July 1944: Deportation of the Jews of Budapest Foiled

July 1944

Deportation of the Jews

of Budapest Foiled

Edited by

Géza Jeszenszky

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Copy Editor: Jill Hannum

Graphic Designer: Sebastian Stachowski

German Translation: Jill Hannum, Joanna Cummings

French Translation: Lovice Ullein-Reviczky

English Translation: Thomas Cooper, Tamás Stark

Table of Contents

FOREWORD THE LONG SILENCE OF A HEROIC HUNGARIAN

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 1 FERENC KOSZORÚS: A HERO OF THE HUNGARIAN HOLOCAUST

CHAPTER 2 UNWILLING SATELLITE OR LAST SATELLITE— SOME PROBLEMS OF HUNGARIAN-GERMAN RELATIONS

CHAPTER 3 HUNGARY IN WORLD WAR II: TRAGIC BLUNDERS OR DESTINY?

CHAPTER 4 THE ROAD TO OCCUPATION

CHAPTER 5 THE HOLOCAUST IN HUNGARY

CHAPTER 6 FACTS ABOUT THE NUMBER OF SHOAH VICTIMS IN HUNGARY

CHAPTER 8 RAOUL WALLENBERG—NOT AN ACCIDENTAL CHOICE FOR HUNGARY IN 1944

CHAPTER 9 COLONEL FERENC KOSZORÚS: WITNESS AND PARAGON

APPENDIX

CONTRIBUTORS

PHOTO GALLERY

Foreword

The Long Silence of a Heroic Hungarian

Charles Fenyvesi

Unlike Ferenc Koszorús, whose heroic action in July 1944 forms the central theme of this volume, few individuals risked their lives in Nazi-occupied Europe by defying Adolf Hitler's maniacal campaign to hunt down every man, woman and child who had even a single close relative of Jewish descent. A far more common phenomenon was that an informer would alert state authorities to Jews hiding out a city block away ... or next door. In Hungary, as elsewhere on the continent, locals knew—or thought they knew – who was of Jewish origin.

That every tenth person in Hungary had some Jewish blood coursing in his veins was a quip long shared at both the highest and the lowest levels of society. But more so than at any other time in history, one's percentage of Jewish blood had become a life-or-death issue because of the racist legal system imported from Nazi Germany, the superpower neighbor more feared than admired, but also endorsed by the Hungarian parliament. These new laws demanding that every citizen search local archives for proof that they had no Jewish ancestors. Tragically, synagogues throughout the country maintained extensive records of births reaching back to the eighteenth century, and those documents fell under state control.

Ferenc Koszorús, who traced his family's origins to Transylvania, is not known to have had Jews among his ancestors. Nor did he grow up in a neighborhood or live in an intellectual environment where he could have encountered many Jews. His father, his role model, was, like Ferenc himself, a career army officer. He had retired with the rank of lieutenant colonel and died in 1938. In the twentieth century, career army officers did not usually seek out Jewish friends—and vice versa.

Debrecen-born Koszorús's fellow Protestants of the Calvinist denomination, most of whom were church-going Hungarian patriots, were responsible for forming his Weltanschauung. Generations earlier, during the 1848 revolution, Koszorús's ancestors had resigned from the ranks of the nobility, and he took pride in that decision, thus earning a reputation as a liberal—at least one in the nineteenth century mode.

Throughout his life Koszorús was an enthusiastic student of Hungary's past. During the post-war decades he spent in the United States, he composed letters and essays almost daily, many of them dealing with the Trianon peace treaty¹ and World War II, which he singled out as the two catastrophes of recent Hungarian history. He also co-authored a book on the Hungarian military in World War II.

A little over six feet in height, slender and ramrod-straight, Colonel Koszorús walked and talked like a stereotypical Hungarian army officer. He offered a firm handshake and looked straight into the eyes of the people he spoke with. Those who knew him well called him earnest and old fashioned. Dignified was another frequent characterization. Undeniably, he was also handsome.

However, he was not in the habit of discussing the one historic and heroic segment of his curriculum vitae: in July 1944 he thwarted a Nazi scheme to liquidate the remnant of Hungarian Jewry, itself the last significant Jewish community still functioning in Hitler's Europe. In a unique action, he ordered the armored division he commanded to take over strategic positions throughout Budapest and threaten to fight the pro-Nazi Hungarian gendarmerie, which was poised to carry out a roundup of all Jews in order to ship them to Auschwitz, despite the fact that Regent Horthy had been warned by the Allies and the King of Sweden to stop the deportation of Jews. Faced with tanks, the gendarmerie, which was cooperating with the pro-Nazi Arrow Cross, gave up without firing a shot and marched back to their local assignments throughout the countryside.²

German Nazi officials and their Hungarian cohorts were furious with Koszorús's maneuver against the gendarmerie. They pursued me and tried to kill me like a rabid dog, he later wrote in a letter addressed to a relative.

Koszorús's old friend General Károly Lázár—the commander of Horthy's personal bodyguard—wanted to send him to the front, where the Germans would not find and kill him. Although Koszorús wanted to stay in Budapest and argued with Lázár, eventually he and his soldiers loyal to the Regent went off to fight the Russians, who were already in Hungary in September 1944.

In April 1945, the Wehrmacht retreated back to the Reich, along with much of the Hungarian officer corps. Koszorús ended his military career by surrendering to the Americans. After half a dozen difficult years in Displaced Persons' camps in the U.S. occupation zone, Koszorús was vetted and allowed to emigrate to the United States in 1951. He first worked as a day laborer on a farm in Watsonville, California. He also accepted part-time jobs, such as lubricating machinery for the Southern Pacific Railroad. He was a hard worker.

Next, Koszorús engaged briefly in émigré affairs in the hope that the United States might be amenable to liberating Hungary from Moscow's control. When he learned that the Hungarian war veterans' group organized in Western Europe included pro-Nazi officers, he quit it. He soon concluded that U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles's call for a rollback of Soviet power in Eastern Europe was more a popular Republican campaign promise than a strategic commitment of the Eisenhower administration. Soon the Pentagon abandoned the idea that a Hungarian veteran's organization could serve as the base of a liberation force.

Koszorús's disappointment in U.S. policies and politicians might have contributed to his reluctance to explain his role in thwarting the July 1944 Nazi coup/deportation attempts.

In 1956 he became a U.S. citizen, and, cleared of any connections with Nazism or Communism, he found employment in classified government jobs that made use of his broad knowledge of mathematics, cartography and geography.

He remained a quiet figure. He was not active in the Washington area Hungarian community of some thousand souls, including leaders who were also Calvinists born in Debrecen. Nor did he seek out individuals in American Jewish institutions or historians of the Holocaust who would have been eager to hear from the army officer who saved—alas, in many cases only temporarily—the Jewish inhabitants of Budapest. His son, Frank Koszorús Junior, recalls that his father, a strong personality, would neither brag about his wartime achievements nor talk about other aspects of his World War II military record. Like others who knew the colonel well, he describes his father as a very modest person though friendly and cordial.

Perhaps his inadequate knowledge of the English language contributed to Koszorús's reluctance to lecture, to take part in scholarly conferences, or to write articles about his own historic role. As very private person, he was uncomfortable in that aspect of the American culture that demands full public disclosure and insists on debating complicated, sensitive issues such as Hungary's alliance with Germany in two world wars and the strength of the far right Arrow Cross. His family traditions and his military upbringing both made it natural for him to avoid and distrust public exposure. It would not have been correct for an army officer—and correct was an important adjective in the Hungarian value system—to raise the painful subject of why his colleagues did not follow his example.

Koszorús died in 1974, at the age of 74, never having returned to Hungary. He did not leave behind a clear, definitive answer to questions now being raised by some historians. His prolonged silence has made it difficult to determine a precise, unambiguous explanation of his reasons for preparing his division to confront an armed gendarmerie allied with the Germans. Strangely enough, Horthy did not once mention Koszorús in his memoirs. Did he not want to divulge that a little known colonel saved his job?

Koszorús's widow, Gabriella Fülöp, and their son, Frank Junior, broke at least part of the silence when in the 1980s they tracked down the private letters the colonel had written and interviewed witnesses to the events of the summer of 1944.

Based upon information from my acquaintances who knew Koszorús, I think his ideology was far from Horthy's lifelong polite anti-Semitism and from the Regent's coldly opportunistic approach to the Judenfrage—the Jewish question, the official Nazi term connoting the extinction of the Jewish race. Though Koszorús did not play cards once a week with Hungary's leading Jewish industrialists, as Horthy did, he was an egalitarian who did not believe in the existence of superior and inferior races and classes. He was able to persuade the soldiers in his division that his order to confront the gendarmerie and the Arrow Cross was correct. He did not hold back the move, despite the likely reprisals by the well-armed and numerous German troops stationed in Hungary. Fortunately, at the time, the Germans were otherwise busy fighting on both the Eastern and the Western Fronts.

We will never know what made the tradition-bound army colonel volunteer his armored division. Was he protecting Horthy, to whom he had taken an oath of allegiance, from a coup? Or was his main intention to shield tens of thousands of Budapest Jews from the Nazi death camps?

The fact is, he was successful in averting both events. No one else would—or perhaps could—have done either.

I am sorry that I did not have an opportunity to interview Colonel Koszorús when we both lived in the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area. I had known several of the people his son lists as having been his close friends in the local Hungarian community. Unfortunately, they had not mentioned his name as a source I should rely on when writing about World War II.

Nevertheless, I think that the time has come to recognize Colonel Koszorús as a rare hero of the anti-Nazi resistance.

Introduction

Géza Jeszenszky

On 19 March 1944, with the German occupation of Hungary, 800,000 Hungarian Jews and a large number of Jewish refugees from Nazidominated neighboring lands, the last physically intact Jewish population in Europe, fell under total Nazi domination. Following that, in less than three months half a million of Hungary's Jews were deported to the German-run concentration camps, primarily to Auschwitz, where most of them were liquidated, murdered. What should make that chapter of the Holocaust especially painful for all Hungarians is the shameful fact that the victims were removed from their homes and taken to makeshift camps, ghettos, and from there were sent to their death under most inhuman conditions by their fellow Hungarians.³ [My italics.] Of course such a crime would have never taken place but for the presence of a quarter million German soldiers, who initiated and backed the deportations.

The Oscar-winning Hungarian film Saul's Son was a very special and dramatic presentation of that very process and the reactions of the inmates at Auschwitz. The deportation and murder of half a million Hungarian citizens in 1944 is often brought up in the world press, usually in connection with contemporary political developments in Hungary. Before the 2014 elections a monument planned in the center of Budapest to commemorate the German occupation of Hungary and its victims led to hot debates inside and outside Hungary. Most recently, Hungary's Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, called Miklós Horthy, Hungary's head of state between 1920 and 1944, an exceptional statesman, raising many voices in criticism. The issue that remains is the question of responsibility for the enormous tragedy that befell the Jews of Hungary. Does it fall exclusively on Germany, which occupied its nominal ally, and under the direction of Adolf Eichmann initiated the final solution of the Jewish problem in Hungary, too, where until then Jews had lived in relative safety? Or is the guilt more than shared by the collaborationist Hungarian government and its civil servants, who ordered and carried out the collection of the Jews and their transportation to Auschwitz in overcrowded cattle-cars? That also brings up the responsibility of head of state Admiral Horthy. He and his governments refused earlier German demands to surrender the Jews, but after the German occupation, he did not resign, and passively watched the deportations, allegedly not knowing what was in store for his fellow-citizens. At the end of June 1944, however, seeing the coming defeat of Germany and having received international protests for the deportations, he managed to halt the process just before the deportations from Budapest were to start. By 6 July, gendarmerie units that were loyal to the pro-Nazi puppet government and ready to carry out the deportation of the close to 300,000 Jewish Hungarians living in Budapest, were brought to Budapest—which by law they were not entitled to enter. (In Budapest the police force was responsible for keeping order; the gendarmerie looked after the countryside.)

There were rumors that the pro-Nazi and rabidly anti-Semitic under-secretary of the interior, László Baky, was in fact planning a coup to remove Horthy and to continue the deportations. Colonel Ferenc Koszorús volunteered to intervene, and having received the command from Horthy, entered Budapest with his Ist Armored Corps, ordered the withdrawal of the gendarmerie, and thus foiled both the planned coup (if that really had been planned) and the continuation of the deportations. The Jews of Budapest were thus temporarily saved and escaped the fate of the Jews in the countryside, who had already been sent off to their destiny. There were still terrible months ahead for them, especially when on 15 October an attempt by the regent to conclude an armistice was thwarted by the Germans and their Hungarian allies, the so-called Arrow Cross Movement. Having taken over the government, this rabble carried out mass murder, shooting thousands on the banks of the Danube, near the Parliament building, where today metal replicas of their shoes serve as a memorial. Nonetheless, Raoul Wallenberg, other diplomats and also brave Hungarians managed to save many Jews in Budapest, helping them to survive the war until, by mid-February 1945, the Soviet army occupied Budapest and expelled the Germans.

Should Horthy be praised for defying the Nazis or condemned for not having prevented the crime earlier? Or there is the larger controversy: as a result of the German occupation, did Hungarian sovereignty come to an end and so the responsibility for the ensuing horrors rests entirely with Nazi Germany? Or perhaps the whole Hungarian nation is guilty because of the active collaboration by many Hungarians? That is not so much a debate among historians as it is part of the political conflict between the government of Viktor Orbán and his opponents. But no political agenda should lead to overlooking the historical facts, either to whitewash or to blacken the record. This is an extremely hot subject, after all, it is about the deliberate murder of more than half a million innocent people. Here the attempt for historical accuracy runs parallel to understanding the sentiments of the survivors, those related to the victims, and indeed all decent people. The present collective volume cannot answer all the historical questions and settle the debates; its purpose is only to show what really happened in those crucial days in early July.

***

Hungarians, like the Americans, are also a nation of immigrants. The seven Hungarian tribes, nomadic warriors who moved into the Carpathian Basin from the eastern steppe region at the end of the ninth century. They absorbed the Slavic and probably the Avar populations. Then the Hungarian settlement was followed by other waves of immigration: the Transylvanian Saxons and the German settlers in the north (in today's Slovakia) in the twelfth, Cumanians in the thirteenth century. The Kingdom was devastated by attacks by the Ottoman Turks in the sixteenth-seventeenth century, then it was repopulated by Germans (Swabians), Serbs and Romanians, especially in the south and east in the eighteenth century.

There were already Jews living on the territory of Hungary during the time of the Roman Empire, and also in the medieval kingdom, but they arrived in larger numbers in the eighteenth and especially in the nineteenth century. They escaped from persecution, pogroms, in the Russian Empire, but also arrived from the west as Hungary, with its rich natural resources, offered great opportunities. Jews settled all over the country. Although most of them spoke Yiddish, practically a dialect of German, they quickly learned the Hungarian language and came to identify themselves fully with the Hungarian people. The legal emancipation of the Jews was enacted as soon as Hungary became self-governing in 1867. There were Jewish members elected to the Hungarian Parliament beginning in 1865, and in the early twentieth century several Jews became government ministers. A minority converted to Christianity, but the vast majority kept Judaism, many in a modernized Neolog form. The integration and assimilation of the Jews in Hungary was more thorough than in any other country, including Germany and Austria, with the exception of the United States—but there only in the last decades. Immigrant Jews played an essential role in the remarkable development Hungary achieved during the fifty years of the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy. They excelled in science and the arts, as attested by great works in literature, music, painting, and, later, in films. By the twentieth century their number had reached one million (5 percent of the population), and they constituted about 25 percent of the inhabitants of the capital, which the Austrian and German anti-Semites called Judapest.

As several essays in the present volume point out, Hungary was most harshly and unfairly treated in the peace treaty following World War I. The generally shared hope and aim to reverse the enormous territorial losses of the historic kingdom compelled Hungary to draw close to whoever was ready and able to facilitate any change in the borders in Central Europe. The League of Nations did allow border changes under certain circumstances. Italy was the first to endorse Hungary's claim for treaty revision, but only Germany had the power to really press for that—for the sake of its own nationalist agenda. In his deservedly popular textbook Joseph Rotschild wrote: Though the Hungarians are probably the most Anglophile nation of East Central Europe, they served in World War II as one of Hitler's calculating satellites. The author's explanation is that Hungary's territorial truncation in 1920 was partly remedied by Hitler between 1938 and 1941.

Supping with the devil proverbially requires a long spoon, and the spoon of the Anglophile, whiggish, old-fashioned, liberal-conservative Hungarian ruling classes was not long enough to avoid paying a price for Hitler's patronage of their territorial expansions, though they maneuvered resourcefully to try to hold that price down. [...] Hungary was virtually a neutral in the war between the Axis and the Western Allies. And in such noncombatant war efforts as industrial production, the export of food and raw materials to Germany, and the facilitation of the Wehrmacht's communication and supply systems, Hungary minimized its contribution to the Axis effort. [...] To the chagrin and rage of the Radical Rightists, domestic social and institutional coordination with the Nazi model was also diluted by the ruling conservatives. Parliamentary debate was vigorous, opposition parties were active, trade unions remained free, the press was lively—though overt criticism of Germany was taboo. Civil liberties endured. Escaping Poles and Allied war prisoners received shelter, and the Jews though economically and socially molested, were shielded from extermination. Finally, the exasperated Hitler occupied Hungary in mid-March 1944 and forced the replacement of the foot-dragging and peace-seeking conservative government with a more pro-German one though, still not within all-out Radical Right one.⁴

Anti-Semitism reared its ugly head in Hungary, too, after World War I, but it is unfair to say that Hungarians were instinctively intolerant towards the Jews. If that had been the case, Jewish assimilation would not have been so wide-spread and deep. The racist ideology of Hitler, however, found an echo in the 1930s, mainly among people who envied the success of the Jews, who saw in them rivals for jobs, and who were looking for scapegoats for the political and economic miseries Hungary sustained after the Great War. Starting in 1938, several laws were passed by the Hungarian Parliament and decrees issued restricting the rights of the Jews. But despite those most deplorable and disgraceful laws, the life and liberty of the close to 800,000 Hungarian citizens of Jewish background were not in danger until the occupation by Germany. Hungary's Jews considered themselves (and indeed were) patriotic Hungarians; most were confident that the Hungarian State would protect them from Hitler.

Starting in 1942 the new prime minister, Miklós Kállay, initiated secret talks with British and American diplomats and intelligence officers about defecting from the German camp. A secret armistice was even signed on 9 September 1943 in Istanbul upon Hungary's surrender. It would have come into force when Allied forces reached the border of Hungary. Without that, a break with Germany would have been tantamount to suicide for the many anti-Nazi elements, above all for the Hungarian Jews and the Allied POWs and European Jews who found asylum in Hungary. Following the Wannsee Conference in January 1942, when Hitler decided on the final solution of the Jewish question, the extermination of all, Germany demanded the implementation of the harshest anti-Jewish measures in Hungary. Specifically: legislation for the complete elimination of the Jews from cultural and economic life, marking of Jews with a yellow star, their evacuation from Hungary, and the confiscation of Jewish property.⁵ The Hungarian Government flatly rejected the German request, explaining that meeting the demands would ruin the economy of Hungary. Prime Minister Kállay added that the peasants, who formed the majority of the population, did not have anti-Semitic feelings.⁶ The German view was that the one million Jews Hungary sheltered were responsible for its defeatist attitude and for sabotaging the common war effort. Hitler was determined to remove all Jews from Europe while the war was on. SS Brigadier General Edmund Veesenmayer visited Hungary twice in 1943 and recommended a stick and carrot policy towards Hungary: forcing the replacement of Prime Minister Kállay by a loyal pro-German, but keeping Horthy as a figurehead, isolating him from the aristocrats and the Jews, and encouraging his endeavors to create a Horthy dynasty. Veesenmayer considered it essential to "to take the Judenfrage in our hands."⁷

Angered by the unrestricted presence of some one million Jews as a concrete menace to the safety of German arms in the Balkan Peninsula, by the defiance of Hungary, and also by the information about secret peace feelers extended to the Allies, Hitler decided to forestall the defection of a geopolitically very important ally, and on 12 March 1944 ordered the Margarethe Plan, the military invasion and occupation of Hungary, to be carried out. He invited head of state Admiral Horthy for talks on the Hungarian request to call back the Hungarian Army from the Russian Front. That was a simple trap: while Horthy was held practically captive in Schloss Klessheim near Salzburg, the German troops marched into Hungary. With much of the Hungarian Army on the Russian Front, and also having too many pro-German officers—both at the front and also in the ministry of defense—armed resistance was not offered; no preparations had been made for that.

The Gestapo immediately arrested several members of the Hungarian Parliament and hundreds of prominent citizens; Veesenmayer, appointed as Minister to Hungary and Plenipotentiary, demanded that Horthy install a government ready to meet all Germany's wishes. Having rejected two proposed candidates, Horthy appointed Döme Sztójay, Hungary's minister in Berlin, as prime minister. While most Hungarians watched passively, quite a few still believed in a German victory, and/or sympathized with the Nazi ideology, including its anti-Semitism. Others just preferred Nazi occupation to Soviet communist occupation.⁸ The new, blindly pro-Nazi members of the puppet government imposed on the country betrayed their Jewish compatriots and surrendered them to Nazi Germany. There are numerous accounts of what followed, including memoirs by survivors.⁹ Adolf Eichmann arrived in Budapest with a special detachment of the SS, experts in mass deportation. The first order was that the yellow Star of David be worn by all people of Jewish origin, including those who had converted to Christianity. Then the Jews who lived outside of Budapest were gathered in temporary camps, where conditions were appalling. At the end of April, the transportation of the collected Jews to the extermination camps started. The Sztójay government, the Hungarian civil service and the Hungarian gendarmerie facilitated the deportations with decrees and with their merciless actions. The official explanation, accepted also by the victims, was that the Jews were to be taken to Germany to make up for the depleted workforce, and their families were to accompany them as a favor. The welcoming words at Auschwitz, Arbeit macht frei, were to disguise that the aim was to liquidate the deported immediately or by working them to death.

Both Germans and Hungarians bear responsibility for the Holocaust in Hungary. One can only agree with Randolph Braham: While the Germans were eager to solve the Jewish question, they could not have proceeded without the consent of the newly established puppet government and the cooperation of the Hungarian instrumentalities of power. ... The Hungarian ultra-rightists, in turn ... could not have achieved their ideologically defined objectives in the absence of the occupation [in March 1944].¹⁰ Those who were responsible for taking Hungary recklessly into the war, and who issued the orders for the deportations and carried those orders out, were tried in Hungary after the war. Between 1945 and 1949, 59,429 persons were tried by specially created people's courts: 26,997 were found guilty, 477 were sentenced to death, and 189 were actually executed, including four heads of government and several ministers. Compare that to relevant figures in other countries occupied by Nazi Germany, or even to Germany itself—Hungary cannot be charged with having been lenient towards its war criminals. Those were indeed traitors to their nation, as they aided in the death of almost 5 percent of their compatriots and blackened the reputation of Hungary.

While I hold it to be self-evident that the guilty ones had to answer for their deeds, I disagree with those who deny that the sovereignty of Hungary was abolished with the Nazi German occupation. The new government installed was picked by Veesenmayer, Germany's Plenipotentiary. The Hungarian Army was placed under the command of the German Army. In addition to the arrest of hundreds of prominent politicians and other individuals, the majority of the mayors and the heads of local government were also replaced. There were massive dismissals of public servants. Can one say that Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark or Norway remained sovereign states following their invasion by Hitler and the installation of obedient puppets to run those countries?¹¹ After 19 March, the real authority over all the affairs of Hungary was not the regent, nor the head of the puppet government, but Edmund Veesenmayer, the German Plenipotentiary. His letter of appointment, signed by Hitler, stated: The Reich Plenipotentiary is responsible for all political developments in Hungary and receives his directives through the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs.¹² On the other hand, it is a sad truth that the majority of the officials in Hungary went about solving the 'Jewish question' with initiative, flexibility, and often even with enthusiasm.¹³ Many Hungarians gave vent to their anti-Semitic prejudices and happily participated in stealing the properties of their deported or hiding Jewish compatriots, while the majority of the population just passively watched the cruel removal of their Jewish neighbors. (Just as, a few years later, they were paralyzed with fear as the terror imposed by the communists raged, persecuting hundreds of thousands of innocents.)

But it would be wrong to think that all Hungarians swallowed the anti-Semitic poison. In the fall of 1943 the parliamentary opposition demanded the revocation of the anti-Jewish laws, calling it a disgrace for Hungary.¹⁴ Following the occupation, a large number of Gentile Hungarians did their best to save the Jews by hiding them, giving them falsified documents etc., risking severe punishment or their own life.¹⁵ The American Jewish Yearbook notes that hundreds of people were arrested for hiding Jews and helping them to escape.¹⁶ The exact number of such persons cannot be ascertained, but a proof of their bravery is the fact that close to a thousand received the recognition Righteous among the Nations from the Yad Vashem Institute.¹⁷ The most honest and self-critical analysis of the behavior of the Hungarian people during and after the Holocaust was provided by the scholar (and politician in 1956) István Bibó.¹⁸ So in my view, while all Hungarians must accept, woefully, responsibility for the death of their Jewish compatriots, György Ránki was right in his conclusion that with all due regard to the major Hungarian component, upon examining the events, one must conclude that without the Germans, the Hungarian Holocaust would not have occurred in the same manner.¹⁹

When remembering the Shoah, one of the most painful questions is whether, by employing different policies, the annihilation of such a large part of Hungary's Jews could have been averted, or at least the number of victims substantially reduced. Traditional, mainly Marxist historiography blamed Hungary for the failure to break with Nazi Germany before the occupation. But contemporaries, like Lewis Namier of the Jewish Agency, warned that such a step would lead to Germany occupying Hungary and destroying its Jewish population on the pattern seen in the rest of German-controlled Europe. The only hope, as far as the Jews are concerned, is that the Hungarians would choose not to move until it was practically certain that the Germans would not be able to react.²⁰ Hence Braham's tentative hypothesis:

Had Hungary continued to remain a militarily passive but politically vocal ally of the Third Reich instead of provocatively engaging in diplomatic maneuvers that were essentially fruitless, if not merely aimed at establishing an alibi, the Jews of Hungary might possibly have survived the war relatively unscathed.²¹

That is indeed a frightening conclusion.²² This debate on alternatives cannot be answered and put to rest. But closely related to it is the question posed by András Kovács: To what extent did cooperation [of the Hungarian authorities with the German occupiers] influence the outcome, the almost complete annihilation of the Jews who lived in the provinces, outside Budapest?²³ According to one school (Christian Gerlach, Götz Aly, Gábor Kádár, Zoltán Vági and Krisztián Ungváry) a large part of the Jewish population might have survived the German occupation if the Hungarians had refused to collaborate with the country's occupiers. On the other hand, László Karsai has pointed out that the order to destroy Hungarian Jewry came directly from Hitler, while its execution was assigned to Himmler and the SS. Only this can explain why such senior members of the SS as Kaltenbrunner, as well as Eichmann and his team of deportation experts, arrived in Hungary in the immediate aftermath of the occupation.²⁴ Actual history should make it possible to draw close to a consensus. Anti-Semitic notions and tendencies were present in Hungary at least since 1919, the Hungarian Soviet Republic, where most of the leaders came from Jewish families, and due their blind faith in the communist utopia they employed terror against those whom they considered dangerous opponents, including Jewish capitalists. Red terror led to white terror following the fall of the communists. In the 1930s, influenced by Germany, anti-Semitism increased, but both the liberals and the genuine conservatives were opposed to discrimination based on religion or racial origin. The political leadership, with only a few exceptions, detested both the ideology and the practice of Nazi Germany and its Hungarian followers. The radical anti-Semitic Right was kept away from the government by Horthy and his closest advisers, and without the German takeover of the country, they would not have been able to carry out their program of de-Judification (Entjudung). Even among those on the Right, that aim did not necessarily mean the physical destruction of the Jews; many thought that emigration (to Palestine, or to an African country) might be a solution. But after the German occupation, they did not mind what happened to those who were deported; it was even welcome that the dirty work was done by others.

It is not true that Hungary has not faced up to those terrible crimes. Already in 1946 the Hungarian National Assembly passed Law XXV, expressing its mourning over the murder of so many of its citizens. But during the communist years there was hardly any mention of that great tragedy. Since 1990, however, many Hungarian leaders have admitted the responsibility of the Hungarian State for the enormous loss and the pain caused. Let me quote passages from a message sent on 24 June 1992 by the late prime minister of Hungary József Antall to the Paris Conference on Anti-Semitism organized by UNESCO and the Wiesenthal Centre.

Several hundred thousands of our compatriots were ejected from the body of the nation