Myth and Mayhem: A Leftist Critique of Jordan Peterson

Myth and Mayhem

A Leftist Critique of Jordan Peterson

Myth and Mayhem

A Leftist Critique of Jordan Peterson

Ben Burgis

Conrad Hamilton

Matthew McManus

Marion Trejo

Winchester, UK

Washington, USA

First published by Zero Books, 2020

Zero Books is an imprint of John Hunt Publishing Ltd., No. 3 East St., Alresford,

Hampshire SO24 9EE, UK

[email protected]

www.johnhuntpublishing.com

www.zero-books.net

For distributor details and how to order please visit the ‘Ordering’ section on our website.

© Ben Burgis, Conrad Hamilton, Matthew McManus, Marion Trejo, 2019

ISBN: 978 1 78904 553 6

978 1 78904 554 3 (ebook)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2019956980

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical articles or reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publishers.

The rights of Ben Burgis, Conrad Hamilton, Matthew McManus, Marion Trejo as authors have been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Design: Stuart Davies

UK: Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

US: Printed and bound by Thomson-Shore, 7300 West Joy Road, Dexter, MI 48130

We operate a distinctive and ethical publishing philosophy in all areas of our business, from our global network of authors to production and worldwide distribution.

Contents

Cover

Half Title

Title

Copyright

Contents

Dedication

Acknowledgements

Jordan Peterson as a Symptom...of What?: By Slavoj Žižek

Introduction

Part I—Peterson, Classical Liberalism and Post-Modernism: By Matthew McManus

Chapter One: Intellectual Roots

Peterson and the Inner Life

Man’s Search for Meaning

The Emptiness of Post-Modernity

Chapter Two: The Generation of Meaning

The Structure of Maps of Meaning

The Idealist Dialectic Between Order and Chaos Part One: Theoretical Overview

The Idealist Dialectical Between Order and Chaos Part Two: The Divine Father and the Great Mother

The Return to Good and Evil

Concluding Thoughts and the Turn to Justice

Chapter Three: Jordan Peterson, Classical Liberalism and Conservatism

The Individual and Society

On Lobsters and Labour: The Social Necessity of Hierarchy

Cleaning One’s Room Before Putting the World in Order

Concluding Thoughts on Petersonian Politics

Chapter Four: The Critique of the Left

Comrade Marx, Post-Modern Neo-Marxism and Saint Peterson Part I

Comrade Marx, Post-Modern Neo-Marxism and Saint Peterson Part II

Chapter Five: Conclusion

The Reactionary Impulse and Post-Modernity

What Can the Left Take Away from Jordan Peterson?

Part II—Peterson’s Reckoning with the Left: By Conrad Hamilton

Introduction

Chapter Six: Peterson’s Showbiz Roots, OR from the Lecture Hall to Hollywood

The Unbearable Heaviness of Being Peterson

Myth, Mayhem and Biology

Peterson’s Primordial Patriarchy

Maps of Public Funding

The Birth of Controversy

Conclusion: Political Correctness, Prejudiced Directness

Chapter Seven: Exoteric and Esoteric, OR the Terrible Intensity of Peterson

Janus-Faced Fascisms

Peterson’s Illiberal Liberalism

The Psychoanalytic Structure of Disavowal

The All-Devouring Archetype

Conclusion: Peterson’s Forsworn Shadow

Chapter Eight: The Spectre of Post-Modern Neo-Marxism

Marx’s Steady Haunting

The Rhetorical Figure of Communism

When in Need, Invent a Neologism

Peterson’s (Non-) Reading of Derrida

Différance and DNA

Derrida Contra the Althusserian Apparatus

Ghastly Evaluations

Peterson, Derrida and Big ‘B’ Being

Chapter Nine: The Rebate of the Century, OR How Žižek Could’ve DESTROYED Peterson

The Great Debate: Origin and Structure

Proposition 1: History is to be viewed primarily as an economic class struggle

Proposition 2: Marx believes that all hierarchical structures exist because of capitalism

Proposition 3: Marx doesn’t acknowledge the existence of nature

Proposition 4: Marx believes history can be conceived as a binary class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie

Proposition 5: Marx assumes that all good is on the side of the proletariat and all the evil is on the side of the bourgeoisie

Proposition 6: That the dictatorship of the proletariat must be brought about as the first stage of communist revolution

Proposition 7: Nothing that capitalists do constitutes valid labour

Proposition 8: Profit is theft

Proposition 9: The dictatorship of the proletariat will become magically productive

Proposition 10: Marx and Engels admit that capitalism is the most productive system of production ever, yet still wish to overthrow it

Conclusion: Buying and Selling Ideology

Part III—Peterson on Feminism and Reason: By Marion Trejo and Ben Burgis

On Peterson’s Anti-Feminism: By Marion Trejo

The Use of Radical Feminism as a Synecdoche for Feminism

The Mischaracterization of Patriarchy as Tyranny

The Misrepresentation of Gender Equality and the Use of Natural Order to Justify Gender Differences

The Recourse to a Male Victimization Narrative to Displace Women’s Issues

On Lobsters, Logic and the Pitfalls of Good Rhetoric: By Ben Burgis

Endnotes

i

ii

iii

iv

v

vi

vii

viii

ix

x

xi

xii

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

100

101

102

103

104

105

106

107

108

109

110

111

112

113

114

115

116

117

118

119

120

121

122

123

124

125

126

127

128

129

130

131

132

133

134

135

136

137

138

139

140

141

142

143

144

145

146

147

148

149

150

151

152

153

154

155

156

157

158

159

160

161

162

163

164

165

166

167

168

169

170

171

172

173

174

175

176

177

178

179

180

181

182

183

184

185

186

187

188

189

190

191

192

193

194

195

196

197

198

199

200

201

202

203

204

205

206

207

208

209

210

211

212

213

214

215

216

217

218

219

220

221

222

223

224

225

226

227

228

229

230

231

232

233

234

235

236

237

238

239

Guide

Cover

Half Title

Title

Copyright

Contents

Dedication

Acknowledgements

Start of Content

On Lobsters, Logic and the Pitfalls of Good Rhetoric: By Ben Burgis

Endnotes

Also by Ben Burgis

Give Them an Argument, Zero Books (ISBN: 978-1-78904-210-8)

Dedicated to our families

Acknowledgements

Many of the arguments presented in this book were presented in earlier form in multiple outlets. These include Merion West, Jacobin, Quillette, Arc Digital, The Michael Brooks Show, and other forums. The authors would like to thank these outlets for their ongoing support in promoting their work and the kindness and patience of the editors. We would also like to thank our families and friends for their generosity and warmth in reading over earlier drafts and offering no-nonsense criticism. Much gratitude to our frequent collaborators, including Dylan De Jong, David Hollands, Amir Massoumian, Borna Radnik, Erik Tate and others. Their passion for the topic always inspired us to make sure the book was the best it could be. Finally, thank you very much to Greg Tallion. He set up the website for this text and provided vital feedback and assistance throughout its writing. Solidarity.

Jordan Peterson as a Symptom of...What? By Slavoj Žižek

The art of lying with truth

The wide popularity of Jordan Peterson is proof that the liberal-conservative ‘silent majority’ finally found its voice. His advantages over the previous anti-LGBT+ star Milo Yiannopoulos are obvious. Yiannopoulos was witty, fast-talking, full of jokes and sarcasms, and openly gay—he much resembled, in many features, a representative of the culture he was attacking. Peterson is his opposite: he combines common sense and (the appearance of) cold scientific argumentation with a bitter rage perceiving a threat to the liberal basics of our societies—his stance is that of, ‘Enough is enough! I can’t stand it anymore!’

The cracks in his advocacy of cold facts against politically-correct dogmas are easy to discern. His big image is that of a radical leftist conspiracy: after communism failed as an economic system and there was no revolution in the developed-West, Marxists, he claims, decided to move to the domain of culture and morality, marking the beginning of ‘Postmodern neo-Marxism’. Its goal is to undermine the moral backbone of our societies and thus set in motion the final breakdown of our freedoms...But this kind of easy criticism avoids the difficult question: how could such a weird ‘theory’ find such a wide echo? A more complex approach is needed.

Jacques Lacan wrote that, even if what a jealous husband claims about his wife (that she sleeps around with other men) is all true, his jealousy is still a pathological phenomenon: the pathological element being the husband’s need for jealousy as the only way to retain his dignity—identity, even. Along the same lines, one could say that even if most of the Nazi claims about the Jews were true (i.e. that they exploit Germans, they seduce German girls, etc.)—which they are not, of course!—their anti-Semitism would still be (and was) a pathological phenomenon, because it repressed the true reason why the Nazis needed anti-Semitism: to sustain their ideological position. In the Nazi vision, with their society construed as an organic Whole of harmonious collaboration, an external intruder is needed to account for divisions and antagonisms.

The same holds for how, today, the anti-immigrant populists deal with the ‘problem’ of the refugees: they approach it in the atmosphere of fear, of the incoming struggle against the islamization of Europe, and they get caught in a series of obvious absurdities. For them, refugees who flee terror are equated with the terrorists they flee from, oblivious to the obvious fact that, while there may be among the refugees also terrorists, rapists, criminals etc., the vast majority are simply desperate people looking for a better life. Likewise, causes of problems immanent to today’s global capitalism are projected onto an external intruder. Here, we find ‘fake news’, a term which cannot be reduced to a simple inexactitude: if they (partially, at least) correctly render (some of) the facts, they are all the more dangerously false or misleading. Thus, anti-immigrant racism and sexism is not dangerous when it simply lies—it is at its most dangerous when its Lie is presented in the form of a (partial) factual Truth.

The alt-right obsession with Cultural Marxism (Peterson’s ‘postmodern neo-Marxism’) signals its rejection of the fact that the phenomena they criticize as effects of the Cultural Marxist plot (moral degradation, sexual promiscuity, consumerist hedonism, etc.), are actually the outcomes of the immanent dynamics of late capitalism itself. (In The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (1976), Daniel Bell describes how the unbounded drive of modern capitalism undermines the moral foundations of the original ‘Protestant ethic’ that ushered in capitalism itself. In a new afterword added in 1996, Bell offers a bracing perspective on contemporary Western society from the end of the Cold War to the rise—and fall!—of post-modernism, revealing the crucial cultural fault-lines we face as the twenty-first century (then) approached. The turn towards culture as a key component of capitalist reproduction, and, concomitant to it, the commodification of cultural life itself, is precisely what enables capital’s expanded reproduction (think of today’s explosion of art biennales: Venice, Kassel, etc.): although they habitually present themselves as a form of resistance towards global capitalism and its commodification of everything, they are, in their mode of organization, the ultimate form of art as a moment of capitalist self-reproduction.

The term ‘Cultural Marxism’ thus plays the same structural role as that of the ‘Jewish plot’ in anti-Semitism: it projects (or rather, transposes) the immanent antagonism of our socio-economic life onto an external cause: what the conservative alt-right deplores as the ethical disintegration of our lives (feminism, attacks on patriarchy, political correctness, etc.) must have an external cause—because it cannot, for them, emerge out of the antagonisms and tensions of our own societies.

Before we blame some foreign intruder for the troubles of our liberal societies, we should always bear in mind that the true shock of the twentieth century was the First World War—all horrors that followed, from Fascism to Stalinism, are rooted in it. This war was such a shock for two reasons: First, it exploded after over a half-century of continuous progress in Europe (no large-scale wars, rise of living-standard and human rights). There was no foreign agent fomenting it; it was a pure product of the immanent tensions of Europe. Second, it was a shock but not an unexpected one—for at least 2 decades prior to it, the prospect of war was a kind of public obsession. The catch was that precisely this incessant talk about it created the perception that it cannot really happen: if we talk enough about it, it cannot take place. This is why, when it exploded, it was such a surprise.

Unfortunately, the liberal-leftist reaction to anti-immigrant populism is often no better than the way it is treated by its opponents. Populism and PC (the left-liberal political correctness) practise the two complementary forms of lying which follow the classic distinction between hysteria and obsessional neurosis: an hysteric tells the truth in the guise of a lie (what it says is literally not true, but the lie expresses, in a false form, an authentic complaint), while what an obsessional neurotic claims is literally true, but it is a truth which serves a lie. Populists and PC-liberals resort to both strategies: First, as obsessional neurotics, they both resort to ‘factual lies’ when they serve what populists perceive as the higher Truth of their Cause. For instance, religious fundamentalists advocate ‘lying for Jesus’ in order to prevent the ‘horrible crime of abortion’: one is allowed to propagate false scientific ‘truths’ about the lives of foetuses and the medical dangers of abortion; or, in order to support breast-feeding, one is allowed to present as a scientific fact that abstention from breast-feeding causes breast-cancer, etc.

Today, common anti-immigrant populists shamelessly circulate non-verified stories about rapes and other crimes of the refugees in order to give credibility to their ‘insight’ that refugees pose a threat to our way of life. All too often, PC-liberals proceed in a similar way: they pass in silence over actual differences in the ‘ways of life’ between refugees and Europeans, since even mentioning them may be seen to promote Eurocentrism. Recall the Rotherham case in the UK where, 3 years ago, police downplayed the nationality of the perpetrators in case anything in the case could be interpreted as racist.

The opposite strategy—that of lying in the guise of truth—is also widely practised on both poles. If anti-immigrant populists not only propagate factual lies but also cunningly use bits of factual truth to add the aura of veracity to their racist lie, PC partisans also practise this ‘lying with truth’: in its fight against racism and sexism, it mostly quotes crucial facts, but it often gives them a wrong twist. The populist protest displaces onto the external enemy the authentic frustration and sense of loss, while the PC-liberals use its true points (detecting sexism and racism in language and so on) to reassert its moral superiority and thus prevent true social change.

And this is why Peterson’s outbursts are so efficient, although (or, perhaps, because) he ignores the inner antagonisms and inconsistencies of the liberal project itself: the tension between liberals who are ready to condone racist and sexist jokes on account of the freedom of speech, and the PC regulators who want to censor them as an obstacle to the freedom and dignity of the victims of such jokes, is immanent to the liberal project and has nothing to do with an authentic Left. Peterson addresses what many of us somehow feel goes wrong in the PC universe of obsessive regulation: the problem with him does not reside in his lies, but in the partial truths that sustain his lies. If the Left is not able to address these limitations of its own project, it is fighting a lost battle.

A reply to my critics

Just a couple of remarks in reply to numerous critiques of my comment on Jordan Peterson. I see two levels in his work. First, there is his liberal analysis and critique of PC, LGBTQ+ issues etc., with regard to how they supposedly pose a danger to our freedoms. Although there are things I disagree with in it, I also see in it some worthwhile observations. My difference with him is that—while critical of many stances and political practices of PC, identity politics, or LGBTQ+ positions—I nonetheless see in them an often inadequate and distorted expression of very real and pressing problems. Claims about women’s oppression cannot be dismissed simply by referring to interests in Fifty Shades of Grey, the story of a woman who enjoys being dominated (as one of my critics claims); and the suffering of transgender people is absolutely all too real. The way racist and sexist oppression works in a developed liberal society is much more refined (but no less efficient) than in its direct brutal form, and the most dangerous mistake is to attribute women’s inferior social position to their own ‘free’ choice.

Second, I find Peterson’s fixation on political correctness and other targets as the extreme outgrowth of ‘cultural Marxism’ (a bloc which, in its ‘postmodern neo-Marxist’ form, comprises the Frankfurt School, the ‘French’ poststructuralist deconstructionism, identity politics, gender and queer theories, etc.) to have numerous problems. He seems to imply this ‘postmodern neo-Marxism’ is the result of a deliberate shift in Marxist (or communist) strategy: after communism lost the economic battle with liberal capitalism (waiting in vain for the revolution to arrive in the developed Western world), its leaders, we are told, decided to move to the domain of cultural struggles (sexuality, feminism, racism, religion, etc), systematically undermining the cultural foundations and values of our freedoms. In the last decades, this new approach proved unexpectedly efficient: today, our societies are caught in a self-destructive circle of guilt, unable to defend their positive legacy.

I see no necessary link between this line of thought and liberalism. The notion of ‘postmodern neo-Marxism’ (or its more insidious form, ‘cultural Marxism’), manipulated by some secret communist centre and aiming to destroy Western freedoms, is a pure alt-right conspiracy theory (and the fact that it can be mobilized as part of a ‘liberal’ defence of our freedoms says something about the immanent weaknesses of the liberal project). First, there is no unified field of ‘cultural Marxism’—some of today’s representatives of the Frankfurt School are among the most vicious denigrators of the ‘French thought’ (poststructuralism, deconstruction); and many ‘cultural Marxists’ are fiercely critical of identity politics, etc. Second, any positive reference to the Frankfurt School, or the ‘French thought’, was prohibited in socialist countries—where the authorities were much more open towards Anglo-Saxon analytic thought (as I remember from my own youth)—so to claim that both classic Marxism and its ‘cultural’ version were somehow controlled by the same central agent has to rely on the very suspicious notion of a hidden master who secretly pulls the strings. Finally, while I admit (and analyse in my books) the so-called ‘totalitarian’ excesses of political correctness and some transgender orientations which bear witness to a weird will to legalize, prohibit and regulate, I see in this tendency no trace of ‘radical Left’ but, on the contrary, a version of liberalism gone astray in its effort to protect and guarantee freedoms. Liberalism was always an inconsistent project ridden with antagonisms and tensions.

If I were to indulge in paranoiac speculations, I would be much more inclined to say that the politically-correct obsessive regulations (like the obligatory naming of different sexual identities, with legal measures if one violates them) are rather a left-liberal plot to destroy an authentic radical-Left movement—suffice it to recall the animosity against Bernie Sanders among some LGBTQ+ and feminist circles (who had no problems with big corporate bosses supporting them). The ‘cultural’ focus of PC-liberalism and MeToo is, to put it in a simplified way, a desperate attempt to avoid the confrontation with actual economic and political problems, i.e., to locate women’s oppression and racism in its socio-economic context: the moment one mentions these problems, one is accused of vulgar ‘class reductionism’. Walter Benn Michaels and others have written extensively on it, and in Europe, Robert Pfaller wrote books critical of this PC patronizing stance, and has now started a movement called ‘adults for adults’. Liberals will have to take note that there is a growing radical-Left critique of political correctness, identity politics and MeToo.

A note on my debate with Peterson

I cannot but notice the irony of how Peterson and I, billed in the publicity for our debate as the big opponents, are both marginalized by the official academic community. If I understand it correctly, I was supposed to defend, at this duel of the century, the left-liberal line against neoconservatives...really? Most of the attacks on me are now precisely from left-Liberals (Chomsky; the outcry against my critique of LGBTQ+ ideology; etc.), and I am sure that if the leading figures