The Song of Roland
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Reviews for The Song of Roland
524 ratings12 reviews
- Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5No scholarly review here, I'm just a gal who likes to read epic poetry now and then. The version I read was translated by Leonard Bacon. It was perfectly readable, although repetitive. Probably had to be so, so that the reciter could go around to different groups during the meal and they wouldn't miss bits of the tale. That's how I imagine it anyway. Very descriptive and interesting, a battle told from the perspective of the losers trying to keep their pride, since the real battle apparently was very different.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Once one gets past the clear religious bias of the poem, it really is a fun read simply for what the poem can tell us about the people of medieval Europe. From a history of war stand point, the code of chivalry depicted here is very interesting. The honor system in this poem gives the reader a glimpse back into the past. Well, not really a glimpse into historical accuracy, but perhaps into what medieval French Christians valued at the time. It also allows one to imagine how armies, leadership, and diplomacy were conducted. Roland timed his horn signal, not so that he could be reinforced and win, but so that the King would witness his death, and thus be enraged to reenter the entire Frankish army with the pagans. Sacrifice for honor. So many of the heroes in The Song of Roland, do not want to be insulted after they die. Above all, they want to die with honor. That is what was valued. This of course all requires a very strong belief in an afterlife which rewards self sacrifice. A very useful tool for leaders who need their soldiers to stand their ground. I really enjoyed this translation by Charles Kenneth Scott-Moncrieff. It's almost as fun reading aloud as Fagles' Illiad. There is also a very good introduction and great illustrations in this newly published Folio Society edition.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Song of Roland is a medieval poem created in the 11th or 12th century that details three interconnected events. The first is a battle between Spanish pagans and Charlemange's rear guard, the second details Charlemange and his Frankish troops exacting revenge for the previous attack, and the third details the trial of Roland's stepfather, Ganelon, who committed treason when he provided the pagans with an opportunity to attack Charlemange's rear guard in an effort to exact revenge on Roland.The poem is definitely influence. One can see multiple courses of influence throughout literature (Shakespeare to name one). The poem (depending on the translation) can become repetitive and dry at times, but overall should always be read as a foundation block to modern creations in literature.It's also very easy to see how influential oral tradition was and is. As the introduction explains, this was passed down through generations by jongleurs/minstrels. There is definitely a play like quality to the progression of this poem.This should be read for it pure historical value, if not for any other reason.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5A childhhood favorite, assuming this is the correct book and not some poem; the real story of Roland was a favorite of my father's and also my son, Jim.
- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5In need of something to read over lunch, I pulled this on off the shelf. The Song of Roland is an old French tale, recounting a highly romanticized version of Charlemagne's battle against the Moors at the pass of Roncesvals. It's an epic tale of bravery, betrayal and medieval justice. While there are many parts that are awkward to a 21st Century reader, I found the book to be overall entertaining.--J.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Song of Roland is a medieval epic poem detailing the feats of Charlemagne. It is, according to Wikipedia, the oldest surviving example of French literature. In The Song, Charlemagne’s Franks go to battle against the Spanish Saracens, a battle precipitated by a traitor in Charlemagne’s midst.Really, this is an epic about Christians vs. Muslims. It was written around the time of the Crusades and serves as an excellent piece of propaganda about the glory of Christianity and defeating “the pagans.” Like every battle epic out there, the protagonists are pure and manly and valiant, their testosterone flying off the page. The Saracens, of course, are ignorant villains. This is medieval literature, remember, so one can’t expect too much in the way of cultural understanding. For example, the Muslims here worship three gods: Muhammad, Apollo, and Tervagant. Um, wrong.But with all that said, The Song of Roland is a pretty enjoyable read. The translation I have by Glyn Burgess is accessible and plain, which makes it a welcome sight knowing the headache it usually takes for me to read really old works. The language is simple but effective, and if you’re looking for dramatic, chivalric values on the battlefield, you can’t go wrong.Questionable politics. Decent battle epic.
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Original Western European Romance. Probably penned around 1099 or so. The Hero is valiant, and the historical accuracy is very poor. But as an artefact, it shows the beginning of popular entertainment in the Crusading West. I prefer Sayers' translation to the more recent Penguin by Glyn Burgess when I'm reading for the fun of it.
- Rating: 2 out of 5 stars2/5read for school..blah quiz
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5I had to read The Song of Roland for medieval lit, mostly because it's an epic of the period, while the other medieval texts are all romances -- I assume that later we'll have to make some comparisons and draw some contrasts. It's interesting to me because of my background with the classical epics -- it reminds me very strongly of the Iliad and the Odyssey. Obviously, they're all oral poems, designed to be memorised and performed, so in terms of language there's a lot of similarity, but there's also a similarity in the heroes -- the honour thing, for example, Roland shares with Achilles: it's better to die with honour than anything else.
I was actually surprised by how much I enjoyed it, really. It's very easy to read, in this translation at least, and though the tense shifts in a way that should be awkward, the flow is quite easy to go along with. The descriptions are very... colourful. Which is to say, I winced at certain parts -- like Roland's brains seeping out of his ears, and Ganelon being torn into pieces.
Another interesting thing for me is the portrayal of the pagans, and the way it's been twisted from real history. The "otherness" of the pagans has been highly emphasised -- although also some of them are shown to be good knights so that they're actually a worthy opponent for Charlemagne and Roland to face.
Very interested to know what more my lecturer has to say about this poem. - Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Looked over a few of the other reviews. Look, folks, it's not a romance, and it has nothing to do with 'courtly love.' It's the chanson de geste. Not a romance. Nothing erotic going on here.
Given that the earliest ms is in Anglo-Norman, kept track this time round of Charlemagne's involvement in England.
I do wish, however, that I had assigned Burgess's trans. Curious to have a go with it. The use of 'race' in this one seems a bit off. - Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Song of Roland is a classic of Western literature, part of the mythology surrounding Charlemagne and the Holy Roman Empire. Probably composed in this form sometime in the 11th century, the Song of Roland was hugely popular for a very long time, and it informed what it meant to be a Christian knight during the High Middle Ages.While the Song of Roland contains the fanciful embellishments common to all epic poetry [the superhero movie of medieval Europeans], the core of the story seems to have been transmitted substantially intact: the rearguard of Charlemagne's army, led by Hruodland, captain of the Breton Marches, was ambushed and killed to a man in Roncesvalles Pass in 778. The only things resembling a historical record of this come from a brief passage in a revised edition of the Life of Charles the Great, and a coin bearing the names "Carlus" and "Rodlan".However, something noteworthy seems to have happened in that mountain pass, given that the story appears to have been already popular by the time it was written down. With the evidence thin on the ground, barring the discovery of any heretofore unknown manuscripts, a heroic folk memory is likely to be all we have.My own interest in the Song of Roland has been developing slowly for fifteen years. I had heard of the book before then, but it was the game Halo that really sparked my interest. There is a tradition in science fiction and videogames of drawing upon the deep wells of classical literature and mythology. Probably because both are popular art forms that speak to our souls, and anything old enough to truly be classical usually has to also be popular, or to have been popular for a long enough time to survive accidents of history.Roland and the other paladins of Charlemagne carried named swords, weapons of unusual power granted as boons to worthy warriors. These swords, among them Durendal, Joyeuse, and Curtana, all featured in the epics that grew up around the character of Roland. Real swords that still exist are known by these names, usually used as part of the mythology of legitimacy that surrounds kings of ancient lineage. It is at least possible that some of these objects might actually date to the periods in question, although many of them lack the supernatural qualities the epics describe.The statue that appears in the sidebar of my own website, Ogier the Dane, or Holger Danske, came out this same milieu. It is conceivable that Ogier actually lived in the eighth century, and that he was a servant or vassal of Charlemagne, although it is also possible that he is simply a figment of our collective imagination. In the epics, Ogier carried Curtana, a sword with the tip broken off, to symbolize mercy. Since it is the tip of a European style sword that is truly dangerous, this random bit of chivalric legend has appealed to me for a long time.The more I learn about the myths and legends like the Song of Roland, the better I like them. Random bits of history, technology, and theology I learn tend to accrete to them in ways that make them more plausible as bits and pieces of real events passed down over many generations. Stories are never just stories.
- Rating: 2 out of 5 stars2/5Illustrative of the mechanism of blame, responsibility, tragedy, and agency of the divine in the Carolingian Empire.
Book preview
The Song of Roland - Anonymous Anonymous
The Song of Roland
by Anonymous. Translated by Dorothy L. Sayers.
First published in 1957
This edition published by Reading Essentials
Victoria, BC Canada with branch offices in the Czech Republic and Germany
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, except in the case of excerpts by a reviewer, who may quote brief passages in a review.
THE SONG OF ROLAND
by Anonymous
(translated by Dorothy Sayers)
The roundel on the jacket forms part of a stained-glass window (probably thirteenth-century) in Chartres Cathedral, devoted to the Legend of Charlemagne. It shows Roland (right) blowing the Olifant, and (left) trying to break his sword Durendal on the marble stone
beneath the fair tree tall
. Dismembered Saracens strew the foreground. The hand of God is reaching down from heaven to accept Roland’s token
.
INTRODUCTION
1. THE POEM
In the year 777, a deputation of Saracen princes from Spain came to the Emperor Charlemagne to request his assistance against certain enemies of theirs, also of the Moslem faith. Charlemagne, who was already engaged in a war against the Saxons, nevertheless accepted their invitation, and, after placing garrisons to fortify his frontiers, marched into Spain with all his available forces. He divided his army into two parts, one of which crossed the eastern Pyrenees in the direction of Gerona; the other, under his own command, crossed the Basque Pyrenees and was directed upon Pampeluna. Both cities fell, and the two armies joined forces before Saragossa, which they besieged without success. A fresh outbreak of hostilities by the Saxons obliged Charlemagne to abandon the Spanish expedition. As he was repassing the Pyrenees, the rear-guard of his army was set upon by a treacherous party of Basques, who had disposed an ambuscade along the high wooded sides of the ravine which forms the pass. Taking advantage of the lie of the land and of the lightness of their armour, they fell upon the rear-guard, slaughtered them to a man, pillaged the baggage-train, and dispersed under cover of the falling night. The chronicler Eginhardt, who recounts this sober piece of history in his Vita Caroli, written about 830, concludes: In the action were killed Eggihard the king’s seneschal, Anselm count of the palace, and Roland duke of the Marches of Brittany, together with a great many more.
Another manuscript of the ninth century contains an epitaph in Latin verse upon the seneschal Eggihard, which furnishes us with the date of the battle, 15 August 778. The episode is mentioned again in 840 by another chronicler, who, after briefly summarising the account given in the Vita Caroli, adds that, since the names of the fallen are already on record, he need not repeat them in his account.
[8]
After this, the tale of Roncevaux appears to go underground for some two hundred years. When it again comes to the surface, it has undergone a transformation which might astonish us if we had not seen much the same thing happen to the tale of the wars of King Arthur. The magic of legend has been at work, and the small historic event has swollen to a vast epic of heroic proportions and strong ideological significance. Charlemagne, who was 38 at the time of his expedition into Spain, has become a great hieratic figure, 200 years old, the snowy-bearded king, the sacred Emperor, the Champion of Christendom against the Saracens, the war-lord whose conquests extend throughout the civilised world. The expedition itself has become a major episode in the great conflict between Cross and Crescent, and the marauding Basques have been changed and magnified into an enormous army of many thousand Saracens. The names of Eggihardt and Anselm have disappeared from the rear-guard; Roland remains; he is now the Emperor’s nephew, the right hand of his body
, the greatest warrior in the world, possessed of supernatural strength and powers and hero of innumerable marvellous exploits; and he is accompanied by his close companion Oliver, and by the other Ten Peers, a chosen band of superlatively valorous knights, the flower of French chivalry. The ambuscade which delivers them up to massacre is still the result of treachery on the Frankish side; but it now derives from a deep-laid plot between the Saracen king Marsilion and Count Ganelon, a noble of France, Roland’s own stepfather; and the whole object of the conspiracy is the destruction of Roland himself and the Peers. The establishment of this conspiracy is explained by Ganelon’s furious jealousy of his stepson, worked out with a sense of drama, a sense of character, and a psychological plausibility which, in its own kind, may sustain a comparison with the twisted malignancy of Iago. In short, beginning with a historical military disaster of a familiar kind and comparatively small importance, we have somehow in the course of two centuries achieved a masterpiece of epic drama—we have arrived at the Song of Roland.
The poem itself as we know it would appear to have achieved its final shape towards the end of the eleventh century. It is not difficult to see why the legend should have taken the form it did, nor why [9] it should have been popular about that time. The Saracen menace to Christendom became formidable about the end of the tenth century, and led to a number of expeditions against the Moors in Spain with a definitely religious motive. At the same time, a whole series of heroic legends and poems were coming into circulation along the various great trade-routes and pilgrim-routes of Europe—legends attached to the names of local heroes, and associated with the important towns and monasteries along each route. The pilgrim-road to the important shrine of St James of Compostella led through the very pass in which Charlemagne’s rear-guard had made its disastrous last stand: what more natural than that the travellers should be entertained with a glorified version of the local tragedy? It was also the tenth century that saw the full flowering of the feudal system and the development of the code of chivalry which bound the liegeman in bonds of religious service to his lord and loyalty to his fellow-vassal. And finally, the preaching of the First Crusade set all Christendom on fire with enthusiasm for the Holy War against the followers of Mohammed.
We have little external evidence about the Song of Roland. Such as it is, it seems to agree with the internal evidence (of language, feudal customs, arms and accoutrements, names of historical personages anachronistically annexed to the Charlemagne-legend, and scraps of what looks like authentic knowledge of Saracen territories and peoples) in placing the Chanson de Roland, as we have it, shortly after the First Crusade. I say, the Chanson as we have it—for the legend of Roland must have begun much earlier. Our poet, in beginning his story, takes it for granted that his audience know all about Charlemagne and his Peers, about the friendship of Roland and Oliver, and about Ganelon: like Homer, he is telling a tale which is already in men’s hearts and memories. What no scholar has yet succeeded in tracing is the stages by which history transformed itself into legend and legend into epic. Roland, duke of the Marches of Brittany, must have been an important man; but no further historical allusion to him has as yet been traced—why should he have been chosen for this part of epic hero to the exclusion of others who fought and fell with him? How was the story transmitted, and in what form? Ballads? Earlier improvisations of a [10] primitive epic kind? We do not know.[1] We can only fall back on the vague but useful phrase oral tradition
, and refer, if we like, to Sir Maurice Bowra’s monumental work, Heroic Poetry, which reveals how quickly and how strangely, even at this time in parts of Central Europe, the history of to-day may become the recited epic of to-morrow. One thing is certain—the extant Chanson de Roland is not a chance assembly of popular tales: it is a deliberate and masterly work of art, with a single shaping and constructive brain behind it, marshalling its episodes and its characterisation into an orderly and beautifully balanced whole.
Happily, we may leave scholars to argue about origins: our business is with the poem itself—the Song of Roland; just one, the earliest, the most famous, and the greatest, of those Old French epics which are called Songs of Deeds
—Chansons de Geste. It is short, as epics go: only just over four thousand lines; and, though it is undoubtedly great literature, it is not in the least literary
. Its very strength and simplicity, its apparent artlessness, may deceive us into thinking it not only primitive
(which it is) but also rude
or naïve
, which it is not. Its design has a noble balance of proportion, and side by side with the straightforward thrust-and-hammer of the battle scenes we find a remarkable psychological subtlety in the delineation of character and motive. But all this is left for us to find; the poet is chanting to a large mixed audience which demands a quick-moving story with plenty of action, and he cannot afford the time for long analytical digressions in the manner of a Henry James or a Marcel Proust.
The style of epic is, in fact, rather like the style of drama: the characters enter, speak, and act, with the minimum of stage-setting and of comment by the narrator. From time to time a brief stage-direction
informs us that this person is rash
and the other prudent
, that so-and-so is angry
or grieved
, or has cunningly considered what he has to say
. But for the most part we have to watch and listen and work out for ourselves the motives [11] which prompt the characters and the relationship between them. We are seldom shown their thoughts or told anything about them which is not strictly relevant to the action. Some points are never cleared up. Thus we are never told what is the original cause of the friction between Roland and his stepfather; not until the very end of the poem does Ganelon hint that Roland had wronged [him] in wealth and in estate
, and we are left to guess at the precise nature of the alleged injury. Very likely it was all part of the original legend and already well-known to the audience; or the traditional jealousy between stepparent and stepchild, so familiar in folklore, could be taken for granted. But we do not really need to know these details. The general situation is made sufficiently clear to us in the first words Roland and Ganelon speak. The opening scenes of the poem are indeed a model of what an exposition should be. The first stanza tells us briefly what the military situation is; the scene of Marsilion’s council gets the action going and shows us that the Saracens are ready for any treacherous business; the great scene of Charlemagne’s council introduces all the chief actors on the Christian side and sketches swiftly and surely the main lines of their characters and the position in which they stand to one another: Charlemagne—at the same time cautious and peremptory; Roland, brave to the point of rashness, provocative, arrogant with the naïve egotism of the epic hero, loyal, self-confident, and open as the day; Oliver, equally brave, but prudent and blunt, and well aware of his friend’s weaknesses; Duke Naimon, old and wise in council; Turpin, the fighting archbishop, with his consideration for others and his touch of ironic humour; Ganelon, whose irritable jealousy unchains the whole catastrophe. Ganelon is not a coward, as he proves later on in the poem, and his advice to conclude a peace is backed up by all his colleagues. But it is unfortunate that, after Roland has pointed out that the proposed mission is dangerous and that Marsilion is not to be trusted, he does not at once volunteer to bell the cat himself. He lets others get in first. Charlemagne vetoes their going, and so shows that he too is aware of the danger and doubtful about Marsilion. Then Roland names Ganelon—and coming when it does, and from him, the thing has the air of a challenge. And Charlemagne does not veto Ganelon—infuriating [12] proof that he values him less than Naimon or Turpin, less than Roland or any of the Twelve Peers. Ganelon’s uneasy vanity reacts instantly: This is a plot to get rid of me
—and Roland (who has quite certainly never had any such idea in his simple mind) bursts out laughing. That finishes it. Rage and spite and jealousy, and the indignity of being publicly put to shame, overthrow a character which is already emotionally unstable. Self-pity devours him; he sees himself mortally injured and persecuted. He is obsessed by a passion to get even with Roland at the price of every consideration of honour and duty, and in total disregard of the consequences. The twentieth century has found a word for Ganelon: he is a paranoiac. The eleventh-century poet did not know the word, but he has faithfully depicted the type.
What is interesting and dramatic in the poet’s method is the way in which the full truth about Ganelon only emerges gradually as the story proceeds. We are kept in suspense about him. We cannot at first be certain whether he is a brave man or a coward. When he refuses, with a magnificent gesture, to let the men of his household accompany him to Saragossa—Best go alone, not slay good men with me
—are we to take the words at their face-value? Is it not rather that he does not want witnesses to the treachery that he is plotting? It is, indeed. Only when, after deliberately working up the fury of the Saracens to explosion-point, he draws his sword and sets his back to the trunk of the pine
, do we realise that, so far from being a coward, he is a cool and hardy gambler, ready to stake his life in the highly dangerous game he is playing. Even when at last brought to judgement, he remains defiant, brazenly admitting the treachery, claiming justification, and spitting out accusations against Roland. If his nerve fails him, it is not till the last moment when his own head and hands can no longer serve him, and he cries to his kinsman Pinabel: I look to you to get me out of this!
There is a hint of it, but no more.
Ganelon, like all his sort, is a fluent and plausible liar, but this, too, we only realise by degrees. His first accusations of Roland are obviously founded on fact: Roland is rash, quarrelsome, arrogant, and his manner to his stepfather suggests that the dislike is not all on one side. The tale Ganelon tells Blancandrin (LL. 383-389) [13] about Roland’s boastful behaviour with the apple is entirely in character—invention or fact, it has nothing improbable about it. Ganelon’s offensive report of Charlemagne’s message (LL. 430-439) certainly goes far beyond the truth, but it may, for all we know, truly express what Ganelon believes to be Charlemagne’s intentions; even the further invented details (LL. 474-475) may only be intelligent anticipation
. So far we may give Ganelon the benefit of the doubt. But when he returns to the Emperor’s camp and explains his