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    Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists
    Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists
    Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists
    Ebook88 pages1 hour

    Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists

    By Sandeep Rai

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    About this ebook

    This book is an attempt to reveal the hidden transcripts (reading between the lines) of the select Bhojpuri literature and art in general and highlight the sociological pertinence of the manifest inclination of 'Aesthetics and Politics' in particular.

    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherOne Point Six Technologies Pvt Ltd
    Release dateJan 6, 2021
    ISBN9789390543519
    Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists
    Author

    Sandeep Rai

    Author of 'Aesthetics and Politics: Two Leading Bhojpuri Artists', forthcoming book- 'Literary Oeuvre of Bhikhari Thakur' BA (Hons.) History, Kirorimal College, Delhi University, MA and M. Phil. Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University, Ph. D. Sociology, DDU University, Gorakhpur.

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      Book preview

      Aesthetics and Politics - Sandeep Rai

      Introduction

      This book is an exercise to explore the relationship between society and literature, particularly through the works of Bhikhari Thakur and Gorakh Pandey, popular Bhojpuri ¹ writers of the 19 th and 20 th centuries respectively. In Thakur’s work, I look at his plays and songs, while in Pandey’s work I look at his poetry and songs. These works have often been seen as revolutionary and resistant towards the ideologies of the dominant class. Within Marxian theories (as we shall identify in the following chapters), a dominant ideology, is a term synonymously used with concepts such as shared belief systems, ultimate values, and common culture, as the mainstay of social order in advanced capitalist societies. The argument assumes that, in class-stratified societies, the ruling class controls the production of ideas as well as material production. It propagates a set of coherent beliefs which dominate subordinate meaning systems and, as a consequence, shapes working-class consciousness in the interests of the status quo. A dominant ideology functions to incorporate the working class into the society of the ruling class, thereby maintaining social cohesion. The works of Thakur and Pandey have been seen to resist this very false consciousness, offering a critique to the material structure of society and also the existing class relations.

      I argue that, the works of these authors fall rather in the realm of agitation propaganda, an idea borrowed from the Russian Agitprop and Proletkult strategies but gain popularity primarily through their aesthetic qualities. Proletkult is a portmanteau or combination of ‘proletarskaya kultura’², Russian for ‘proletarian culture’. It was a movement active in the Soviet Union from 1917 to 1925 to provide the foundations for what was intended to be a truly proletarian art devoid of bourgeois influence. Its main theoretician was Alexander Bogdanov (1873-1928) who saw the proletkult as a third part of a trinity of revolutionary socialism. Whereas the unions would attend to the proletariat’s economic interests and the communist party, their political interests, the Proletkult would look after their cultural and spiritual life.

      Agitprop on the other hand is a political strategy in which the techniques of agitation and propaganda are used to influence and mobilize public opinion. Although the strategy is common, both the label and an obsession with it were specific to the Marxism practiced by communists in the Soviet Union. The term originated in Bolshevist Russia. In fact, the term propaganda in the Russian language simply meant ‘dissemination of ideas’³. In the case of agitprop, the ideas to be disseminated were those of communism, including explanations of the policy of the Communist Party and the Soviet state. In other contexts, propaganda could mean dissemination of any kind of beneficial knowledge, e.g., of new methods in agriculture. Agitation meant urging people to do what Soviet leaders expected them to do; again, at various levels. In other words, propaganda was supposed to act on the mind, while agitation acted on emotions, although both usually went together, thus giving rise to the cliche ‘propaganda and agitation’. The term agitprop gave rise to agitprop theatre, a highly-politicized leftist theatre originated in Europe of 1920s-1930s, spreaded to America as well, with plays of Bertolt Brecht being a notable example. Artists and actors performed simple plays, passing through villages and broadcasted propaganda. Gradually the term agitprop came to describe any kind of leftist politicized art.

      The twin strategies of agitation and propaganda were originally elaborated by the Marxist theorist Georgy Plekhanov (1898), who defined propaganda as the promulgation of a number of ideas to an individual or small group and agitation as the promulgation of a single idea to a large mass of people⁴. Expanding on these notions in his pamphlet ‘What Is to Be Done?’ (1902),

      Vladimir Lenin stated that the propagandist, whose primary medium is print, explains the causes of social inequities such as unemployment or hunger, while the agitator, whose primary medium is speech, seizes on the emotional aspects of these issues to arouse her/ his audience to indignation or action. Agitation is thus the use of political slogans and half-truths to exploit the grievances of the public and thereby to mould public opinion and mobilize public support. Propaganda, by contrast, is the reasoned use of historical and scientific arguments to indoctrinate the educated and so-called enlightened members of society.

      My basic concern throughout the research has been to point out this simultaneous aesthetic, agitational and propagandist dimension of socio-political literature. This assertion is elaborated through the very understanding of the terms ‘politics’ and ‘aesthetics’ forwarded in this thesis. Politics according to Jacques Ranciere (2005) is the struggle of an unrecognized party for equal recognition in the established order. politics, he argues itself is not the exercise of power or struggle for power. It is first of all the configuration of a space as political, the framing of a specific sphere of experience, the setting of objects rosed as ‘common’ and of subjects to whom the capacity is recognized to designate these objects and discuss about them. Politics first is thus the conflict about the very existence of that sphere of experience. Moreover, aesthetics is bound up in this battle, because the battle takes place over the image of society, what it is permissible to say or to show. I use the term aesthetic here in a sense close to the Kantian idea of ‘a priori forms of sensibility’ (Kant, 1900), referring :o the concepts of space and time as logically necessary conditions for there to be any experience at all. Thus, I see literature as both a matter of art and taste and also fundamentally a matter of time and space. It deals with time and space as forms of configuration of our ‘place’ in society.

      This is the manner in which it is possible to understand the propagandist impulse in the aesthesis of literature. According to A.P. Foulkes (1983), any propaganda has cultural, social and historical conditions within which it is produced and its recognition depends upon the relative viewpoint of the person observing it. Because of this elusiveness, the propagandist cannot be identified on all occasions. One of the ways in which Jacques Ellul (1973) defines propaganda is by looking at its agitation motive. He asserts that the propaganda

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