not grant a pardon in the impeachment case, but may in any resulting criminal case." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeach...
Obviously, this is a unique sort of proceeding, since we do not have a jury (the Senate) that does not know the defendant ahead of time, and although its deliberations are secret, as in a regular trial, it isn't clear if the vote cast by each Senator is made public, or simply the result of a secret Senate vote.
Professor Lichtman notes that an impeachment process is unique in that it is designed for one purpose only - separating an individual from their federal office. It is not a criminal or civil trial. The trial is presided over by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and to repeat the verdict cannot be appealed. Lichtman says the trial is political in nature, that is, if the behavior or crimes or corruption etc. of a defendant have become so onerous as to be intolerable, impeachment provides an orderly way to remove the individual from office, unless the prospect of impeachment causes the person to quit first to avoid the embarrassment of a Senate trial. Once the person is impeached they lose their immunity, and can then also be prosecuted for criminal activity as called for in a regular a court of law, like any other citizen, with all due legal protections including appeals that any other defendant enjoys. Lichtman notes that in a Senate trial, the Senate acts as judge and jury, and that the Chief Justice's role is more that of a facilitator formally presiding over the process, he does not exactly run the proceedings as in a regular court case.
Lichtman also discusses the alternative method for removing presidents from the office of the presidency by means of invoking the 25th Amendment, which can temporarily replace the president by the vice-president as acting president if the president is considered disabled by the cabinet. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twenty-...
This process is described as byzantine in that the president doesn't have to agree to the recommendation for removal, and if the president continues to petition for reinstatement, that is submit a declaration, and Congress continues to vote against the president, the back and forth petitioning/voting could in theory continue indefinitely that is, as long as the now removed president would have served as president.
Here is the wikipedia summary for the Sections 3 and 4 of the 25th Amendment:
"Section 3 provides that when the President transmits a written declaration to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, stating that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of the Presidency, and until the President sends another written declaration to the aforementioned officers declaring himself able to resume discharging those powers and duties, the Vice President discharges those powers and duties as Acting President.
Section 4 is the only part of the amendment that has never been invoked.[25] It allows the Vice President, together with a "majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide", to declare the President "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office" by submitting a written declaration to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. As with Section 3, the Vice President would become Acting President.
Section 4 is meant to be invoked should the President's incapacitation prevent him from discharging his duties, but he is unable or unwilling to provide the written declaration called for by Section 3. The President may resume exercising the Presidential duties by sending a written declaration to the President pro tempore and the Speaker of the House.
Should the Vice President and Cabinet believe the President is still "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office", they may within four days of the President's declaration submit another declaration that the President is incapacitated. If not already in session, the Congress must then assemble within 48 hours. The Congress has 21 days to decide the issue. If within the 21 days two-thirds of each house of Congress vote that the President is incapacitated, the Vice President would "continue" to be Acting President. Should the Congress resolve the issue in favor of the President, or make no decision within the 21 days allotted, then the President would "resume" discharging the powers and duties of his office. The use of the words "continue" and "resume" imply that the Vice President remains Acting President while Congress deliberates.
However, the President may again submit a written declaration of recovery to the President pro tempore and the Speaker of the House. That declaration could be responded to by the Vice President and the Cabinet in the same way as stated earlier. The specified 21-day Congressional procedure would start again."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twenty-...
Historical background is provided, as to why impeachment was included in the Constitution to provide for the removal of presidents or federal judges, especially why the Founders considered the provision of an impeachment process in the Constitution crucial to the establishment of a democracy, given the experience of prior European hereditary/arbitrary governments/monarchies.
Specific instances of impeachment are discussed: The impeachment of President Andrew Johnson is examined in some detail. Interestingly, although Johnson had a disastrous presidency, and was impeached by the House, the author suggests that he may not have been convicted by the Senate because the vice-president he had selected upon ascending to the presidency, was considered worse (flightier etc).
Richard Nixon quit the presidency once he was informed he would be impeached, and Clinton's impeachment for perjury by the House and acquittal by the Senate is also discussed. There is also a discussion of an impeachment of a federal judge, where the judge was convicted and removed from office because of intemperate language, drunkenness etc.
The general discussion about impeachment though only comprises the beginning of the book. Most of the book is taken up by chapters examining a number of different reasons why Donald J. Trump may be impeached. This is really the heart of the volume, and as with other recent books I have read pertaining to politics, I shall include a number of quotes that I thought were worth noting.
The penultimate chapter is a refreshingly honest direct appeal by the author to President Trump as to how the President could change his ways now to avoid impeachment. It is realistic, forthright, but given the scale of improprieties listed in the preceding chapters of the volume, one wonders even if Trump immediately reformed himself, it would make any difference with respect to his problems. I still thought it was excellent for Lichtman to have included this direct appeal to President Trump - it also dispels any suggestion that the book is a "hatchet job" or biased, because Lichtman is giving excellent advice to Trump as to how he might avoid removal from office. One piece of advice, firing Steve Bannon, meanwhile did occur - 4 months after the book was published. Maybe Trump read the book and heeded Professor Lichtman's advice, at least insofar as the divisive/polarizing Bannon is concerned. (One can hope.) Unfortunately, though, there are too many other instances since the book appeared, wherein Trump continues true to (horrible) form, with gratuitous, immature, and destabilizing tweets, or inappropriate ad lib remarks, dog whistle comments, or even completely inappropriate speeches, such as the war mongering, threatening speech Trump gave at the United Nations on 9/17/17 http://www.cnn.com/2017/09/19/politic...
The book though ends on a hopeful note - discussing the chances of impeachment in a Republican led Congress, and what the people can do to change the composition of Congress so that the president could be impeached, if that is what the people want (vote to change the political composition of Congress). As Professor Lichtman concludes: "Justice will be realized ... not through revolution, but by the Constitution's peaceful remedy of impeachment -- but only if the people demand it."
The quotes from the book:
"Trump has broken all the usual rules of politics and governing. Early in his term, he has stretched presidential authority nearly to the breaking point, appointed cabinet officials dedicated to destroying the institutions they are assigned to run, and pushed America toward legal and constitutional crises. ... No previous president has entered the Oval Office without a shred of public service or with as egregious a record of enriching himself at the expense of others."
"With his humble roots and his penchant for spouting populism but privileging the rich, [Andrew] Johnson foreshadowed Trump. ... Don't be fooled by the shifting decisions, policies, and pronouncements of a fast-moving presidency."
"[Both Nixon and Trump]...exploited the resentments of white working class Americans and split the world into enemies and loyalists. In the first month of his presidency Trump talked more about "enemies" than any other president in history. Neither man allowed the law, the truth, the free press, or the potential for collateral damage to others to impede their personal agendas."
"The Nixon Administration has developed a new language," commented Time magazine, "a kind of Nix-speak." ... Surrogates would later find themselves caught in the same trap of struggling to explain away Trump-speak, often in the form of Trump-tweets. ... As President, Nixon's loathing of any independent check on his presidency led to a deep-seated animosity toward the media. ... Since his early days in business, Trump has elevated himself again and again above the laws that govern others."
"As a private citizen, Donald Trump has escaped serious retribution for his crimes and transgressions. ... It was clear to everyone except Trump that he had flagrantly broken the law [when he violated the Fair Housing Act]. ...[Department of] Justice officials concluded that "an underlying pattern of discrimination continues to exit in the Trump management organization."
"By operating unregistered, the Trump Foundation avoided required audits that would likely have disclosed the many ways in which Trump has exploited the foundation for illegal self-dealing. ...In drawing upon foundation funds solicited from others to settle personal and business debts, Trump has, in effect, laundered tax-free donations for his own gain. ... Trump has further flouted the law by diverting taxable personal and business income to the tax-free foundation. ... In October of 2016, the New York attorney general ordered the foundation to cease soliciting donations, which it did shortly thereafter."
"State officials in New Jersey and New York repeatedly fined his enterprises in amounts ranging from tens to hundreds of thousands of dollars. ... When Trump's Atlantic City casinos collapsed, in typical fashion he passed the buck, blaming the economy."
"Like the Trump Foundation, Trump University was illegal from its inception... ... The allegations against Trump's bogus "university" were serious enough to justify a federal class-action lawsuit, charging that Trump violated the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), an act usually directed against organized crime."
"In his everlasting quest for an edge in business, Trump exploited undocumented immigrant workers, men and women who dared not protest low wages or dreadful working conditions out of fear of arrest and deportation. ... ...Trump's....models lived in small dormitories. ... [Models were] ...charged ... as much as $1,600 a month for a room ... shared with five other girls. ...Canadian-born fashion model Rachel Blais... ...said that Trump's company docked her not just for rent, but also for trainers, beauty treatments, travel, administrative costs, and eventually the cost of her work visa itself. ...despite making tens of thousands of dollars for the company during her three years of employment, she netted precisely $8,427.35. "Honestly, [Blais said] they are the most crooked agency I've ever worked for, and I've worked for quite a few. It is like modern day slavery."
"...Trump has ... failed to follow the practice of past presidents and divest himself from his many private business interests. "Foreign influence," Alexander Hamilton said, "is truly the Grecian horse to a republic."
"[Philippine] President Duterte has appointed Jose E.B. Antonio, the head of Century Properties Group, which owns the Trump Tower, as special Envoy to the United States. This means that Trump's profits depend on the good faith of Duterte's agent in the United States."
"Any economic benefit from a foreign government triggers a constitutional violation, punishable by impeachment. ... ...foreign governments may also decide to patronize Trump properties not for their fair market value, but to curry favor with the president."
"Portending another potential constitutional clash, Trump businesses are laden with debts that give lenders leverage over his presidency."
"Trump's business interests, not just foreign but also domestic, could subject him to a violation of two federal laws. The Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge ("STOCK") Act mirrors the laws prohibiting securities trading on inside information... Contrary to the assertion of the Trump team, STOCK Act prohibitions do apply to the president of the United States."
"Melania seems to have signaled her intention to profit as First Lady through the many lucrative product lines... ... A president's family should not be profiting from his public office... ... Texas A&M law professor Milan Markovic says trump is likely in violation of 18 U.S. Code Section 227, because he "is not allowed to misuse his authority to put pressure on private companies or influence who they hire or do business with."
"There is a way to avoid trouble in this area, but Trump has resisted it, thereby turning his conflicts of interest into one of the easiest grounds for impeachment. ... Trump retains all ownership and licensing rights to his enterprises, which means he will continue to personally profit from all existing businesses. ... Any subordination of America's national interests to Trump's financial interests should suffice [to trigger impeachment]."
"...Trump may not even know anymore whether he is lying or not, but just thinks that whatever he believes at the moment must be true. ... Trump conjured up this outlandish percentage [of 42 percent unemployment under Obama] by counting as "unemployed" most or all the approximately 85 million Americans of working age who aren't working because they are students, homemakers, retirees, or persons too disabled to work. ... ...Trump is an outlier... his lying far exceeds the normal tendency of politicians to stretch and sometimes even break the truth."
This is a well-written, easy-to read book, which contains about ten or so editorial errors of various sorts - giving the impression that it may have been rushed to press. However, it's easy to figure out how sentences, words, etc. should have appeared so none of the snafus detract from comprehending the text. It is an engrossing book that even can be described as a page-turner, considering the current polarization in public opinion. Obviously, those who are disheartened by the election of Donald J. Trump as president, and that would be at least 2/3 of the population, will find the book a balm, and will be happy to read Lichtman's discussion of Trump's impeachable transgressions. The book thus has potentially a huge audience of eager readers, perhaps seeking solace in a dark political time. For someone who can devote several hours to reading it, the book could probably be read in a day or two. Since I can only read books in a piecemeal fashion, it took me about 4 days to read the 237 page book (not counting the footnotes). "The Case for Impeachment" would certainly constitute a page-turner for a "political junkie" or even anyone following news of the presidency today. I found this book mostly interesting, although once or twice it seemed boring - but that was only briefly. It's definitely not a slog. The author has a restrained style that is not overly "scholarly" and also inserts some judicious wit here and there. Most readers will enjoy this book - especially those who are unhappy with the results of the 2016 general election.
Professor Lichtman starts out by discussing what is impeachment, and how the wording pertaining to impeachment in the Constitution may be interpreted, as well as how the wording was arrived at, and what the significance of having rather general/vague wording means: A presidential impeachment can result from a great variety of things, not necessarily deriving from official malfeasance, criminal action such as bribery, or even political actions (as the Lewinsky scandal demonstrated). Also, grounds for impeachment are not time-limited: A president can be impeached for past wrong doing, even if, in a regular court of law, the statute of limitations for the wrong doing has expired.
The author describes in detail exactly what is the process of impeachment (of Federal officials including president). He describes how the process unfolds: Anyone, including an ordinary citizen, can request an impeachment but articles of impeachment usually originate in a House committee, and once they are voted on by the House and pass by a simple majority, then the president is impeached. An impeachment vote is similar to an indictment - it means the House has accepted the proposition that wrong-doing may have occurred, and that a trial in the Senate is warranted, to either convict or acquit the defendant (president). The impeachment verdict cannot be appealed.
Here is the wikipedia summation of how a Senate trial proceeds: "The proceedings unfold in the form of a trial, with each side having the right to call witnesses and perform cross-examinations. The House members, who are given the collective title of managers during the course of the trial, present the prosecution case, and the impeached official has the right to mount a defense with his own attorneys as well. Senators must also take an oath or affirmation that they will perform their duties honestly and with due diligence. After hearing the charges, the Senate usually deliberates in private. The U.S. Constitution requires a two-thirds majority for conviction.
The Senate enters judgment on its decision, whether that be to convict or acquit, and a copy of the judgment is filed with the Secretary of State.[4] Upon conviction in the Senate, the official is automatically removed from office and may also be barred from holding future office.[5] The removed official is also liable to criminal prosecution. The President may not grant a pardon in the impeachment case, but may in any resulting criminal case." https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impeach...
Obviously, this is a unique sort of proceeding, since we do not have a jury (the Senate) that does not know the defendant ahead of time, and although its deliberations are secret, as in a regular trial, it isn't clear if the vote cast by each Senator is made public, or simply the result of a secret Senate vote.
Professor Lichtman notes that an impeachment process is unique in that it is designed for one purpose only - separating an individual from their federal office. It is not a criminal or civil trial. The trial is presided over by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and to repeat the verdict cannot be appealed. Lichtman says the trial is political in nature, that is, if the behavior or crimes or corruption etc. of a defendant have become so onerous as to be intolerable, impeachment provides an orderly way to remove the individual from office, unless the prospect of impeachment causes the person to quit first to avoid the embarrassment of a Senate trial. Once the person is impeached they lose their immunity, and can then also be prosecuted for criminal activity as called for in a regular a court of law, like any other citizen, with all due legal protections including appeals that any other defendant enjoys. Lichtman notes that in a Senate trial, the Senate acts as judge and jury, and that the Chief Justice's role is more that of a facilitator formally presiding over the process, he does not exactly run the proceedings as in a regular court case.
Lichtman also discusses the alternative method for removing presidents from the office of the presidency by means of invoking the 25th Amendment, which can temporarily replace the president by the vice-president as acting president if the president is considered disabled by the cabinet. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twenty-...
This process is described as byzantine in that the president doesn't have to agree to the recommendation for removal, and if the president continues to petition for reinstatement, that is submit a declaration, and Congress continues to vote against the president, the back and forth petitioning/voting could in theory continue indefinitely that is, as long as the now removed president would have served as president.
Here is the wikipedia summary for the Sections 3 and 4 of the 25th Amendment:
"Section 3 provides that when the President transmits a written declaration to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, stating that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of the Presidency, and until the President sends another written declaration to the aforementioned officers declaring himself able to resume discharging those powers and duties, the Vice President discharges those powers and duties as Acting President.
Section 4 is the only part of the amendment that has never been invoked.[25] It allows the Vice President, together with a "majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide", to declare the President "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office" by submitting a written declaration to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. As with Section 3, the Vice President would become Acting President.
Section 4 is meant to be invoked should the President's incapacitation prevent him from discharging his duties, but he is unable or unwilling to provide the written declaration called for by Section 3. The President may resume exercising the Presidential duties by sending a written declaration to the President pro tempore and the Speaker of the House.
Should the Vice President and Cabinet believe the President is still "unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office", they may within four days of the President's declaration submit another declaration that the President is incapacitated. If not already in session, the Congress must then assemble within 48 hours. The Congress has 21 days to decide the issue. If within the 21 days two-thirds of each house of Congress vote that the President is incapacitated, the Vice President would "continue" to be Acting President. Should the Congress resolve the issue in favor of the President, or make no decision within the 21 days allotted, then the President would "resume" discharging the powers and duties of his office. The use of the words "continue" and "resume" imply that the Vice President remains Acting President while Congress deliberates.
However, the President may again submit a written declaration of recovery to the President pro tempore and the Speaker of the House. That declaration could be responded to by the Vice President and the Cabinet in the same way as stated earlier. The specified 21-day Congressional procedure would start again."
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Twenty-...
Historical background is provided, as to why impeachment was included in the Constitution to provide for the removal of presidents or federal judges, especially why the Founders considered the provision of an impeachment process in the Constitution crucial to the establishment of a democracy, given the experience of prior European hereditary/arbitrary governments/monarchies.
Specific instances of impeachment are discussed: The impeachment of President Andrew Johnson is examined in some detail. Interestingly, although Johnson had a disastrous presidency, and was impeached by the House, the author suggests that he may not have been convicted by the Senate because the vice-president he had selected upon ascending to the presidency, was considered worse (flightier etc).
Richard Nixon quit the presidency once he was informed he would be impeached, and Clinton's impeachment for perjury by the House and acquittal by the Senate is also discussed. There is also a discussion of an impeachment of a federal judge, where the judge was convicted and removed from office because of intemperate language, drunkenness etc.
The general discussion about impeachment though only comprises the beginning of the book. Most of the book is taken up by chapters examining a number of different reasons why Donald J. Trump may be impeached. This is really the heart of the volume, and as with other recent books I have read pertaining to politics, I shall include a number of quotes that I thought were worth noting.
The penultimate chapter is a refreshingly honest direct appeal by the author to President Trump as to how the President could change his ways now to avoid impeachment. It is realistic, forthright, but given the scale of improprieties listed in the preceding chapters of the volume, one wonders even if Trump immediately reformed himself, it would make any difference with respect to his problems. I still thought it was excellent for Lichtman to have included this direct appeal to President Trump - it also dispels any suggestion that the book is a "hatchet job" or biased, because Lichtman is giving excellent advice to Trump as to how he might avoid removal from office. One piece of advice, firing Steve Bannon, meanwhile did occur - 4 months after the book was published. Maybe Trump read the book and heeded Professor Lichtman's advice, at least insofar as the divisive/polarizing Bannon is concerned. (One can hope.) Unfortunately, though, there are too many other instances since the book appeared, wherein Trump continues true to (horrible) form, with gratuitous, immature, and destabilizing tweets, or inappropriate ad lib remarks, dog whistle comments, or even completely inappropriate speeches, such as the war mongering, threatening speech Trump gave at the United Nations on 9/17/17 http://www.cnn.com/2017/09/19/politic...
The book though ends on a hopeful note - discussing the chances of impeachment in a Republican led Congress, and what the people can do to change the composition of Congress so that the president could be impeached, if that is what the people want (vote to change the political composition of Congress). As Professor Lichtman concludes: "Justice will be realized ... not through revolution, but by the Constitution's peaceful remedy of impeachment -- but only if the people demand it."
The quotes from the book:
"Trump has broken all the usual rules of politics and governing. Early in his term, he has stretched presidential authority nearly to the breaking point, appointed cabinet officials dedicated to destroying the institutions they are assigned to run, and pushed America toward legal and constitutional crises. ... No previous president has entered the Oval Office without a shred of public service or with as egregious a record of enriching himself at the expense of others."
"With his humble roots and his penchant for spouting populism but privileging the rich, [Andrew] Johnson foreshadowed Trump. ... Don't be fooled by the shifting decisions, policies, and pronouncements of a fast-moving presidency."
"[Both Nixon and Trump]...exploited the resentments of white working class Americans and split the world into enemies and loyalists. In the first month of his presidency Trump talked more about "enemies" than any other president in history. Neither man allowed the law, the truth, the free press, or the potential for collateral damage to others to impede their personal agendas."
"The Nixon Administration has developed a new language," commented Time magazine, "a kind of Nix-speak." ... Surrogates would later find themselves caught in the same trap of struggling to explain away Trump-speak, often in the form of Trump-tweets. ... As President, Nixon's loathing of any independent check on his presidency led to a deep-seated animosity toward the media. ... Since his early days in business, Trump has elevated himself again and again above the laws that govern others."
"As a private citizen, Donald Trump has escaped serious retribution for his crimes and transgressions. ... It was clear to everyone except Trump that he had flagrantly broken the law [when he violated the Fair Housing Act]. ...[Department of] Justice officials concluded that "an underlying pattern of discrimination continues to exit in the Trump management organization."
"By operating unregistered, the Trump Foundation avoided required audits that would likely have disclosed the many ways in which Trump has exploited the foundation for illegal self-dealing. ...In drawing upon foundation funds solicited from others to settle personal and business debts, Trump has, in effect, laundered tax-free donations for his own gain. ... Trump has further flouted the law by diverting taxable personal and business income to the tax-free foundation. ... In October of 2016, the New York attorney general ordered the foundation to cease soliciting donations, which it did shortly thereafter."
"State officials in New Jersey and New York repeatedly fined his enterprises in amounts ranging from tens to hundreds of thousands of dollars. ... When Trump's Atlantic City casinos collapsed, in typical fashion he passed the buck, blaming the economy."
"Like the Trump Foundation, Trump University was illegal from its inception... ... The allegations against Trump's bogus "university" were serious enough to justify a federal class-action lawsuit, charging that Trump violated the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), an act usually directed against organized crime."
"In his everlasting quest for an edge in business, Trump exploited undocumented immigrant workers, men and women who dared not protest low wages or dreadful working conditions out of fear of arrest and deportation. ... ...Trump's....models lived in small dormitories. ... [Models were] ...charged ... as much as $1,600 a month for a room ... shared with five other girls. ...Canadian-born fashion model Rachel Blais... ...said that Trump's company docked her not just for rent, but also for trainers, beauty treatments, travel, administrative costs, and eventually the cost of her work visa itself. ...despite making tens of thousands of dollars for the company during her three years of employment, she netted precisely $8,427.35. "Honestly, [Blais said] they are the most crooked agency I've ever worked for, and I've worked for quite a few. It is like modern day slavery."
"...Trump has ... failed to follow the practice of past presidents and divest himself from his many private business interests. "Foreign influence," Alexander Hamilton said, "is truly the Grecian horse to a republic."
"[Philippine] President Duterte has appointed Jose E.B. Antonio, the head of Century Properties Group, which owns the Trump Tower, as special Envoy to the United States. This means that Trump's profits depend on the good faith of Duterte's agent in the United States."
"Any economic benefit from a foreign government triggers a constitutional violation, punishable by impeachment. ... ...foreign governments may also decide to patronize Trump properties not for their fair market value, but to curry favor with the president."
"Portending another potential constitutional clash, Trump businesses are laden with debts that give lenders leverage over his presidency."
"Trump's business interests, not just foreign but also domestic, could subject him to a violation of two federal laws. The Stop Trading on Congressional Knowledge ("STOCK") Act mirrors the laws prohibiting securities trading on inside information... Contrary to the assertion of the Trump team, STOCK Act prohibitions do apply to the president of the United States."
"Melania seems to have signaled her intention to profit as First Lady through the many lucrative product lines... ... A president's family should not be profiting from his public office... ... Texas A&M law professor Milan Markovic says trump is likely in violation of 18 U.S. Code Section 227, because he "is not allowed to misuse his authority to put pressure on private companies or influence who they hire or do business with."
"There is a way to avoid trouble in this area, but Trump has resisted it, thereby turning his conflicts of interest into one of the easiest grounds for impeachment. ... Trump retains all ownership and licensing rights to his enterprises, which means he will continue to personally profit from all existing businesses. ... Any subordination of America's national interests to Trump's financial interests should suffice [to trigger impeachment]."
"...Trump may not even know anymore whether he is lying or not, but just thinks that whatever he believes at the moment must be true. ... Trump conjured up this outlandish percentage [of 42 percent unemployment under Obama] by counting as "unemployed" most or all the approximately 85 million Americans of working age who aren't working because they are students, homemakers, retirees, or persons too disabled to work. ... ...Trump is an outlier... his lying far exceeds the normal tendency of politicians to stretch and sometimes even break the truth."
April 24, 2017
If you are closely following the political news, you'll find nothing new in Lichtman's book. However, it's good to know that Prof. Lichtman predicts President Trump's impeachment. It's very concise and easy to understand.
I'm reviewing this book for Newsweek Japan.
I'm reviewing this book for Newsweek Japan.
September 7, 2017
Full disclosure: I didn't go into this book needing to be convinced that Trump ought to be impeached. It seemed like this book made a very compelling, persuasive argument for impeachment, but in all honesty it was preaching to the choir for me.
Having said that, I do genuinely think this book was written in a clear, concise format in a very accessible, easy-to-read style. I'm not a lawyer, and I haven't undertaken any formal studies of political science, but I still found this book very easy to follow and understand.
So, if you're like me, and you think that Trump should be impeached, but you're too choked up by rage and disbelief to explain your position to others, this is the book for you. If you're on the fence about Trump, this is also the book for you. If you're a major Trump supporter, then even if this was the absolute best book ever written with the most convincing argument ever put on paper, you're probably not going to change your mind at this point.
Having said that, I do genuinely think this book was written in a clear, concise format in a very accessible, easy-to-read style. I'm not a lawyer, and I haven't undertaken any formal studies of political science, but I still found this book very easy to follow and understand.
So, if you're like me, and you think that Trump should be impeached, but you're too choked up by rage and disbelief to explain your position to others, this is the book for you. If you're on the fence about Trump, this is also the book for you. If you're a major Trump supporter, then even if this was the absolute best book ever written with the most convincing argument ever put on paper, you're probably not going to change your mind at this point.
April 22, 2017
This was interesting on a whole.
I took a star off because of the last bit, in which he "tells" Trump how to save his presidency. The book goes in depth with all the faults of the president, past and present, and then we get these suggestions that he makes to the president that are completely farfetched and unbelievable (given all the faults he detailed.) Hell, I'd say some would be completely farfetched for any sane, normal president. Like having a mental health physician on staff to help Trump with his egotism and mental health. What sane person would do that? And I do believe hell would freeze over before Trump would admit he ever needed one.
Another: change your stance on global warming. LOL. Or: add more regulations to various industries. LMAO!
But it's a small part of the book so it doesn't take away much.
I took a star off because of the last bit, in which he "tells" Trump how to save his presidency. The book goes in depth with all the faults of the president, past and present, and then we get these suggestions that he makes to the president that are completely farfetched and unbelievable (given all the faults he detailed.) Hell, I'd say some would be completely farfetched for any sane, normal president. Like having a mental health physician on staff to help Trump with his egotism and mental health. What sane person would do that? And I do believe hell would freeze over before Trump would admit he ever needed one.
Another: change your stance on global warming. LOL. Or: add more regulations to various industries. LMAO!
But it's a small part of the book so it doesn't take away much.
Want to read
May 13, 2019I know Lichtman hit the right spot on predicting the election of Trump back in 2016; his "keys" were right. Yet, this time around, I wonder if he's predicting or preparing*/making minds around.
The case for impeaching Donald Trump
A new book by Allan Lichtman predicts how Congress could topple the US president
in: https://www.ft.com/content/f9247b54-2...
*Once, Mark Halperin asked Lichtman: "are you advocating or predicting....?".
UPDATE
The case for impeaching Donald Trump
A new book by Allan Lichtman predicts how Congress could topple the US president
in: https://www.ft.com/content/f9247b54-2...
*Once, Mark Halperin asked Lichtman: "are you advocating or predicting....?".
UPDATE
October 23, 2019
Just about 2.5 years old, the contents here are still, unfortunately so relevant. I adored his critique of every horrid aspect of Trump’s doings before, during, and after his campaign, as well as his every moral and personal failing. The crux was the final chapter which was written at Trump, if he cared to listen, carefully outlining how he could make drastic changes to save himself from impeachment.
April 2, 2019
Description: Professor Allan J. Lichtman, who has correctly forecasted thirty years of presidential elections, makes the case for impeaching the 45th president of the United States, Donald J. Trump. Impeachment will ’proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust,’ and ‘they relate chiefly to injuries done immediately to the society itself. ’(Alexander Hamilton, The Federalist, 1788) Professor Allan J. Lichtman, who has correctly forecasted thirty years of presidential elections, makes the case for impeaching the 45th president of the United States, Donald J. Trump In the fall of 2016, Distinguished Professor of History at American University Allan Lichtman made headlines when he predicted that Donald J. Trump would defeat Democrat, Hillary Clinton, to win the presidential election. Now, in clear, nonpartisan terms, Lichtman lays out the reasons Congress could remove Trump from the Oval Office: his ties to Russia before and after the election, the complicated financial conflicts of interest at home and abroad, and his abuse of executive authority. The Case for Impeachment also offers a fascinating look at presidential impeachments throughout American history, including the often-overlooked story of Andrew Johnson’s impeachment, details about Richard Nixon’s resignation, and Bill Clinton’s hearings. Lichtman shows how Trump exhibits many of the flaws (and more) that have doomed past presidents.
July 29, 2017
This is a shockingly sloppy book. While reading it, I located some ten typos, including: a quotation that was not closed; a sentence that was (virtually) duplicated by the following sentence; a sentence that was only half-written; and still others.
In addition, the chapters were of varying quality. The chapter on Crimes Against Humanity was short, and after speaking with a colleague who is an expert in international law, it appears profoundly misinformed on the subject. The chapters that catalogued Trump's numerous problems (lying, tendencies toward abusing power) were alright, if journalistic. The "memo" chapter was appallingly saccharine, even if it was supposed to be written "to" Trump.
All in all, Lichtman prioritized getting a book out quickly over getting a good book out. He wanted to be first. In that he succeeded. But this book, which I'm rather upset to admit having bought, will be followed by numerous other more worthy works.
In addition, the chapters were of varying quality. The chapter on Crimes Against Humanity was short, and after speaking with a colleague who is an expert in international law, it appears profoundly misinformed on the subject. The chapters that catalogued Trump's numerous problems (lying, tendencies toward abusing power) were alright, if journalistic. The "memo" chapter was appallingly saccharine, even if it was supposed to be written "to" Trump.
All in all, Lichtman prioritized getting a book out quickly over getting a good book out. He wanted to be first. In that he succeeded. But this book, which I'm rather upset to admit having bought, will be followed by numerous other more worthy works.
June 16, 2017
This book kind of reads like a lullaby for anyone who is going through the five stages of grief over a Trump presidency. In addition to providing background to the concept, intention, and implementation of the process of impeachment, Lichtman cites what I counted as no-less-than fourteen separate actions, violations, or scenarios that can ultimately serve as grounds for impeachment and subsequent conviction of the Donald. The most shocking thing is that these are not 'if-then' situations, but rather already-committed impeachable offenses. After reading through this book, I feel even more confounded that this man managed to win the election, befuddled that he has survived in office this long, but also comforted in the knowledge that his tenure will certainly not be a long one.
Incidentally, I bought this book at the airport...on my way back from Mexico. Somos hermanos, mi amigos.
Incidentally, I bought this book at the airport...on my way back from Mexico. Somos hermanos, mi amigos.
August 16, 2019
Interesting but already outdated. It’s sad to realize we once had so much faith that the Republicans would do the right thing back when Trump was newly elected. Republicans sure fell far in only 2.5 years.
May 8, 2017
Very interesting book but I suppose not if you are part of the Trump supporters. I do like how his analysis though went into the history of those few Presidents that were impeached or headed towards impeachment but resigned (Nixon).
This history points out why the rules of impeachment were put into place by the creators of our country, mainly to battle a tyrannical leader similar to the King of their time.
However, he quickly turns to compare the Trump administration and those of history, with strong comparisons to all three of them (Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton) that have come before.
Trump's narcissistic persona seems to be following the Nixon administration than the others, which could prove to be problems if he continues the way he has started his first 100 days in the most powerful position in the world.
This history points out why the rules of impeachment were put into place by the creators of our country, mainly to battle a tyrannical leader similar to the King of their time.
However, he quickly turns to compare the Trump administration and those of history, with strong comparisons to all three of them (Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton) that have come before.
Trump's narcissistic persona seems to be following the Nixon administration than the others, which could prove to be problems if he continues the way he has started his first 100 days in the most powerful position in the world.
May 5, 2019
Interesting, though not really new information as far as what I have followed via CREW and resistance sites. A few avenues to impeachment seem like the longest of shots. I did like the history of previous impeachments and revelations about Nixon were damning.
Really must have rushed to get this out as editing is poorly done. Definitely up-to-date; had just watched Yates testimony to Congress the day before I finished the book.
I did not like the way Lichtman 'spoke' to Trump in his section about how Trump can keep himself from impeachment. The section seemed forced and a little silly. A summation of Lichtman's cases for impeachment highlighting ways for Trump to change would have made more sense.
Addendum: Interesting intersection of reading and life--Comey firing, and special counsel appointment Mueller, and...
Really must have rushed to get this out as editing is poorly done. Definitely up-to-date; had just watched Yates testimony to Congress the day before I finished the book.
I did not like the way Lichtman 'spoke' to Trump in his section about how Trump can keep himself from impeachment. The section seemed forced and a little silly. A summation of Lichtman's cases for impeachment highlighting ways for Trump to change would have made more sense.
Addendum: Interesting intersection of reading and life--Comey firing, and special counsel appointment Mueller, and...
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
June 11, 2017
This book was incredibly infuriating! But that's because with all of the stuff going on recently I had somewhat forgotten about all of Trump's past transgressions and lies. I feel as if Dr. Lichtman needs to write weekly addendums to add to the case for impeachment that he has already so brilliantly laid out. This should be required reading for every American (especially those who are currently serving in Congress). Hopefully something will be done to remove Trump from office (impeachment or 25th Amendment) before the midterm elections because he's already done enough damage in the first 4 and a half months!
August 17, 2017
MY FINGERS ARE CROSSED!!!
April 22, 2017
Lichtman recalls having forecasted the Trump win two months before the election, using "the same proven method that had led me to forecast accurately the outcomes of eight previous elections." With this introduction, I thought perhaps now he might forecast that Trump will be impeached and that it will happen for a specified reason at a specified time. He does not commit to that detail. Instead, he lists dozens of possible grounds for impeachment, from "the gross abuse of presidential power" to the "extreme, nearly automatic propensity to lie" to Trump's having "broken many laws for personal gain" to his "predatory behavior towards women," and he adds that, like Nixon, Trump has "a need for total control, combined with minimal self-awareness" — and then Lichtman exhorts others to make the impeachment happen. He says that "the American people must demand his impeachment. In addition to mass protests, they should engage their representatives through petitions, e-mails, letters to newspaper editors, tweets, town hall gatherings, and face-to-face meetings, directed to the goal of impeachment."
He says: "I am not calling here for a witch hunt against an unconventional presidency or for snaring Trump on some minor or technical violation. The point is to assess at what point impeachment becomes necessary to protect America's constitutional liberties and the vital interests of the nation."
He says: "I am not calling here for a witch hunt against an unconventional presidency or for snaring Trump on some minor or technical violation. The point is to assess at what point impeachment becomes necessary to protect America's constitutional liberties and the vital interests of the nation."
October 22, 2018
Allan J. Lichtman was very articulate and clear throughout The Case For Impeachment. It was well organized and thoroughly dissected Impeachment, as a process, from a historical context, and how it applies to the Trump Administration. The information was clearly well researched and synthesized together in a logical manner. My only complaint is that he was clearly pushing an agenda towards the end of the book, this hurt his credibility in my mind. I would have much preferred he presented the facts and allowed the reader to draw their own conclusions. Overall, it was very informative and an interesting read.
June 13, 2017
An interesting read. Not having paid much attention to Trump before he was foisted into the presidency, I found his background story fascinating and horrifying. Did the RNC do no vetting on their candidate? The guy has been involved with thousands of lawsuits - how can this be an appropriate background for our country's leader? If you've been following the political circus that is the Trump administration, you will be familiar with much of the book, but it is worthwhile hearing it from another source. The author draws comparisons between the current administration and previous impeachments. I wonder if the book would be very different if Lichtman had the chance to see how looney this president has actually turned out to be and how willing the republicans are to ignore the crazy show, in order to support their party line instead of supporting what is best for the majority of Americans.
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June 26, 2017
Absolutely fascinating! I enjoyed learning a bit about the history of impeachment, but the real draw was seeing what all our current present has done that could warrant impeachment. Also, he can be impeached for things he did before becoming president? That, I like.
I agree with the author's notion that what will probably get Trump in the end is his habit of lying. He lies so often and so easily, I imagine it will be hard for him to remember to tell the truth if he's ever under oath, so perjury will probably end up being his undoing.
I agree with the author's notion that what will probably get Trump in the end is his habit of lying. He lies so often and so easily, I imagine it will be hard for him to remember to tell the truth if he's ever under oath, so perjury will probably end up being his undoing.
June 16, 2017
The Case for Impeachment packs quite a wallop! I consider myself to be pretty politically engaged, but I learned a lot from this very targeted analysis of the history of impeachment, of those officials who have been impeached, and of the legal case for the impeachment of our current president. I could have done without Lichtman's final address to Trump, but overall this book is definitely worth reading.
June 12, 2017
The high ranking of this book does not reflect a political value. Overall, the book is balanced insofar as the content allows. What impressed me the most was the volume of transgressions that need to be addressed by both the elected officials of our country and by the populace of the United States. This book will definitely make you think about the course of American politics.
August 19, 2017
With the pace of this circus to administration it's hard to write a book thats up to date about it.
October 26, 2017
Speaking as a follower of, but an outsider to, US politics, I'm..umm...almost speechless! I knew Trump was most likely a bit shady, but Lichtman has opened my eyes to this vile man. I just can't believe he made it through the selection process to be a presidential candidate, let alone actually becoming president. I just hope justice prevails.
Also, wearing a badger on your head should be added as grounds for immediate impeachment.
Also, wearing a badger on your head should be added as grounds for immediate impeachment.
February 12, 2018
Very informative.
January 14, 2020
I wish I had read this 2 years ago, as I do feel like this is very dated. However, still sadly relevant and smart. Enjoyed this immensely.
June 17, 2018
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