In the 'Nick' of Time

After a short period of service in the Royal Navy, the author joined a northern city police force in 1961. After serving for over 30 years, he retired as chief superintendent and then went into academia, becoming a member of staff at his local university.

Much love and appreciation to my wife, Judith, whose enthusiasm and assistance played such a significant part in the writing of this book. Not forgetting my two sons, Philip and Andrew, for their suggestions.

Tony Ford

In the ‘Nick’ of Time

Copyright © Tony Ford (2018)

The right of Tony Ford to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with section 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers.

Any person who commits any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.

ISBN 9781788486026 (Paperback)

ISBN 9781788486033 (Hardback)

ISBN 9781788486040 (E-Book)

www.austinmacauley.com

First Published (2018)

Austin Macauley Publishers Ltd

25 Canada Square

Canary Wharf

London

E14 5LQ

This is a work of fiction. Names, characters, businesses, organisations, places, events and incidents either are the product of the author’s imagination or are used fictitiously. Any resemblance to actual persons (living or dead), events or locales is entirely coincidental.

Author’s Note

This is a story of a young man who joined the police at the beginning of 1960s. During the period of eight years, we follow his progress, firstly as a probationer constable, still under training and assessment and then as a full-fledged uniform constable. It starts with gaining experience in what was in those days called ‘slums’ which would now be designated as an inner city environment, moving to policing a suburban area and then working in an ethnically diverse area with its mainly West Indian community. The story moves on to include his period as a member of the Plain Clothes Department, which acted as a vice squad and into the CID for a short period of attachment before finishing with his promotion to uniform sergeant. Because many of the events refer to particular operational practices and procedures which are no longer part of today’s policing, it would be useful to provide some initial background information before embarking on this particular journey.

All these incidents take place in a northern city police force in 1960s. Up to the middle of that decade, policing was still based on the Victorian system with its emphasis on a localised police service where the beat constable was a significant member of the community. Local knowledge of the area was important and officers established their own contacts over time which in many cases were maintained for long periods. Because police forces tended to recruit locally, most officers were in tune with community issues and were soon able to identify problem areas and personalities within a short time of their arrival on a particular beat. Before the introduction of personalised communication and fast response vehicles, the individual beat constable was very much on his own and had to rely on a combination of his wits, and if all else failed, imposing his physical presence when keeping peace especially in communities where violence was not unknown. Recruiting big men as police officers were considered important to reassure to public and ensure that the public disorder was kept to a minimum. As a result, all police forces imposed minimum height limits when recruiting in their particular force. In general, most police forces did not recruit men below five feet eight inches in height; some, in fact, increased the limit upwards leading to one or two forces who would not recruit men below six feet, such as the City of London and Nottingham City Police.

Problems occurred during the ’60s as a result of the economic boom and increase in employment prospects which led to a large number of police officers leaving the service for better-paid jobs. As a result of this boom and consequent reduction in police numbers, a change in policing methods took place during this period, with the Victorian policing method, which was firmly community based and manpower intensive being replaced by a new system. This new system made use of technology and mobility with the introduction of personal radios and ‘panda’ cars which resulted in gradually losing ties between policing and the community creating what Sir Robert Mark, London’s Police Commissioner, later described as a form of ‘fire brigade policing’.

Somerford City Police which forms the basis for these stories is a typical northern city police force, such as Manchester, Liverpool or Leeds, where the city is divided into territorial divisions. In Somerford, the A Division is the city-centre division with three outer divisions while B, C and D located around it. Each division had between 250 to 300 uniformed officers together with their own CID staff. There were three important departments located at Police Headquarters; a specialist CID element which included a fraud squad, special branch and criminal record office; a specialised Traffic Department including police driving school, an information room which handled 999 calls and finally an administration and training department. The total manpower to police a population of about half a million would be between 1500 and 1700 officers.

Up to the middle of this decade, the political control of a city or borough police force was the responsibility of the watch committee which comprised aldermen and councillors selected by the city or borough council. They appointed the chief constable and other chief officers and expected a weekly report from the chief constable; they approved promotions and exercised control over policing to a far greater extent than the police authorities which replaced them. To give an example of their influence in Somerford before the Second World War, the watch committee decided that most of the tallest officers recruited into the force would be posted to A Division. The reason for this decision was that they felt the city centre benefited from having tall smart officers who could assist public with directions, when asked and also provide traffic duty at busy junctions which were necessary before automatic traffic signals were introduced. The rest of the force soon cottoned on to what was happening and promptly christened the members of that division ‘the wooden tops’ a nickname which demonstrated the ‘high’ regard this ‘elite’ unit held. Our storyteller found that the gods must have been looking after him because, although his height qualified him for such a posting, he initially managed to avoid joining that division. Although as we shall see fate eventually decided otherwise.

The other policy which most watch committees insisted upon was that they expected the police to keep an eye on the working class to ensure that violence, which they believed was associated with this section of society, was kept to a minimum. In middle-class areas, the police were encouraged to limit crimes related to property, especially burglary and shop-theft. These policies reflected the political makeup of most committees, which was mainly Conservative Party in composition; the change to Labour Party dominating councils in the North did not take place until the late 1970s. Every watch committee exercised a very tight grip on finances, and as a result, the chief constable was left with very little room to manoeuvre in relation to resources. In Somerton, when the Chief suggested that the fulltime police band should be disbanded so that more resources are given to traffic enforcement, he was slapped down by the committee who told him that the band was a public-relations jewel which was loved by the citizens, who would take exception if such a move took place.

Whilst police pay was awarded on a national basis, various allowances were also paid; these included boot allowances and plain clothes allowance, but there were many more. The most important was rent allowance which was locally awarded. From Victorian times, the watch committees were liable to provide housing accommodation for its officers. This was either given by allocating police married quarters, usually attached to a police station, or a paid allowance for non-police accommodation. During the twentieth century, watch committees provided less police housing and instead allowed officers to purchase their own housing for which rent allowance was paid. This allowance varied from town-to-town due to the local price of housing. Since watch committee could set the rate, this was seen as one means which could be used to retain police manpower during this period.

Although to an average constable, chief constable and watch committee were important local elements in policing, it should not be forgotten that the Home Office also played a lesser role during this period. Finance for policing was raised from two sources; half came from local rates and rest from central taxation. The only experience most officers had of Home Office influence was during the annual inspection of the force conducted by HM Inspector of Constabulary, who, on behalf of the Home Office, visited the force each year and decided if it was doing its job properly and whether central government money was being spent appropriately. Every year officers used to parade in a local park, and HM Inspector would stride up and down along the lines of uniform constables and ask questions to the men on parade, usually about their war service and how they were getting on which generally received a brief reply from the officer concerned. Things started to change after 1966 when the new form of policing was introduced with the introduction of new wireless communications and ‘panda cars, and with this increased public finance, the Home Office started to take a greater interest in policing which has been maintained ever since.

Another point to bear in mind was that from Victorian times, the police were the only local organisation operating a 24 hour, 365-day service and thus became responsible for all sorts of services, which today have been given to specialist groups within local government and other public bodies. In the city, the police originally ran the fire and ambulance services and some of these other responsibilities still remained. For example, when an officer was appointed as constable he also became a Shops Inspector and amongst other powers was technically able to examine weights and measures in shop premises. Fortunately, for both the local shopkeepers and the police, most officers were never called on to administer these powers. All police forces operated a 24-hour shift system, but there were a lot of variations. The majority used 6 am-2 pm for the morning shift, 2 pm-10 pm for the afternoon shift and 10 pm-6 am for the night shift. However, some forces used 7 am-3 pm, 3 pm-11 pm and 11 pm-7 am, and others 8 am-4 pm and so on. It was usual practice to have overlapping shifts to provide cover and for the purpose of these stories, the divisional van crew provided such cover. When the volume of police work to a particular shift is compared, most police activity was found to occur during the late afternoon to the early part of the night shift. Morning shift was generally the easiest for work rates since during the week a lot of police time was spent on school crossing patrol duties from 8:15 am for the period of an hour. A similar requirement existed from 3:15 pm for an hour in the afternoon. After school-crossing duties in the morning had been completed, time was used for pursuing one’s own enquiries or for enquiries on behalf of other police forces or executing warrants for issues such as failing to attend court when required or failing to pay a fine, which resulted in individual’s name on the warrant and brought before the court. These warrants were also executed for other police forces who would then be required to send one of their officers to come and collect the person from a police station to which they had been taken.

These stories show that many of the old police practices from Victorian days were still in use. One of the most common was parading for duty, as it was known. The pay for police officers together with terms and conditions of work were not noted for their generosity. For example, there was a requirement to report for work a quarter-of-an-hour before the start of an eight-hour shift. There was no extra pay given for this time, which the older officers used to say was for queen and country, and although not universally liked, was accepted as a fact of life. The parade consisted of constables, all male in those days—lining up when the section sergeant turned up and briefed the officers, occasionally the inspector would appear, but invariably it was the sergeant. Police parades for various purposes were quite common in those days; for example, officers were expected to parade every Thursday to receive their pay. This would require officers to line up, salute the inspector, who was in charge of the proceeding’s step forward, sign and then received the pay-packet. He would then step backwards, give another salute and march off. Eventually, police pay was paid monthly into bank accounts. Although, for a long time, many older constables still preferred the old system, since it allowed some of them to hide the amount they were paid from their wives.

During the parade when officers came on duty truncheons or staffs, as the police preferred to call them, were produced and held up, together with the pocket-book for the sergeant to see as part of the inspection process. On night duty, some of the older sergeants would insist on torches being produced and then switched on to show they were working. When each officer returned his staff to the staff-pocket, the business of the day commenced with the sergeant giving out information on local crimes, the activities of suspected criminals, missing persons and stolen vehicles. This last item was laboriously written down into the back of the pocketbook. Finally, various jobs were allocated and refreshment times were given when officers returned to the station for food.

The policy of when to use police staff was an important factor which was drummed into recruits at an early stage. It was made quite clear that when the staff was drawn, it should always be used. It was seen as a serious weapon of aggression and not to be waved around ineffectually. Once the staff had been drawn out of the staff-pocket, a report had to be written explaining why such an action had been taken, unless command had been given by a senior officer in a public-disorder situation. Its use was similar to the supposed requirement of the Gurkhas, about whom it was believed that they never drew their knives, except against the enemy. The result of all this effort by officialdom to restrict its use meant that it was little used for its intended purpose. In practice, the staff was very useful in breaking windows to gain entry into premises; this was done not only for police purposes but also to help members of the public who had lost door keys. No written reports were ever produced to confirm such use, but a close examination of the staff would reveal that most uniformed constables had used it in for this purpose.

Another part of the Victorian beat system which foot patrol officers were obliged to adhere to was to maintain the ‘points’ system whilst walking the beat. Every foot beat within the City Police boundary was given four geographical points, which were numbered one to four. Officers were expected to walk around their beat either clockwise from points one to four via two and three or anti-clockwise from one to four, three and two eventually arriving back at one. Each day the system changed and officers were given which point to start off from and whether to patrol clockwise or anti-clockwise. The time allocated between points was three-quarters of an hour, and the officer was expected to rotate around his beat from point to point. These points acted as potential meeting places for the sergeant to see the beat officer, sign his pocketbook and discuss any important issues of the day. The other justification for this system was that it had been created to confuse the residents of the beat who would be unable to keep track beat officer who might surprise them if they were up to no good. As our storyteller got to know the residents, he quickly found out that most local people were familiar with this system so its crime prevention purpose was virtually meaningless.

During this period, the City Police were reluctant to pay for overtime worked, preferring instead to give ‘time due’ as compensation. The system was formalised so that everybody was aware what to expect. For example, if an officer was working the afternoon shift and had to attend court the following morning, he would receive four-and-a-half hours ‘time due’ which would be entered on his record. If he was on a night shift, a court appearance would provide him with five-and-a-quarter-hours’ time due. All these extra hours allowed the officer to take extra days off if circumstances allowed. This time due system was controlled by one of the inspectors who was expected to keep a sharp eye on the activities of junior ranks to ensure that no excessive amount of ‘time due’ was built up.

One factor which is no longer important was the relationship within the Police Service with the Armed Services. Most of the older officers had served in one of the services during the Second World War and memories of that experience were not forgotten. In addition, national service was only beginning to wind down during this period and thus the vast majority of the younger men had performed national service before joining the police, and this was another form of the common bond within policing.

One of the practices that City Police supervisors used which was not liked by everybody was the insistence by sergeants, inspector and senior ranks of calling constables by their collar numbers rather than their names, which seemed to the author as a lazy and demeaning approach to take. Originally, constables and sergeants had worn high-neck uniforms and around the collar were found the divisional letter and number of the individual officer. By the time our storyteller had joined the service, the buttoned-up jackets had been replaced by collars and ties worn with an open neck uniform jacket, with the divisional letter and number secured to both shoulder lapels of the jacket. Regardless of this change, the supervisory ranks still insisted on addressing constables by their number and not by name. The young man who is the storyteller in this book was given the number three-hundred-and-forty of the D Division and as such that became his identification for the first three years of his service. Although this practice was detested, it became ingrained in the memory with everyone over time so that even today police pensioners still remember old comrades both by name and number.

Bureaucracy and police work went hand-in-hand, and the paperwork together with the time spent on providing this written work was phenomenal. The one constant problem which young policeman had to wrestle with during his formative years in the force was the insistence of form-filling. There was a form to be filled for every incident, and these ranged from the straightforward, such as crime report or traffic report, of which for the latter there were three; injury, non-injury and animal, to the more esoteric, such as an unusual light report. If all else failed, there was a major-incident report and minor-incident report which would cover anything which wasn’t already provided by the hundred or more forms which were believed to exist within the force. All reports had to be checked by a sergeant who was trained to spot a mistake at twenty paces. That would result in another form being completed to his satisfaction. This pressure to fill forms was offset against competing aims to work a beat and not lurk about a police station wasting time.

All the events described are based on truth to a greater or lesser extent. Initially, they take place during the first two years of service, which is the probationary period when the force is assessing whether it has selected the right candidate ‘for the job’. During this period, regular assessment reports of progress are completed by the officer’s sergeant and inspector, and at the end of this period, if the officer has performed satisfactorily, he is confirmed in the rank of constable. However, if his progress is unsatisfactory, the force dispenses his service, and he leaves the police. After successfully completing the first two years, the story then follows the career of a constable who, with ambition, is able to move through a path which might lead to promotion. For career purposes, sergeants and constables could then remain in the police for a total twenty-five years and then retire on pension, which was normal practice. This meant that in many cases men were able to retire under fifty and thus able to start a second career if their health remained good. Senior ranks which meant inspector and above could, on the other hand, continue to serve for a total of thirty years or up to sixty years of age.

One word of warning: these stories give the impression that a beat-bobby’s life was a constant rush from one incident to another which was clearly false. In practice, there were often times of boredom, but the author has tried to present a selection of stories which give a feeling for life and times, together with the environment in which the uniformed beat officer worked. After all, the changes in society and policing portrayed in the stories are less than sixty years ago, but they do illustrate how far we have come as a society over that period.

Chapter One

After school, I worked as a porter at our local hospital and then decided to join the Royal Marines before my call-up papers for National Service arrived. I signed up, and after completing my time, decided to leave the Marines knowing that a nine-to-five indoor job was not for me.

When I returned to civilian life, I had a pint with an old school friend of mine, Charlie Brooks, who was also thinking about the future. He had been working in an insurance office and had also come to realise that it was not a job for him. We both wanted something different, and our thoughts turned to the police or fire brigade which might offer the change we were seeking. We applied to both, and the Somerford City Police were the first to respond and that made the decision for us to join the police.

We went through the usual interview process, a medical examination and also had to complete a couple of examination papers dealing with maths, English and general knowledge and then had a six-months’ spell at the local Police District Training Centre, which took all the recruits from the local police forces. I didn’t know quite what to expect from the Centre. I found that the training consisted of a mix of a drill conducted by a sergeant from the county police, who was an ex-Grenadier Guardsman, some physical training, together with a lot of time spent on criminal law. The law syllabus was extensive, covering a variety