Wicked Litchfield County
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About this ebook
Peter C. Vermilyea
Peter C. Vermilyea teaches history at Housatonic Valley Regional High School in Falls Village, Connecticut, and at Western Connecticut State University. A graduate of Gettysburg College, he is the director of the student scholarship program at his alma mater's Civil War Institute. He is the author of Hidden History of Litchfield County (The History Press, 2014), recipient of the 2015 CultureMax Award and he maintains the Hidden in Plain Sight blog (www.hiddeninplainsightblog.com).
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Wicked Litchfield County - Peter C. Vermilyea
book.
INTRODUCTION
My morning drive to work is along Route 63 North, from Litchfield to Falls Village. It’s an ideal commute, not too far, but long enough to mentally prepare for the day. There is never a worry about traffic, and there is always the spectacular view from Roberts Hill. When I tell people about this ride, they invariably respond, God’s country!
And, historically speaking, God’s country is an appropriate term. In my earlier book, Hidden History of Litchfield County, I wrote that there were no presidents born in Litchfield County, nor any famous battles fought within its borders. The county, however, has made an indelible mark on the nation’s religious history.
This was the home to influential religious leaders, from Joseph Bellamy, the eighteenth-century Pope of Litchfield County,
and Lyman Beecher to the candidate for sainthood, Father Michael McGivney. And the religious zeal unleashed by these prominent theologians resulted in the county being a hotbed for moral reform.
But the notion of God’s country also conjures up images of land untouched by man, of an untamed wilderness. And this was certainly what Litchfield County represented to its earliest settlers. Outside of Woodbury, most of the county’s towns were settled seven to eight decades after much of the rest of the state. To the earliest settlers, the wilderness represented isolation and danger. This is why nearly all of the county’s towns, in their earliest days, offered bounties for wolves, rattlesnakes and mountain lions. It seems clear in looking back on the past that while the county’s landscape provided farmlands, streams for mills and the means to run iron furnaces, early settlers feared that evil lurked beneath that landscape’s surface.
Litchfield draws its name from Litchfield, England, whose name might be derived from the Latin Letocetum and the old English feld, which came to mean open country.
Any modern-day resident or visitor to Litchfield County, Connecticut, recognizes the inaccuracy of this description of the state’s northwest corner, which is covered by forests and home to the state’s highest terrain. Thus another potential derivation of Litchfield might be more appropriate.
Litchfield County residents of the Victorian era were quick to believe they shared their towns with ghosts. Collection of the Litchfield Historical Society, Litchfield, Connecticut.
During the reign of the Roman emperor Diocletian, around AD 300, a mass martyrdom of one thousand Christians allegedly took place in the fields of central Britain. The area was named Litchfield, from the word lich, meaning dead, or, in some tellings, the undead.
The undead are beyond the scope of this book, which avoids the supernatural in favor of that which is historically documented. But it looks at facets of Litchfield County’s history with which those great theological minds would have been uncomfortable, the darker side of human nature.
The county’s early residents believed in witches and accused some of their neighbors of sorcery. Later, they believed in ghosts and were fascinated when the reflection of lights in early photos yielded apparent orbs and specters. Some of Litchfield’s sons killed their neighbors and for their crimes were hanged on the side of a hill in the county seat. Other residents may not have committed crimes as violent but counterfeited currency with astonishing frequency.
While some of the county’s sons were war heroes, others performed less honorably; still other veterans from the Litchfield Hills were the victims of what can be termed wicked behavior or motives. And those ministers, who contributed so much to the region’s history, were not always above reproach.
This then is, in some ways, a companion to Hidden History of Litchfield County. If that book looked to shine a light on the ways residents have commemorated their rich history, this book examines things they hoped their descendants would forget.
1
LITCHFIELD COUNTY’S WITCHES
Theories have abounded for centuries about the meaning of the unusual marks on the boulder on Lane’s Hill in Kent. Are they directions to a pirate’s treasure? Ancient Celtic symbols? The directions to a supernatural incantation? Regardless of the truth behind their origin, the scratches open a door through which the history of witchcraft in Litchfield County can be viewed.
Witches remain the indelible image of wicked New England. While history and popular culture have traditionally intersected with the story of the Salem witch hunt, historian John Demos—whose Entertaining Satan remains a seminal work on witchcraft—has written that this emphasis on Salem leaves us with an impoverished, not to say distorted, view of a germinal phase in our people’s history.
New England’s witches have a history significantly longer and richer than the events that took place north of Boston in 1692.
Connecticut’s earliest residents were particularly fearful of witches because they came from an area of England that was rife with witchcraft prosecution. These early Nutmeggers were also greatly concerned about threats to their new settlements and, as active Puritans, believed that witches were instruments of the devil, used to corrupt and destroy
their ideal Christian communities, what they deemed a City on a Hill.
For example, in 1693, the Reverend Cotton Mather, a leading Puritan theological leader, wrote of the dangers of witches, who constituted a horrible plot against the country…The wretches have proceeded to concert and consult the methods of rooting out the Christian religion from this country.
The frontispiece from Cotton Mather’s 1693 exposition of witches. Mather viewed witchcraft as Satan’s attempt to overthrow the Puritan City on a Hill.
Library of Congress.
The usual means of dealing with witches was to identify them and attempt—through ministerial or medical means—to reform them. When this failed, as it almost always did, witches were brought to trial, and then the convicted witch was used to identify other witches. Following this, witches would be given an opportunity to repent before their execution. From the colony’s earliest days, magistrates were empowered to handle defense, probate and justice for Connecticut’s towns. They also took an active role in prosecuting witches. This prosecution, however, was grounded in scripture; in fact, laws against witchcraft were often referred to as Mosaic laws because they were drawn from the Old Testament. Leviticus 20:28, for example, states, "A man also or woman that hath a familiar spirit, or that is a wizard, shall surely be put to death: they shall stone them with stones: their blood shall be upon them. And these magistrates made sure there was no doubt that witchcraft was a crime against religion, as a typical indictment declared of the accused,
Not having the fear of God before your eyes, you have entertained familiarity with Satan the great enemy of God and mankind and, by his help, have done works against the course of nature."
Incidents of witchcraft were often very closely tied to feelings within a community that they had wandered from God’s desired path. This frequently meant that the town residents had neglected their religious obligations, turned excessively to alcohol, repeatedly disturbed the peace or engaged in nightwalking
(which usually referred to theft or prostitution). Such actions, it was feared, allowed an opening for the devil to inhabit their community. Identifying and punishing these witches represented the triumph of God and the values of the Puritan community.
While the simple act of being a witch was technically a crime, in reality, another person needed to suffer some sort of injury for the expense and effort of witchcraft prosecution to be justified. Still, 234 residents of colonial New England were accused of witchcraft, 36 of whom were ultimately executed. This represents a higher rate of success
in witch hunting than in England—testimony, perhaps, to the religious fervor that was present in the colonies.
John Demos has found that the typical accused witch was a middle-aged woman of English Puritan stock. She was married but had either no children or a number significantly fewer than the eight to nine children the average colonial New England mother had. Accused witches were frequently from a lower class, were often in conflict with other family members and had likely been accused of some other crime (usually involving some sort of aggressive or offensive speech). Importantly, these women were also often practitioners of doctoring
or alternative medicine.
Twenty-first-century Americans tend to think of their colonial ancestors as rugged individualists, and while it certainly took a great deal of courage to carve an existence out of the New England wilderness, they also struggled with fears and insecurities. Demos has written that these colonists were persistently vulnerable in their core sense of self,
and these uncertainties plagued their ability to grow and endure as free-standing individuals.
In other words, when things went wrong in their communities, colonial New Englanders were liable to fear the worst, and for a fervently religious population, that meant the supernatural.
Connecticut’s witch hunts, with their subsequent executions, took place within a relatively small window of time: 1647 to 1663. (It is interesting to note that Connecticut’s last execution of a witch took place nearly thirty years before the Salem Witch Trials.) While this predates the founding of all Litchfield County towns, legends of witches dot the region’s history.
By the eighteenth century, witches were no longer seen as being deadly. Rather, they were eccentrics, and their actions were increasingly in the realm of inflicting nuisances (breads that wouldn’t rise, butter that wouldn’t churn), inducing prurient nightmares or making simple mischief, such as causing others embarrassment or confusion. While execution and all other forms of legal punishment for witchcraft were taken off the books in Connecticut in 1750, the social ostracism practiced against eighteenth-century witches meant that they often suffered more than their alleged victims.
Litchfield County’s late founding meant that conditions were rife for residents to accuse their neighbors of being witches long after it had fallen out of fashion in the rest of Connecticut. The region’s isolation, which led to the joke, Yes, go to Cornwall and you will have no need of a jail, for whoever gets in can never get out again,
certainly caused residents to fear the unknown of the dark woods. Also, the county was known as a hotbed for religious zeal, with the Congregational Church playing a central role not only in theological matters but also in political and cultural affairs. Such religious fervor caused the particularly pious to see Satan’s hand in their neighbors’ decisions to eschew the church.
It is worth noting that there were very real things for these people to be afraid of, which in their ferocity, seemed to have come from a supernatural source. These were diseases, which ravaged the county in its early years. Sharon, founded in 1739, began with great promise and prosperity, but calamity struck in May 1742. An illness, described by an early county history as a wasting sickness,
overwhelmed the town so dramatically that it needed to apply to the colonial assembly for relief from its debts, bonds and even its obligations to its minister. That minister, the Reverend Peter Pratt, wrote the appeal to the assembly:
In May last it pleased the Almighty to send a nervous fever among us, which continued eleven months, in which time more than one hundred, and twenty persons were long confined with it, some have lain more than one hundred days, some eighty, many sixty, and few have been capable of business in forty days after they were seized with the distemper. By reason of which, many were unable to plow for wheat in the year past, many who had plowed were unable to sow, and some who had sowed unable to