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Silver Screen to Digital: A Brief History of Film Technology
Silver Screen to Digital: A Brief History of Film Technology
Silver Screen to Digital: A Brief History of Film Technology
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Silver Screen to Digital: A Brief History of Film Technology

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A history of transformations in moviemaking technology, from pigments to pixels, celluloid to CGI.

An era has ended. After one hundred and twenty-five years, a change has taken place in cinemas. The thousands of figures formed by silver and colored pigments can no longer be viewed through transparent film—instead, everything has become digital, compressed, virtual and built into the rapid alternation of millions (hopefully, for quality’s sake) of dots, or pixels within a very neat and minuscule grid.

But projection is just the last link in a chain that is transforming the most direct language invented by humanity over the centuries. The other links—shooting, editing, special effects, re-elaboration and sound reproduction—have by now undergone radical transformations that have often signified progress. Perhaps it is worth the trouble, then, having accepted this transformation-revolution once and for all, to understand where we started out from, how cinematographic language was born, and how its grammar first and later its syntax evolved thanks to technological development.

Without lightweight equipment for sound recording, sensitive emulsions, and portable and compact lighting, it would not have been possible, at the end of the fifties, for example, to create identifiable “currents” of experimentation and concept under such titles as free cinema or nouvelle vague, which were largely based on footage from life and no longer reconstructed in the studio. That which filmmakers today can achieve even more effectively thanks to a range of digital technologies, paradoxically, involves working with even more-minimal equipment such as a smartphone in front of green or blue screens, against absolutely virtual backgrounds. In short: no more silver and more and more pixels. This volume journeys through the history of cinema, focusing on the machines and mechanisms that contributed to the magic.
LanguageEnglish
Release dateDec 3, 2019
ISBN9780861969661
Silver Screen to Digital: A Brief History of Film Technology

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    Book preview

    Silver Screen to Digital - Carlo Montanaro

    Chapter One

    In the beginning, there was a man turning a crank

    In cinema today it can happen that the credits last as long as a short film. Think of the paradox reached in James Cameron’s Titanic (1998): a song that was fundamental in promoting the film (it even had its own visionary video-clip) was employed only during the credits, and yet, that song was not long enough for the long list of the people involved in the creation of the film. Moreover, these reviews of cast and technicians mark a break-off point: though the screen is still illuminated the audience prepares to leave. On TV it is viewed as superfluous, something extra to be faded out as soon as possible for a few precious minutes of lucrative advertising. Nevertheless, those names and jobs mark the sum total of the technical and creative minds who, thanks to the producers’ financial input, breathe life into the ideas, dreams and vision of a director: the person ultimately responsible for the creation of each and every cinematographic work. The ever-growing importance of special effects (though they may not actually be readily visible) has led to a huge increase in the personnel involved and consequently the legal obligation to cite them in the credits. There were no titles or names in the early days of cinema, no need to cite anything, the phenomenon itself merely needed to exist to charm, intrigue and win over ever-increasing audiences. It was a special effect in its own right, expanding known concepts of reproduction that had developed over the centuries, each one a genial step forward in technology in its own age, each progressively more refined and more persuasive. For the most part, the first steps were based on drawing, painting and engraving. Then came photography which became popular even among the lower classes. But the moment photography came to life, literally (consider the the title La Photographie Animée chosen in 1899¹ by Eugène Trutat for one of the first books to document cinematography), it changed the way we saw the world for ever.

    The first cine-cameras did not stand out particularly. In one extraordinary short Lumière film² shot at a pond in a park (Bassin des Tuileries, 1896) where some children are playing with toy boats, we see a boy who does not notice the anonymous technician’s tripod. He is seen from behind as he enters³ and stops, his attention focused on the pond, he is first asked verbally to get out of the way, not understanding, he turns around and an umbrella comes from the right side of the screen to push him out towards the left. Today, a child would immediately recognize the camera and would be much more likely to be drawn to it than to his peers at play.

    Having still to be codified, the act of filming was imbued with an air of mystery: wooden boxes on a tripod and someone either behind or beside it quickly turning the little crank, and the subsequent projections, in the dark with the rhythmic whiz of turning cogs covered by the clang of a piano. At that time no-one could have predicted the joyous and seemingly chaotic confusion, the alternation of shouting and silence, the heaps of weird and wonderful materials, the switching on and off of huge voltages of light that are essential features of any self-respecting film set. Though we have come to know all its tricks, the intimacy of the cinema theatre, the true temple of our collective imagination, has lost nothing of its spell. We are still enchanted by its lifelike portrayals, of any possible place, emotion and situation, an endless replica of life and death, love and hate, picaresque adventures acting as interior analysis. At the very first screenings in the underground rooms of the Grand Café, the Salon Indien hastily and exotically decorated to justify the somewhat expensive 1 franc ticket, each film began with the frozen image of the first frame, leading the spectators to fear they were to be bamboozled by yet another magic lantern show⁴ only to be completely amazed seeing life as it is. But it has been technique that has gradually enabled cinematographers to broaden their horizon, it is the foundation for any other technological system that furthers the capacity to capture shreds of reality and transform them into emotion.

        1  Bibliothèque Photographique – Eug. Trutat La Photographie Animée, Paris, Gauthier-Villars, Imprimeur-Libraire, 1899.

        2  Sous la direction de Michelle Aubert, Jean-Claude Seguin, La Production Cinématographique des Frères Lumières, Bibliothèque du Film (BIFI) Editions Mémoires de Cinéma, 1996, p. 234.

        3  When filming to enter or exit have acquired the meaning of appearing or leaving the scene from the perspective of the camera: thus enter means coming in towards the centre or the screen and exit is going in the opposite direction, towards the borders of the shot.

        4  Georges Méliès was present at the screening: "I and the other invitees found ourselves before a small screen like those used for Molteni projections, and after a few moments a motionless photograph appeared showing Place Bellcour in Lion [sic]. Somewhat surprised, I had just enough time to remark to the person next to me: They have brought us here for some projections, I’ve being doing that for over ten years. I had not even finished when a horse drawing a carriage began to march towards us, followed by other vehicles, passers-by, and in short, all the activity of the street. We were speechless, absolutely amazed, overcome by indescribable surprise." Cited in Bernard Chardère, Guy et Marjorie Borgé, Les Lumières, Payot, Lausanne-Bibliothèque des Arts, Paris 1985, p. 96.

    Chapter Two

    The invention of celluloid and the first hunters of moving images

    It had all begun just a few years earlier and in a much more perfunctory manner. Many in Europe endeavoured to make moving photography a reality, yet, though they came close, for one reason or another, they were unable. Meanwhile, in America, attempting to match what he had already achieved in sound (the phonograph), Thomas Alva Edison deposited a caveat (a provisional patent application) on October 8, 1888 hypothesising a series of continuous photographic images taken at intervals, analogous to his machine that reproduced sound. He then entrusted the research to the Englishman William Kennedy-Laurie Dickson. Dickson worked at the West Orange laboratories, refining and adapting scientific and technological discoveries that were widely known, if not already commercialised (optical instruments, toys and photography). However he also researched new ways forward linked to other equipment, for example, the phonograph. Research into movement analysis was already in progress on both continents. Eadweard Muybridge and Étienne-Jules Marey had demonstrated how it was possible not only to capture and reproduce the intermediate phases of human and animal movements, and then print them in multiple copies, but also how to create spectacular, composite syntheses. It is symptomatic, however, that for Muybridge’s Zoopraxiscope each photograph needed to be drawn with proportional adjustments to ensure a correct reproduction during projection, compensating for the slight anamorphosis that would otherwise be perceived because of its rotating shutter. But Muybridge and Marey could only adapt to the limits of photography at that time. To highlight the bodies of their models they used shots where backgrounds were necessarily dark, a compromise between photographic studio and theatre. Indeed, the photographic emulsion hardly reacted with the red end of the spectrum⁵ and there was very little sensitivity all round. The Lumières’ highly successful industrial blue label⁶ plates dated 1890, would be calculated today at 4 ASA.⁷ Consequently, as a lot of light was needed it was only possible to photograph in full sunlight, lens luminosity was still low, but first and foremost artificial lighting was based on a glow, on that reddish light that created little exposure. However, the trigger that provided the impetus to Dickson’s research at that moment in history was the invention of celluloid. Celluloid, an antecedent of the infinite varieties of contemporary plastic, is organic; it is made of a mixture of nitrocellulose⁸ and camphor. Since 1869, it has been used for the most diverse purposes, substituting glass and paper. Thanks to the intuition of George Eastman⁹ in 1889, it became the support par excellence for photography for all: You press the button, We do the rest. The fact that celluloid was also highly inflammable, in critical conditions even self-deflagrating, was one of the many prices to be paid for scientific, technological and industrial progress.

    However, another transparent and flexible material was already found in a patent (applied for on December 1, 1888 and granted on January 14, 1889) by Emile Reynaud for his Théâtre Optique:

    His apparatus aimed at creating the illusion of movement, but no longer limited to rotating repetition […] obtaining, on the contrary, indefinite variety and duration, thus producing realistic and unlimited scenes […]. The innovative method consisted in a devices creating the illusion of movement through a flexible strip of indefinite length with a series of successive poses rolled from reel to reel across the crown of the instrument which allowed for projection. The poses could be drawn by hand or printed using any reproduction procedure, in black or colour, or obtained from nature through photography.¹⁰

    While Edison’s contemporary application described a moving vision obtained with photography in the same way that sound is recorded on a phonograph, it is very clear that Reynaud’s intuition was far more concrete and prophetic. This is hardly the place to settle the many outstanding disputes on the paternity of various patents and/or technological systems; they will probably remain forever unsolved. Nonetheless, with the invention and of his Théâtre Optique Reynaud crossed what we can call a point of no return. He used a substance known as crystalloid (a somewhat fragile gelatin chemically related to celluloid) cut into squares, assembled in strips and wound onto reels (spools, analogous to those used in spinning). These were wound thanks to central perforations between the images which engaged with metal pins protruding from the crown (the large central rotating drum with mirrors set inside)¹¹ drawing it along while keeping each drawing perfectly in line, a continuous and indefinite flow for as long as was necessary to unroll the complete strip. The story could now last as long as its creator decided: 700 poses, 50 meters long, for example, in A bon bock (the first comic scene dated 1892, unfortunately destroyed) or 636 images, 45 meters, for Autour d’une cabine from 1893–94 and lasting about fifteen minutes (the most famous because it is exists complete). The cyclic repetition typical of optical toys had been definitively left behind and likewise the static lantern show and its changing sets of rectangular slides. Analogous to the latest innovations of the Magic Lantern (double and triple lanterns for cross-fading effects) and the Praxinoscope Theatre where a printed background was semi-reflected on a transparent crystal, the Théâtre Optique created its setting by using two overlapping light sources. One lantern provided the background scene painted on glass, while the other projected the vignettes (poses) with a dense black background blocking the passage of light around the brightly coloured characters on the crystalloid. These two sources were integrated in rear-screen projection. This blending of mattes and the dynamic performance of actors against an added backdrop, initially through multiple exposures of the same negative and later through refined overprinting, is a fundamental principle not only of photographic manipulation, but also, and above all, of the special effects in cinema. What matters most however, is that, beyond the virtuality achieved through drawings,¹² Reynaud foreshadowed the possibility of applying the same procedures to photographic images. But it was precisely the adoption of another strip of emulsified and perforated celluloid – almost immediately considered just the right width at 35mm – that was the key to bringing Reynaud’s natural intuition on to the next stage.

        5  Indeed, initially, even green and yellow light had little effect on the emulsion.

        6  Société Antoine Lumière et Fils located in Lyon.

        7  A system to determine the sensitivity of photographic emulsions introduced in America (American Standards Association) in 1943 similar to DIN (Deutsche Industrie Normen) already in use in Europe as of 1931. Since the 70s a new standard is in use (ISO: International Standard Organization) unifying the two earlier standards on a global level.

        8  Used in photography and cinema until the fifties, nitrate is dangerous to handle but possesses a crystalline transparency that has never been equalled by any of its safer replacements (acetate, triacetate, polyester) adopted by manufacturers.

        9  In actual fact, it is known that others, in particular John Carbutt and Hannibal Goodwin, had already considered celluloid as a support for photographic film. However, it was Eastman who understood how to move on to the industrial phase.

      10  Vv. Aa. Les maîtres du cinéma, Emile Reynaud peintre de films 1844–1918, Cinémathèque Française, Paris, 1945 p. 58.

      11  Like the Praxinoscope, the heart of the Théâtre Optique was a prism of mirrors. This alternating vision in the rotation compared to the continuous motion of the reflecting support was later also used for normal projection, but the system (subsequently transformed with reflecting crystal prisms) was abandoned at the turn of the 40s. It is a technology still employed in moviolas and high speed cameras used for slow motion.

      12  Though many consider it the precursor of animation, in actual fact, Reynaud was only making a virtue of necessity…

    Chapter Three

    Thomas A. Edison: from the Kinetograph to the Kinetoscope

    This of course leads us to Edison. On his famous visit to the 1889 World Exhibition in Paris, Edison acquired a wealth of information including a guided tour with Marey whose Chronophotography had already captured a series of successive poses on Eastman’s paper film (which, unfortunately, had not yet been perforated). Moreover, the studies of the German physiologist Hermann von Helmholtz changed the logic of his research,¹³ henceforth he considered it indispensable to base his experiments on 46 frames per second. This, and more besides, was written into a new caveat dated 2 November, 1889 and in a subsequent patent for a filming device – the Kinetograph – filed on 24 August, 1891 but not registered until 31 August, 1897. Not forgetting his initial idea of coupling sound and image (obtained by synchronising two separate devices), the project now envisioned a camera with a 50 foot horizontal scroll of emulsified celluloid with regular perforations only on one side. These holes (4 per frame) would allow the film to run regularly with equally regular periodic interruptions (not considered essential in the patent) thanks to a snap mechanism which presumably, from the outset, consisted of two perpendicular cogs. Presumably, because, though this is the apparatus described in the patent, the definitive mechanical structure was afforded a margin of modification over six whole years of trials (an indication of the persuasive skill of a super entrepreneur such as Edison in influencing the competent authorities). But, again, let us leave aside speculation and controversy. Because this was not actually the winning system in the long run; it only the first one able to function – though in an approximate manner. While filming, which was problematic due to the high speed required and the poor sensitivity of the emulsion, reached plausible though not encouraging results, it was the complementary phase, viewing, though less complex and therefore patented sooner (within a couple of years: March 14, 1893), that turned out to be a complete failure. The viewing device was the Kinetoscope, activated by inserting a coin, it allowed for just one spectator at a time and ran (like the Kinetograph) on electricity. Other assessments

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