Dolls of the Tusayan Indians
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Dolls of the Tusayan Indians - J. Walter Fewkes
PLATES
DOLLS OF THE TUSAYAN INDIANS
BY
J. WALTER FEWKES,
BOSTON, MASS.
(With plates V—XI).
I have already elsewhere (The American Anthropologist, Jan. 1892) considered the simplest means used by these people in the expression of symbolism, that of their pictographs or rock etchings. In a natural sequence of subjects it might have been better to have followed this with an account of the symbolism expressed by them in the decoration of tiles, pottery, basket-ware and other productions, but at present this is not possible. In the glyptic art the Tusayan-Indians have a much more complicated means of expression and as a consequence their work of this kind is more elaborate and artistic. A commensurate description of their wood carving would be so large that I can not hope to give more than the barest outline of my subject, so that the present article¹) must be regarded as more after the nature of a preliminary account. The specimens of wood carving to which especial attention will be given are dolls, tí-hus and fetishes, the latter introduced in secret performances. If we rely upon the testimony of the priests we may conclude that the art of wood carving among the Hó-pi (Mo-ki) is very ancient, and many of the objects placed on the altars in the subterranean chambers (kíb-vas), where secret rites are performed, are said to have been brought up from the underworld when the ancients emerged from the sí-pā-pu.²) The majority of the specimens of wood carving which are here described are very modern. The objects treated in this article are called tí-hus, and are used by children as dolls.
These carved wooden images are made in great numbers by the Tusayan Indians and present most instructive objects for the study of symbolic decoration. They are interesting as affording valuable information in regard to the Hó-pi conception of their mythological personages.
These images are commonly mentioned by American visitors to the Tusayan pueblos as idols, but there is abundant evidence to show that they are at present used simply as children’s playthings which are made for that purpose and given to the girls with that thought in mind.³)
These figurines are generally made by participants in the Ni-mán-kā-tci-nā¹) and are presented to the children in July or August at the time of the celebration of the farewell of the Ka-tcí-nas. It is not rare to see the little girls after the presentation carrying the dolls about on their backs wrapped in their blankets in the same manner in which babies are carried by their mothers or sisters. Those dolls which are more elaborately made are generally hung up as ornaments in the rooms, but never, as far as I have investigated the subject, are they worshipped. The readiness with which they are sold for a proper remuneration shows that they are not regarded as objects of reverence.
As so commonly happens in instances of carving, either in stone or wood, among many primitive peoples, there is a great similarity in general form with an indication by the symbolic markings, of the special personage intended. They have a conventionalized human form which is adhered to throughout, but the special or individual character intended to be represented is indicated by appropriate symbolism in the accompanying markings. The same is true, in the productions of figurines by other primitive people. A sign, a mark, a small appendage, is used to denote personality and with these exceptions there is a general similarity throughout them all. It is only when we come to higher stages of culture that an attempt is made in glyptic representations to delineate by expression the characters which are associated with mythological personages. The tí-hus are generally images of deities or mythological personages, and these Indians have not progressed out of that stage of culture in which the mind resorts to an elaborate symbolism to convey its conceptions. They have not advanced to that culture in which benificent or malignant characteristics can be expressed by facial expression, consequently the most important thing to study in these carvings, is the symbolism, and it will be found that every ornamentation of this kind has its special significance. Moreover that symbolism is widely spread and is not confined to these tí-hus, but is identical in meaning wherever it occurs, whether on pottery, basket ware, blankets or the adornment of paraphernalia used in religious ceremonials. As among other peoples conventionalised markings may be combined with realistic representations to explain characters of figures in bas-relief, or to record the history of distinguished personages, so symbolistic markings on the bodies and faces of these tí-hus indicate their identities, thus becoming perfect ideographic modes of expression.
The carving of these dolls is executed in that true archaic fashion, which is seen in the dawn of art among all people. The representation of the body is subordinate to that of the head, often appearing as a shapeless imitation, but more generally as a conventionalized figure, so that there is little to distinguish the different Kā-tcí-nās²) which are represented, by the forms of their bodies. No attempt was made to imitate muscles or to delineate the details of the anatomy. The highest differentiation was made in the decoration of the same with paint, but in this respect certain established conventional patterns were followed and these are not definite enough to distinguish the Ka-tcí-nas. The characteristic details were always found on the head. The mask or helmet with its symbolic decorations was made to express characteristics of the Ka-tcí-nas and care was given to delineate upon this part