Warring Navies - India and Pakistan

In Remembrance

We would like to pay homage to the Shaheeds and Shahudas who gave their all in the wars, and with a fervent hope that we do not have to fight another fruitless war.

CONTENTS

Dedication

To my ever supportive wife, Praveena, my anchor, and the wonderful families of

my two sons, Raul and Ritin.

I am because we are.

And to the fine Indian Navy

I had the privilege to serve.

-  - Ranjit B. Rai

––––––––

To my every smiling wife - Shami. She has been through thick and thin,

as I turned my passions into businesses.

-  - Joseph P. Chacko

Introduction

By

General Ved P. Malik PVSM AVSM, Former Chief of the Army Staff

I have great pleasure in introducing my batch-mate and colleague in arms, Commodore Ranjit Bhawnani Rai, the author of this book.

Ranjit and I joined the prestigious National Defence Academy (NDA) in July 1955. This newly built tri-service institution in Khadakwasla near Pune, with its imposing buildings in an exclusive, spread out estate, was our home for the next three years. Ranjit was a naval cadet; I was to join the army. For two years, we studied, played and trained together. In the third year, the military training part got separated to enable us to pursue our respective service subjects.

Ranjit was good in academics and debates. He passed out as Battalion Cadet Adjutant, a senior appointment usually reserved for those who could bully other cadets. I did not have to suffer, as I was part of another battalion and a Cadet Sergeant Major myself!

Ranjit went on to have an outstanding career in the navy. He won the Best Cadet award on the naval training ship INS Tir, a National Bronze Medal in Yachting in 1974, and became Deputy Director Naval Training (Officers) in 1975.

Except for odd course get-togethers, our paths did not cross till we were posted in New Delhi in 1987; Ranjit as Director of Naval Intelligence and I as Deputy Director General, Military Operations in Army Headquarters. Our offices were in the same corridor. Very often, we had to work together on joint plans for operational contingencies and events within and outside India. His intelligence inputs and assessments were always to the point and very useful. Two major operations in which both of us were deeply involved were Operation Pawan (Sri Lanka) and Operation Cactus (Maldives). I have covered decision making aspects of these joint operations in my book, India’s Military Conflicts and Diplomacy (Harper Collins 2013).

After his New Delhi tenure, Ranjit went away as India’s Defence Adviser in Singapore, with accreditation to Philippines and Thailand. He played an important military diplomacy role for India in organizing  annual joint exercises SIMBEX and military to military cooperation in several other fields.

Ranjit took premature retirement from the Navy in 1993 but has continued to take more than usual interest in India’s strategic and maritime affairs. He has been writing regularly on these and mercantile shipping matters in the print media and attending international conferences and seminars all over the world.

His latest book, WARRING NAVIES - India and Pakistan, is a sequel to ‘A Nation and Its Navy at War’ (Lancers 1988) in which he had covered Indian Navy’s operations in the 1971 war between India and Pakistan. Since then, he has visited Pakistan to be able to carry out a more objective review of the naval operations in the 1965 and 1971 wars.

According to Michel Eyquem Montaigne, The only good histories are those that have been written by the persons themselves who commanded in the affairs whereof they write; rest is hearsay. Ranjit’s book, therefore, will be an authentic and useful addition to the actions of the Indian Navy in war and peace and our maritime history. It would be of great interest to lay persons as well as specialists interested in India’s national security. He tells me that it is also an attempt to get India and Pakistan closer through the seas and the navies. I hope it succeeds in such a mission.

Ranjit has asked me to add a few words in this introduction on how I view India’s geo-strategy, particularly its maritime dimension. A brief attempt, in accordance with his wishes, is given in these succeeding paragraphs:

‘India has a 7683 km long coastline, nearly 600 islands (very few inhabited) and an over 2 million sq km Exclusive Economic Zone. Its location acts as a bridge linking Western, Southern and South East Asian regions along the Indian Ocean. Its size, situation and potential obliges it to function as a stabilizing force in the region.

Till a few decades ago, despite naval actions in 1965 and 1971 wars, our strategic thinking was mostly ground based. In the mid 90s, we realised that due to dominating strategic location overlooking the Indian Ocean, our maritime capabilities were essential and played an important role in our grand and military strategies. Unless perceived in due measure, and made an integral part of our strategic thinking and planning, our national security efforts will remain unsatisfactory. That thinking made us give an important role to the Navy in the 1999 Kargil war, had it escalated.

The 26/11 terrorist strikes in Mumbai imparted a welcome tactical dimension to our coastal security. But there is still inadequate strategic maritime vision.

It is well known that China is emerging as a major economic and military power and gradually extending its influence among the Indian Ocean Rim nations. The current heavy traffic of oil tankers, merchant ships and navies of the Rim nations and major powers passing through the Indian Ocean is expected to increase further, and become competitive. Recently, the United States of America has decided that instead of thinning out its naval presence in the Asia-Pacific region (as earlier decided), it will work for a graduated naval surge and by 2020, 60 per cent of the US naval fleet will be moving around this region.

Our maritime strategy must be dynamic, befitting an aspiring power that faces a multitude of threats ranging from the security of island territories, mainland coastline, the EEZ, to the shipping sea lanes in the region. It should be capable of covering threats and challenges - from pirates to inimical navies - in a major part of the Indian Ocean.

We need to spell this strategy and doctrine unambiguously after identifying all possible contingencies and available options.’

In the end, I wish to extend my best wishes to Ranjit and his latest book.

V P Malik

Preface and Overview of Contents

This book amplifies the author’s previous ‘A Nation And Its Navy At War’ on the 1971 War, and has Joseph P. Chacko’s kind assistance. It takes a fresh look at Indo-Pak wars with emphasis on their Navies. This Preface provides a brief overview of the contents. India is stodgy in declassifying historical documents and encourages a statist historiography. Hence the authors’ findings, research & analysis, rely on interviews, books, articles and reports, with all this evidence juxtaposed to help the reader  get a larger context, while unravelling the sequence of events and examining controversies. There is a focus on the naval operations.

The author has researched the interesting times of the three Gung Ho Chiefs, under a young impetuous Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi as Defence Minister and his bright Rhodes Scholar ex- corporate aide Arun Singh. This gives an inside look at workings in the labyrinths of South and North Blocks that control India. The politicians were wet behind the ears on matters military, and the Chiefs were over ambitious. As Director of Naval Operations and Intelligence (DNI), the author witnessed this in career interactions, especially closely in the Khalistani rising in Punjab, Op Pawan, Op Brasstacks (bringing India close to war with Pakistan), and Op Chequerboard (which rattled the Chinese). Intelligence has been India’s Achilles heel in all wars and operations and it so continues, deserving attention.

This book therefore is more about the originally British trained professional Indian and Pakistan militaries and the ethos that propels them. The Indian Armed Forces have come out with credit for their devotion to the nation. Despite poor politico–military direction, the Armed Forces have kept India as one, as a glue factor  not recognized by many.

An Overview of the Contents

To understand India and Pakistan today, we must recall events leading to their sudden formation in August 1947, amidst bloodbaths and the largest migration known in history. Decades of hostility over Kashmir, instigated by Pakistan, began with the war of 1947-48, mentioned in the book to set the scene. The Navy and the Air Force were kept out, except for the IAF transport of Army troops, led by namesake Lt. Col. Ranjit Rai (MVC posthumous), just in time to save Srinagar. The other wars, including the unsuccessful 1962 war to stop China in the Himalayas, were all tactically fought as reactive responses out of necessity.

Then followed the intermittent wars, including the 17-day bitter war of 1965. The Navy was asked to keep clear (Chapter 3). Vice Admiral S.M. Nanda vowed that if war came again, the Navy would be an avenging participant, and kept his promise in 1971 as its Chief! The 1971 Indo-Pak war saw the Indian Navy rising to support the war of liberation that helped create Bangladesh. The 1971 war is covered in some detail as it was a landmark war that introduced missile warfare from the seas, taking the Pakistan Navy by surprise. Pakistan showed it had a capable submarine-operating Navy with the sinking of the INS Khukri.

The kaleidoscopic actions of both navies,  includes the 4 December 1971 morning attack by the IAF Hunters on Karachi’s Kemari oil tanks by happenstance, uncovered after 35 years by the author. The Indian Navy’s brilliant missile attacks on Karachi, on 4th night (Op Trident) and again on 8 December night (OP Python) when the fires at Kemari had just been doused by the Pakistanis, are described.  The heroic actions of Mukti Bahini are recounted.

The author is convinced all the wars the two nations have fought, except the 1971 war, were stalemated. India won the 1971 war in the East, mainly due to Mukti Bahini’s full support to the Army as navigators, and to the Indian Navy for clandestine operations in East Pakistan. PM Mrs. Indira Gandhi permitted Army Chief Gen. S.H.F.J. Manekshaw MC (later Field Marshal) to act as a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and his leadership proved critical to success.

Other chapters bring alive the Navy’s operations in Op Vijay in Goa, 1983’s Op Lal Dora in Mauritius, 1987’s Op Flowers are Blooming in Seychelles, 1988’s Op Cactus in Maldives, and Op Pawan (1987-91) in Sri Lanka, with mention of Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s Op Buster. Under PM Rajiv Gandhi, India’s only military Peace Keeping operation, from 1987-90, code named Op Pawan, to assist beleaguered Tamils and the government of  Jayawardene in Sri Lanka, turned out to become a war against the LTTE with loss of 1400 Army souls and hundreds of maimed bodies. The fine Indian Army retreated in 1990, leaving Sri Lanka in no better a situation. It caused India’s Foreign Exchange Reserves (FFE) to plummet. In her time Mrs Indira Gandhi had kept Sri Lanka in check using other means. President Rajapaksha later decimated the LTTE.

In May 1998, India and Pakistan went nuclear and many thought peace would descend on the two countries. PM Atal Behari Vajpayee took a bus journey across the Wagah border to Lahore in 1999. His was a magnanimous peace offering, to get Pakistan to resolve all issues including Kashmir. PM Nawaz Sharif received India’s Prime Minister with warmth, Pakistani’s hall mark when they receive guests. India believed that a new Indo-Pak era of peace was dawning.

But in 1999 May, a war in Kargil erupted, pre-planned by Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff (later President) Gen Pervez Musharraf, to cut India’s link between Kashmir and Ladakh. Indian Chief of Army Staff Gen V P Malik in Kargil - Surprise to Victory, ‘to put the record straight’, recounts the valiant fight ‘with what we had’. He brings out the lacunae in Intelligence and higher defence management. The Kargil war was doused when the Indian Navy assembled both Eastern and Western Naval Fleets under Rear Admiral Suresh Mehta, poised to blockade Pakistan (Op Talwar). While war raged on the inhospitable heights of Kargil, Pakistan’s PM Nawaz Sharif rushed to Washington. President Clinton received Sharif on 4 July, USA’s Independence Day, and warned him to back off or face a blockade by India, which could have brought Pakistan to penury.

Despite terrorism, two years of peace followed, and India’s economy strengthened. But the high-profile attack by Lashkar-e- Taiba’s five terrorists and Jaish-e-Mohammed on the Indian Parliament on 13 December, 2001 led to the death of a dozen people. The gunmen drove into the parked car of the Indian Vice President Krishan Kant and began firing. Luckily all ministers and MPs escaped unhurt. The Indian Armed Forces were mobilized to teach Pakistan a lesson in Op Parakaram, which lasted a year. The Government of India, lacking a mechanism for swift security decision making, got cold feet. Both nations being accepted nuclear nations, the USA cautioned India. The Armed Forces remained mobilized for almost 11 months, and the Navy, ready for war, operated with weapons and missiles loaded.

On 26 November 2008, ten trained suicide-ready LET terrorists from Pakistan landed on Mumbai’s Colaba beach and caused havoc for 3 days. The aftermath of the ’26/11 Mumbai attack’ saw a beefing up of India’s coastal security and adding of assets to the Indian Navy and Coast Guard. But infrastructure lags. The Indian Navy’s ambitious acquisition programme is discussed in an Appendix.

Wounds still fester amongst Pakistan’s military, ever since the creation of Bangladesh, with single-minded fervor to avenge the 1971 defeat.  The perpetual dispute over Kashmir has contributed to destabilizing the security environment of South Asia. Pakistan, to shield itself against India, and aided by China, is aggressively pursuing nuclear devices, even at sea. It has attracted international attention and sympathy in the dispute over Kashmir. Nehru in his time rejected a ‘No War’ pact by Pakistan, asking, No war against whom?

A No War pact deserves revival. It was entered as a clause into the Simla Agreement (1972), when 93,000 Pakistani prisoners of war (POWs) were returned after months in Indian camps without consulting the Armed Forces Chiefs. But no final commitment to convert that clause into a treaty took place. It was Bhutto’s stab in India’s back. Mrs. Gandhi and her advisers could not have been so naïve as not to follow up. Research into official papers if they exist, may uncover more to it.

Lastly, we explore the maritime future in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The sub-continent is referred to as the most explosive region in the world. Another war between India and Pakistan cannot be ruled out. If that happens, it may lead to the splintering of Pakistan along the Pashtun, Sindh and Baluchistan lines. The future is most uncertain, as the USA and ISAF are set to withdraw from Afghanistan in 2014, leaving a vacuum in the region. Regional nations are watchful, and the Taliban looks to retake the political control it tasted earlier.

It is obvious that the Indian Ocean will be one of the major challenges of the future. The security it has enjoyed for over 150 years (since 1864) has been completely shattered by events of the last few years. With major powers  developing in the area, ...America, China, and perhaps Russia, will have access to the seas in a manner totally different from what the Europeans had in the centuries that followed Vasco da Gama’s arrival. This extract is from ‘India and the Indian Ocean’by historian Dr K.M. Panikkar in the mid-20th Century, and is being played out now.

In this scenario, a rising China plays its game by calling Pakistan it’s all weather friend, higher than the mountains and deeper than the seas. The Indian Ocean Region has become the world’s strategic playground with vested interests, as Mahan and KM Panikkar had predicted for the 21st century. The sea routes in the IOR and the energy outflow from the Persian Gulf sustains the economy and energy needs of the world, and Pakistan knows that it controls the exit of the gulf and has access to the Central Asian Republics (CAR), coveted by India. Iran has nuclear ambitions, presently controlled.

Geography is the handmaiden of strategy. India’s maritime position is prime. Mrs. Indira Gandhi as PM was on the cusp of getting an Indian Ocean strategy into play with grips on the Indian Ocean island nations and friendship with all countries along the India’s Oceanic rim. But years of UPA’s foreign policy (2004-2014) dictated by local coalition politics, has wasted many efforts in the IOR states to which the Indian Navy had contributed much. The same can be said of India’s economy, with the UPA coalition compulsions abetting corruption during the same period, to the neglect of the Armed Forces’ needs.

India-US relations improved in 2006 when India signed a one- page defence framework as a prelude to the historic nuclear deal (sans a damage liability clause). Indian Navy’s Maritime Military Strategy aims to be the policeman of the Indian Ocean with nuclear deterrence, and ability to guard the critical choke points on Mahanian strategic lines of power play. China, with serious unresolved border issues with India, is irked by this, and has set in motion its cheque- book diplomacy to build a garland of vassal ports to surround India, referred to as ‘China’s String of Pearls,’ since pearls in a garland can be added or removed, as in the Chinese board game of surround called Weiqi (GO). China seeks a security architecture in which it is a component in the IOR. India would like to checkmate this. The USA, Japan and Australia would like to strategically partner with a reluctant India, still steeped in Non-Alignment and now an undefined policy of Strategic Autonomy (from its Hindu DNA), to be the bridging power between rising China and the rest of the world. (See last chapters).

This book is primarily the story of the Indian and Pakistan Navies, daughter navies of the Royal Navy after 1947, and their strategies and violent actions, and gains and losses at war (1965 and 1971, with the activities of Mukti Bahini). The ‘naval tars’ on both sides came off well with flying, or shall we say, sailing colours, with decorations of Vir Chakras and Maha Vir Chakras and Nishan- e-Haiders ... but also with widows and fatherless children, who are now forgotten. Aptly is it written:

"God and a Soldier people adore

In time of War, not before;

And when war is over and all things are righted

God is neglected and an old Soldier slighted."

We are grateful to those many who took the trouble to speak about their experiences and the courage of the officers and sailors of the naval services, who inspired us to complete this book. It is a starting point for military researchers to delve further.  The author has stuck to facts, yet omissions are unavoidable. As a seasoned naval officer, and a researcher assisting in authorship, we have tried to convey the spirit of both the Navies in the 1971 and other wars. It has been our objective to portray the futility of wars between two peoples which once were one in Hindustan.

Rightly, Navy Day in India is now celebrated nationally on 4 December, commemorating the Indian Navy’s first daring attack on Karachi in 1971. It is also for Indians to ponder over its maritime force, and in return, for the Service to reaffirm its loyalty and dedication to the defence of the nation. Pakistan Navy must seek to avoid another confrontation on the seas, and lead the way for an understanding.

With changes in maritime strategy and the scramble for the seas in the Indian Ocean, facing the enemy will not be a new thing for either the Indian or Pakistan Navy, which now claims to have taken an area nuclear missile to sea. A tradition of competence has been established. We hope younger generations of both Navies will look back upon 1971 and other wars with a sense of pride, inspiration but also regret to see where our shared destinies can lead us. This book is so dedicated to many a memory.

Acknowledgements and Thanks

The author is grateful to term-mate and friend Gen. Ved P Malik, PVSM AVSM, former Army Chief in the Kargil war, for readily providing an introduction. He has written widely on the Kargil war and higher defence management in his book, India’s Military Conflicts And Diplomacy (Harper Collins 2013). He has added a brief prognosis for the future. Many thanks, to Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat, PVSM AVSM, our term mate and former Chief of Naval Staff, for giving his insightful views on India’s Maritime Perspective.

Padma Bhushan Lt. Gen. Satish Nambiar, PVSM AVSM VrC, former Commander of the UN Forces in Yugoslavia and former Deputy Chief and Director of the USI, having been on the committee to re-organise the UN, has kindly provided his view from the top on the regional scenario.

The late Admiral S.M.Nanda, PVSM AVSM, provided much encouragement through his appreciative note.

David Brewster from the ANU, who has been a co-author in articles, and the author of India - A Pacific Power, has assisted the author in the Epilogue.

Thanks also to Praveena Rai, Meena and Teddy Noronha, and Alok Chandola, for reading through and providing valuable inputs.

We acknowledge the kind permission accorded by Captain Bharat Verma of Lancers to the use of extracts from the book ‘A Nation and Its Navy At War’ (Lancers 1988); excerpts from the "Sentinels of the Sea’ and ‘Bubbles Of Water’ compiled by Rear Admiral Mian Zahir Shah for the Pakistan Navy Book Club, references to the Indian Navy’s publications, and ‘From Transition to Triumph’ and ‘The Story of the Pakistan Navy’ compiled by the history section of the Pakistan Navy; and Cmde Vijay Jerath’s 25th Missile Boat Squadron (Prakash Books). Our gratitude goes to them all, and to the many others who recalled events, including contributors and friends.

The views expressed in the chapters of this book are the author’s, arising from a sincere wish to appreciate and improve. This is an effort to bring understanding between India and Pakistan; so that they strive mightily to put peace first.

Shan No Varunah.

May the Lord of the Seas bless the Indian Navy.

Commodore (Retd.) Ranjit Bhawnani Rai with Joseph P. Chacko.

April 2014, New Delhi [email protected] www.indiadefenceforum.com

Chapter 1

All the Wars - Military Leadership

The purpose of war is peace. Sun Tzu in Art Of War (760 AD) Military Leadership needs to be guided by ‘Enlightened Direction’. Defence is a bucking horse. It needs corralling and good riding to deliver. - Author.

Military leadership reflects a nation’s psychological ethos. The ancients of India gave warriors pride of place. Epics like the Ramayana and Mahabharata glorify a righteous war.

The 15th century strategist Chanakya (also called Kautilya) wrote a treatise on statecraft, economic policy and military strategy called Arthashastra in which military strategy was intrinsic to polity and statecraft. Modern Indian leaders, with few exceptions, appear unappreciative of how national strategy is conducted. India’s first National Security Council was established in 1998, 51 years after independence and after major wars. This lack of a cohesive national strategic guiding body was a serious debility. The government is undecided over many critical issues like the role of its armed forces in policy formation, the bureaucracy - military divide, and a Chief of Defence Staff.

This goes back to India’s historical legacy. Former NSA J.N. Dixit, in his book Makers of India‘s Foreign Policy, describes India’s political tradition as a conflict between (King) Ashoka, who stood for uncompromising morality, and Chanakya, who accepted the demands of realpolitik. Ashoka the Great, after successfully conquering and consolidating all of India around the first century, renounced war. In recent times, Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru both advocated Ahimsa or non-violence. India has high achievements in the fields of religion, philosophy, wisdom and spirituality. The dilemma is whether we should give credence to military history and leadership with little to glorify, or relegate them to the sidelines and preach our spirituality. Only Subhash Chandra Bose, Sardar Patel, Lal Bahadur Shastri, P. V. Narasimha Rao and Mrs. Indira Gandhi are counted in Chanakya’s camp. India has no record, but for a brief period of the Chola rule, of any conquest outside of its shores. It has lacked prowess in warding off conquerors - Portuguese, French and British and Muslims - and was colonised by foreigners.

India has fought four major wars. A brief recounting of these could enlighten the reader on India’s military leadership of the day.

Indo-Pak War 1947- 1948: The first war over Kashmir

After Partition in 1947,