Njinga of Angola: Africa’s Warrior Queen

NJINGA OF ANGOLA

Africa’s Warrior Queen

LINDA M. HEYWOOD

HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge, Massachusetts    •    London, England

2017

Copyright © 2017 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College

All rights reserved

Jacket art: Njinga with bow and arrow and battle ax. Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo, Missione evangelica nel Regno de Congo (1668), vol. A, frontmatter, xxxiii, p. 45. Araldi Manuscripts, Modena, Italy. Photograph: Vincenzo Negro.

Jacket design: Jill Breitbarth

978-0-674-97182-0 (alk. paper)

978-0-674-97906-2 (EPUB)

978-0-674-97907-9 (MOBI)

978-0-674-97905-5 (PDF)

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Names: Heywood, Linda M. (Linda Marinda), 1945– author.

Title: Njinga of Angola : Africa’s warrior queen / Linda M. Heywood.

Description: Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press, 2017. | Includes bibliographical references and index.

Identifiers: LCCN 2016044098

Subjects: LCSH: Nzinga, Queen of Matamba, 1582–1663. | Angola—Kings and rulers—Biography. | Angola—History—1482–1648. | Angola—History—1648–1885.

Classification: LCC DT1365.N95 H49 2017 | DDC 967.3/01—dc23

LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016044098

Contents

Introduction

1.The Ndongo Kingdom and the Portuguese Invasion

2.Crisis and the Rise of Njinga

3.A Defiant Queen

4.Treacherous Politics

5.Warfare and Diplomacy

6.A Balancing Act

7.On the Way to the Ancestors

Epilogue

•

Glossary

List of Names

Chronology

Notes

Acknowledgments

Illustration Credits

Index

Ndongo (ca. 1550) and Ndongo-Matamba (ca. 1663) situated in present-day Angola

Introduction

Queen Njinga, the seventeenth-century ruler of Ndongo, a kingdom in central Africa that was located in what is now a portion of northern Angola, came to power in Africa through her military prowess, skillful manipulation of religion, successful diplomacy, and remarkable understanding of politics. Despite her outstanding accomplishments and her decades-long reign, comparable to that of Elizabeth I of England, she was vilified by European contemporaries and later writers as an uncivilized savage who embodied the worst of womankind.¹ Europeans at the time portrayed her as a bloodthirsty cannibal who thought nothing of murdering babies and slaughtering her enemies. They also charged her with defying gender norms by dressing as a man, leading armies, keeping harems of male and female consorts, and rejecting the female virtues of caring and nurturing. Much later, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century writers who composed fictional accounts about Njinga depicted her as a degenerate woman driven by unorthodox sexual desires who reveled in barbaric rituals.

Njinga’s life has continued to be viewed mostly as a curiosity. But the historical record reveals something different: it was this same Njinga who conquered the kingdom of Matamba and ruled it together with the remainder of the powerful Ndongo kingdom for three decades; defied thirteen Portuguese governors who ruled Angola between 1622 and 1663, keeping her kingdom independent in the face of relentless attacks; and made important political alliances not only with several neighboring polities but with the Dutch West India Company. It was this same Njinga whose religious diplomacy enabled her to make direct contact with the pope, who accepted her as a Christian ruler, and to establish Christianity within her kingdom.

Traditional European depiction of Queen Njinga

Njinga’s story is important on many different levels. On one level, it is a significant chapter in the history of resistance to colonialism. Throughout the four hundred years of Portuguese occupation of Angola (1575–1975), resistance never stopped. Njinga’s place as the most successful of the African rulers in resisting the Portuguese influenced not only Portuguese colonialism in Angola but also the politics of liberation and independence in modern Angola. Njinga’s life and history also had implications for the Americas. Africans captured by the Portuguese or purchased in the region where Njinga lived and ruled were sent as slaves to Brazil and Spanish America and were the first Africans to arrive in the North American colonies. These slaves brought Njinga’s story and memory with them.

But Njinga’s life and actions transcend African history and the history of slavery in Africa and the Americas. Her story reveals larger themes of gender, power, religion, leadership, colonialism, and resistance. Books on notable and sometimes notorious female European rulers, such as Queen Elizabeth I of England, who ruled two decades earlier than Njinga, and Catherine the Great of Russia, who ruled nearly a century afterward, number in the hundreds. Despite the many parallels Njinga shares with these women, no serious biography of her has existed until now in English, or in any other language. This book reveals the full and complex life that was Njinga’s, focusing on themes of power, leadership, gender, and spirituality.

Setting the Scene

Before meeting Njinga, we need to make the acquaintance of the world she was born into in 1582—geographically, politically, and socially. Prior to Njinga’s rule, Kongo, which formed the northern boundary of Ndongo, was the only central African kingdom known to Europeans. It is there we turn first, to understand the region Njinga would transform in ways that continue to inform not only the history of Angola but the place of women in politics in Africa and the world.

In 1483, almost exactly a century before Njinga’s birth, the first Europeans arrived in central Africa. At the time, the largest kingdom in the region was Kongo, covering some 33,000 square miles and stretching nearly 300 miles from the Soyo and Dande regions on the Atlantic coast eastward to the Kwango River. Kongo’s northern borders included lands just north of the Congo River, as well as some areas in the southern region of today’s Democratic Republic of the Congo. The kingdom’s southern frontier included lands between the Bengo and Dande Rivers. A colony of Kongo’s citizens also lived farther south, on the island of Luanda, where they harvested the nzimbu shells that were the main currency in the kingdom. Despite its size, the kingdom was sparsely populated, containing only about 350,000 people, largely because its arid and flat western zone was inhospitable. Most of the population was concentrated in and around the capital, Mbanza Kongo (now in northern Angola and also known as São Salvador), as well as in the southwestern provinces.

The geographical reach of the kingdom was not the only factor that made it the dominant power in the region. Kongo’s political organization set it apart from its smaller neighbors as well. The kingdom of Kongo was a centralized polity governed by an elected king chosen from several eligible royal lineages. Once elected, the king had absolute power. He selected close relatives from his own lineage to serve as his courtiers and as heads of the provinces. Mbanza Kongo, where the king’s court was located, was the administrative and military center of the kingdom. It was from here that the king sent his courtiers or his standing army to relay his orders or enforce his will in the provinces. Provincial rulers, despite having sizable military forces themselves, had no security of office, and during the early years of the kingdom, kings concentrated enough military force in the capital that they were able to remove upstart provincial representatives from office and confiscate their goods.

The first rulers of the kingdom selected Mbanza Kongo as the capital for both strategic and defensive reasons. Situated on a high plateau above a river, the city was well protected and had a good water supply as well as fertile land for farming in the river valley. Paths connected Mbanza Kongo with the capitals in each province and were busy with provincial representatives, advisers, armies, religious personnel, and ordinary people traveling to the capital to attend religious and political ceremonies and pay taxes. These same paths provided access for invading armies.

Kongo gained additional power as a result of the relationship its kings developed with the Portuguese, who first arrived in Kongo’s coastal province of Soyo in 1483. By 1491, King Nzinga a Nkuwu and the entire leadership of the kingdom had converted to Catholicism and implemented policies to transform the kingdom into the chief Catholic power in the region. The Kongo ruler who did the most to bring about this transformation was King Afonso (reigned 1509–1543), the son of Nzinga a Nkuwu. During his long reign he engineered the physical alteration of the city and oversaw a religious and cultural revolution that marked Kongo as a Christian state. Afonso sent the children of the elite to be educated in Portugal and other Catholic countries, and welcomed Portuguese cultural missions that brought skilled craftsmen who worked alongside the Kongolese to build the stone churches that dominated Kongo’s capital. Afonso also ordered the construction of schools where elite children studied Latin and Portuguese.

The kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo, ca. 1550

Afonso’s plans to transform the kingdom into a Christian state went beyond personal piety, religious scholarship, and the building of churches and schools. A cultural transformation of Kongo took root during his long rule as well. In Afonso’s Kongo, members of the elite adopted titles such as duke, marquis, and count, and before long, Portuguese legal processes mixed with Kongolese precedents to govern court procedures. Moreover, the religious calendar of the Catholic church governed Kongolese life, and Kongolese children from both high and low families learned the catechism from local Kongo teachers, received both Christian and Kongolese names, and were baptized. There was always a shortage of priests in the kingdom, but the ubiquitous crosses found in villages throughout Kongo and the visits of Kongo priests served to remind villagers of their status as Christians.

The cultural transformation of the country and the Christian character of the kingdom were evident to European visitors to Kongo long after Afonso’s death. Europeans who met Kongolese ambassador António Manuel, marquis of Ne Vundu, during his travels to Portugal, Spain, and the Vatican from 1604 to 1608, were astonished at his sophistication. They noted that although he had been educated only in Kongo, he knew how to read and correspond in Latin and Portuguese, and he spoke these languages as well as he did his native Kikongo.

But there was a tragic cost to Afonso’s cultural engineering. Afonso had to engage both in wars of conquest and in slave trading to fund and sustain the project (as would the kings who followed him). During Afonso’s rule, the number of people who were captured and brought into the kingdom as slaves or who were condemned to slavery as a punishment for their crimes increased exponentially. The trade in slaves led to the expansion of wars to capture slaves, as well as to increased slave trading and slave owning by the Kongo elite and their Portuguese partners. Kongo kings allowed the Portuguese to engage in slave trading in the kingdom, sent slaves as gifts to the Portuguese kings, and at times called on Portuguese military assistance either to deal with threats from inside the kingdom or to aid in the expansionist and slave-raiding wars that Kongo rulers made against neighboring states, including Ndongo.

It was during Afonso’s rule that three distinct social groups with different life prospects emerged in the kingdom. At the top of Kongo society were the king and the members of the various royal lineages, identified by their Portuguese title as fidalgos (nobles). Members of this group had residences in the capital and made up the council of electors who chose the king and held court positions. The next group was made up of free villagers, called gente. Below the free villagers were the slaves, or escravos, captives from wars who were held mostly by the elite, but were also found in the households of ordinary villagers.

Subsequent kings followed the pattern Afonso had set. For example, Álvaro I (reigned 1568–1587), the king who was ruling Kongo when Njinga was born, expanded the diplomatic and political reach of Kongo. He cultivated relations not only with the Portuguese and Spanish courts, but also with the Vatican.

Kongo also had connections with other central African states, such as Matamba, a kingdom that would figure prominently in Njinga’s life. Matamba was located east of Kongo and Ndongo and extended eastward to the Kwango River in the region known today as Baixa de Cassanje. Very little is known about the early history of the kingdom. Reference to a place called Matamba first appears in a letter from Afonso to the king of Portugal in 1530. In the letter, Afonso noted that he was sending two silver ingots (manillas) that he had received from a nobleman who lived in one of his lands called Matamba.² From that time on, in the letters they sent to Portugal, Kongo kings always included Matamba as one of the areas they ruled. Other records, however, indicate that Matamba declared itself independent sometime between 1530 and 1561. In 1561, the great queen who ruled Matamba sent one of her sons to Kongo, where he met a Portuguese priest stationed there and told the priest that the queen was sympathetic to Christianity and wanted to open communication with Portugal and become friends with the Portuguese.³ We do not know what came of this overture, but, as we shall see, Matamba later became an important base for Njinga.

The Kingdom of Ndongo

At the time of the Portuguese arrival in Kongo, Ndongo was the second-largest state in central Africa, having an area about one-third that of Kongo. It encompassed what are today the provinces of Cuanza Norte, Cuanza Sul, Malange, and Bengo in modern Angola. (Angola derives its name from the word ngola, the title of the ruler of Ndongo.) Ndongo bordered the Atlantic Ocean and extended from the frontier with Kongo at the outlet of the Bengo River south to the bay where the mighty Kwanza River empties into the ocean. Ndongo’s northern boundary wound its way eastward from the Atlantic through the Dembos region and the lands bordering Kongo’s southern provinces, such as Mbwila, until it reached the Lucala River. The southern boundary followed the Kwanza River some 170 miles inland, including lands on both sides of the river, until it reached a series of large rock formations at Pungo Ndongo, located a few miles north of the river. Ndongo’s eastern boundary began some miles beyond Pungo Ndongo, and included lands to the south as far as the Kutato River. The eastern boundary continued in a northeasterly direction, following the Lucala River to the border of Kongo.

Unlike Kongo, Ndongo had a few rivers that were navigable over many miles, but many also had treacherous falls and whirlpools. The Kwanza River, the main waterway that led to the center of the kingdom, was navigable by small boats for some 125 miles inland, but at that point the Cambambe waterfall, seventy feet high, made such navigation impossible. An even larger waterfall farther upstream imposed an additional barrier. The Lucala River, the other main watercourse in the kingdom and a tributary of the Kwanza, though navigable in some parts, has even more spectacular waterfalls that also prevented its full use for river transport. The most impressive of these waterfalls towered from a spectacular height of three hundred feet in an area studded with tall trees and dense underbrush.

While waterfalls proved hazardous to navigation, the shallowness of the rivers in other parts also placed limits on river travel. Parts of the Kwanza flowed through swamps containing crocodiles, hippopotamuses, and other dangers. Such conditions meant that even land transport near the banks of rivers was treacherous, and travelers were forced to disassemble bigger canoes and hire or commandeer humans to transport the boats and military hardware away from the river to settled areas, often miles away.

But the rivers were not as challenging to the local Mbundu population as they would be to the Portuguese, who arrived in the area in 1575. People used canoes that were easy to navigate over rapids or in the shallows. The upper reaches of the Kwanza River also contained a collection of large islands, the Kindonga Islands, that were economically and strategically significant. They provided excellent fishing grounds, and some were large enough to support villages and agriculture. A few were for the exclusive use of the ruler: one was used as a royal capital, while another was the site for the tombs of Ndongo rulers and members of the ruling lineages. The islands were also strategically located: they were close enough together that soldiers—or spies—could easily move between them, and during combat, soldiers posted on the low-lying hills could launch arrows against opposing armies approaching in canoes while still protecting themselves. In addition, since the islands were not far from the bank, a ruler who feared being attacked at the capital could easily relocate the court to the islands and continue to conduct war, send out diplomatic missions, and manage other state affairs, as Njinga would do on several occasions. Finally, if all else failed, leaders and soldiers could escape by using canoes to move from island to island undetected until they reached safety on the opposite side of the river.

Just as they found ways to make use of the rivers, the Mbundu people had been able to exploit the land resources and to connect all parts of the country. The people had adapted to a climate that ranged from semi-arid conditions on the coast, to cool and even frosty conditions in the plateau region, to humid and tropical conditions in the valleys and savanna areas. In the low-lying coastal areas south of Luanda, including parts of Kisama, the climate was semi-arid and inhospitable. Here, however, the majestic and imposing imbondeiro, the baobab tree, was the lifeline of the local population, providing water, food, shelter, and medicine. The Kisama region was famous for large slabs of rock salt, which were mined and distributed to all parts of the country.

The climate and resources of the plateau regions in the interior of Ndongo differed drastically from the dry coastal areas. The many rivers that flowed down from high mountains into meadows and valleys provided abundant water for fertile fields where people grew a range of tropical crops, and for pastures where they raised domestic animals, including cattle, goats, pigs, and fowl. The highlands offered natural protection, and it was here that the ngola (the ruler of Ndongo) located his capital. From here the Ndongo rulers and their officials supervised the slave and other dependent populations who also formed part of the military force and provided the various kinds of tribute and farm labor necessary for their upkeep.

Travel between the population centers could be treacherous. Uncultivated regions were covered by thick forests and harbored a wide variety of wild animals, including large pythons capable of swallowing a grown man, elephants, rhinoceroses, lions, leopards, and hyenas. The highlands also featured massive rocky outcrops, steep precipices, and ravines that presented challenges to even the most experienced travelers going from one community to the other.

The distribution of resources in Ndongo informed its political structure. The kingdom was divided into seventeen provinces that incorporated 736 territorial divisions called murindas. Some provinces, especially the four between the coast and the capital at Kabasa, had higher population densities and therefore more murindas. The ngola had more direct administrative and fiscal control over these four provinces.⁴

Kabasa, some 160 miles from the coast, was the official residence of the ngola, along with his wives, children, and relatives connected by descent and marriage. The first Portuguese delegation to visit the capital in 1560 described the ruler at the time as having more than seventy children and as many as four hundred wives and concubines. The chief wife ran the household and ensured that the slaves, serfs, and free people living within the walls of the household carried the goods they produced to the daily market and bought the supplies the household members needed.⁵ Competition in court between different factions was intense, because relatives of the several different lineages related to past ngolas also lived in the capital or in the communities surrounding it.

Several important court officials who assisted the ngola also lived in the capital. The most important were the tendala, the ngola’s main adviser, who was in charge when the ngola was away from the capital, and the head of the military. In addition to these officials, the leading men of Ndongo, called makotas—perhaps related to the heads of the seventeen provinces—also lived in the capital or maintained official residences there. Among this group were the mwene lumbo, who managed the ngola’s household, the mwene kudya, who was in charge of tribute and taxes, and the mwene misete, who maintained the reliquaries of past rulers. The mwene misete was the most important ritual officer in Ndongo and supervised a large number of priests who performed the essential ritual functions the Mbundu believed were required for the protection of the ngola and of Ndongo itself.⁶

Besides the political power the ngola had in Kabasa and the smaller provincial capitals, he also controlled some state lands (murindas) and the residents who lived on them. The people who lived on these lands occupied three different legal categories: free people, serfs (kijikos), and slaves (mubikas). The free people comprised the bulk of the population and formed the peasantry. The status of the serfs was similar to that of their counterparts in Europe: they worked the lands of the ngola, and he could not force them off the land or sell them, since the land was held by the royal lineage. The slaves were either war captives or foreigners, and the ngola had the right to sell or remove slaves from the murindas in the capital and surrounding areas because he owned them directly.

Outside the capital, the makotas had political, economic, and spiritual authority that was similar to that of the ngola. Thus, makotas had their own system of hierarchy in their territories, and some of them were quite autonomous. Their status as heads of the murindas derived not from being sent from the capital to be the ngola’s representative in the area but from the fact that they could claim descent from the oldest lineages that occupied the area. The sobas made up another group of important officials. The makotas were the electors and advisers, while the sobas carried out the day-to-day duties of running the villages. Just as the people accepted the makotas’ right to rule because of descent from former makotas, so they expected the person who ruled as ngola to be a legitimate descendant of former ngolas.⁷

The ngola exercised a great deal of military, political, and fiscal authority over the provinces and the murindas. For example, the ngola had his own army stationed in Kabasa, but it was often greatly expanded when the call went out for forces to participate in Ndongo’s frequent campaigns against its neighbors. The ngola led his own forces in combat, while the experienced captains he selected led other battalions. The army included large contingents of women who provided food, carried supplies, and performed the rituals considered crucial to the army’s success. Women connected to the ngola’s household (his mother or wives, and their children) did not participate in the battle; a trusted general would protect the secret location where they were housed. Local priests also performed rituals, such as placing skulls and other sacred items on the landscape to intimidate the enemies. But the main military tools of the Ndongo soldiers were the spears, poison arrows, and battle axes they were known for. The soldiers, both men and women, used the battle axes in close combat. From early childhood, they practiced a rhythmic dance that bolstered speed and agility and allowed them to dodge the poison arrows of their enemies. They also owed their military successes to their familiarity with the natural defenses provided by the tall trees and heavy underbrush in the region, which provided excellent cover for surprise attacks.⁸

Apart from the ngola’s military strength, he also wielded legal authority in Ndongo through agents who traveled throughout the kingdom to make sure that people obeyed the laws. The ngola enforced strict regulations especially in the commercial transactions that took place in the large provincial markets. The agents paid special attention to transactions regarding the sale of captives (slaves) to make sure the exchange rate of the various items people used as money (including cloth, shells, and salt) was regulated and remained stable. The ngola also dispatched judicial officials to ensure that the sobas and the makotas complied with their obligation to send regular tribute in kind and in persons to the ngola and to offer food and lodging to his agents. In addition, the ngola’s military agents made regular visits to the provinces to ensure that local rulers fulfilled their obligation to send soldiers to join the ngola’s army. The ngola’s armies were active throughout the kingdom, whether for the purpose of enforcing these policies or invading neighboring territories and bringing new lands and people under Ndongo’s control.

The economic system that undergirded Ndongo society was based on an extensive system of local, regional, and central markets. Apart from the markets that each murinda held regularly, the provincial and central markets brought natural and manufactured products from all over the country together into one place. Items for sale included a wide collection of tropical fruits, agricultural products, and domestic animals, axes and spears made by local blacksmiths, and fish and meat from domestic or wild animals. These markets also had on display a wide selection of birds, civet cats, and other small animals, as well as rare woods and myriad cloths made from tree bark or locally produced cotton. On market days people could also purchase the highly valued slabs of rock salt imported from Kisama.

Slaveholding and slave trading were vital parts of the economy of Ndongo. Slaves were often acquired during successful military excursions. They also came from the ranks of free villagers who were condemned by judges for religious infractions or civil disobedience such as treason and adultery, especially if the latter included any of the ngola’s numerous wives. In such adultery cases, all members of the lineage in that particular generation might be condemned to slavery. The more common means of acquiring slaves, however, was from captives taken in wars against provincial rulers or neighboring kingdoms. The captives were available for purchase at the provincial and central markets. The trade was highly regulated, and purchasing slaves was a protracted operation. In the markets in Kabasa, the ngola’s agents were required to oversee each slave transaction to make sure the sale was a legitimate one, in an effort to prevent unscrupulous trade in kijikos. Ndongo law regarded the kijikos as serfs, individuals who were tied to the land and were not slaves.⁹ In addition to the slave trade, the ngola gained resources through a system of tribute contributed by the provinces and the murindas. The ngola’s agents, with their armed escorts, were able to exact tribute not only because they had the necessary military might, but also because people regarded the ngola as their supreme leader, despite the fact that their own local leaders also held a great deal of power.

Although some of the ngola’s legitimacy was based on his being a member of a ruling lineage, as well as on his ability to command military forces to victory and to accumulate economic resources, much rested on the spiritual position he occupied in Mbundu society. Ndongo tradition attributed the founding of the state to a skilled blacksmith from Kongo who was believed to be able to speak to a god named Zampungu or Zumbu.¹⁰ People greatly respected the kings and religious authorities because they believed they possessed special powers. These mighty men and women had influence both worldly and otherworldly, controlling the rain and the fertility of the soil, wielding authority over life and death, and possessing omniscient knowledge.¹¹ Similar to the medieval idea of sacred kingship, once a person became the ngola, the people considered his body to be invested with special spiritual powers over the physical environment. Kings were imbued with a far more formidable power as well: they held divine authority to have people sacrificed.¹² Close members of the ngola’s household, as well as children who had unusual births or who survived devastating illness, were also believed to possess spiritual gifts.

The official religious authority at the court in Kabasa was a very important figure. One of the Portuguese Jesuits who visited the court of the Ndongo king in 1560 recalled that the ngola had sent his feiticeira mor (court religious official), accompanied by many people, to greet the visitors and look after their welfare as the embassy neared the court.¹³ This official consistently refused to listen to the attempts of one of the priests, Father Gouveia, to tell him about Christianity. He adamantly insisted that God was his Master and that he was the best religious practitioner in the whole of Ndongo.¹⁴ The Portuguese also reported that the ngola was venerated and that the founding ruler had instituted new rituals, including creating a religious group called xingulas, who could become possessed by spirits and were supposed to be able to create rain.¹⁵

To the Mbundus of the mid-1500s, Ndongo’s sometimes perilous natural environment was an awesome spiritual force that needed to be appeased. The people performed rituals (sometimes involving human sacrifice) on the tops of mountains and at their bases, and passed down legends to explain the origins of some of the more impressive peaks. Priests made sure to carry out the appropriate religious rituals before entering the kingdom’s uninhabited spaces.

These priests, called ngangas, were essential to the spiritual life of the ngola. They provided advice and carried out missions in the provinces and neighboring regions. Their core duty was to consult the royal ancestors and perform rituals involving those ancestors’ bones, which, together with other ritual objects, were carefully guarded in a reliquary, or misete. The ngangas were healers, diviners, and restorers of order in times of crises and natural disasters. Their most important public role was to serve as emissaries of the ngola in wartime. Ngolas believed in the spiritual power of the ngangas and consulted them before any major decision, political, military, or otherwise.

The ngola’s role as chief judge was also part of his spiritual power. Plaintiffs came to Kabasa from throughout Ndongo to plead their cases in front of the ngola and his councilors. These public hearings were held in an open area at the first of the ten circular enclosures every visitor had to go through before reaching the ngola’s personal quarters. Here the ngola and his legal advisers were expected to repeat traditions so that precedents could be upheld, all aspects of the case discussed, and justice finally meted out.¹⁶ In 1560, two decades before Njinga’s birth, the first outsider provided a description of the ngola in his role as chief lawgiver. The report noted that throughout Ndongo, the people feared the ruler (not without reason: he had just ordered the execution of eleven ngangas who failed to make it rain during a drought), but they nevertheless preferred to make their way to his capital when seeking justice, because he does great justice on them, and there is no day that he does not order justice.¹⁷

Women in Ndongo Political Life

From sometime before 1518 until 1582, when Njinga was born, the four ngolas who ruled Ndongo were all men. In 1624, when Njinga became ruler of Ndongo at age forty-two, she was the first woman to rule. Women, however, played a powerful role at court, and Njinga would have heard many stories about them as a child growing up in the court of her father, Mbande a Ngola. Women of the elite class were often in the inner circle, privy to the world of men. (Njinga herself claimed to have sat in on her father’s councils when she was just a child.) One woman who figured prominently in these stories was Hohoria Ngola, one of two daughters of the earliest founder of Ndongo. Zundu, the other daughter, murdered Hohoria’s son and then used guile to secure the throne. She herself was murdered at the instigation of Hohoria, who was seeking to avenge the killing of her son. The story captivated European missionaries decades later, when Njinga’s elderly contemporaries shared it with them. It spoke to a still-emerging Mbundu system of governance that from its inception included women but also supported a political ideology that tolerated usurpation and murder, fratricide, infanticide, militaristic expansion, and complicated political alliances.¹⁸

Women were important players in Ndongo’s founding traditions, and they figured prominently in the written accounts of European eyewitnesses in contact with Ndongo rulers from the 1560s on. It is significant that Hohoria was identified by name as the legal wife of Ngola Kiluanje kia Samba, the first historical king of Ndongo, and that it was their son who inherited the kingdom after his father’s death. Although Ngola Kiluanje kia Samba had several concubines whose children founded the numerous royal lineages that competed with the descendants of Hohoria for leadership of Ndongo, these women remained nameless.¹⁹

In later years, as the kingdom expanded and as Ndongo faced Portuguese military incursions, elite women were often privy to state information. This is evident in a story about a daughter of Ngola Kiluanje kia Ndambi, who learned that her father planned to kill the members of the first Portuguese mission in Ndongo. This news was far more than mere political intrigue for the young woman: the head of the mission, Paulo Dias de Novais, was reputed to be her lover. Although this story may not be true, it does reveal much about women’s role at the time. The young woman supposedly revealed her father’s plot immediately to Dias de Novais and spirited him and his party out of the country, sparing them her father’s wrath and certain death.²⁰ The ngola’s daughter would never have been able to orchestrate her lover’s escape without unfettered access to the goings-on in her father’s court.

Other accounts also detail the crucial, yet more traditional part that women played in the religious life of Ndongo society. In 1585, Ngola Kilombo kia Kasenda is said to have paused just before launching an attack across the Lucala River, ordering his mother and many male and female religious practitioners to perform rituals that would give his army protection.²¹ Apart from religious roles, women attached to high-status men often accompanied their husbands to major public events, as was the case recorded that same year when a lord of Ndongo took with him "500 and more women, all dressed in rich headdresses (ferraguelos) of Portugal" as he ventured out in public.²²

Despite what it might look like to our modern eyes, the presence of large numbers of women attached to a single man did not mean that women occupied a subordinate position. One of the earliest eyewitness reports regarding the status of ordinary women in Ndongo society noted that a woman kept her