The Biden Crime Family: The Blueprint for Their Prosecution

Copyright © 2024 by Rudy Giuliani

Foreword copyright © 2024 by Stephen K. Bannon

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on file.

Cover design by Brian Peterson

Cover photo by Getty Images

Hardcover ISBN: 978-1-64821-034-1

eBook ISBN: 978-1-64821-035-8

Printed in the United States of America

CONTENTS

Foreword by Stephen K. Bannon

Introduction: Rudy Giuliani, the Prosecutor, the Mob, and His Fight against Corruption

Chapter 1: Meet the Defendants: An Introduction to the Biden Crime Family

PART 1: THE CRIMES

Chapter 2: What Really Happened in Ukraine . . . The Whole Story

Chapter 3: It Happened in China

Chapter 4: Trawling for Treasure in Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Chapter 5: Biden Inc. – a.k.a., How to Win Government Subsidies and Influence Billionaires When You’re Related to the Vice President

Chapter 6: Biden Inc. – Domestic Division

Chapter 7: What about Those Loans? And Those Taxes?

PART 2: THE PROSECUTION

Chapter 8: The Cases

PART 3: DOES PROSECUTING THE BIDEN CRIME FAMILY STILL MATTER?

Chapter 9: Yes, It Still Matters

Endnotes

FOREWORD BY

STEPHEN K. BANNON

It was the early 1980s, and five crime families ruled much of New York City services and goods. Names such as Bonanno, Columbo, Gambino, Genovese, and Lucchese, the so-called Commission controlled the construction industry, the garment industry, narcotics trafficking, the prostitution business, as well as many city services. If it was illegal, the mob had a piece of it. And with too many Democrat politicians controlling city government . . . the mob ruled.

Until Rudy Giuliani came along. As United States attorney in New York, Rudy indicted eleven organized crime figures under the RICO Act, the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act. The famous Mafia Commission Trial last from February 1985 until November 1986. Eight of the mobsters were convicted, and most were sentenced to 100 years in prison in 1987. One other died of cancer during the trial and one was murdered.

It was later revealed that that Gambino family boss John Gotti backed a plan to kill prosecutor Rudy Giuliani, but the rest of the Commission objected. Too much heat.

Rudy ran for New York Mayor in 1993, and he won, holding office through December 2001. Any American alive on September 11, 2001, remembers the power of Rudy’s historic leadership after the terrorist bombing of the World Trade Center in New York that day.

America’s Mayor turns his prosecutorial expertise and insightful eye on Joe Biden and his entire family in this extraordinary book. He does so not just as a brilliant lawyer, but as a patriotic American citizen who is revolted by the corruption of President Joe Biden and his family. He details the fifty-plus years of influence peddling that has allowed the Biden family to trade access to Joe’s position as US Senator, Vice President, and now President. He details income to the Bidens from Russian and Romanian oligarchs to the highest members of the Chinese Communist Party.

It will be clear to any American, after reading this book, that the Biden family . . . and even non-blood-related close allies—are a threat to the United States.

INTRODUCTION

RUDY GIULIANI, THE PROSECUTOR, THE MOB, AND HIS FIGHT AGAINST CORRUPTION

Much of this book was written before the summer of 2024 controversy about President Joseph Robinette Biden Jr.’s mental health and his fitness to serve as President of the United States. Now, as we sit here at the end of the most consequential election cycle in our lifetime—with Donald Trump and Kamala Harris battling it out to lead America’s future—it’s tempting to paint Joe Biden as irrelevant. That would be a mistake. He may be kicked to the curb by the Democrat party that he has served since 1973, but he is still POTUS and, nominally, the leader of the free world, until January 20, 2025. In that time, he still has the power to do a lot. How he uses it remains to be seen.

There’s also the issue of Joe Biden’s legacy. He should not be remembered as Nancy Pelosi—widely viewed as the Brutus who struck the final knife in his bid for a second presidential term¹—characterized him, as one of the most consequential Presidents in American history.² Rather, he should be remembered as the Godfather of the Biden Crime Family, and I’ll argue that case in this book. Further, the corrupt system of influence peddling and crony capitalism that allowed the Bidens to conduct their fifty-year personal enrichment schemes under the noses of the public, other possibly complicit politicians, and a complacent media is still in place. Somebody needs to be held accountable for that.

But of all the misdeeds that the Biden Crime Family and their collaborators—including Harris, the vice president, who always wanted to be the last person in the room³ on decisions—have committed in Joe’s fifty years in office, the most egregious may be the cover-up of his mental and physical condition. To paraphrase Senator Howard Baker’s (D-TN) famous question from the Watergate era, What did the Bidens know and when did they know it? Hunter Biden’s so-called Laptop from Hell, which I had a hand in exposing, holds the possible answer. When fully revealed, it may be the smoking gun that convicts the Biden Crime Family of their most atrocious offense yet. Before that, though, we’ve got five decades of wrongdoing to talk about.

So let’s start with the obvious. Why the hell am I writing a book about the Biden Crime Family? I’m not a young man. I’ve had a fantastic life as a lawyer, was hailed as a hero by everyone for successfully prosecuting the Mafia in New York in 1985, sending eight brutal Mafia leaders to prison for hundreds of years. I took on the five Mafia families that controlled major industries in New York City, from trash collection to the enormous Fulton Fish Market, the Teamsters Union and Las Vegas. I served as Mayor of the greatest city on Earth, helping New York survive and endure a terrorist attack that killed nearly three thousand people on September 11, 2001. Twenty-three years on, more than five thousand have died from 9/11-related illnesses and over forty-five thousand have contracted cancer from the horrors inflicted that day.⁴ A great actor—James Woods—portrayed me in a movie called Rudy: The Rudy Giuliani Story. And today, I am closest to people who love me unconditionally.

So why have I not retired to Florida, stayed out of this messy political fray, avoided the lawfare that threatens to bankrupt me and take my homes, and just enjoyed life on the golf course?

Listen, these are good questions—and ones I sometimes ask myself!

But I have a simple and truthful answer: I love this country. And I hate corruption.

My paternal grandfather, Rodolfo Giuliani, for whom I am named, left the small town of Montecatini Terme in Tuscany, Italy, in the 1880s, arriving in America with just twenty dollars in his pocket. Sadly, he died before I was five years old. My maternal grandmother, Adelina Stanchi at the time—my Nana—I knew very well. She, too, left a culturally divided country in the 1880s, only her hometown was Gesualdo in Avellino, near Naples. Life for all four of my Italian (legally) immigrant grandparents was not easy. And I also have some criminal issues in my family background. At least ten years before I was born, my father was convicted of robbery and served a year and four months in Sing Sing State Prison. My uncle was a loan shark. His son, my cousin, turned out to be the head of an auto-theft ring and died in a shootout with the FBI.

The Brooklyn neighborhood of Flatbush was home for my first seven years. First settled as a Dutch village over 350 years ago, by the time I came along it was very much an ethnic mix of Italians, Irish, and Jews. Some of my contemporaries (although I didn’t know them growing up) were Barbra Streisand, Neil Diamond, and Bernie Sanders. Also in the neighborhood, just a mile or so away from our apartment, was Ebbets Field, home to the Brooklyn Dodgers. However, I was a Yankees fan (still am!), so having the Dodgers so close led to some, shall we say, not so pleasant standoffs during my childhood.

The Dodgers left Flatbush in 1958, but six years earlier, my parents had made the decision to move to a house in the Long Island town of Garden City South—in part, I believe, to keep me from hanging out with the wrong kids. I went to Catholic school and even contemplated becoming a priest, but instead decided my calling was law. I studied at New York University School of Law and graduated cum laude in 1968.

My first job in the legal profession was clerking for Lloyd Francis McMahon, eventually the chief judge of the Southern District of New York. He was my mentor, advisor, and second father. From him, I heard stories of how he prosecuted Luciano mob boss Frank Costello for tax evasion and presided over the drug-trafficking trial of Bonanno head Carmine Galante. Early on I learned how to spot a criminal enterprise. I mastered the tells.

So when I read Joseph Bonanno’s 1983 biography, A Man of Honor, I knew I had a blueprint for how to prosecute the Mafia in New York. But let’s backtrack just a little to fully set the scene. That was the year I became a US Attorney in the Southern District of New York. At the time, the Mob had its tentacles in nearly every aspect of New York City. Author Selwyn Raab perfectly described its influence in his 2005 bestseller, Five Families: The Rise, Decline, and Resurgence of America’s Most Powerful Mafia Families. The Mafia, aka the Cosa Nostra and the Mob, generated a toxic effect on the lives of all New Yorkers and untold millions of Americans from coast to coast.⁵

The self-titled Five Families had set themselves up in businesses both legitimate and illegitimate. For the most part, they weren’t publicly squabbling over who got which proceeds. But their pathological homicidal behavior often became apparent with messy executions that generated gruesome front-page photos and colorful headlines like Mafia Rubout⁶ when Paul Castellano was shot to death in 1985 entering Sparks Steak House in Manhattan, or Crazy Joe Gallo Eats His Last Clam,⁷ when he was killed while trying to run out the front door of Umberto’s Clam House in Little Italy. (Fun side fact: That very famous 1979 death photo of Carmine Galante on the front page of the New York Daily News, with one eye shot out, a lit cigar still clamped in his jaw after being gunned down at Joe and Mary’s Restaurant in Brooklyn? It was partially staged. Galante was nicknamed The Cigar because he was rarely seen without one in his mouth. He didn’t actually die like that though. For his final photo, photographers shoved a stogie in his mouth for greater effect. True story.)

By 1985, I knew my first major prosecutions would be the Mob. There had been many—successful—attempts to curb parts of this organization, including the ones involving my former boss Lloyd McMahon, Robert F. Kennedy, Estes Kefauver, Tom Dewey, and, of course, the legendary Elliot Ness. But nothing truly stopped this criminal enterprise. There was even a disagreement among top law enforcement officials in the United States as to whether or not the Mafia actually existed. J. Edgar Hoover, head of the FBI, for example, denied for many years that there was such a thing as organized crime. But even when lawmakers recognized its existence, the problem was how to dismantle the organization. When you put individual family heads like Lucky Luciano or Frank Costello in jail, they either ran their crew from a comfortable cell or someone else stepped up to take their place.

Book III of Bonanno’s A Man of Honor is titled The Commission. It starts out, In the beginning was the Father. Without him nothing can be done. A Family of friends coalesces around the Father, from whom flows all authority. . . . The Family should be viewed as an organism, a living tissue of binding personal relationships.⁸ The then retired seventy-eight-year-old former Father of the Bonanno family (who was frank about being called a gangster, a racketeer, a mobster . . . [and] the ‘boss of all bosses’ . . . whatever that means⁹), Bonanno then kindly gave a detailed description of the elements and actions of a crime family. He put it in a book and gave it to me personally during the time I visited him in Tucson, Arizona. That was more than enough to prove the longstanding existence of the Commission of the Mafia as a RICO enterprise.

(As an aside, we also have Bonanno to thank for filling us in on origins of the word Mafia. His story takes place in 1282, when Sicily was ruled by the French. Wrote Joe, while the people of Palermo were making their way to evening worship (vespers), agents of the treasury waited outside the churches to apprehend tax debtors . . . As it happened, a young lady of rare beauty, who was soon to be married, was going to church with her mother when a French soldier by the name of Droetto, under the pretext of helping the tax agents, manhandled the young lady. Then he dragged her behind the church and raped her. The terrified mother ran through the streets, crying,—Ma fia, ma fia! This means ‘My daughter, my daughter’ in Sicilian. . . . The mother’s cry, repeated by others, rang out through the streets, throughout Palermo and throughout Sicily. Ma fia soon became the rallying cry of the resistance movement, which adopted the phrase as an acronym for Morte alla Francia, Italia anela—’Death to France, Italy cries out.’ Joe goes on to say that the story may or may not be true, but so what? The important element of the story is not its factual veracity, but the Sicilian spirit which it exemplifies.¹⁰)

Here’s how Wikipedia sums up the Mafia Commission Trial, which lasted from February 25, 1985, until November 19, 1986. Using evidence obtained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, 11 organized crime figures, including the heads of New York City’s ‘Five Families’, were indicted by United States Attorney Rudolph Giuliani under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) on charges including extortion, labor racketeering, and murder. Eight of them were convicted under RICO, and most were sentenced to 100 years in prison on January 13, 1987, the maximum possible sentence under that law.¹¹

Understandably, the Mafia Commission Trial generated a lot of headlines that year. So did another case I prosecuted, that of Stanley M. Friedman. Friedman was the very powerful—and very corrupt—boss of the Democratic party in New York’s Bronx borough. He was a lobbyist who got people hired, then used that influence to get what he wanted. At the time, he wielded a great deal of power within New York Mayor Ed Koch’s city hall government. The New York Times described the case like this: "A complicated, sometimes interlocking set of corruption investigations that began more than a year ago has implicated New York City, state and Federal officials, toppled political leaders and shaken the administration of Mayor Koch. These cases are not all directly related, but together they provide a view of a government where influence was routinely traded, and political allies became involved in secret business deals to reap profits at the taxpayers’ expense.

[Re the] Parking Violations Bureau [charges], The United States Attorney in Manhattan, Rudolph W. Giuliani, said in this case that the New York City Parking Violations Bureau ‘was turned into an enterprise for illegal profit.’ Stanley M. Friedman, Convicted Former Bronx Democratic leader, a major stockholder in Citisource Inc., which won a $22.7 million contract for city traffic agents’ hand-held computers . . . Prosecutors say he helped the company get the contract without disclosing his holdings. . . . Convicted Nov. 25 by a Federal jury in New Haven . . . Sentenced to twelve years in prison . . . Also found guilty of paying $60,000 to two other officials to help obtain a contract for Datacom, a computer-service company.¹²

Friedman, who served four years of his sentence and went on to run a hotel in Staten Island, was convicted under the RICO statute as well. Note my statement to the New York Times, where a corrupt politician used his position to turn a government office into an enterprise for illegal profit. When I started to look into Joe Biden’s activities, the similarities became glaringly clear.

There are few things I abhor more than a corrupt politician. Our democracy, a representative democracy, depends on the intelligence of the electorate and the integrity of public officials. I used to say, when the drug dealers ran neighborhoods in New York, the people there might as well be living in East Germany. They did not have any freedom. And the same thing is true in a corrupt government. A corrupt government is a totalitarian government because they control your behavior and you must submit to bribery to vindicate your God given rights.

Which is why what is happening to America on Joe Biden’s watch is so disturbing. America is not just any other nation. America is an ideal and a beacon of freedom for the world.

But there are ways to stop this now pervasive corruption of our country. It’s the same RICO act I used against the Mafia Commission and Stanley M. Friedman. (I used it to convict Ivan Boesky of racketeering and securities fraud back in 1989 as well, just to keep the record straight.)

The RICO act is very simple. Per the Department of Justice, the RICO statute expressly states that it is unlawful for any person to conspire to violate any of the subsections of 18 U.S.C.A. § 1962.¹³ (That’s the statute on Prohibited Activities.¹⁴) The government need not prove that the defendant agreed with every other conspirator, knew all of the other conspirators, or had full knowledge of all the details of the conspiracy. . . . All that must be shown is: (1) that the defendant agreed to commit the substantive racketeering offense through agreeing to participate in two racketeering acts; (2) that he knew the general status of the conspiracy; and (3) that he knew the conspiracy extended beyond his individual role.¹⁵

As we will report in the coming chapters, there is overwhelming evidence—video, audio, personal records, and even admissions and confessions—to prove that the Biden family’s activities meets the burden of proof on these counts. One important corroborating piece of evidence comes from Hunter Biden himself. On January 3, 2019, Hunter texts his oldest daughter Naomi, I Hope you all can do what I did and pay for everything for this entire family Fro 30 years. It’s really hard. But don’t worry unlike Pop I won’t make you give me half your salary.¹⁶ And even though Hunter may disavow that text, claiming he was drunk, high on crack or didn’t mean it (those were his explanations for other incriminating emails and texts when he testified before the House Oversight Committee on February 8, 2024), the text is still evidence of the commission of a lifetime of crime, that there was a family business that made money and, most important, that Joe Biden knew about it and profited from it.

Now I’ve crossed paths with Joe Biden too many times to count over the fifty some years we’ve both been in public life. Most of those encounters—at least up until about five years ago—have been cordial. His niece, Missy Owens,¹⁷ even worked for me when I was Mayor of New York. I was introduced to Joe in 1981 by his law school classmate, who was my chief of staff when I was an associate attorney general. He said, you guys should develop a good relationship. At the time, my job was to get US attorneys and US marshals confirmed. I had 116 of them that would have to go through the Senate Judiciary Committee, where