The Devil's Triangle: Mark Judge vs the New American Stasi

To Mike and Brooke

CONTENTS

PREFACE

Meet the American Stasi

PART ONE

Live from New York

PART TWO

Fast Times at Georgetown Prep

PART THREE

The Devil’s Triangle

PART FOUR

The ’80s on Trial: Apologia for a Decade

PART FIVE

This Can’t Happen in America

Endnotes

Acknowledgments

About the Author

PREFACE

MEET THE AMERICAN STASI

In August 2021, National Geographic published an article on the release of East Germany’s secret police files. Known as the Stasi, this all-powerful police force controlled, terrorized, spied on, and harassed the citizens of Communist East Germany from the end of World War II to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.

The piece, by Emily Schultheis, described how the Stasi Records Archive was being absorbed into the German national archives in Berlin, which would then transfer the files to new locations in Germany’s five eastern states. According to National Geographic, The archive’s importance in helping people understand their lives is hard to overstate, says Stefan Trobisch-Lütge, a Berlin-based psychologist who founded a practice to help those suffering from the psychological effects of Stasi surveillance. Post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, depression, and an inability to trust are common among those he works with, he says.¹

It turns out that in America today, we have an organization that is analogous to the Stasi. Or rather, we have three informal groups that often work together—the media, opposition (oppo) researchers, and leftist politicians. Like their East German counterparts, these groups seek to effect political change and exert cultural control by trying to blackmail, terrify, and embarrass their victims. They have often been compared to the Gestapo. But unlike the Nazis, the Stasi worked hand in glove with artists and writers to help spread propaganda and protect the New Communist Man from dangerous foreign ideas about freedom and democracy. Similarly, our American Stasi is close to the propagandists in Hollywood and in music, TV, and publishing.

The new American Stasi had been rising since at least the days of the Clinton administration, when the liberal press closed ranks to protect Bill Clinton from a sexual harassment scandal and colluded in attacking his accusers, who turned out to be telling the truth. During the Trump administration, this informal alliance, which included elements of the national security state, went into high gear in an attempt to obstruct and delegitimize President Donald Trump and his policies.

I myself ran afoul of these shadowy forces in the fall of 2018, when Brett Kavanaugh, a high school friend of mine, became a nominee for the Supreme Court of the United States. They used false stories, rumors, sexual honey traps, and extortion to try to get me to lie about my friend. In order to make me do this, the media, politicians, and oppo-research operatives put an entire decade on trial—the 1980s, when Brett and I were in high school. The yearbook we designed, the movies we watched, an underground newspaper I coedited, the parties we had, the sports we played, and our very identities as white Catholic males were weaponized against us, much the way the German Stasi would consider jokes subversive and art dangerous.

At the tip of the spear was an accusation that Brett had sexually assaulted a woman named Christine Blasey Ford in 1982, when he and I were seventeen and she was fifteen, and that I had been in the room when it happened.

As this book reveals, I was first approached with this news by a reporter, who made the accusation without telling me who was making it or where and when it allegedly occurred.

In the madness that followed, I was living in an America I did not recognize. Georgetown Prep, the Maryland school where Brett and I met and became friends, was vilified by journalists who never bothered to call the school for comment or check the accuracy of their sources. Elderly people I was helping to take care of found reporters at their front doors at all hours. CNN set up a truck at a house their reporters thought was my childhood home, only to discover that they had the wrong address. The Washington Post published a profile of a man who talked about what Brett and I were like in high school, despite the fact that he had never laid eyes on either one of us. The New York Times made mistakes that would have gotten anyone else fired from a high school newspaper. I got threatening phone calls and emails. Photographs and short videos I had made, some featuring beautiful women and models, were held up as proof that I was a dangerous thought criminal.

During the Cold War, a photographer and former East German citizen named Siegfried Wittenburg captured…scenes of poverty, scarcity, and protest, leading the government to censor some of his photos. In 1999 Wittenburg had an opportunity to read his Stasi file. He had been extensively spied on, with his every move and the subversive nature of his work carefully noted.

I read it like a crime novel, he told National Geographic.

According to Schultheis, The six hours he spent with his file that day were filled with mixed emotions. At times, he couldn’t help laughing at the innocuous details in the file, such as the comments of his that were recorded completely out of context, or the time they reported on his English-language correspondence but wrote they were unable to evaluate it due to the language. However, not all of it was so innocuous.

Reading other entries, my hair stood on end, he says. Understanding the sheer scope of the surveillance Wittenburg faced was hard to process: Those reporting on him included a union colleague, his boss, acquaintances at cultural organizations, and, most surprisingly, the partner of his wife’s best friend. Seeing the amount of information collected and the way it was gathered—he found proof the Stasi had searched his apartment—he began to understand how tenuous his situation had been and consider the impact on his family: Just one more false move, and I would have been in prison.²

At certain times in the fall of 2018, I was sure the American Stasi would throw me in prison without cause—or worse, that I would wind up dead, probably a suicide from the stress of finding myself unwillingly thrust into a harsh and hostile national media spotlight for weeks on end. Despite the idea, perpetuated by liberal talking heads, that Brett was having a job interview and not a criminal trial, he and I had in fact been accused of multiple felonies—including drugging girls and gang rape.

As I recount in the pages that follow, after the ordeal was over and Brett’s background check—his seventh—came back clean, I happened to find myself at a diner sitting next to Paul Ryan, the former Republican Speaker of the House. Ryan recognized me from news photos, and after our bacon and eggs I asked to speak to him outside.

Like someone who had just emerged on the western side of the Berlin Wall in the 1960s, I could not contain my emotions. Standing in the parking lot, knowing I was probably sounding mad, I told him about the setups, the weird occurrences, the shameful politicians, the violation of my rights, the journalistic disregard for the truth, the pure demonic evil that drove people to attempt a spiritual assassination of me and my friends.

This can’t happen in America, I all but pleaded with the Speaker, who nodded sympathetically. It just can’t.

Right?

PART ONE

LIVE FROM NEW YORK

On September 29, 2018, I was hiding in a dank motel room in Maryland watching Matt Damon yell out my name on Saturday Night Live. It was less than two weeks since my life had blown up.

In the show’s cold open, Damon was playing Brett Kavanaugh, a friend of mine from Georgetown Prep, which we had both attended from 1979–1983. Brett had just been nominated by Donald Trump to the Supreme Court. A brilliant student, teacher, and judge, Brett had spent hundreds of hours answering senators’ questions, showcasing his life as a happily married father of two, a basketball coach, and an affable neighbor.

Just before the final vote by the Judiciary Committee in the middle of September, a letter was leaked to the media alleging that Brett had been guilty of sexual assault against Christine Blasey Ford. The incident allegedly occurred at a party in 1982 when he was a junior at Georgetown Prep and Ford—then fifteen—was a freshman at nearby Holton-Arms.

The letter also named a second person as being in the room when the assault took place. That person, Ford said, was me.

Ford—who was widely characterized as a reluctant witness—had written the letter herself in early July of 2018 and sent it to Anna Eshoo, the congresswoman who represented her California district, who in turn sent it on to Senator Dianne Feinstein in Washington.

There it apparently remained until September. Perhaps the Democrats thought they wouldn’t need to use it. But as the hearings progressed over the summer and Brett appeared on track to be confirmed, the Left’s activist base grew increasingly desperate.

Then, just as he was on the brink of being named to the Supreme Court, someone—we still don’t know who—leaked the letter to the press. The story was first broken by Ryan Grim on September 12 in the Intercept, a left-wing website in Washington, DC.³ A story about the letter was then published on September 14 in the New York Times by Nicholas Fandos and Michael S. Schmidt—and it became a nuclear bomb that upended the political, social, and cultural life of the country. According to the Times:

The letter says that Mr. Kavanaugh, then a student at Georgetown Preparatory School in suburban Washington and now President Trump’s Supreme Court nominee, had been drinking at a social gathering when he and the male friend took the teenage girl into a bedroom. The door was locked, and she was thrown onto the bed. Mr. Kavanaugh then got on top of the teenager and put a hand over her mouth, as the music was turned up, according to the account.

But the young woman was able to extricate herself and leave the room before anything else occurred, the letter says.⁴

Oddly enough, the first I had heard of the letter was from Ronan Farrow of the New Yorker magazine. Farrow, the son of Woody Allen and Mia Farrow, is the reporter who famously took down Harvey Weinstein, aligning himself closely with the #MeToo phenomenon that had cut a swath through American culture. The movement had already claimed any number of high-profile scalps in politics and media, and it was now looking to add Brett to its list of toxic males brought low by the wrath of their victims.

On Friday night, September 14, I was sitting at home reading The Claw of the Conciliator, a book by science fiction author Gene Wolfe, when my cellphone rang. As soon as I heard Farrow’s voice, I knew what was happening. That is to say, I knew I had been swept up in a political hit, although I didn’t yet know how far the attackers were willing to go.

Farrow sounded excited. Still, he was cagey and revealed very little. He told me that I was named in a letter accusing me and Brett of sexual misconduct. Horrified, I asked him for details. He said he could not tell me where the alleged incident had taken place or who was making the charge. When I asked him when the supposed incident occurred, he told me vaguely, the 1980s. I told him, truthfully enough, that I had no idea what he was talking about and asked if he could be more specific. He couldn’t.

Right after I hung up with Farrow the phone rang again. It was John McCormack, a reporter for the Weekly Standard. I knew McCormack because I had written for the Standard. Soon after our conversation a story went up on the Standard’s website. The Washington Examiner reports:

Judge spoke to the Weekly Standard Friday afternoon, strongly denying that any such incident ever occurred. It’s just absolutely nuts. I never saw Brett act that way, Judge told TWS.

Judge says he first learned he was named in the letter during an interview with the New Yorker. [Ronan Farrow] said: As you know, you’re named in the letter. And I did not know, he said.

The Kavanaugh classmate told TWS that the New Yorker did not provide him the name of the woman alleging wrongdoing, a specific date of the alleged incident, or the location where the incident is alleged to have occurred. The woman alleging misconduct has requested that her identity be protected, according to media reports.

After Judge categorically denied ever witnessing an attempted assault by Kavanaugh, I asked him if he could recall any sort of rough-housing with a female student back in high school (an incident that might have been interpreted differently by parties involved). I can’t. I can recall a lot of rough-housing with guys. It was an all-boys school, we would rough-house with each other, he said. I don’t remember any of that stuff going on with girls.⁵

The Times quoted these comments:

I never saw anything like what was described, [Judge] said in an interview after being informed that he was named in the letter.

Further, he said, it did not match Mr. Kavanaugh’s character: It is not who he is. He said that the two were around each other constantly in high school, and recalled him as a brilliant student, who was very into sports, and was not into anything crazy or illegal.

Mr. Judge, an author, filmmaker and journalist who has written for the conservative Daily Caller and the Weekly Standard, said that the students were raised in Catholic homes and taught that the kind of behavior as described in the letter would not be tolerated. Something like that would stick out, he said, which is why I don’t think it would happen.⁶

The Times piece also referenced a public letter signed by sixty-five female acquaintances of Brett’s stating their unequivocal support and endorsing his character.

Through the more than 35 years we have known him, Brett has stood out for his friendship, character and integrity, the women wrote. In particular, he has always treated women with decency and respect. That was true when he was in high school, and it has remained true to this day.⁷

Two days later, on September 16, reporter Emma Brown of the Washington Post published a story about Ford and her reluctance to testify since sending the letter to Rep. Eshoo. The piece was mainly focused on the letter Ford had written and why it was not divulged to the public for two months.⁸ Brown’s reporting would later come under scrutiny by the Wall Street Journal and others when her emails to me were leaked to the media (I wasn’t the leaker, and to this day I do not know who it was).

Early that morning, Brown had emailed me to ask about the allegation.

Dear Mark,

I have interviewed the woman who has accused Brett Kavanaugh of sexually assaulting her while you were in the room during high school, and we intend to publish a story today about her allegations, including her name. I would like to tell you who she is and what she told me so you have a full and fair chance to respond. Please call me as soon as you can.

I did not respond.

This was not the first time I had heard from Emma Brown. She had previously emailed me in July, right after Brett had been nominated. At the time, Brown had already been in contact with Ford and knew that she was making accusations about me and Brett—something she initially withheld from me.

A few hours later, on September 16, she wrote again with more details.

Mark,

The woman who has accused Judge Kavanaugh of sexual assault in high school while you were in the room went by Christine (Chrissy) Blasey as a high school student at Holton-Arms. Her married name is Christine Ford. We intend to publish a story with her name and her allegation and very much want to speak with you this morning. We intend to publish early this afternoon.

The allegations she described to me mirror those that have been reported already: on her way to the bathroom, she was pushed into a bedroom by Brett Kavanaugh and Mark Judge, both of whom were very drunk. The two boys laughed as Brett Kavanaugh pinned her down on the bed, groped her and tried to take her clothes off. When she yelled out, he clapped his hand over her mouth and she was terrified. She got away when Mark Judge jumped on them, sending them toppling.

She believes this took place in early summer 1982, at a house party in Montgomery County. In addition to Brett Kavanaugh and Mark Judge, whom she called acquaintances she knew from past socializing, she recalls that her friend Leland (last name then was Ingham, now Keyser) was at the house and a friend of the boys named PJ.

Here are specific questions for you:

Did you know Christine Blasey in high school?

Did you socialize with her in high school?

Do you remember this incident?

Do you perhaps recall this particular evening but have a different recollection of it?

Did you socialize with PJ?

Did you socialize with Leland?

Did Brett or anyone else ask you to keep Brett’s name out of your book Wasted?

In that book Wasted, is Bart O’Kavanaugh a pseudonym for Brett Kavanaugh? I see no Bart O’Kavanaugh in the Georgetown Prep alumni directory.

Thanks,

Emma

I didn’t respond to this either.

Brown’s article restated Ford’s allegations as reported in the Times. Supposedly Brett and I, both stumbling drunk, had corralled Ford into a room where Brett locked the door, turned up the music, tried to remove her clothes, and covered her mouth with his hand to prevent her from screaming:

While his friend watched, she said, Kavanaugh pinned her to a bed on her back and groped her over her clothes, grinding his body against hers and clumsily attempting to pull off her one-piece bathing suit and the clothing she wore over it. When she tried to scream, she said, he put his hand over her mouth.

I was described as standing in the corner, cheering and laughing ‘maniacally’ before suddenly and for no apparent reason jumping on top of the bed, sending the three of us sprawling and giving Ford the opportunity to escape.

Like Brett himself, I was deeply shocked and upset to be named in such a context. Though she described us as friendly acquaintances from the Catholic prep school scene, neither Brett nor I had any recollection whatsoever of the party—or of Ford.⁹

The two other people she alleged were at the party submitted statements saying they had no recollection of it either. One of them, Leland Keyser, was friends with Ford in high school and said she—Leland—didn’t even know Brett Kavanaugh.

Over the next two weeks the media went berserk. Our high school years at Georgetown Prep, a staid Catholic high school run by Jesuits, became the focus of a massive media inquest. Reporters dropped everything and pored through our high school yearbooks, calling up our former classmates for quotes and writing stories that portrayed us as out-of-control libertines, binge drinking and assaulting underage women at wild parties.

All of this was in stark contrast to the clean and sober image Brett projected on the national stage. In order to derail his nomination, this straitlaced image had to be exposed as an insincere front that concealed the raging appetites of a remorseless sexual predator capable of doing exactly what Ford accused him of.

Why was I dragged into it? It wasn’t just because Ford named me in the letter. All I had to do was tell the truth—I didn’t remember the episode. And since she didn’t accuse me of assaulting her—and further, no one could corroborate her story—there was no pressing need to investigate my background.

The real reason I was subjected to such extensive media scrutiny was because the opposition needed me to build their suppositious case against Brett. I had been one of Brett’s closest friends and went on to become a journalist with a lengthy record of strong, if unorthodox, conservative views and candid confessional writings. I had written a book about my years at Georgetown Prep and another about my problems with alcohol. My writings, videos, and personal history of addiction and illness were a matter of public record—and were therefore extensively mined for incriminating details.

In essence the media tried to make me—a recovering alcoholic and cancer survivor who believes in free speech, loves crime novels and beautiful women, and became a serious Christian after a somewhat wild youth—a stand-in for the nominee himself.

Because I am not a total simpleton, I immediately retained a lawyer. Barbara Van Gelder, known as Biz, was a very smart and empathetic person, a liberal feminist who had represented a lot of people involved in Washington bullshit. From the first time we met shortly after the Post story ran, Biz believed me when I told her, hand to God, that I just did not remember an incident like the one Ford described.

Biz became a de facto therapist and something of a friend, at one point joking, Despite everything that was written about you, I couldn’t help it—I wound up liking you. As hell broke loose in September, Biz advised me to stick to the basics. Call her whenever I needed support. Don’t talk to the media.

This last piece of advice was unnecessary. I had no intention of talking to the media. However, I was more than willing to speak to the Judiciary Committee. I just didn’t want to testify in public. Having seen what was done to other people caught up in such national dramas, I had a horror of being thrust into the media spotlight. And given my history of addiction, illness, and depression, I feared the consequences to my mental and physical health.

What I did want, more than anything, was the opportunity to talk to Ford herself. As I told my attorney, and later the FBI, I was willing and eager to meet her, by myself, face-to-face, anytime, and anywhere. She could bring anyone she wanted—family, friends, attorneys, law enforcement. I had nothing to hide. I simply did not recall what she was alleging.

As my attorney, Biz was in frequent contact with people on Capitol Hill. And after I told her in one of our first meetings that I had nothing to hide and would talk to senators and staff over the phone or in private, just not in public, she picked up the phone and made a call. I don’t know who the call was made to, but I heard her tell the person that I was ready and willing to come to the Hill that very second and talk to them. Then she hung up. They aren’t ready to talk to you, she told me. I could only guess that the Democrats had more oppo to unleash and didn’t want me short-circuiting the process by meeting with them too early.

When I needed to write a formal response to the Judiciary Committee, Biz let me dictate it. It’s your statement, she said. I can’t make it for you. I liked this. I’m not perfect but I am an honest person, and I just wanted to be simple and direct. She wrote down what I said: Brett and I had been close friends in high school, but I did not recall this incident or anything remotely like it. Specifically, I never saw Brett act in the manner Dr. Ford describes.¹⁰

Meanwhile people I cared about were having their lives invaded. Family, friends, old girlfriends, former teachers, even models who had appeared in my amateur videos got calls from the press demanding answers to the question, Who is Mark Judge? One afternoon my friend Chris